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{{shortShort description|VarietyVariant of Marxism–Leninism developed by Mao Zedong}}
{{redirect|Maoist|the novel by Roopesh|Vasanthathile Poomarangal{{!}}''Maoist'' (novel)}}
{{distinguish|Marxism–Leninism–Maoism}}
{{EngvarB|date=February 2023}}
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| title = Mao Zedong Thought
| image = Mao Zedong in 1959 (cropped).jpg
| caption = [[Chairman of the Communist Party of China|CPC chairman]] [[Mao Zedong]], for whichwhom the ideology is named.
| t = 毛澤東思想
| s = 毛泽东思想
| p = Máo Zédōng sīxiǎng
| w = {{Tone superscript|Mao2 Tse2-tung1 ssŭ1ssu1-hsiang3}}
| mi = {{IPAc-cmn|m|ao|2|-|z|e|2|.|d|ong|1|-|s|^|1|.|x|iang|3}}
| bpmf = ㄇㄠˊ ㄗㄜˊ ㄉㄨㄥ ㄙ ㄒㄧㄤˇ
| c =
| j = {{Tone superscript|Mo4 Zaak9Zaak6-dung1 si1soeng2}}si1 soeng2
| y = Mòh Jaahk-dūng sī séung
| ci =
| ci = {{IPAc-yue|m|o|4|-|z|aak|6|.|d|ung|1|-|s|i|1|-|s|oeng|2}}
| altname =
| order = st
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{{Socialism sidebar}}
 
'''Maoism''' ({{zh|s=毛主义|t=毛主義|p=Máo zhǔyì}}), officially called '''Mao Zedong Thought''' by the [[Chinese Communist Party]] (CCP), is a variety of [[Marxism–Leninism]] that [[Mao Zedong]] developed while trying to realize a socialist revolution in the agricultural, pre-industrial society of the [[Republic of China (1912–1949)|Republic of China]] and later the [[People's Republic of China]]. The philosophicalA difference between Maoism and traditional Marxism–Leninism is that a [[united front]] of progressive forces in class society would lead the [[vanguardism|revolutionary vanguard]] in pre-industrial societies<ref>Mao, Zedong. [https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/1937/guerrilla-warfare/ch06.htm "On Guerilla Warfare"]. Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Retrieved 11 April 2023.</ref> rather than communist [[revolutionaries]] alone. This theory, in which revolutionary [[Praxis (process)|praxis]] is primary and ideological orthodoxy is secondary, represents urban Marxism–Leninism adapted to pre-industrial China. Later theoreticians expanded on the idea that Mao had adapted Marxism–Leninism to Chinese conditions, arguing that he had in fact updated it fundamentally and that Maoism could be applied universally throughout the world. This ideology is often referred to as [[Marxism–Leninism–Maoism]] to distinguish it from the original ideas of Mao.<ref name="World History 2000. p. 769">Lenman, B.P.; Anderson, T., eds. (2000). ''Chambers Dictionary of World History''. p. 769.</ref><ref>{{citeCite book |last=Moufawad-Paul |first=J. |author-link=J. Moufawad-Paul |title=Continuity and Rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain |title-link=Continuity and Rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain|year=2016 |publisher=Zero Books |locationyear=New York2016 City|isbn=978-1785354762 |location=New York City}}</ref><ref>{{citeCite book |last=Lovell |first=Julia |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kx1-DwAAQBAJ |title=Maoism: A Global History|year=2019 |publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group |year=2019 |isbn=978-0-525-65605-0|oclc=1135187744 |access-date=2020-05-02|archive-date=2020-08-05 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200805201555/https://books.google.com/books?id=kx1-DwAAQBAJ |archive-date=2020-08-05 |url-status=live}}</ref>
 
From the 1950s until the [[Chinese economic reform]]s of [[Deng Xiaoping]] in the late 1970s, Maoism was the political and military ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and Maoist revolutionary movements worldwide.<ref>{{citeCite journal |last=Meisner |first=Maurice |date=Jan–Mar 1971 |title=Leninism and Maoism: Some Populist Perspectives on Marxism-Leninism in China |journal=The China Quarterly |volume=45 |issue=45 |pages=2–36 |doi=10.1017/S0305741000010407 |jstor=651881 |s2cid=154407265 }}</ref> After the [[Sino-Soviet split]] of the 1960s, the Chinese Communist Party and the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] each claimed to be the sole heir and successor to [[Joseph Stalin]] concerning the correct interpretation of Marxism–Leninism and the ideological leader of [[world communism]].<ref name="World History 2000. p. 769" />
 
The term "Maoism" is a creation of Mao's supporters; Mao himself always rejected it and preferred the use of the term "Mao Zedong Thought".<ref>{{citeCite journal |last1last=Wittfogel |first1first=Karl A. |date=1960 |title=The Legend of 'Maoism' |journal=The China Quarterly |date=1960 |issue=1 |pages=72–86 |doi=10.1017/S0305741000022712 |jstor=763346 |s2cid=153676792 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/763346 |issn=0305-7410 |access-datejstor=2022-03-13 |archive-date=2022-03-13 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220313082750/https://www.jstor.org/stable/763346 |url-statuss2cid=live 153676792}}</ref>{{page needed|date=March 2022}}<ref>{{Cite news |last=Chen |first=Jin |date=1 July 2016 |script-title=zh:毛泽东眼里的"毛泽东" |work=[[People's Daily]] |url=http://dangshi.people.com.cn/n1/2016/0701/c85037-28514409-2.html |access-date=25 March 2023 |quotework=毛泽东不同意叫“主义”,而接受“思想”的说法,按他的意思,他是马克思、列宁的学生,不敢和他们并列,再说那时他认为自己的思想作为一种“体系”还没有成熟。People's Daily |trans-quote=Mao Zedong disagreed with the term 'Maoism' and preferred the term 'Mao Zedong thought' as he thought of himself as a student of Marx and Lenin hesitated to place himself alongside them. Moreover, at that time, he believed that his thoughts had not matured into a complete 'system. |script-quote=zh:毛泽东不同意叫“主义”,而接受“思想”的说法,按他的意思,他是马克思、列宁的学生,不敢和他们并列,再说那时他认为自己的思想作为一种“体系”还没有成熟。 |lang=zh}}</ref>
 
== History ==
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=== Chinese intellectual tradition ===
At the turn of the 20th19th century, the contemporary [[Chinese intellectualism|Chinese intellectual]] tradition was defined by two central concepts: [[iconoclasm]] and [[nationalism]].<ref>Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao's China and After'', New York:Free Press, 1999. pp. 12–16.</ref>
 
==== Iconoclastic revolution and anti-Confucianism ====
By the turn of the 20th century, a proportionately small yet socially significant cross-section of China's traditional elite (i.e., landlords and bureaucrats) found themselves increasingly sceptical of the efficacy and even the moral validity of [[Confucianism]].<ref>Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 10.</ref> These scepticalskeptical iconoclasts formed a new segment of Chinese society, a modern intelligentsia whose arrival—or as the historian of China [[Maurice Meisner]] would label it, their defection—heralded the beginning of the destruction of the [[gentry]] as a social class in China.<ref>Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 11.</ref>
 
The [[1911 Revolution|fall]] of the [[Qing dynasty|last imperial Chinese dynasty]] in 1911 marked the final failure of the Confucian moral order, and it did much to make Confucianism synonymous with political and [[social conservatism]] in the minds of Chinese intellectuals. This association of conservatism and Confucianism lent to the iconoclastic nature of Chinese intellectual thought during the first decades of the 20th century.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Pages 14">Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 14.</ref>
 
Chinese iconoclasm was expressed most clearly and vociferously by [[Chen Duxiu]] during the [[New Culture Movement]], which occurred between 1915 and 1919.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Pages 14" /> Proposing the "total destruction of the traditions and values of the past", the New Culture Movement, spearheaded by the ''[[New Youth]]'', a periodical published by Chen Duxiu, profoundly influenced the young Mao Zedong, whose first published work appeared in the magazine's pages.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Pages 14" />
 
==== Nationalism and the appeal of Marxism ====
Along with iconoclasm, radical [[anti-imperialism]] dominated the Chinese intellectual tradition and slowly evolved into a fierce nationalist fervor which influenced Mao's philosophy immensely and was crucial in adapting Marxism to the Chinese model.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 44">Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao's China and After''. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 44.</ref> Vital to understanding Chinese nationalist sentiments of the time is the [[Treaty of Versailles]], which was signed in 1919. The Treaty aroused a wave of bitter nationalist resentment in Chinese intellectuals as lands formerly ceded to Germany in [[Shandong]] were—without consultation with the Chinese—transferred to Japanese control rather than returned to Chinese sovereignty.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 17">Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao's China and After''. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 17.</ref>
 
The adverse reaction culminated in the [[4 May IncidentFourth Movement]] in 1919, during which a protest began with 3,000 students in Beijing displaying their anger at the announcement of the Versailles Treaty's concessions to Japan. The protest turned violent as protesters began attacking the homes and offices of ministers who were seen as cooperating with or being in the direct pay of the Japanese.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 17" /> The [[Maypopular Fourth Movement|4 May Incident and Movement]]movement which followed "catalyzed the political awakening of a society which had long seemed inert and dormant"."<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 17" />
 
Another international event would have a significant impact not only on Mao but also on the Chinese intelligentsia. The [[Russian Revolution]] elicited great interest among Chinese intellectuals, although the socialist revolution in China was not considered a viable option until after the 4 May Incident.<ref name="After">Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao's China and After''. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 18.</ref> Afterward, "[t]o become a Marxist was one way for a Chinese intellectual to reject both the traditions of the Chinese past and Western domination of the Chinese present"."<ref name=After/>
 
=== Yan'an period between November 1935 and March 1947 ===
Immediately following the [[Long March]], Mao and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) were headquartered in the [[Yan'an Soviet]] in [[Shaanxi]] province. During this period, Mao established himself as a Marxist theoretician and produced most of the works that would later be canonised as the "thoughtThought of Mao Zedong".<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 45">Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 45.</ref> The rudimentary philosophical base of Chinese Communist ideology is laid down in Mao's numerous dialectical treatises and was conveyed to newly recruited party members. This period established ideological independence from Moscow for Mao and the CCP.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 45" />
 
Although the Yan'an period did answer some of the ideological and theoretical questions raised by the [[Chinese Communist Revolution]], it left many crucial questions unresolved, including how the Chinese Communist Party was supposed to launch a socialist revolution while wholly separated from the urban sphere.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 45" />
 
=== Mao Zedong's intellectual development ===
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==== Initial Marxist period (1920–1926) ====
Marxist thinking employs immanent socioeconomic explanations, whereas Mao's reasons were declarations of his enthusiasm. Mao did not believe education alone would transition from [[Capitalist mode of production (Marxist theory)|capitalism]] to [[Communism#Marxist communism|communism]] for three main reasons. (1) Psychologically, the capitalists would not repent and turn towards communism on their own; (2) the rulers must be overthrown by the people; (3) "the proletarians are discontented, and a demand for communism has arisen and had already become a fact"."<ref>Lowe, Donald M. ''The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 109.</ref> These reasons do not provide socioeconomic explanations, which usually form the core of Marxist ideology.
 
==== Formative Maoist period (1927–1935) ====
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==== Civil War period (1940–1949) ====
Unlike the Mature period, this period was intellectually barren. Mao focused more on revolutionary practice and paid less attention to Marxist theory. He continued to emphasise theory as practice-oriented knowledge.<ref name="Lowe, Donald M 1966. Page 117">Lowe, Donald M. ''The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 117.</ref> The most crucial topic of the theory he delved into was in connection with the [[Cheng Feng]] movement of 1942. Here, Mao summarised the correlation between Marxist theory and Chinese practice: "The target is the Chinese revolution, the arrow is Marxism–Leninism. We Chinese communists seek this arrow for no other purpose than to hit the target of the Chinese revolution and the revolution of the east"."<ref name="Lowe, Donald M 1966. Page 117" /> The only new emphasis was Mao's concern with two types of subjectivist deviation: (1) [[dogmatism]], the excessive reliance upon abstract theory; (2) [[empiricism]], excessive dependence on experience.
 
In 1945, the party's first historical resolution put forward Mao Zedong Thought as the party's unified ideology.<ref name=":22">{{Cite book |last1=Doyon |first1=Jérôme |title=The Chinese Communist Party: aA 100-Year Trajectory |last2=Froissart |first2=Chloé |date=2024 |publisher=[[ANU Press]] |isbn=9781760466244 |editor-last=Doyon |editor-first=Jérôme |location=Canberra |chapter=Introduction |editor-last2=Froissart |editor-first2=Chloé}}</ref>{{Rp|page=6}} It was also incorporated into the [[Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party|party's constitution]].<ref name=":Li">{{Cite book |last=Li |first=Hongshan |title=Fighting on the Cultural Front: U.S.-China Relations in the Cold War |date=2024 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=9780231207058 |location=New York, NY |doi=10.7312/li--20704 |jstor=10.7312/li--20704}}</ref>{{Rp|page=23}}
 
==== Post-Civil War period (1949–1976) ====
To Mao, the victory of 1949 was a confirmation of theory and practice. "Optimism is the keynote to Mao's intellectual orientation in the post-1949 period"."<ref>Lowe, Donald M. ''The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 118.</ref> Mao assertively revised the theory to relate it to the new practice of socialist construction. These revisions are apparent in the 1951 version of ''On Contradiction''. "In the 1930s, when Mao talked about contradiction, he meant the contradiction between subjective thought and objective reality. In ''Dialectal Materialism'' of 1940, he saw idealism and materialism as two possible correlations between subjective thought and objective reality. In the 1940s, he introduced no new elements into his understanding of the subject-object contradiction. In the 1951 version of ''On Contradiction'', he saw contradiction as a universal principle underlying all processes of development, yet with each contradiction possessed of its own particularity"."<ref>Lowe, Donald M. ''The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 119.</ref>
 
In 1956, Mao first fully theorized his view of continual revolution.<ref name=":Laikwan" />{{Rp|page=92}}
 
=== Differences from Marxism ===
[[File:Pekín 1978 18.jpg|thumb|Beijing, 1978. The billboard reads, "Long Live [[Marxism]], [[Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]]!"]]
Maoism and [[Marxism]] differ in how the proletariat is defined and in which political and economic conditions would start a [[communist revolution]].
# For [[Karl Marx]], the proletariat was the urban [[working class]], which was determined in the revolution by which the [[bourgeoisie]] overthrew [[feudalism]].<ref>Sandmo, Agnar. ''Economics Evolving: A History of Economic Thought'', Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011, p.000.</ref> For Mao Zedong, the revolutionary class was the millions of peasants he referred to as ''the popular masses''. Mao based his revolution upon the peasantry. They possessed, according to him, two qualities: (i) they were poor and (ii) they were a political blank slate; in Mao's words, "[a] clean sheet of paper has no blotches, and so the newest and most beautiful words can be written on it"."<ref>Gregor, A. James; Chang, Maria Hsia (1978). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407255 "Maoism and Marxism in Comparative Perspective"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035054/https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407255 |date=2021-01-24 }}. ''The Review of Politics''. 40: 3. pp. 307–327.</ref>
# For Marx, the [[proletarian revolution]] was internally fuelled by the capitalist mode of production; as capitalism developed, "a tension arises between the [[productive forces]] and the [[mode of production]]"."<ref>Sandmo, Agnar (2011). ''Economics Evolving: A History of Economic Thought'', Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, p.000.</ref> The political tension between the productive forces (the workers) and the owners of the [[means of production]] (the capitalists) would be an inevitable incentive for the proletarian revolution, resulting in a [[communist society]]. Mao did not subscribe to Marx's theory of inevitable cyclicality in the economic system. His goal was to unify the Chinese nation and so realise progressive change for China in the form of communism; hence, a revolution was needed at once. In ''The Great Union of the Popular Masses'' (1919), Mao wrote that "[t]he decadence of the state, the sufferings of humanity, and the darkness of society have all reached an extreme"."<ref>Mao, Zedong. [https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-6/mswv6_04.htm "The Great Union of the Popular Masses"]. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035624/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-6/mswv6_04.htm |date=2021-01-24 }}. Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Retrieved 25 April 2019.</ref>
 
=== After Mao Zedong's death ===
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==== China ====
[[File:Deng Xiaoping and Jimmy Carter at the arrival ceremony for the Vice Premier of China. - NARA - 183157-restored(cropped).jpg|thumb|[[Deng Xiaoping]]]]
The CCP's ideological framework distinguishes between political ideas described as "Thought" (as in Mao Zedong Thought) or as "Theory" (as in [[Deng Xiaoping Theory]]).<ref name=":02">{{Cite book |last=Hu |first=Richard |title=Reinventing the Chinese City |date=2023 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=978-0-231-21101-7 |location=New York |doi=10.7312/hu--21100}}</ref>{{Rp|page=2}} Thought carries more weight than Theory and conveys the greater relative importance of a leader's ideological and historical influence.<ref name=":02" />{{Rp|page=2}} The process of formalizing a leader's political thinking in the Marxist tradition is important in establishing a leader's ideological legitimacy.<ref name=":02" />{{Rp|page=3}}
 
Mao Zedong Thought is frequently described as the result of collaboration between the [[Generations of Chinese leadership#First generation|first-generation leaders]] of the Party and is principally based on Mao's analysis of Marxism and Chinese history.<ref name=":6">{{Cite book |last=Karl |first=Rebecca E. |title=Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World: aA Concise History |date=2010 |publisher=[[Duke University Press]] |isbn=978-0-8223-4780-4 |series=Asia-pacific |location=Durham, NC}}</ref>{{Rp|page=53}} It is often also described as the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=53}} Observing that concepts of both Marxism and Chinese culture were and are contested, academic Rebecca Karl writes that the development of Mao Zedong Thought is best viewed as the result of Mao's mutual interpretation of these concepts producing Mao's view of theory and revolutionary practice.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=53}}
 
Mao Zedong Thought asserts that class struggle continues even if the proletariat has already overthrown the bourgeoisie and there are capitalist restorationist elements within the CCP itself. Maoism provided the CCP's first comprehensive theoretical guideline regarding how to continue the socialist revolution, the creation of a socialist society, and socialist military construction and highlights various contradictions in society to be addressed by what is termed "socialist construction". While it continues to be lauded to be the major force that defeated "imperialism and feudalism" and created a "New China" by the Chinese Communist Party, the ideology survives only in name on the Communist Party's Constitution as Deng Xiaoping abolished most Maoist practices in 1978, advancing a guiding ideology called "[[socialism with Chinese characteristics]]".<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Xinhua: Constitution of the Communist Party of China |url=http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/2002-11/18/content_633225_1.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111017214011/http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/2002-11/18/content_633225_1.htm |archive-date=17 October 2011 |access-date=10 November 2011 |website=news.xinhuanet.com}}</ref>{{Request quotation|date=January 2024}}
 
Shortly after [[Death and state funeral of Mao Zedong|Mao died]] in 1976, Deng Xiaoping initiated socialist market reforms in 1978, thereby beginning the radical change in Mao's ideology in the People's Republic of China (PRC).<ref>{{citeCite web|url=http://journalism.berkeley.edu/faculty/schell/schelldeng.html |title=UC Berkeley Journalism -Faculty - Deng's Revolution |access-dateurl=22http://journalism.berkeley.edu/faculty/schell/schelldeng.html August 2007|url-status=bot: unknown |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090104132630/http://journalism.berkeley.edu/faculty/schell/schelldeng.html |archive-date=4 January 2009 |access-date=22 August 2007}}</ref> Although Mao Zedong Thought nominally remains the state ideology, Deng's admonition to "[[seek truth from facts]]" means that state policies are judged on their practical consequences, and in many areas, the role of [[ideology]] in determining policy has thus been considerably reduced. Deng also separated Mao from Maoism, making it clear that Mao was fallible, and hence the truth of Maoism comes from observing social consequences rather than by using Mao's quotations dogmatically.<ref>{{citeCite web|url=http://www.ibiblio.org/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html |title=Exploring Chinese History :: Culture :: Philosophy :: Maoism |websiteurl=http://www.ibiblio.org|access-date=17/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html January 2019|archiveurl-datestatus=24live January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035536/http://www.ibiblio.org/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live24 January 2021 |access-date=17 January 2019 |website=ibiblio.org}}</ref>
 
On June 27, 1981, the Communist Party's Central Committee adopted the ''[[Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China]]''.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=166}} The ''Resolution'' assesses the legacy of the Mao era, describing Mao as first among equals in the development of Mao Zedong Thought before 1949 and deeming Mao Zedong Thought as successful in establishing national independence, transforming China's social classes, the development of economic self-sufficiency, the expansion of education and health care, and China's leadership role in the Third World.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|pages=166–167}} The ''Resolution'' describes setbacks during the period 1957 to 1964 (although it generally affirms this period) and major mistakes beginning in 1965.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=167}} The ''Resolution'' describes upholding the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought and Marxism-Leninism as among the Communist Party's cardinal principles.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=168}}
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Contemporary Maoists in China criticise the social inequalities created by the revisionist Communist Party. Some Maoists say that Deng's ''[[Reform and Opening]]'' economic policies that introduced market principles spelled the end of Maoism in China. However, Deng asserted that his reforms were upholding Mao Zedong Thought in accelerating the output of the country's productive forces. A recent example of a Chinese politician regarded as neo-Maoist in terms of political strategies and mass mobilisation via red songs was [[Bo Xilai]] in [[Chongqing]].<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Brown |first1=Kerry |url=https://archive.org/details/chinanewmaoists0000brow |title=China and the New Maoists |last2=Nieuwenhuizen |first2=Simone van |date=2016-08-15 |publisher=Zed Books Ltd. |isbn=978-1-78360-762-4 |language=en}}</ref>
 
Although Mao Zedong Thought is still listed as one of the [[Four Cardinal Principles]] of the People's Republic of China, its historical role has been re-assessed. The Communist Party now says that Maoism was necessary to break China free from its feudal past, but it also says that the actions of Mao are seen to have led to excesses during the Cultural Revolution.<ref>{{citeCite web|url=http://www.ibiblio.org/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html |title=Exploring Chinese History :: Culture :: Philosophy :: Maoism |websiteurl=http://www.ibiblio.org|access-date=26/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html February 2018|archiveurl-datestatus=24live January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035536/http://www.ibiblio.org/chinesehistory/contents/02cul/c04s07.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live24 January 2021 |access-date=26 February 2018 |website=ibiblio.org}}</ref>
 
The official view is that China has now reached an economic and political stage, known as the [[primary stage of socialism]], in which China faces new and different problems completely unforeseen by Mao, and as such, the solutions that Mao advocated are no longer relevant to China's current conditions. The official proclamation of the new CCP stance came in June 1981, when the Sixth Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee took place. The 35,000-word ''Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China'' reads:
<blockquote>Chief responsibility for the grave 'Left' error of the 'cultural revolution,' an error comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao Zedong [...] [and] far from making a correct analysis of many problems, he confused right and wrong and the people with the enemy [...] herein lies his tragedy.<ref>{{citeCite web |title=China the Four Modernizations, 1979-82 |url=http://www.country-studies.com/china/the-four-modernizations,-1979-82.html|title=China the Four Modernizations, 1979-82|website=countryurl-studies.com|access-datestatus=10live November 2011|archive-date=11 February 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211032140/https://www.country-studies.com/china/the-four-modernizations,-1979-82.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live11 February 2021 |access-date=10 November 2011 |website=country-studies.com}}</ref></blockquote>
 
Scholars outside China see this re-working of the definition of Maoism as providing an ideological justification for what they see as the restoration of the essentials of capitalism in China by Deng and his successors, who sought to "eradicate all ideological and physiological obstacles to economic reform".<ref>S. Zhao, "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China", Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 1998, 31(3): p. 288.</ref> In 1978, this led to the [[Sino-Albanian split]] when Albanian leader [[Enver Hoxha]] denounced Deng as a revisionist and formed [[Hoxhaism]] as an anti-revisionist form of Marxism.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}
 
[[File:Tsinghua University (Tsinghua Southern Road).jpg|right|thumb|"[[Ten thousand years|Long live]] [[Chairman Mao]]! Long live [[Chairman Gonzalo]]! [[People's War|Protracted People's War]]!" (毛主席万岁!贡萨罗主席万岁!持久人民战争!) [[Chinese New Left|New Leftist]] graffiti on a wall at Qinghua South Road, Beijing, 6 December 2021.]]The CCP officially regards Mao himself as a "great revolutionary leader" for his role in fighting against the [[Japanese fascism|Japanese fascist invasion]] during the Second World War and creating the People's Republic of China, but Maoism, as implemented between 1959 and 1976, is regarded by today's CCP as an economic and political disaster. In Deng's day, support of radical Maoism was regarded as a form of "left deviationism" and based on a [[cult of personality]], although these "errors" are officially attributed to the [[Gang of Four (China)|Gang of Four]] rather than Mao himself.<ref>For a newest expression of the official judgment see 中国共产党历史第二卷下册,中共中央党史研究室著,中共党史出版社,第二八章对"文化大革命"十年的基本分析(History of China Communist Party, Vol. 2, Party History Research Centre (November 2010), Chap. 28 Analysis on Cultural Revolution).</ref> Thousands of Maoists were arrested in the [[Hua Guofeng]] period after 1976. The prominent Maoists [[Zhang Chunqiao]] and [[Jiang Qing]] were sentenced to death with a two-year-reprieve, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment or imprisonment for 15 years.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}
 
After the [[Tiananmen Square protests and massacre]], Mao's influence continued to be weaker. Although not very influential, some radical Maoists, disgruntled by the injustices suffered by migrant workers, organized a number of protests and strikes, including the [[Jasic incident]]. In the 2020s, influenced by the [[income inequality in China|growing wealth gap]] and the [[996 working hour system]], Mao's thoughts are being revived in China's [[generation Z]], as they question authority of the CCP. The Chinese government has censored some Maoist posts.<ref>{{citeCite news |last1last=Yuan |first1first=Li |date=8 July 2021 |title='Who Are Our Enemies?' China's Bitter Youths Embrace Mao |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/08/business/china-mao.html |access-date=29 October 2022 |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=8 July 2021}}</ref><ref>{{citeCite news |last1last=Lau |first1first=Mimi |date=10 August 2018 |title=Chinese Maoists join students in fight for workers' rights |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/policies-politics/article/2158991/chinese-maoists-join-students-fight-workers-rights |access-date=4 May 2023 |work=[[South China Morning Post]] |date=10 August 2018 |language=en}}</ref>
 
The 2021 The [[Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century|''Resolution'' ''on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century'']] describes Mao Zedong Thought as "a summation of theories, principles, and experience on China's revolution and construction that has been proven correct through practice, and [having] put forward a series of important theories for socialist construction."<ref name=":Hou">{{Cite book |last=Hou |first=Xiaojia |title=China under Xi Jinping: A New Assessment |publisher=[[Leiden University Press]] |year=2024 |isbn=9789087284411 |editor-last=Fang |editor-first=Qiang |chapter=China's Shift to Personalistic Rule: Xi Jinping's Centralization of Political Power |jstor=jj.15136086 |editor-last2=Li |editor-first2=Xiaobing}}</ref>{{Rp|page=91}}
 
==== Internationally ====
[[File:Prachanda.jpg|thumb|Maoist leader [[Prachanda]] speaking at a rally in [[Pokhara]], [[Nepal]]]]
After the death of Mao in 1976 and the resulting power struggles in China that followed, the international Maoist movement was divided into three camps. One group, composed of various ideologically nonaligned groups, gave weak support to the new Chinese leadership under Deng Xiaoping. Another camp denounced the new leadership as traitors to the cause of Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought. The third camp sided with the Albanians in denouncing the [[Three Worlds Theory]] of the CCP (see the [[Sino-Albanian split]]).{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}
 
The pro-Albanian camp would start to function as an international group as well<ref>{{citeCite journal |last1last=Latham |first1first=Judith |date=19 August 2010 |title=Roma of the former Yugoslavia |journal=Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity |volume=27, 1999 |issue=2 |pages=205–226 |doi=10.1080/009059999109037 |s2cid=154891173 }}</ref> (led by Enver Hoxha and the [[Albanian Party of Labour|APL]]) and was also able to amalgamate many of the communist groups in [[Latin America]], including the [[Communist Party of Brazil]].<ref>{{citeCite book |last=Hobday |first=Charles |title=Communist and Marxist Parties of the World|year=1986 |publisher=Longman |locationyear=Harlow1986 |isbn=0-582-90264-9 |location=Harlow |pages=410–411}}</ref> Later, Latin American Communists, such as Peru's [[Shining Path]], also embraced the tenets of Maoism.<ref>{{citeCite book |last=Hobday |first=Charles |title=Communist and Marxist Parties of the World|year=1986 |publisher=Longman |locationyear=Harlow1986 |isbn=0-582-90264-9 |location=Harlow |page=377}}</ref>
 
The new Chinese leadership showed little interest in the foreign groups supporting Mao's China. Many of the foreign parties that were [[fraternal party|fraternal parties]] aligned with the Chinese government before 1975 either disbanded, abandoned the new Chinese government entirely, or even renounced Marxism–Leninism and developed into non-communist, [[social democratic]] parties. What is today called the international Maoist movement evolved out of the second camp—the parties that opposed Deng and said they upheld the true legacy of Mao.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}
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=== New Democracy ===
{{Marxism–Leninism sidebar|variants}}
The theory of the [[New Democracy]] was known to the Chinese revolutionaries from the late 1940s. This thesis held that for most people, the "long road to [[Socialist mode of production|socialism]]" could only be opened by a "national, popular, democratic, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution, run by the [[communists]]".<ref>{{citeCite news |last=Amin |first=Samir |date=October 2009 |title=The Countries of the South Must Take Their Own Independent Initiatives|publisher=The Third World Forum|date=October 2009|url=http://www.forumtiersmonde.net/fren/index.php/activitesactions/249-the-countries-of-the-south-must-take-their-own-independent-initiatives|access-date=22 February 2011|url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723131304/http://www.forumtiersmonde.net/fren/index.php/activitesactions/249-the-countries-of-the-south-must-take-their-own-independent-initiatives |archive-date=23 July 2011 |access-date=22 February 2011 |publisher=The Third World Forum}}</ref>
 
=== People's war ===
{{see also|People's war}}
 
Holding that "[[political power grows out of the barrel of a gun]]",<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Quotations From Chairman Mao |url=http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch05.htm|title=Quotations From Chairman Mao|publisher=Peking Foreign Languages Press|accessurl-datestatus=1live April 2018|archive-date=26 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210126042155/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch05.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live26 January 2021 |access-date=1 April 2018 |publisher=Peking Foreign Languages Press}}</ref> Maoism emphasises the "revolutionary struggle of the vast majority of people against the exploiting classes and their state structures", which Mao termed a "[[people's war]]". Mobilizing large parts of rural populations to revolt against established institutions by engaging in [[guerrilla warfare]], Maoist Thought focuses on "surrounding the cities from the countryside".
 
Maoism views the industrial-rural divide as a major division exploited by capitalism, identifying capitalism as involving industrial urban [[Developed country|developed]] [[First World]] societies ruling over rural [[Developing country|developing]] [[Third World]] societies.<ref>Alexander C. Cook, "Third World Maoism" in A Critical Introduction to Mao. Cambridge, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Cambridge University, 2011. p. 290.</ref> Maoism identifies peasant insurgencies in particular national contexts as part of a context of world revolution, in which Maoism views the global countryside as overwhelming the global cities.<ref name="Mao. Cambridge 2011. P. 289-290">Alexander C. Cook, "Third World Maoism" in A Critical Introduction to Mao. Cambridge, England, UK; New York, New York, USA, Cambridge University Press, 2011, pp. 289–290.</ref> Due to this [[imperialism]] by the capitalist urban First World toward the rural Third World, Maoism has endorsed [[National liberation (Marxism)|national liberation]] movements in the Third World.<ref name="Mao. Cambridge 2011. P. 289-290" />
 
=== Mass line ===
{{main|Mass line}}
Building on the theory of the [[vanguard party]]<ref>{{citeCite book|author-first=Vladimir |author-last=Lenin |first=Vladimir |author-link=Vladimir Lenin |chapter=What Is To Be Done |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/ |title=Lenin's Collected Works |volumedate=5 |pages=347–5301961 |publisher=Foreign Languages Publishing House |datevolume=19615 |orig-datelocation=1902Moscow |locationpages=Moscow347–530 |translator-first1last=JoeFineberg |translator-last1first=FinebergJoe |translatorchapter=What Is To Be Done |orig-first2date=George1902 |translator-last2=Hanna |translator-first2=George}}</ref> by [[Vladimir Lenin]], the theory of the [[mass line]] outlines a strategy for the revolutionary leadership of the masses, consolidation of the [[dictatorship of the proletariat]], and strengthening of the party and the building of [[Socialist mode of production|socialism]]. The mass line can be summarised as "from the masses, to the masses". It has three components or stages:<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Short Definitions of the 'Mass Line' and a 'Mass Perspective' |url=http://massline.info/sum1p.htm |website=massline.info |access-date=15 June 2014 |website=massline.info}}</ref>
# Gathering the diverse ideas of the masses.
# Processing or concentrating these ideas from the perspective of revolutionary Marxism, in light of the long-term, ultimate interests of the masses (which the masses may sometimes only dimly perceive) and in light of a scientific analysis of the objective situation.
# Returning these concentrated ideas to the masses in the form of a political line which will advance the mass struggle toward [[revolution]].
 
These three steps should be applied repeatedly, reiteratively uplifting practice and knowledge to higher and higher stages.
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The theory of cultural revolution - rooted in Marxism-Leninism thought<ref>Meisner, Maurice. “Leninism and Maoism: Some Populist Perspectives on Marxism-Leninism in China.” ''The China Quarterly'', no. 45 (1971): 2–36. {{JSTOR|651881}}.</ref> - states that the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat do not wipe out bourgeois ideology; the class struggle continues and even intensifies during socialism. Therefore, a constant struggle against bourgeois ideology, traditional cultural values, and the social roots that encourage both of them must be conducted in order to create and maintain a society in which socialism can succeed.
 
Practical examples of this theory's application can be seen in the rapid social changes underwent by post-revolution Soviet Union in the late 1920s -1930s<ref>Michael David‐Fox. What Is Cultural Revolution? The Russian Review. Volume 58, Issue 2, pages 181—201, April 1999</ref> as well as pre-revolution China in the New Culture and May Fourth movements of the 1910s-1920s.<ref name=":5">{{Citation |last=Mertha |first=Andrew |title=Rectification |date=2019-06-25 |work=Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi |publisher=ANU Press |doi=10.22459/acc.2019.33 |isbn=9781788734769 |s2cid=242980910 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Both of these sociocultural movements can be seen as shaping Maoist theory on the need for and goals of Cultural Revolution, and subsequently the mass cultural movements enacted by the CCP under Mao, which include the Great Leap Forward, the Anti-rightist movement of the 1950s, and the [[Cultural Revolution|Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of the 1960s-1970s]].<ref>Li, Xing. “The Chinese Cultural Revolution Revisited.” ''China Review'' 1, no. 1 (2001): 137–65. {{JSTOR|23461931}}.</ref>
 
The social upheavals that occurred from the New Culture Movement - as well as the May Fourth Movement that followed it<ref>{{citeCite journal | last=Luo | first=Zhitian |date=2019-10-02 |title=Wholeness and individuality: Revisiting the New Culture Movement, as symbolized by May Fourth | journal=Chinese Studies in History | publisher=Informa UK Limited | volume=52 | issue=3–4 | datepages=2019-10-02188–208 | issn=0009-4633 | doi=10.1080/00094633.2019.1654802 |issn=0009-4633 pages=188–208| s2cid=211429408 }}</ref> - largely focused around the dismantling of traditional Han Chinese cultural norms in which the majority of the populace were illiterate and largely uneducated.<ref name=":5" /><ref>{{citeCite book | last=Schwarcz | first=Vera | title=The Chinese enlightenment : intellectuals and the legacy of the May Fourth movement of 1919 |date=1986 |publisher=University of California Press | publication-place=Berkeley | date=1986 | isbn=0-520-05027-4 | oclcpublication-place=11783413Berkeley}}</ref> This consequence of this social dynamic was that political and economic power largely resided in the hands of a small group of educated elites, and Han Chinese culture formed around principles of respect and reverence for these educated and powerful authority figures. The aforementioned movements sought to combat these social norms through grassroots educational campaigns which were focused primarily around giving educational opportunities towards to people from traditionally uneducated families and normalising all people to be comfortable making challenges towards traditional figures of authority in Confucian society.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Hon |first=Tze-ki |date=2014-03-28 |title=The Chinese Path to Modernisation: Discussions of "Culture" and "Morality" in Republican China |url=https://brill.com/view/journals/hcm/2/3/article-p211_2.xml |journal=International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity |volume=2 |issue=3 |pages=211–228 |doi=10.18352/hcm.470 |s2cid=56325531 |issn=2213-0624 |s2cid=56325531 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
 
The cultural revolution experienced by the Soviet Union was similar to the New Culture and May Fourth movements experienced by China in that it also placed a great importance on mass education and the normalisation of challenging of traditional cultural norms in the realising of a socialist society. However, the movements occurring in the Soviet Union had a far more adversarial mindset towards proponents of traditional values, with leadership in the party taking action to censor and exile these "enemies of change" on over 200 occasions,<ref name="emg" /> rather than exclusively putting pressure on these forces by enacting additive social changes such as education campaigns.
 
The most prominent example of a Maoist application of cultural revolution can be seen in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s wherein Mao claimed that "Revisionist" forces had entered society and infiltrated the government, with the goal of reinstating traditionalism and capitalism in China.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Wu |first=Yuan-Li |date=1968-03-01 |title=Economics, Ideology and the Cultural Revolution |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642569 |journal=Asian Survey |volume=8 |issue=3 |pages=223–235 |doi=10.2307/2642569 |jstor=2642569 |issn=0004-4687 |jstor=2642569}}</ref> Leaning more on the example of the Soviet Union, which involved the silencing and subjugation of adversarial political forces to help bring about a cultural change, Mao called for his followers to speak openly and critically about revisionist forces that they were observing in society and to expel them, assuring them that their actions would be endorsed by the party and that their efforts would in no way be interfered with.<ref>{{citeCite book | last1=MacFarquhar | first1=Roderick | last2=Schoenhals | first2=Michael | title=Mao's last revolution |last2=Schoenhals publication-place|first2=Cambridge, MassachusettsMichael | date=2006 | isbn=978-0-674-04041-0 | oclcpublication-place=451107922Cambridge, MA}}</ref> This warrant granted to the public ultimately lead to roughly ten years in which those seen as "Revisionist" forces - largely understood to mean landlords, rich peasants, and the so-called "bourgeoise academic"<ref>THORNTON, Patricia M. “Cultural Revolution.” In ''Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi'', edited by Christian Sorace, Ivan Franceschini, and Nicholas Loubere, 55–62. ANU Press, 2019. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvk3gng9.11 .</ref> - were publicly criticised and denounced in places of gathering, and in more extreme examples had physical violence inflicted on them, including being beaten, tortured, and/or killed for their perceived crimes.<ref>Xiuyuan, Lu. “A Step Toward Understanding Popular Violence in China’s Cultural Revolution.” ''Pacific Affairs'' 67, no. 4 (1994): 533–63. {{doi|10.2307/2759573}}.</ref>
 
Beginning in 1967, Mao and the PLA sought to restrain the mass organizations that had developed during the early phase of the Cultural Revolution, and began reframing the movement as one to study Mao Zedong Thought rather than using it as a guide to immediate action.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=133}}
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The principal contradiction should be tackled with priority when trying to make the fundamental contradiction "solidify". Mao elaborates on this theme in the essay ''[[On Practice]]'', "on the relation between knowledge and practice, between knowing and doing". Here, ''Practice'' connects "contradiction" with "class struggle" in the following way, claiming that inside a mode of production, there are three realms where practice functions: economic production, scientific experimentation (which also takes place in economic production and should not be radically disconnected from the former) and finally class struggle. These are the proper objects of economy, scientific knowledge, and politics.<ref>Cfr. Mao Tse-Tung, [http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_16.htm "On practice. On the relation between knowledge and practice, between knowing and doing"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211062705/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_16.htm |date=2021-02-11 }}, Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Tse-Tung, op.cit., p. 55: "Man's social practice is not confined to activity in production, but takes many forms&mdash;class struggle, political life, scientific and artistic pursuits; in short, as a social being, man participates in all spheres of the practical life of society. Thus man, in varying degrees, comes to know the different relations between man and man, not only through his material life but also though his political and cultural life (both of which are intimately bound up with material life)".</ref>
 
These three spheres deal with matter in its various forms, socially mediated. As a result, they are the only realms where knowledge may arise (since truth and knowledge only make sense in relation to matter, according to Marxist epistemology). Mao emphasises&mdash;like Marx in trying to confront the "bourgeois idealism" of his time&mdash;that knowledge must be based on [[empirical evidence]]. Knowledge results from hypotheses verified in the contrast with a real object; this real object, despite being mediated by the subject's theoretical frame, retains its materiality and will offer resistance to those ideas that do not conform to its truth. Thus, in each of these realms (economic, scientific, and political practice), contradictions (principle and secondary) must be identified, explored, and put to function to achieve the communist goal. This involves the need to know "scientifically" how the masses produce (how they live, think and work), to obtain knowledge of how class struggle (the central contradiction that articulates a mode of production in its various realms) expresses itself.
 
[[File:Mao Zedong in Red.svg|thumb|Mao Zedong Thought is described as being Marxism–Leninism adapted to Chinese conditions, whereas its variant [[Marxism–Leninism–Maoism]] is considered universally applicable]]
 
=== Three Worlds Theory ===
In 1974, China announced its [[Three Worlds Theory]] at the UN.<ref name=":Laikwan">{{Cite book |last=Laikwan |first=Pang |title=One and All: The Logic of Chinese Sovereignty |date=2024 |publisher=[[Stanford University Press]] |isbn=9781503638815 |location=Stanford, CA |doi=10.1515/9781503638822}}</ref>{{Rp|page=74}}
[[Three Worlds Theory]] states that during the [[Cold War]], two imperialist states formed the "first world"—the [[United States]] and the [[Soviet Union]]. The second world consisted of the other imperialist states in their spheres of influence. The third world consisted of non-imperialist countries. Both the first and the second world exploit the third world, but the first world is the most aggressive party. The first- and second-world workers are "bought up" by imperialism, preventing socialist revolution. On the other hand, the people of the third world have not even a short-sighted interest in the prevailing circumstances. Hence revolution is most likely to appear in third-world countries, which again will weaken imperialism, opening up for revolutions in other countries too.<ref name="emg">[http://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm#maoism "Maoism"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211005551/https://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm#maoism |date=2021-02-11 }}. Glossary of Terms. ''Encyclopedia of Marxism''.</ref>
 
[[Three Worlds Theory]] states that during the [[Cold War]], two imperialist states formed the "first world"—the [[United States]] and the [[Soviet Union]]. The second world consisted of the other imperialist states in their spheres of influence. The third world consisted of non-imperialist countries. Both the first and the second world exploit the third world, but the first world is the most aggressive party. The first- and second-world workers are "bought up" by imperialism, preventing socialist revolution. On the other hand, the people of the third world have not even a short-sighted interest in the prevailing circumstances. Hence revolution is most likely to appear in third-world countries, which again will weaken imperialism, opening up for revolutions in other countries too.<ref name="emg">[http://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm#maoism "Maoism"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211005551/https://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm#maoism |date=2021-02-11 }}. Glossary of Terms. ''Encyclopedia of Marxism''.</ref>
 
=== Agrarian socialism ===
Maoism departs from conventional European-inspired Marxism in that it focuses on the agrarian countryside rather than the urban industrial forces—this is known as [[agrarian socialism]]. Notably, Maoist parties in Peru, Nepal, and the Philippines have adopted equal stresses on urban and rural areas, depending on the country's focus on economic activity. Maoism broke with the framework of the Soviet Union under [[Nikita Khrushchev]], dismissing it as "[[State capitalism|state capitalist]]" and "[[Marxist revisionism|revisionist]]", a pejorative term among communists referring to those who fight for capitalism in the name of socialism and who depart from [[Historical materialism|historical]] and [[dialectical materialism]].
 
Although Maoism is critical of urban industrial capitalist powers, it views urban [[industrialisation]] as a prerequisite to expanding [[economic development]] and the socialist reorganisation of the countryside, with the goal being the achievement of rural industrialisation that would abolish the distinction between town and countryside.<ref>John H. Badgley, John Wilson Lewis. Peasant Rebellion and Communist Revolution in Asia. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 1974. p. 249.</ref>
 
== International influence ==
{{expand section|with=[[Workers' Communist Party (Norway)|Workers' Communist Party]]/[[Red Party (Norway)|Red Party]] and [[Communist Unity Movement of the Netherlands (Marxist–Leninist)]]/[[Socialist Party (Netherlands)|Socialist Party]]|date=November 2023}}
[[File:UCPN (Maoist) 7th General Convention Nepal.jpg|thumb|The [[Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre)]] in February 2013]]
From 1962 onwards, the challenge to the Soviet [[hegemony]] in the [[World Communist Movement|world communist movement]] made by the CCP resulted in various divisions in communist parties around the world. At an early stage, the Albanian Party of Labour sided with the CCP.<ref>{{Cite journal |urldate=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/enver.htmAugust 1979 |title=The Party of Labour of Albania – A New Centre of Revisionism |viaurl=Marxistshttps://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/enver.htm Internet Archive|url-status=live |journal=Revolution |volume= 4 |issue=1 |date=August 1979 |editor-first1=Sam |editor-last1=Richards |editor-first2=Paul |editor-last2=Saba |access-date=2019-10-09|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035549/https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/enver.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2019-10-09 |via=Marxists Internet Archive |editor-first1=Sam |editor-last1=Richards |editor-first2=Paul |editor-last2=Saba}}</ref> So did many of the mainstream (non-splinter group) Communist parties in South-East Asia, like the [[Communist Party of Burma]], the [[Communist Party of Thailand]], and the [[Communist Party of Indonesia]]. Some Asian parties, like the [[Communist Party of Vietnam]] and the [[Workers' Party of Korea]], attempted to take a middle-ground position.
 
[[Cambodia]]'s [[Khmer Rouge]] is said tocould have been considered a replica of the Maoist regime. According to the [[BBC]], the [[Communist Party of Kampuchea]] (CPK) in Cambodia, better known as the Khmer Rouge, identified strongly with Maoism and is generally labelled a Maoist movement today.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8373556.stm|work=BBC News|title=Cambodian Khmer Rouge trial of Comrade Duch set to end |date=23 November 2009|access-date=12 May 2010|archive-date=24 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035504/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8373556.stm|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=Nov 26, 2009 |title=Duch's 'excruciating remorse' |url=http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_459313.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091129075250/http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_459313.html |archive-date=Nov 29, 2009 |website=The Straits Times}}</ref> However,however Maoists and Marxists generally contend that the CPK strongly deviated from Marxist doctrine and the few references to Maoist China in CPK propaganda were critical of the Chinese.<ref>{{citeCite web |urllast=http://wwwF.aworldtowinG.org/back_issues/1999-25/PolPot_eng25.htm |title=What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime|website=A World to Win |author1url=Fhttp://www.Gaworldtowin. |accessorg/back_issues/1999-date=1025/PolPot_eng25.htm November 2011|url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110810043740/http://www.aworldtowin.org/back_issues/1999-25/PolPot_eng25.htm |archive-date=10 August 2011 |access-date=10 November 2011 |website=A World to Win}}</ref>
 
Various efforts have sought to regroup the international communist movement under Maoism since Mao's death in 1976. Many parties and organisations were formed in the West and Third World that upheld links to the CCP. Often, they took names such as Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) or Revolutionary Communist Party to distinguish themselves from the traditional pro-Soviet communist parties. The pro-CCP movements were, in many cases, based on the wave of student radicalism that engulfed the world in the 1960s and 1970s.
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=== Afghanistan ===
The [[Progressive Youth Organization]] was a Maoist organisation in [[Afghanistan]]. It was founded in 1965 with [[Akram Yari]] as its first leader, advocating the overthrow of the then-current order through people's war.
 
The [[Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan]] was founded in 2004 through the merger of five MLM parties.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2006-08-25 |title=Afghanistan Maoists Unite in a Single Party |url=http://www.awtw.org/current_issues/afrgan.htm |website=A World to Win |access-date=2021-01-12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060825084529/http://www.awtw.org/current_issues/afrgan.htm |archive-date=2006-08-25 |access-date=2021-01-12 |website=A World to Win}}</ref>
 
=== Australia ===
The [[Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist)]] is a Maoist organisation in [[Australia]]. It was founded in 1964 as a pro-Mao split from the [[Australian Communist Party]].<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Declaration of Australian Marxist-Leninists |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/australia/declaration.htm |website=Marxists Internet Archive |accessurl-datestatus=16 November 2019 |archive-date=24 January 2021live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035446/https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/australia/declaration.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live24 January 2021 |access-date=16 November 2019 |website=Marxists Internet Archive}}</ref>
 
=== Bangladesh ===
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=== Belgium ===
The Sino-Soviet split had a significant influence on communism in [[Belgium]]. The pro-Soviet [[Communist Party of Belgium]] experienced a split of a Maoist wing under [[Jacques Grippa]]. The latter was a lower-ranking CPB member before the split, but Grippa rose in prominence as he formed a worthy internal Maoist opponent to the CPB leadership. His followers were sometimes referred to as Grippisten or Grippistes. When it became clear that the differences between the pro-Moscow leadership and the pro-Beijing wing were too significant, Grippa and his entourage decided to split from the CPB and formed the [[Communist Party of Belgium – Marxist–Leninist]] (PCBML). The PCBML had some influence, mainly in the heavily industrialised [[Borinage]] region of [[Wallonia]], but never managed to gather more support than the CPB. The latter held most of its leadership and base within the pro-Soviet camp. However, the PCBML was the first European Maoist party and was recognised at its foundation as the largest and most important Maoist organisation in Europe outside of [[Albania]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Alexander |first=Robert Jackson |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FjM-4ZG9iuMC&q=pcbml+european+maoist+party&pg=PA59 |title=Maoism in the Developed World|last=Alexander|first=Robert Jackson|date=2001 |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=9780275961480978-0-275-96148-0 |pages=59 |language=en |access-date=2020-11-16|archive-date=2021-01-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035439/https://books.google.com/books?id=FjM-4ZG9iuMC&q=pcbml+european+maoist+party&pg=PA59 |archive-date=2021-01-24 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |date=17 November 1967 |title=End of the Road for Grippa? |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/world-outlook/v05n37-nov-17-1967-wo.pdf|title=End of the Road for Grippa?|date=17 November 1967|work=World Outlook|accessurl-datestatus=10live October 2019|page=930|archive-date=24 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035428/https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/world-outlook/v05n37-nov-17-1967-wo.pdf |urlarchive-statusdate=live24 January 2021 |access-date=10 October 2019 |work=World Outlook |page=930}}</ref>
 
Although the PCBML never really gained a foothold in [[Flanders]], there was a reasonably successful Maoist movement in this region. Out of the student unions that formed in the wake of the May 1968 protests, Alle Macht Aan De Arbeiders (AMADA), or All Power To The Workers, was formed as a vanguard party under construction. This Maoist group originated primarily from students from the universities of [[Leuven]] and [[Ghent]] but did manage to gain some influence among the striking miners during the shutdowns of the Belgian stone coal mines in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This group became the [[Workers' Party of Belgium]] (PVDA-PTB) in 1979 and still exists today, although its power base has shifted somewhat from Flanders towards Wallonia. The WPB stayed loyal to the teachings of Mao for a long time, but after a general congress held in 2008, the party formally broke with its Maoist/Stalinist past.<ref>D. Van Herrewegen, [http://www.ethesis.net/radicaal-links/radicaal-links.htm "De verdeeldheid van radicaal-links in Vlaanderen: De strategische -en praktische breuklijnen tussen AMADA, de KPB en de RAL tussen 1969-1972"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035427/http://www.ethesis.net/radicaal-links/radicaal-links.htm |date=2021-01-24 }}, unpublished masterpaper, Department of History, pp. 25–29.</ref>
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=== France ===
After [[May 68]], the cultural influence of French Maoists increased.<ref name=":04">{{Cite book |last=Crean |first=Jeffrey |title=The Fear of Chinese Power: an International History |date=2024 |publisher=[[Bloomsbury Academic]] |isbn=978-1-350-23394-2 |edition= |series=New Approaches to International History series |location=London, UK |pages=}}</ref>{{Rp|page=122}} Maoists became the first group of French intellectuals to emphasize [[LGBT history in France|gay and lesbian rights]] in their publications and contributed to the nascent [[Feminism in France|feminist movement in France]].<ref name=":04" />{{Rp|page=122}}
 
=== India ===
{{See also|Naxalite–Maoist insurgency}}
The [[Communist Party of India (Maoist)]] is the leading Maoist organisation in India. The CPI (Maoist) is designated as a terrorist organization in India under the [[Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act]].<ref>{{citeCite news |date=16 September 2016 |title=Maoists fourth deadliest terror outfit after Taliban, IS, Boko Haram: Report |url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/maoists-fourth-deadliest-terror-outfit-after-taliban-is-boko-haram-report/articleshow/54354196.cms|title=Maoists fourth deadliest terror outfit after Taliban, IS, Boko Haram: Report|websiteurl-status=[[Thelive Times of India]]|date=16 September 2016 |access-date=2019-07-17|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035457/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/maoists-fourth-deadliest-terror-outfit-after-taliban-is-boko-haram-report/articleshow/54354196.cms |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2019-07-17 |work=[[The Times of India]]}}</ref> Since 1967, there has been an ongoing [[Naxalite-Maoist insurgency|conflict in India]] between the [[Indian government]] and Maoist insurgents.<ref name="autogenerated1">{{citeCite news |date=12 April 2006 |title=India's Naxalites: A spectre haunting India |url=http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=7799247 |title=India's Naxalites: A spectre haunting India |newspaper=[[The Economist]] |date=12 April 2006 |access-date=13 July 2009 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100523074605/http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=7799247 |archive-date=23 May 2010 |access-date=13 July 2009 |newspaper=The Economist}}</ref> As of 2018, there have been a total of 13,834 deaths across insurgents, security forces, and civilians.<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Fatalities in Left-wing Extremism |url=https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/maoist/data_sheets/fatalitiesnaxalmha.htm |access-date=26 September 2023 |website=www.satp.org |publisher=South Asia Terrorism Portal |access-date=26 September 2023}}</ref> Different separatist movements within India also were influenced by Maoism like the [[National Socialist Council of Nagaland]] (NSCN), a militant group promoting [[Naga nationalism]].
 
=== Iran ===
{{main|1982 Amol uprising}}
The [[Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran)]] was an [[Iran]]Iranian Maoist organisation. The UIC (S) was formed in 1976 after the alliance of Maoist groups carrying out military actions within Iran. In 1982, the UIC (S) mobilised forces in forests around [[Amol]] and launched an insurgency against the Islamist Government. The uprising was eventually a failure, and many UIC (S) leaders were shot. The party dissolved in 1982.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Gorriti Ellenbogen |first=Gustavo |url=http://archive.org/details/shiningpath00gust |title=The Shining Path : a history of the millenarian war in Peru |date=1999 |publisher=Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press|others=Internet Archive|isbn=978-0-8078807-237382373-6 |location=Chapel Hill, NC |via=Internet Archive}}</ref>
 
Following the dissolution of the Union of Iranian Communists, the [[Communist Party of Iran (Marxist–Leninist–Maoist)]] was formed in 2001. The party is a continuation of the Sarbedaran Movement and the Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran). CPI (MLM) believes Iran is a 'semifeudal-[[semicolonial]]' country and is trying to launch a 'People's war' in Iran.
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=== Philippines ===
{{main|Communist Party of the Philippines}}
The Communist Party of the Philippines is the largest communist party in the Philippines, active since December 26, 1968 (Mao's birthday). It was formed due to the [[First Great Rectification Movement]] and a split between the old [[Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930]], which the founders saw as revisionist. The CPP was formed on Maoist lines in stark contrast with the old PKP, which focused primarily on the parliamentary struggle. The CPP was founded by [[Jose Maria Sison]] and other cadres from the old party.<ref name="saulo">{{citeCite book |last=Saulo |first=Alfredo |title=Communism in the Philippines}}</ref>
 
The CPP also has an armed wing that it exercises absolute control over, namely the [[New People's Army]]. It currently wages a guerrilla war against the government of the Republic of the Philippines in the countryside and is still currently active. The CPP and the NPA are part of the [[National Democratic Front of the Philippines]], a consolidation of Maoist sectoral organisations such as [[Kabataang Makabayan]] as part of the united front strategy. The NDFP also represents the people's democratic government in peace talks.<ref name="cppsbp">{{citeCite book|title=Constitution and Program|publisher=Communist Party of the Philippines|edition=2016|url=https://www.philippinerevolution.info/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/2016-CPP-consti-ppdr_en.pdf |title=Constitution and Program |publisher=Communist Party of the Philippines |edition=2016 |access-date=2019-06-27|archive-date=2020-02-17 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200217062221/https://www.philippinerevolution.info/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/2016-CPP-consti-ppdr_en.pdf |archive-date=2020-02-17 |url-status=live}}</ref>
 
=== Peru ===
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Maoist movements in Portugal were very active during the 1970s, especially during the [[Carnation Revolution]] that led to the fall of the nationalist government (the [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]]) in 1974.
 
Portugal's most significant Maoist movement was the [[Portuguese Workers' Communist Party]]. The party was among the most active resistance movements before the Portuguese democratic revolution of 1974, especially among the [[Marxist–Leninist Students' Federation|students]] ofin Lisbon]]. After the revolution, the MRPP achieved fame for its large and highly artistic mural paintings.
 
Intensely active between 1974 and 1975, during that time, the party had members that later came to be significant in national politics. For example, a future Prime Minister of Portugal, [[José Manuel Durão Barroso]], was active in Maoist movements in Portugal and identified as a Maoist. In the 1980s, the [[Forças Populares 25 de Abril]] was another far-left Maoist armed organisation operating in Portugal between 1980 and 1987, aiming to create socialism in post-revolutionary Portugal.
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=== Sweden ===
In 1968, a small extremist Maoist sect called Rebels ({{lang-sv|Rebellerna}}) was established in [[Stockholm]]. Led by [[Francisco Sarrión]], the group unsuccessfully demanded that the Chinese embassy admit them into the Chinese Communist Party. The organisation only lasted a few months.<ref>{{citeCite book |last=Säfve |first=Torbjörn|year=1971|chapter=Rebellrörelsens förlopp|url=http://fib.se/fib_1/forlopp.html |title=Rebellerna i Sverige. Dokumentation, kritik, vision |languagepublisher=svFörfattarförlaget |year=1971 |location=Göteborg |publisherlanguage=Författarförlagetsv |chapter=Rebellrörelsens förlopp |access-date=27 March 2020|archive-date=13 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210113145711/http://fib.se/fib_1/forlopp.html |archive-date=13 January 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref>
 
=== Turkey ===
{{see also|Maoist insurgency in Turkey}}
The [[Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist–Leninist]] (TKP/ML) is a Maoist organisation in [[Turkey]] currently waging a people's war against the [[Cabinet of Turkey|Turkish government]]. It was founded in 1972 as a split from another illegal Maoist party, the [[Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey]] (TİİKP), which [[Doğu Perinçek]] founded in 1969, led by [[İbrahim Kaypakkaya]]. The party's armed wing is named the Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army in Turkey (TİKKO). TİİKP is succeeded by the [[Patriotic Party (Turkey)|Patriotic Party]], headed by Perinçek. Though [[Doğu Perinçek|Perinçek]] was significantly influenced by Mao, the Patriotic Party says he's not a Maoist, instead saying that he embraced "Mao's contributions to the literature of the world revolution and scientific socialism" and "adapted them to Turkey's conditions".<ref>{{Cite web |title="Perinçek 70'lerde Maocu, 80'lerde Kürtçü şimdi de Atatürkçü oldu" diyenler var. Gerçekten öyle mi? |url=https://vatanpartisi.org.tr/genel-merkez/soruyorum/50213 |access-date=12 March 2023 |website=Patriotic Party |language=tr}}</ref>
 
=== United States ===
[[File:President Richard Nixon and Mao Zedong.jpg|thumb|242x242px242px|[[Mao Zedong]] meets [[Richard Nixon]] on February 21, 1972, leading to a radical turn of events in which Nixon took steps to placate tensions between the People's Republic of China and the United States, beginning the slow process of reestablishing diplomatic relations between the two [[Great power|global powers]]<ref>{{Cite web|title=President Nixon arrives in China for talks|url=https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/nixon-arrives-in-china-for-talks|access-date=2020-06-24|website=HISTORY|language=en|archive-date=2021-02-13|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210213011800/http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/nixon-arrives-in-china-for-talks|url-status=live}}</ref>]]
After the tumultuous 1960s (particularly the events of 1968, such as the launch of the [[Tet Offensive]], the [[assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.]], [[Columbia University protests of 1968|nationwide university protests]], and the election of Richard Nixon), proponents of Maoist ideology constituted the "largest and most dynamic" branch of [[American socialism]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Elbaum |first=Max |date=1998 |title=Maoism in the United States |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-1/maoism-us.htm |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-23|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=2021-01-24live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124171902/https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-1/maoism-us.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |website=www.marxists.org}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Twombly |first=Matthew |date=January 2018 |title=A Timeline of 1968: The Year That Shattered America |url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/timeline-seismic-180967503/ |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-23|website=Smithsonianlive Magazine|language=en|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035343/https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/timeline-seismic-180967503/ |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |website=Smithsonian Magazine |language=en}}</ref> From this branch came a collection of "newspapers, journals, books, and pamphlets," each of which spoke on the unreformabilityunreasonability of the American system and proclaimed the need for a concerted social revolution.<ref name=":0" /> Among the many Maoist principles, the group of aspiring American revolutionaries sympathized with the idea of a protracted people's war, which would allow citizens to address the oppressive nature of global capitalism martially.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Marks |first1=Thomas A. |last2=Rich |first2=Paul B. |date=2017-05-04 |title=Back to the future – people's war in the 21st century |journal=Small Wars & Insurgencies |volume=28 |issue=3 |pages=409–425 |doi=10.1080/09592318.2017.1307620 |issn=0959-2318 |doi-access=free}}</ref>
 
Mounting discontent with racial oppression and socioeconomic exploitation birthed the two largest, officially-organized Maoist groups: the [[Revolutionary Communist Party, USA|Revolutionary Communist Party]] and the [[Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) (United States)|October League]].<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Leonard|first1=Aaron J.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eP5JBgAAQBAJ&q=revolutionary+communist+party+scholarly+articles&pg=PT8|title=Heavy Radicals - The FBI's Secret War on America's Maoists: The Revolutionary Union / Revolutionary Communist Party 1968-1980|last2=Gallagher|first2=Conor A.|date=2015-02-27|publisher=John Hunt Publishing|isbn=978-1-78279-533-9|language=en|access-date=2020-11-16|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035324/https://books.google.com/books?id=eP5JBgAAQBAJ&q=revolutionary+communist+party+scholarly+articles&pg=PT8|url-status=live}}</ref> However, these were not the only groups: a slew of organizations and movements emerged across the globe as well, including [[I Wor Kuen]], the [[Black Workers Congress]], the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization, the [[August Twenty-Ninth Movement]], the Workers Viewpoint Organization, and many others—all of which overtly supported Maoist doctrine.<ref name=":0" />
 
OrchestratedMounting bydiscontent ''[[Nationalwith Guardian|Theracial Guardian]],''oppression inand the spring of 1973, an attemptsocioeconomic toexploitation conflatebirthed the strandstwo oflargest, Americanofficially-organized MaoismMaoist wasgroups: madethe with[[Revolutionary aCommunist seriesParty, ofUSA|Revolutionary sponsoredCommunist forumsParty]] titledand "What Road to Building a Newthe [[Communist Party?" The(Marxist–Leninist) forums(United drewStates)|October 1,200 attendees to a New York City auditorium that springLeague]].<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |lastlast1=ElbaumLeonard |firstfirst1=MaxAaron J. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PSJaDwAAQBAJeP5JBgAAQBAJ&q=%E2%80%9CWhatrevolutionary+Roadcommunist+toparty+Building+ascholarly+New+Communist+Partyarticles&pg=PA108PT8 |title=RevolutionHeavy inRadicals the- The FBI's Secret War on America's AirMaoists: SixtiesThe RadicalsRevolutionary TurnUnion to/ Lenin,Revolutionary MaoCommunist andParty 1968-1980 |last2=Gallagher |first2=Conor A. Che|date=20182015-02-0627 |publisher=VersoJohn Hunt Publishing Books|isbn=978-1-7866378279-459533-79 |language=en |access-date=2020-11-16|archive-date=2021-02-23 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/2021022307302420210124035324/https://books.google.com/books?id=PSJaDwAAQBAJeP5JBgAAQBAJ&q=%E2%80%9CWhatrevolutionary+Roadcommunist+toparty+Buildingscholarly+a+New+Communist+Partyarticles&pg=PA108|url-status=live}}</ref>PT8 The central message of the event revolved around "building an anti-revisionist, non-Trotskyist, non-anarchist party".<ref>{{Cite web|title=MIM Notes|url=https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn.php?issue=070|access-date=2020-06-23|website=www.prisoncensorship.info|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035301/https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn.php?issue=070 |url-status=live}}</ref> From thisHowever, other forumsthese were heldnot worldwide,the coveringonly topicsgroups: sucha as "The Roleslew of theorganizations Anti-Imperialistand Forcesmovements inemerged across the Antiwarglobe Movement"as andwell, "Theincluding Question[[I ofWor Kuen]], the [[Black Nation"—eachWorkers forumCongress]], the rallying,Puerto onRican Revolutionary Workers averageOrganization, anthe audience[[August ofTwenty-Ninth 500Movement]], the Workers Viewpoint activistsOrganization, and servingmany asothers—all aof "barometerwhich ofovertly thesupported movement'sMaoist strengthdoctrine."<ref name=":10" />
 
Orchestrated by ''[[National Guardian|The Guardian]],'' in the spring of 1973, an attempt to conflate the strands of American Maoism was made with a series of sponsored forums titled "What Road to Building a New Communist Party?" The forums drew 1,200 attendees to a New York City auditorium that spring.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last=Elbaum |first=Max |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PSJaDwAAQBAJ&q=%E2%80%9CWhat+Road+to+Building+a+New+Communist+Party&pg=PA108 |title=Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che |date=2018-02-06 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78663-459-7 |language=en |access-date=2020-11-16 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210223073024/https://books.google.com/books?id=PSJaDwAAQBAJ&q=%E2%80%9CWhat+Road+to+Building+a+New+Communist+Party&pg=PA108 |archive-date=2021-02-23 |url-status=live}}</ref> The central message of the event revolved around "building an anti-revisionist, non-Trotskyist, non-anarchist party".<ref>{{Cite web |title=MIM Notes |url=https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn.php?issue=070 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035301/https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn.php?issue=070 |archive-date=2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |website=www.prisoncensorship.info}}</ref> From this, other forums were held worldwide, covering topics such as "The Role of the Anti-Imperialist Forces in the Antiwar Movement" and "The Question of the Black Nation"—each forum rallying, on average, an audience of 500 activists, and serving as a "barometer of the movement's strength."<ref name=":1" />
The Americans' burgeoning Maoist and [[Marxist–Leninist]] movements proved optimistic for a potential revolution, but "a lack of political development and rampant rightist and ultra-leftist opportunism" thwarted the advancement of the greater communist initiative.<ref name=":1" /> In 1972, Richard Nixon made a landmark visit to the People's Republic of China to shake hands with Chairman Mao Zedong; this simple handshake marked the gradual pacification of [[Hemispheres of Earth|Eastern–Western]] hostility and the re-formation of relations between "the most powerful and most populous" global powers: the United States and China.<ref>{{Cite web|last=CDT|first=Posted on 04 21 09 10:42 AM|title=RealClearSports - Richard Nixon - Mao Zedong|url=https://www.realclearpolitics.com/lists/famous_political_handshakes/nixon_mao.html|access-date=2020-06-23|website=www.realclearpolitics.com|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035254/https://www.realclearpolitics.com/lists/famous_political_handshakes/nixon_mao.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Times|first=Max Frankel;Special to The New York|date=1972-02-21|title=HISTORIC HANDSHAKE: President Nixon being welcomed by Premier Chou En-lal. At the left is Mrs. Nixon.|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1972/02/21/archives/a-quiet-greeting-no-airport-speeches-plane-stops-in-shanghai-an.html|access-date=2020-06-23|issn=0362-4331|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035334/https://www.nytimes.com/1972/02/21/archives/a-quiet-greeting-no-airport-speeches-plane-stops-in-shanghai-an.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Nearly a decade after the Sino-Soviet split, this newfound amiability between the two nations quieted American-based counter-capitalist rumblings and marked the steady decline of American Maoism until its unofficial cessation in the early-1980s.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Saba|first=Paul|date=22 May 1981|title=End of the Line for American Maoism|url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-7/wv-end-maoism.htm|access-date=2020-06-23|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035242/https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-7/wv-end-maoism.htm|url-status=live}}</ref>
 
The Americans' burgeoning Maoist and [[Marxist–Leninist]] movements proved optimistic for a potential revolution, but "a lack of political development and rampant rightist and ultra-leftist opportunism" thwarted the advancement of the greater communist initiative.<ref name=":1" /> In 1972, Richard Nixon made a landmark visit to the People's Republic of China to shake hands with Chairman Mao Zedong; this simple handshake marked the gradual pacification of [[Hemispheres of Earth|Eastern–Western]]east–west hostility and the re-formation of relations between "the most powerful and most populous" global powers: the United States and China.<ref>{{Cite web |last=CDT |first=Posted on 04 21 09 10:42 AM |title=RealClearSports - Richard Nixon - Mao Zedong |url=https://www.realclearpolitics.com/lists/famous_political_handshakes/nixon_mao.html |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-23|website=www.realclearpolitics.com|archive-date=2021-01-24live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035254/https://www.realclearpolitics.com/lists/famous_political_handshakes/nixon_mao.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |website=www.realclearpolitics.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=TimesFrankel |first=Max Frankel;Special to The New York|date=1972-02-21 |title=HISTORIC HANDSHAKE: President Nixon being welcomed by Premier Chou En-lal. At the left is Mrs. Nixon.|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1972/02/21/archives/a-quiet-greeting-no-airport-speeches-plane-stops-in-shanghai-an.html |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-23|issn=0362-4331|archive-date=2021-01-24live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035334/https://www.nytimes.com/1972/02/21/archives/a-quiet-greeting-no-airport-speeches-plane-stops-in-shanghai-an.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |work=The New York Times |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> Nearly a decade after the Sino-Soviet split, this newfound amiability between the two nations quieted American-based counter-capitalist rumblings and marked the steady decline of American Maoism until its unofficial cessation in the early-1980s.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Saba |first=Paul |date=22 May 1981 |title=End of the Line for American Maoism |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-7/wv-end-maoism.htm |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-23|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=2021-01-24live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035242/https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-7/wv-end-maoism.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-23 |website=www.marxists.org}}</ref>
The [[Black Panther Party]] (BPP) was another American-based, left-wing revolutionary party to oppose American global imperialism; it was a self-described [[African Americans|Black]] [[militant]] organization with metropolitan chapters in [[Oakland, California|Oakland]], [[New York City|New York]], [[Chicago metropolitan area|Chicago]], [[Seattle]], and [[Los Angeles]], and an overt sympathizer with global anti-imperialistic movements (e.g., Vietnam's resistance of American neo-colonial efforts).<ref>{{Cite web|title=Vietnam War|url=https://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-history|access-date=2020-06-24|website=HISTORY|language=en|archive-date=2021-02-11|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211015440/https://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-history|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Oliver|first=Pamela|title=Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panthers – Race, Politics, Justice|date=19 October 2017 |url=https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/2017/10/19/black-against-empire-the-history-and-politics-of-the-black-panthers/|access-date=2020-06-24|language=en-US|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035229/https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/2017/10/19/black-against-empire-the-history-and-politics-of-the-black-panthers/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Hermidda|first=Ariane|title=Mapping the Black Panther Party - Mapping American Social Movements|url=https://depts.washington.edu/moves/BPP_map-cities.shtml|access-date=2020-06-24|website=depts.washington.edu|archive-date=2021-02-13|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210213212029/https://depts.washington.edu/moves/BPP_map-cities.shtml|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Earl|first=Anthony|title=Black Panther Party|url=https://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/am_left.htm|access-date=2020-06-24|website=web.stanford.edu|archive-date=2020-07-04|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200704132738/http://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/am_left.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1971, a year before Nixon's monumental visit, BPP leader [[Huey P. Newton]] landed in China, whereafter he was enthralled with the mystical [[Eastern world|East]] and the achievements of the Chinese Communist Revolution.<ref name=":2">Ren, Chao (2009) "“[https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1090&context=constructing Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210222022414/https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1090&context=constructing |date=2021-02-22 }}," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10 : Iss. 1, Article 7.</ref> After his return to the United States, Newton said that "[e]verything I saw in China demonstrated that the People's Republic is a free and liberated territory with a socialist government" and "[t]o see a classless society in operation is unforgettable".<ref name=":3">Huey P. Newton, Revolutionary Suicide (New York: Writers and Readers Publishing Inc., 1995), 323.</ref> He extolled the Chinese police force as one that "[served] the people" and considered the Chinese antithetical to American law enforcement, which, according to Newton, represented "one huge armed group that was opposed to the will of the people".<ref name=":3" /> In general, Newton's first encounter with anti-capitalist society commenced a psychological liberation and embedded within him the desire to subvert the American system in favor of what the BPP called "revolutionary [[intercommunalism]]".<ref>{{Cite web|last=Vasquez|first=Delio|date=2018-06-11|title=Intercommunalism: The Late Theorizations of Huey P. Newton, 'Chief Theoretician' of the Black Panther Party|url=https://www.viewpointmag.com/2018/06/11/intercommunalism-the-late-theorizations-of-huey-p-newton-chief-theoretician-of-the-black-panther-party/|access-date=2020-06-24|website=Viewpoint Magazine|language=en-US|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035204/https://viewpointmag.com/2018/06/11/intercommunalism-the-late-theorizations-of-huey-p-newton-chief-theoretician-of-the-black-panther-party/|url-status=live}}</ref> Furthermore, the BPP was founded on a similar politico-philosophical framework as that of Mao's CCP, that is, "the philosophical system of dialectical materialism" coupled with traditional Marxist theory.<ref name=":2" /> The words of Mao, quoted liberally in BPP speeches and writings, served as a guiding light for the party's analysis and theoretical application of Marxist ideology.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Chao|first=Eveline|date=2016-10-14|title=Let One Hundred Panthers Bloom|url=https://www.chinafile.com/viewpoint/let-one-hundred-panthers-bloom|access-date=2020-06-24|website=ChinaFile|language=en|archive-date=2021-02-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210205005009/https://www.chinafile.com/viewpoint/let-one-hundred-panthers-bloom|url-status=live}}</ref>
 
The [[Black Panther Party]] (BPP) was another American-based, left-wing revolutionary party to oppose American global imperialism; it was a self-described [[African Americans|Black]] [[militant]] organization with metropolitan chapters in [[Oakland, California|Oakland]], [[New York City|New York]], [[Chicago metropolitan area|Chicago]], [[Seattle]], and [[Los Angeles]], and an overt sympathizer with global anti-imperialistic movements (e.g., Vietnam's resistance of American neo-colonial efforts).<ref>{{Cite web |title=Vietnam War |url=https://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-history |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|website=HISTORY|language=en|archive-date=2021-02-11live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211015440/https://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-history |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-02-11 |access-date=2020-06-24 |website=HISTORY |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Oliver |first=Pamela |date=19 October 2017 |title=Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panthers – Race, Politics, Justice|date=19 October 2017 |url=https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/2017/10/19/black-against-empire-the-history-and-politics-of-the-black-panthers/ |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|language=en-US|archive-date=2021-01-24live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035229/https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/2017/10/19/black-against-empire-the-history-and-politics-of-the-black-panthers/ |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-24}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Hermidda |first=Ariane |title=Mapping the Black Panther Party - Mapping American Social Movements |url=https://depts.washington.edu/moves/BPP_map-cities.shtml |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|website=depts.washington.edu|archive-date=2021-02-13live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210213212029/https://depts.washington.edu/moves/BPP_map-cities.shtml |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-02-13 |access-date=2020-06-24 |website=depts.washington.edu}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Earl |first=Anthony |title=Black Panther Party |url=https://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/am_left.htm |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|website=web.stanford.edu|archive-date=2020-07-04live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200704132738/http://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/am_left.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live2020-07-04 |access-date=2020-06-24 |website=web.stanford.edu}}</ref> In 1971, a year before Nixon's monumental visit, BPP leader [[Huey P. Newton]] landed in China, whereafter he was enthralled with the mystical [[Eastern world|East]] and the achievements of the Chinese Communist Revolution.<ref name=":2">Ren, Chao (2009) "“[https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1090&context=constructing Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210222022414/https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1090&context=constructing |date=2021-02-22 }}," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10 : Iss. 1, Article 7.</ref> After his return to the United States, Newton said that "[e]verything I saw in China demonstrated that the People's Republic is a free and liberated territory with a socialist government" and "[t]o see a classless society in operation is unforgettable".<ref name=":3">Huey P. Newton, Revolutionary Suicide (New York: Writers and Readers Publishing Inc., 1995), 323.</ref> He extolled the Chinese police force as one that "[served] the people" and considered the Chinese antithetical to American law enforcement, which, according to Newton, represented "one huge armed group that was opposed to the will of the people".<ref name=":3" /> In general, Newton's first encounter with anti-capitalist society commenced a psychological liberation and embedded within him the desire to subvert the American system in favor of what the BPP called "revolutionary [[intercommunalism]]".<ref>{{Cite web |last=Vasquez |first=Delio |date=2018-06-11 |title=Intercommunalism: The Late Theorizations of Huey P. Newton, 'Chief Theoretician' of the Black Panther Party |url=https://www.viewpointmag.com/2018/06/11/intercommunalism-the-late-theorizations-of-huey-p-newton-chief-theoretician-of-the-black-panther-party/ |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|website=Viewpointlive Magazine|language=en-US|archive-date=2021-01-24|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035204/https://viewpointmag.com/2018/06/11/intercommunalism-the-late-theorizations-of-huey-p-newton-chief-theoretician-of-the-black-panther-party/ |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-01-24 |access-date=2020-06-24 |website=Viewpoint Magazine}}</ref> Furthermore, the BPP was founded on a similar politico-philosophical framework as that of Mao's CCP, that is, "the philosophical system of dialectical materialism" coupled with traditional Marxist theory.<ref name=":2" /> The words of Mao, quoted liberally in BPP speeches and writings, served as a guiding light for the party's analysis and theoretical application of Marxist ideology.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Chao |first=Eveline |date=2016-10-14 |title=Let One Hundred Panthers Bloom |url=https://www.chinafile.com/viewpoint/let-one-hundred-panthers-bloom |accessurl-datestatus=2020-06-24|website=ChinaFile|language=en|archive-date=2021-02-05live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210205005009/https://www.chinafile.com/viewpoint/let-one-hundred-panthers-bloom |urlarchive-statusdate=live2021-02-05 |access-date=2020-06-24 |website=ChinaFile |language=en}}</ref>
[[File:Mao Tse-Tung Memorial Meetings Poster.jpg|thumb|1978 [[Revolutionary Communist Party, USA|Revolutionary Communist Party USA]] poster commemorating Mao's legacy.]]
In his autobiography ''[[Revolutionary Suicide]],'' published in 1973, Newton wrote:
<blockquote>Chairman Mao says that death comes to all of us, but it varies in its significance: to die for the reactionary is lighter than a feather; to die for the revolution is heavier than Mount Tai. [...] When I presented my solutions to the problems of Black people, or when I expressed my philosophy, people said, "Well, isn't that socialism?" Some of them were using the socialist label to put me down, but I figured that if this was socialism, then socialism must be a correct view. So I read more of the works of the socialists and began to see a strong similarity between my beliefs and theirs. My conversion was complete when I read the four volumes of Mao Tse-tung to learn more about the Chinese Revolution.<ref name=":3" /></blockquote>
 
== Criticism and implementation ==
[[File:ForbiddenCity MaoZedongPortrait (pixinn.net).jpg|thumb|Despite falling out of favor within the Chinese Communist Party by 1978, Mao is still revered, with Deng's famous "70% right, 30% wrong" line]]
Maoism has fallen out of favor within the Chinese Communist Party, beginning with [[Deng Xiaoping]]'s reforms in 1978. Deng believed that Maoism showed the dangers of "ultra-leftism", manifested in the harm perpetrated by the various mass movements that characterized the Maoist era. In Chinese communism, the term "left" can be considered a euphemism for Maoist policies. However, Deng stated that the revolutionary side of Maoism should be considered separate from the governance side, leading to his famous epithet that Mao was "70% right, 30% wrong".<ref>{{citeCite web |date=10 August 2017 |title=70 per cent good, 30 per cent bad |url=http://www.ips-journal.eu/in-focus/the-politics-of-memory/article/show/70-per-cent-good-30-per-cent-bad-2216/|title=70 per cent good, 30 per cent bad|dateurl-status=10 August 2017live |access-date=2017-11-04|archive-date=2020-08-14|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200814080617/https://www.ips-journal.eu/in-focus/the-politics-of-memory/article/show/70-per-cent-good-30-per-cent-bad-2216/ |urlarchive-statusdate=live2020-08-14 |access-date=2017-11-04}}</ref> Chinese scholars generally agree that Deng's interpretation of Maoism preserves the legitimacy of Communist rule in China but simultaneously criticizes Mao's brand of economic and political governance.
 
Critic Graham Young says that Maoists see Joseph Stalin as the last true socialist leader of the Soviet Union but allows the Maoist assessments of Stalin to vary between the extremely positive and the more ambivalent.<ref>{{citeCite journal | last=Young | first=Graham |year=1982 |title=On Socialist Development and the 'Two Roads' | journal=The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs | publisher=University of Chicago Press | volume=8 | year=1982 | issue=8 | issnpages=0156-736575–84 | doi=10.2307/2158927 |issn=0156-7365 pages=75–84| jstor=2158927 | s2cid=147645749 }}</ref> Some political philosophers, such as Martin Cohen, have seen in Maoism an attempt to combine Confucianism and [[socialism]]—what one such called "a third way between communism and capitalism".<ref>{{citeCite book | last=Cohen | first=Martin | title=Political philosophy : from Plato to Mao |date=2001 |publisher=Pluto | publication-place=London | date=2001 | isbn=0-585-43378-X | oclcpublication-place=51067041London}}.</ref>
 
[[Enver Hoxha]] critiqued Maoism from a Marxist–Leninist perspective, arguing that New Democracy halts class struggle<ref name=":4">{{citeCite web |title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979) |url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch6.htm|title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)|website=Marxists Internet Archive|accessurl-datestatus=19live September 2019|archive-date=15 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201215063423/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch6.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live15 December 2020 |access-date=19 September 2019 |website=Marxists Internet Archive}}</ref> and allows unrestricted capitalist exploitation,<ref name=":4" /> that the theory of the three worlds is "counter-revolutionary",<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979) |url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch4.htm|title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)|website=Marxists Internet Archive|accessurl-datestatus=19live September 2019|archive-date=27 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210127064521/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch4.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live27 January 2021 |access-date=19 September 2019 |website=Marxists Internet Archive}}</ref> and questioned Mao's guerilla warfare methods.<ref>{{citeCite web |title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979) |url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch3.htm|title=Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)|website=Marxists Internet Archive|accessurl-datestatus=19live September 2019|archive-date=1 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201101015124/https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/imp_rev/imp_ch3.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live1 November 2020 |access-date=19 September 2019 |website=Marxists Internet Archive}}</ref>
 
Some say Mao departed from Leninism not only in his near-total lack of interest in the urban working class but also in his concept of the nature and role of the party. On the other hand, for Mao, this question would always be virtually impossible to answer.<ref>"Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 44.</ref>
 
The implementation of Maoist thought in China was responsible for as many as 70 million deaths during peacetime,<ref>Jung Chang and Jon Halliday,'' Mao: The Untold Story'' (Jonathan Cape, 2005) p. 3.</ref><ref>[http://www.cis.org.au/Policy/autumn06/autumn06_10.pdf policy autumn 06_Edit5.indd<!-- Bot generated title -->] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100216200515/http://www.cis.org.au/Policy/autumn06/autumn06_10.pdf|date=16 February 2010}}</ref>{{Unreliable source?|date=June 2023}} with the [[Cultural Revolution]], the [[Anti-Rightist Campaign]] of 1957–1958,<ref>Teiwes, Frederick C., and Warren Sun. 1999. 'China's road to disaster: Mao, central politicians, and provincial leaders in the unfolding of the great leap forward, 1955-1959''.'' Contemporary China papers. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe. pp. 52–55.</ref> and the [[Great Leap Forward]]. Some historians have argued that because of Mao's [[land reform]]s during the Great Leap Forward which resulted in [[famine]]s, thirty million perished between 1958 and 1961. By the end of 1961, the birth rate was nearly cut in half because of malnutrition.<ref>MacFarquhar, Roderick. 1974. The origins of the Cultural Revolution. London: Published for Royal Institute of International Affairs, East Asian Institute of Columbia University and Research Institute on Communist Affairs of Columbia by Oxford University Press. p. 4.</ref> Critiquing discourses on deaths under Maoism, Academics Christian Sorace, Ivan Franeschini, and Nicholas Loubere observe that these discourses attribute responsibility for deaths in manner not typical of discourses on other ideologies, such as liberalism.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Sorace |first1=Christian |title=Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi |last2=Franeschini |first2=Ivan |last3=Loubere |first3=Nicholas |date=2019 |publisher=[[Australian National University Press]] |isbn=9781760462499978-1-760-46249-9 |location=Acton, Australia |pages=4–5 |chapter=Introduction}}</ref>
 
Active campaigns, including party purges and "reeducation", resulted in imprisonment or the execution of those deemed contrary to the implementation of Maoist ideals.<ref>{{citeCite news |last=Link |first=Perry |date=18 July 2007 |title=Legacy Of a Maoist Injustice |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/17/AR2007071701486.html|newspaper=The Washington Post|first=Perry|last=Link|title=Legacy Of a Maoist Injustice|date=18 July 2007|accessurl-datestatus=1live April 2018|archive-date=6 January 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190106043143/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/17/AR2007071701486.html |urlarchive-statusdate=live6 January 2019 |access-date=1 April 2018 |newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref> The incidents of destruction of cultural heritage, religion, and art remain controversial. Some Western scholars saw Maoism as specifically engaged in a battle to dominate and subdue nature and was a catastrophe for the environment.<ref>{{citeCite book | last=Shapiro | first=Judith | title=Mao's war against nature : politics and the environment in Revolutionary China |date=2001 |publisher=Cambridge University Press | publication-place=Cambridge | date=2001 | isbn=978-0-511-41027-7 | oclc=236161979}}.</ref>
 
=== Populism ===
Mao also believed strongly in the concept of a unified people. These notions prompted him to investigate the peasant uprisings in Hunan while the rest of China's communists were in the cities and focused on the orthodox Marxist proletariat.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 43">Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 43.</ref> Many of the pillars of Maoism, such as the distrust of intellectuals and the abhorrence of occupational speciality, are typical populist ideas.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 44" /> The concept of "people's war", central to Maoist thought, is directly populist in its origins. Mao believed that intellectuals and party cadres would first become students of the masses and teachers of the masses later. This concept was vital to the aforementioned "people's war" strategy.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 44" />
 
=== Nationalism ===
Mao's nationalist impulses also played a crucially important role in adapting Marxism to the Chinese model and in the formation of Maoism.<ref>Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 42.</ref> Mao believed that China was to play a crucial preliminary role in the socialist revolution internationally. This belief, or the fervor with which Mao held it, separated Mao from the other Chinese communists and led Mao onto the path of what [[Leon Trotsky]] called "Messianic Revolutionary Nationalism", which was central to his philosophy.<ref name="Meisner, Maurice 1999. Page 43" /> German post–World War II far-right activist [[Michael Kühnen]], a former Maoist, once praised Maoism as a Chinese form of [[Nazism]].<ref name="Lee2013">{{citeCite book |authorlast=Martin A. Lee |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sZ_cAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA195 |title=The Beast Reawakens: Fascism's Resurgence from Hitler's Spymasters to Today's Neo-Nazi Groups and Right-Wing Extremists |publisherdate=Routledge2013 |datepublisher=2013Routledge |isbn=978-1-135-28124-3 |pages=195– |access-date=2021-03-01 |archive-date=2021-04-18 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210418081323/https://books.google.com/books?id=sZ_cAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA195 |archive-date=2021-04-18 |url-status=live }}</ref>
 
=== Mao-Spontex ===
[[Mao-Spontex]] refers to a Maoist interpretation in western Europe that stresses the importance of the cultural revolution and overthrowing hierarchy.<ref name="Levy1971" /> A political movement in the Marxist and [[anarchist|libertarian]] movements in Western Europe from 1968 to 1971,<ref name="Bourg2017">{{citeCite book |last=Bourg |first=Julian |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=h6Y6DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT86 |title=From Revolution to Ethics, Second Edition: May 1968 and Contemporary French Thought |urlpublisher=https://books.google.com/books?id=h6Y6DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT86MQUP |year=2017 |publisher=MQUP |isbn=978-0-7735-5247-0 |page=86 |quote=It did not take long for the GP-ists to become known as "Mao-spontex," or Maoist-spontaneists. The name was originally an insult—Spontex was the brand name of a cleaning sponge—intended to belittle the group's embrace of antiauthoritarianism as an element of revolutionary contestation. The marxisant tradition had long criticized spontaneism as an anarchistic error. |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref><ref name="Levy1971">{{citeCite web |firstlast=BennyLévy |lastfirst=LévyBenny |author-link=Benny Lévy |date=1971 |title=Investigation into the Maoists in France |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/levy-benny/1971/investigation.htm |via=[[Marxists Internet Archive]] |accessurl-datestatus=30 April 2019live |archive-date=24 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210124035106/https://www.marxists.org/archive/levy-benny/1971/investigation.htm |urlarchive-statusdate=live24 January 2021 |access-date=30 April 2019 |via=[[Marxists Internet Archive]]}}</ref> Mao-Spontex came to represent an ideology promoting the ideas of Maoism with some influence from [[Marxism]] and [[Leninism]], but rejecting the total idea of [[Marxism–Leninism]].<ref name="Levy1971" />
 
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