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=== Academic analysis ===
=== Academic analysis ===
While in the words of Cristóbal Rovira, a professor of political science at the [[Catholic University of Chile]], "Milei has a libertarian component that makes him a rare creature compared to the ultra-right of Latin America", he is placed within the context of the global far right. He said: "There is a fairly global wave of the extreme right. They start in Western Europe, where the emblematic case of [[Jean-Marie Le Pen]] is in France in the 1980s, they expand to Eastern Europe and today we see that they are beginning to gain territory in other places: Trump, Bolsonaro."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/> According to Rovira, "Milei would fit into the prototype of what these ultra-rights are."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/> He said: "At an academic level we define them by two important criteria. First, they are to the right of the mainstream right and profess much more radical ideas. In the case of Argentina, Milei is positioned to the right of Macrismo. Second, they maintain an ambivalent relationship with the democratic system and sometimes profess authoritarian ideas. That differentiates them from the traditional right, which act within the rules of the democratic game."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/> According to Rovira, "Milei's case fits very well into this double classification."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/>
While in the words of Cristóbal Rovira, a professor of political science at the [[Catholic University of Chile]], "Milei has a libertarian component that makes him a rare creature compared to the ultra-right of Latin America", he is placed within the context of the global far right. He said: "There is a fairly global wave of the extreme right. They start in Western Europe, where the emblematic case of [[Jean-Marie Le Pen]] is in France in the 1980s, they expand to Eastern Europe and today we see that they are beginning to gain territory in other places: Trump, Bolsonaro."<ref name="Lissardy 2023">{{cite news |last=Lissardy |first=Gerardo |date=15 August 2023 |title=Milei tiene un componente libertario que lo hace un bicho raro en comparación a las ultraderechas de América Latina' |language=es |work=BBC News Mundo |url=https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c720v3yp82no |url-status=live |access-date=18 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230818164942/https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c720v3yp82no |archive-date=18 August 2023}}</ref> According to Rovira, "Milei would fit into the prototype of what these ultra-rights are."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/> He said: "At an academic level we define them by two important criteria. First, they are to the right of the mainstream right and profess much more radical ideas. In the case of Argentina, Milei is positioned to the right of Macrismo. Second, they maintain an ambivalent relationship with the democratic system and sometimes profess authoritarian ideas. That differentiates them from the traditional right, which act within the rules of the democratic game."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/> According to Rovira, "Milei's case fits very well into this double classification."<ref name="Lissardy 2023"/>


Andrés Malamud, a researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the [[University of Lisbon]], argued that Milei's speech is anarcho-capitalist because "it's limited to interests and incentives: lowering taxes, reducing state intervention, liberalizing even organ trafficking. Technically, he's also a minarchist. A doctrinaire ultraliberal would be the most understandable.<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About Milei's appeal, Malamud said: "The political secret is to appeal to the basic instincts, under simple banners: liberty, life and property. That's why Milei loves television sets, where he yells, insults and crushes anyone who criticizes him. His curly black hair is the icon of his campaign. On stage, he wears black leather – fire is lit at the climax of his speeches."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Malamud added that "Milei is a vitalist: he's not here 'to guide lambs but to wake up lions,' as he himself says. This is where he gets his conservative values, such as nationalism and anti-abortionism."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Pablo Touzón, a political scientist and director of the consulting firm Escenarios, said that "Milei is a war machine against [the political class], a brick thrown against the window of a jewellery store."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Touzón added: "He combines a kind of ultraliberal orthodoxy, from [[Milton Friedman|[Milton] Friedman]] and [[Friedrich Hayek|[Friedrich] Von Hayek]]... he sees himself as a warrior against the state. But he combines that hyperliberal ideology and freedom with elements of the extreme-right."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About his comparisons with Trump, Touzón stated that Milei represents a local version of [[Trumpism]] that does not defend [[protectionism]].<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About his rise on the polls, Touzón said: "If he has so many voters, it's not because he's liberal – it's because he represents the [[anti-establishment]], as [[Podemos (Spanish political party)|Podemos]] did in Spain from the left. Here, [in Argentina], it's done from the right."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/>
Andrés Malamud, a researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the [[University of Lisbon]], argued that Milei's speech is anarcho-capitalist because "it's limited to interests and incentives: lowering taxes, reducing state intervention, liberalizing even organ trafficking. Technically, he's also a minarchist. A doctrinaire ultraliberal would be the most understandable.<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About Milei's appeal, Malamud said: "The political secret is to appeal to the basic instincts, under simple banners: liberty, life and property. That's why Milei loves television sets, where he yells, insults and crushes anyone who criticizes him. His curly black hair is the icon of his campaign. On stage, he wears black leather – fire is lit at the climax of his speeches."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Malamud added that "Milei is a vitalist: he's not here 'to guide lambs but to wake up lions,' as he himself says. This is where he gets his conservative values, such as nationalism and anti-abortionism."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Pablo Touzón, a political scientist and director of the consulting firm Escenarios, said that "Milei is a war machine against [the political class], a brick thrown against the window of a jewellery store."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> Touzón added: "He combines a kind of ultraliberal orthodoxy, from [[Milton Friedman|[Milton] Friedman]] and [[Friedrich Hayek|[Friedrich] Von Hayek]]... he sees himself as a warrior against the state. But he combines that hyperliberal ideology and freedom with elements of the extreme-right."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About his comparisons with Trump, Touzón stated that Milei represents a local version of [[Trumpism]] that does not defend [[protectionism]].<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/> About his rise in the polls, Touzón said: "If he has so many voters, it's not because he's liberal – it's because he represents the [[anti-establishment]], as [[Podemos (Spanish political party)|Podemos]] did in Spain from the left. Here, [in Argentina], it's done from the right."<ref name="Rivas Molina 2023"/>

In March 2018, Andrés Aisian rejected Milei's dollarization proposal and his characterization of [[fiat currency]] as "counterfeiting money". Aisian argued that Milei conflated the morality of fiat currency with the morality of its original discovery, and described Milei's proposal of a return to the [[gold standard]] and [[metallism]] as "economic nonsense".<ref>{{cite web |last=Asiain |first=Andrés |date=2018-03-30 |title='La estafa de la emisión' {{!}} El valor del dinero |url=https://www.pagina12.com.ar/104912-la-estafa-de-la-emision |access-date=2023-08-14 |website=Página12 |language=es}}</ref> In April 2023, Torcuato di Tella University economist Constantino Hevia wrote that "if you scratch it a bit, you realize that Milei knows much less economics than people ... Milei overwhelms with shouts and technical terms that he doesn't quite understand. So, by trying to make everyone ignorant and using a pseudoscientific discourse, he confuses the public and his figure as a technician or mathematical economist, as he likes to call himself, grows. The truth is that Milei is technically weak. The example of his notes is very clear."<ref name="Zaiat 2023" /> He concluded that "Milei's insufficient mathematical preparation and his huge ego lead him to say nonsense that is technically wrong."<ref name="Zaiat 2023" /> Milei's dollarized economy proposal for the [[2023 Argentine presidential election]] is based on advices from economists Emilio Ocampo and Nicolás Cachanosky, both of whom had approached Milei to determine the best path to dollarization.<ref>{{cite web |last=Dolabjian |first=Camila |date=20 August 2023 |title=Las propuestas de Milei {{!}} Secretos, puntos clave y riesgos del plan de dolarización a la que dio luz verde el candidato libertario |url=https://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/las-propuestas-de-milei-secretos-puntos-clave-y-riesgos-del-plan-de-dolarizacion-a-la-que-dio-luz-nid20082023/ |access-date=31 August 2023 |website=La Nación |language=es}}</ref>

Revision as of 23:23, 2 November 2023

Political Image

Political commentators categorize his ideological views as a blend of populist, right-wing libertarian, and conservative strands,[1][2][3] along with ultraliberal economics,[4] right-wing populist, ultraconservative, and far-right politics,[5][6][7] and representing anti-politics.[8] He has also been variously described as a far-right populist,[5][6][7] far-right outsider,[9] far-right libertarian,[10] and libertarian populist,[11][12] and labelled far right or radical right by international news agencies like Al Jazeera,[6] the BBC,[13][14] and Reuters,[5] newspapers including The Economist,[15] The Daily Telegraph,[16] the Financial Times,[17] Le Monde,[18] The New York Times,[19] and The Wall Street Journal,[9] news magazines like Time,[20] and several Argentine and Spanish-language publications including among the others El Diario,[21] elDiario.es,[22] El Mundo,[23] El País,[24] Perfil,[25] Télam,[26] and Tiempo Argentino [es].[27] Milei rejected the use of the far-right label to describe his views, and said: "I'm a liberal and libertarian, these positions are things of the left, because for the left, everything that is not on their side is on the right."[28]

International news media reactions

Milei's August 2023 primaries win achieved international recognition and headlines, from The New York Times to El País and Latin American media and Asian news agencies, which reported on his surprise win and the uncertain electoral scenario in Argentina for the 2023 October general election.[25] Analysts saw his win a result of voters being frustrated by both Peronist and non-Peronist governments.[29] Much of the international press described him as ultraright and ultraliberal, compared him to Trump and Bolsonaro,[30] mentioned dollarization, and highlighted his controversies, such as the sale of organs and the free bearing of arms. They also cited the escalation of the dollar and the rise in interest rates of the country's central bank, and placed it within the context of a scenario of extreme volatility and uncertainty.[25] Due to his views about abortion,[31] alongside a crack down on crime and prohibition of the use of inclusive language, he has been characterized as socially conservative.[32][33][34] According to The Economist, many of the people drawn in by Milei are right-wingers who are attracted to his anti-leftist and opposition to government policies, including legalizing abortion and creating a quota for trans people in government jobs.[35]

In Britain, BBC News headlined: "The anti-establishment Javier Milei surprises by winning the primaries in Argentina."[25] The Daily Mail headlined: "Who is Javier Milei, Argentina's far-right populist politician?"[25] The Financial Times highlighted the political significance of the upset win of Milei, whom they described as a radical right-winger who they say shocked the political scene in Argentina and revolutionized the presidential race with his primaries win.[25] Reuters headlined: "Argentine far-right outsider Javier Milei posts shock win in primary election."[25] They described Milei's win as a punishment vote by Argentines for the two main political forces in the country.[25] In this way, voters pushed "a rock-singing libertarian outsider candidate into first place in a huge shake-up in the race towards presidential elections in October", and gave "a stinging rebuke to the center-left Peronist coalition and the main Together for Change conservative opposition bloc with inflation at 116% and a cost-of-living crisis leaving four in 10 people in poverty."[25]

In France, Le Figaro described the Milei phenomenon as "the new sensation of Argentine politics", and characterized him as a far-right anti-establishment liberal with "rockstar airs".[25] Le Monde highlighted that Milei "disrupts the Argentine political landscap" in favor of "a state reduced to its minimum expression, he defends the freedom to bear arms and sell organs. He is resolutely climate skeptic and rejects legal abortion, [which was] approved in 2020 in Argentina. It shows its affinities with former presidents Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro."[25] In Spain, El Mundo emphashized Milei's win over Peronism, headlining: "Argentina. Peronism suffers the worst defeat in its history and Milei's libertarian ultra-right wins the primaries."[25] El País headlined: "The ultra Javier Milei capitalizes on the protest vote and wins the primary elections in Argentina."[25]

In the United States, the Associated Press emphasized Milei's controversial statements and said he could be Argentina's next president. They wrote: "He believes selling human organs should be legal, climate change is a 'socialist lie,' sex education is a ploy to destroy the family and that the Central Bank should be abolished."[25] They described him as "the latest example of how right-wing populists are making inroads in Latin America, appealing to a citizenry angry with politics as usual and eager for outsiders to shake up the system."[25] The New York Times highlighted the dollarization proposal of Milei, whom they described as a far-right libertarian.[25] They wrote: "Javier Milei, who wants to abolish the central bank and adopt the U.S. dollar as Argentina's currency, is now the front-runner in the fall general election."[25]

In Brazil, Folha de São Paulo described Milei as a right-wing radical whose proposals included the "sale of organs, liberalization of weapons, dollarization of the economy, and an end to of the Central Bank".[25] O Globo launched a series of op-eds about Milei winning the October 2023 elections, and said that the incumbent president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, must be ready for what they described as "the arrival of Javier Milei", whom they characterized as "ally of Jair Bolsonaro" and "adverse to the Workers' Party (PT)" founded by Lula.[25] In Chile, La Tercera wrote: "Milei hits hard and is the most voted, Bullrich surpasses Larreta, and Kirchnerism is third."[25] In Peru, La República described Milei's victory as a surprise and said that the markets in Argentina collapsed after the 2023 August results.[25] In Uruguay, El País headlined: "Milei's batacazo in the PASO elections in Argentina: he surpasses Macri's sector and Kirchnerism."[25]

In China, the state agency Xinhua appealed to a definition by analyst Rosendo Fraga to describe Milei as "a representative of the Western extreme right who adopts rockstar attitudes" and "found an echo especially among young libertarians".[25] In Russia, the state network RT called Milei "controversial and denier", and highlighted the changes that Milei's win would cause to Argentine politics as becoming marked by "tripartism and new leadership",[25] while the state agency Sputnik called him an "outsider candidate" and a "black swan".[25]

Criticisms and controversies

Although part of the Austrian School of economics, which generally holds skeptical views of using mathematics in economics, Milei frequently employs mathematical formulas and charts in his writings.[36] This has led to criticisms from both Austrian and mainstream Argentine economists.[36][37]

His proposed abolition of the Central Bank of Argentina and dollarization have met criticism;[37][38] the Argentine peso plunged and interest rates were raised in the aftermath of his primaries win.[20] His foreign policy views have been described as radical as his economic views.[39] Argentine mainstream economists also criticized Milei's economic work and his presentention, describing his concepts as confusing, and arguing that the formulas he uses are not correct; in particular, they criticized his Central Bank of Argentina abolition and dollarization proposals. Milei dismissed the critics of dollarization, saying that they do not understand "the condition of transversality".[36][37]

He has been described as a controversial and eccentric economist,[40][41] and ultralibertarian economist.[42] In 2021, he was accused of having plagiarized in his El Cronista and Infobae columns and works, from El camino del libertario to Pandenomics, the main authors of the Austrian School,[43] such as Henry Hazlitt, Ludwig von Mises, Murray Rothbard, Friedrich Hayek, and Walter Block. He dismissed those allegations, saying: "It doesn't make sense."[44] He argued that, as they were disclosure notes, there was no need to name the authors for a practical issue. For Pandenomics, he was accused of having plagiarized the works of other academics, such as a mathematical model to study different epidemic outbreaks throughout history, among others.[45]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Milei expressed skepticism about COVID-19 vaccines.[32] He questioned the national government COVID-19 vaccination policy.[46] In November 2021, Milei vaccinated himself for COVID-19, citing economic reasons based on a risk–benefit analysis that he made, and rejected the anti-vaccination label that was used to describe his views on the issue;[47] he dismissed the negative impact his COVID-19 vaccine statements could have had on the campaign against COVID-19.[46] Before his vaccination, he had said that due to an evaluated "income-risk" and the claim that not all vaccines were "well tested". He said: "Pharmacological products require ten years of empirical testing and this product is a year and a half old."[46] The World Health Organization stated that "the safety and efficacy required by vaccines are not in question" despite the fact that they were developed "at an unprecedented speed".[46] About his decision to get vaccinated, he said: "Now I am entering Congress, I am going to give up my diet, on 10 December I am leaving my job, I have to go to give talks in Uruguay, the United States, Chile, and Spain, and I cannot enter without the vaccine. What do I do? Do I run out of income? What do I live on?"[46] He chose the Sinopharm BIBP COVID-19 vaccine because it is an inactivated virus vaccine.[46]

A climate change denier,[17] Milei rejects the existence of global warming, contradicting the scientific consensus on climate change, and attributes it to a socialist invention;[48][49][50] he said that concerns about climate change are nothing more than "deceptions promoted by the neo-Marxists".[51]

Milei promotes the far-right Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory. He uses Cultural Marxism as a label to accuse left-wing politics and progressives of enforcing political correctness.[52] This includes usage of Cultural Marxism in reference to an alleged gender ideology,[52] feminism,[53] LGBTQ movements,[16] minority rights,[53] and public education and comprehensive sex education (ESI) in schools,[54] which he has linked to brainwashing;[55] he said that students are "hostages of a system of state indoctrination".[7] He intends to eliminate the law that makes ESI in schools mandatory,[56] saying its naive to think it would not be used for what he sees as indoctrination.[54] Additionally, Milei linked Cultural Marxism to the Ministry of Women, Genders, and Diversity,[55] and expressed his intent to close that ministry if he is elected president.[57] Milei's criticism of ESI, which he defined as part of a "post-Marxist agenda" and a ploy leading to the "destruction of the most important social nucleus, the family", prompted a response from Amnesty International, which warned about its possible removal, said that ESI is important to the prevention of child sexual abuse, and dismissed allegations that it is used to promote being transgender or crossdressing.[58]

His views on transgender rights have attracted criticism from Argentine LGBTQ activists.[59] In June 2022, two Avanza Libertad members of the legislative assembly of Buenos Aires Province proposed a bill to ban inclusive language at schools. According to Sonia Corrêa, co-coordinator of Sexuality and Policy Watch, these bills are not rooted in an ideological belief but are an effort to "lure the constituency of [far-right politician] Javier Milei".[60]

When questioned on the topic of selling children, Milei initially responded ambiguously but later clarified his opposition, stating, "Obviously, I do not agree with the sale of children."[61]

Milei's stances on social issues, such as abortion,[62] are the main reason why political commentators and other libertarians do not consider him truly a libertarian.[4] Among libertarians, some described him as a libertarian for his overall economic libertarian or neoliberal stances,[63] and rejected comparisons to Trump and Bolsonaro,[64][65] while others cited the issue of abortion as a reason not to call him a libertarian. Milei said: "I am against abortion because I believe in the life project of others. The woman can choose about her body, but what she has inside her womb is not her body, it is another individual."[4] In response, Carmen Beatriz Fernández, an expert in political communication, stated that Milei is not libertarian but a "neopopulist or right-wing authoritarian".[4] Guillermo Tell Aveledo, a political scientist and dean of the Faculty of Legal and Political Studies of the Metropolitan University of Caracas, said: "His criticisms on issues such as budgets and specific policies, both in his time as a commentator on television programs and now as a congressman, have been directed at the size and action of the state, so he fits the profile of a libertarian."[4] At the same time, he agreed that Milei's conservative positions and other contradictions prevented him from being considered a "genuine libertarian".[4] As a result, he argued that "paleolibertarian (conservative libertarian)" or "anarcho-capitalist", namely someone who believes in a form of stateless free-market capitalism, or that society can be organized and function only with the market without the need for the state, are more appropriate labels to describe Milei's politics.[4]

Academic analysis

While in the words of Cristóbal Rovira, a professor of political science at the Catholic University of Chile, "Milei has a libertarian component that makes him a rare creature compared to the ultra-right of Latin America", he is placed within the context of the global far right. He said: "There is a fairly global wave of the extreme right. They start in Western Europe, where the emblematic case of Jean-Marie Le Pen is in France in the 1980s, they expand to Eastern Europe and today we see that they are beginning to gain territory in other places: Trump, Bolsonaro."[33] According to Rovira, "Milei would fit into the prototype of what these ultra-rights are."[33] He said: "At an academic level we define them by two important criteria. First, they are to the right of the mainstream right and profess much more radical ideas. In the case of Argentina, Milei is positioned to the right of Macrismo. Second, they maintain an ambivalent relationship with the democratic system and sometimes profess authoritarian ideas. That differentiates them from the traditional right, which act within the rules of the democratic game."[33] According to Rovira, "Milei's case fits very well into this double classification."[33]

Andrés Malamud, a researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon, argued that Milei's speech is anarcho-capitalist because "it's limited to interests and incentives: lowering taxes, reducing state intervention, liberalizing even organ trafficking. Technically, he's also a minarchist. A doctrinaire ultraliberal would be the most understandable.[66] About Milei's appeal, Malamud said: "The political secret is to appeal to the basic instincts, under simple banners: liberty, life and property. That's why Milei loves television sets, where he yells, insults and crushes anyone who criticizes him. His curly black hair is the icon of his campaign. On stage, he wears black leather – fire is lit at the climax of his speeches."[66] Malamud added that "Milei is a vitalist: he's not here 'to guide lambs but to wake up lions,' as he himself says. This is where he gets his conservative values, such as nationalism and anti-abortionism."[66] Pablo Touzón, a political scientist and director of the consulting firm Escenarios, said that "Milei is a war machine against [the political class], a brick thrown against the window of a jewellery store."[66] Touzón added: "He combines a kind of ultraliberal orthodoxy, from [Milton] Friedman and [Friedrich] Von Hayek... he sees himself as a warrior against the state. But he combines that hyperliberal ideology and freedom with elements of the extreme-right."[66] About his comparisons with Trump, Touzón stated that Milei represents a local version of Trumpism that does not defend protectionism.[66] About his rise in the polls, Touzón said: "If he has so many voters, it's not because he's liberal – it's because he represents the anti-establishment, as Podemos did in Spain from the left. Here, [in Argentina], it's done from the right."[66]

  1. ^ Cite error: The named reference Chavez 2022 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  2. ^ "¿Quién le teme a Javier Milei?". Forbes. 8 June 2022. Retrieved 16 August 2023.
  3. ^ "Congressman Milei, the lesser evil for Argentina's elections next year". MercoPress. 2 December 2022. Retrieved 2022-12-21.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g Cite error: The named reference Alonso 2023 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  5. ^ a b c Cite error: The named reference Reuters 2023 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
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  14. ^ Devlin, Bradley (2023-08-15). "Javier Milei Against the Dead Consensus". The American Conservative. Retrieved 2023-08-22.
  15. ^ González-Gallarza, Jorge (2023-08-20). "Javier Milei and the Paradox of Freedom". The European Conservative. Retrieved 2023-08-22.
  16. ^ a b Crisp, James (2023-08-14). "Hard-Right rock singer and 'tantric sex instructor' takes shock lead in Argentinian elections". The Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Retrieved 2023-08-14.
  17. ^ a b Nugent, Ciara (2023-08-06). "Argentina's far-right libertarian wants tougher austerity to rebuild troubled economy". Financial Times. Retrieved 2023-08-20.
  18. ^ Cite error: The named reference Le Monde 2023 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  19. ^ Alcoba, Natalie; Cholakian Herrera, Lucía; Nicas, Jack Nicas (2023-08-14). "Javier Milei, un libertario de ultraderecha, ganó en las primarias de Argentina" (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-08-17.
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  26. ^ "Los bloques políticos definen sus autoridades para los próximos dos años". Télam (in Spanish). 28 November 2021. Retrieved 2023-08-14.
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  36. ^ a b c "Milei disertará en Metán sobre capitalismo y monopolios". NOVA Salta (in Spanish). 26 June 2018. Retrieved 2023-08-14.
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  38. ^ Carrió, Tomás (17 August 2023). "Dollarization 'Not the Answer' for Argentina, Former IMF Board Member Says". Bloomberg Línea. Retrieved 26 August 2023.
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  44. ^ Farinas, Tamara (2023-08-14). "Javier Milei o cómo un ultraderechista acusado de violencia de género y plagio puede ser presidente en Argentina". La Sexta (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-08-17.
  45. ^ González, Juan Luis; Rodríguez, Tomás (20 May 2022). "Javier Milei, el gran copión: los seis plagios de su libro". Revista Noticias. Retrieved 25 August 2023.
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  49. ^ "Milei insiste con su posición sobre el cambio climático: 'Es una mentira'". El Cronista (in Spanish). 14 October 2021. Archived from the original on 2023-02-11. Retrieved 14 October 2021.
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  55. ^ a b "Milei: 'I will not apologize for having a penis'". MercoPress. 16 May 2022. Retrieved 14 August 2023.
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  57. ^ "Con una polémica frase, Javier Milei prometió cerrar el Ministerio de la Mujer si es presidente". TN (in Spanish). 14 May 2022. Archived from the original on 2023-02-11. Retrieved 14 May 2022.
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  59. ^ Rioseco, Esteban (18 August 2023). "Argentine activists raise alarm over far-right primary victory". Washington Blade. Retrieved 28 August 2023.
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