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===Belief, divination===
===Belief, divination===
[[File:Shang dynasty inscribed tortoise plastron.jpg|thumb|[[Divination]]: for Zichan an ancient state practice. [[Shang dynasty|Shang]] tortoise shell.]]
[[File:Shang dynasty inscribed tortoise plastron.jpg|thumb|[[Divination]]: for Zichan an ancient statecraft. [[Shang dynasty|Shang]] tortoise shell.<ref>L&K: Kalinowski (2011), pp. 346, 347 (divinations table): the ''Zuo Zhuan'' contains 46 cases with divinations by heated turtle shell; pp. 349-354: ''turtle divinations''.</ref>]]
In BCE 541 the Prince of Jin being very ill, the Liege of Zheng, Jian (r.566-530), sent Zichan to Jin on an official visit. Shuxiang, an official, told Zichan that a diviner had diagnosed the Prince as haunted by two spirits, neither known to Jin scribes. Learned in ancient lore, Zichan identified the two spirits, one of a [[Worship of heavenly bodies|star]], the other a neglected [[Ancestor veneration in China|ancestor]]. Yet neither afflicted the prince, said Zichan. Instead poor management of his life-force made the prince ill: (1) of his time each day, of his emotions, his food and drink; and, (2) poor vetting of conflicts re clan origins of his harem ladies, if needed vetting by the [[Oracle bone|tortoise-shell]]. Shuxiang and Zichan then talked politics, e.g., about Gongsun Hei of Zheng.<ref>Refer to "Government" section, 541 BCE: Gongzun Hei.</ref> Overhearing their conversation the Jin Prince said of Zichan, "He is a noble man and widely versed in the things of the world", then "rewarded him lavishly".<ref>''Zou Zhuan'' (2016), pp. 1325-1329, Zhao 1.12a-1.12d, quote at 1329.</ref><ref>''Zuo Zhuan'' (1983 Legge), p.580, Duke Ch'aou I, ¶10 1st. Prince as Marquis, Liege as Earl, Zichan as also Kung-sun K'eaou, 'divine about her' as consulting the tortoise-shell.</ref> Yet the Jin Prince evidently did not take the cure.<ref>''Zuo Zhuan'', v.3, pp. 1329-1331, Zhao 1.12e-12f.</ref>
In BCE 541 the Prince of Jin being very ill, the Liege of Zheng, Jian (r.566-530), sent Zichan to Jin on an official visit. Shuxiang, an official, told Zichan that a diviner had diagnosed the Prince as haunted by two spirits, neither known to Jin scribes. Learned in ancient lore, Zichan identified the two spirits, one of a [[Worship of heavenly bodies|star]], the other a neglected [[Ancestor veneration in China|ancestor]]. Yet neither afflicted the prince, said Zichan. Instead poor management of his life-force made the prince ill: (1) of his time each day, of his emotions, his food and drink; and, (2) poor vetting of conflicts re clan origins of his harem ladies, if needed vetting by the [[Oracle bone|tortoise-shell]]. Shuxiang and Zichan then talked politics, e.g., about Gongsun Hei of Zheng.<ref>Refer to "Government" section, 541 BCE: Gongzun Hei.</ref> Overhearing their conversation the Jin Prince said of Zichan, "He is a noble man and widely versed in the things of the world", then "rewarded him lavishly".<ref>''Zou Zhuan'' (2016), pp. 1325-1329, Zhao 1.12a-1.12d, quote at 1329.</ref><ref>''Zuo Zhuan'' (1983 Legge), p.580, Duke Ch'aou I, ¶10 1st. Prince as Marquis, Liege as Earl, Zichan as also Kung-sun K'eaou, 'divine about her' as consulting the tortoise-shell.</ref> Yet the Jin Prince evidently did not take the cure.<ref>''Zuo Zhuan'', v.3, pp. 1329-1331, Zhao 1.12e-12f.</ref>



Revision as of 18:44, 9 November 2024

Portrait of Zichan from Sancai Tuhui

Zichan (WG: Tzu Ch'an) (traditional Chinese: 子產; simplified Chinese: 子产)[1] (c.581-522)[2] was a Chinese statesman during the late Spring and Autumn period. From 543 until his death in 522 BCE, he served as the chief minister of the State of Zheng. Also known as Gongsun Qiao (traditional Chinese: 公孫僑; simplified Chinese: 公孙侨,[3] he is better known by his courtesy name Zichan.

As chief minister of Zheng, a notable and centrally-located state, Zichan faced aggression from powerful neighbors without and a fractious domestic politics within. He led as Chinese culture and society endured a centuries-long period of turbulence. Governing traditions were then unstable and malleable, institutions battered by chronic war, and emerging new ways of state leadership sharply contested.

Under Zichan the Zheng state prospered. He introduced strengthening reforms and met foreign threats. His statecraft was respected by his peers and reportedly appreciated by the people. Favorably treated in the Zuo Zhuan (an ancient text of history), Zichan drew comments from his near-contemporary Confucius, later from Mencius and Han Fei.

Background

Spring and Autumn (770-481)
Late Spring and Autumn, circa 500

Zhou dynasty

By its military defeat in 771 BCE, later historians divide the Zhou (c.1045-221) into periods: Western and Eastern, as in retreat Zhou moved its capital east over 500 km.[4][5] The dynasty not only never recovered, its regime steadily lost strength during the Spring and Autumn period (770-481). At its start the Zhou rulers deployed the fengjian system. Differing from the feudal, kinship formed the primary bond between the royal dynast and the local 'vassal'.[6][7][8][9][10]

State of Zheng

The founder of Zheng was Duke Huan (r.806-771), brother to the Zhou King Xuan (r.825-782). Zheng state by 767 had also moved its capital east,[11] near Zhou's new royal lands.[12][13][14][15] Strategically located, Zheng prospered by trade.[16] In 707 Duke Zhuang of Zheng (r.743-701) defeated the Zhou King's invasion. This celebrated Duke is compared to the later Five Hegemons.[17] In 673 Zheng attacked the royal capital, killed the usurping ruler, and restored the prior Zhou King. Although its military then comparatively declined, Zheng prospered, and survived many attacks by powerful neighbors.[18][19] After Zichan, in Zheng during the Warring States (480-221) "the centre of the political stage was occupied by the competition between clans".[20] During that era's fierce combat between states, Zheng met its demise in 375 BCE.[21][22][23][24]

Family of Zichan

Zichan was closely related to the hereditary Dukes of Zheng state, hence also kin of the royal Zhou. As a grandson of Zheng's admired Duke Mu (r. 627-606), Zichan was also called Gongsun Qiao, "Ducal Grandson". Zichan was a member of the clan of Guo, one of the Seven Houses of Zheng. Led by their nobility these clans competed (at times, descending to internecine strife) for power and prestige. The Guo lineage was no longer among the strongest clans of Zheng. Zichan's ancestral surname was Ji,[25] his personal name was Ji Qiao.[26][27][28]

In 565 BCE Zichan's father, Prince Guo (Ziguo),[29] led a victorious campaign against the State of Cai. His military success, however, risked provoking the hostility of stronger neighboring states, Jin to the north and Chu to the south. Yet the Zheng leadership appeared pleased. Except Zichan, the teenage son of Ziguo, who said a small state like Zheng should excel in civic virtue, not martial achievement, else it will have no peace.[30] Ziguo then rebuked Zichan.[31][32][33][34][35] Three years after the Cai victory, but unrelated, in a revolt by rival nobles of Zheng, his father Ziguo was assassinated.[36][37] Duke Jian of Zheng (r. 566-530) had already begun his reign, amid other internal power struggles.[38][39][40][41]

Career profile

Path as state official

In 543 BCE, when nearing 40 years of age,[42][43] Zichan became prime minister of Zheng state. Zichan's career path to the top position started in 565,[44] and involved his finding a way through the unexpected and sometimes violent events and social instabilities that challenged Zheng's political class.[45] Selected events of his early career follow, the chief primary source being the Zuo Zhuan.[46]

Since 570 BCE Zichan's father Ziguo had been one of three leading aristocrats who directed Zheng's government. The head of state was the Duke of Zheng, but in fact this triumvirate of nobles kept control. In 563 BCE "Zisi had laid out ditches between fields" so that four clans "lost lands".[47] Later in 563 "armed insurgents" led by seven disaffected clan nobles (many who'd lost lands), overthrew the government and killed all three rulers: Zisi, Ziguo, and Zi'er.[48] Zichan recovered his father's body, and rallied his lineage. He "got all his officers in readiness... formed his men in ranks, [and] went forth with 17 chariots of war." Another "led the people" to Zichan's side. Two rebel leaders (and many followers) were killed; five leaders fled Zheng.[49][50][51][52] The ruling 'oligarchy' of elite and pugnacious Zhou-era nobles prevailed against the brutal assault by rebel clan leaders.[53][54]

After the 563 rebellion was quelled, Zikong the new Zheng leader issued a document declaring his autocratic rule. It provoked fierce opposition from other nobility and the people. Zichan urged Zikong to renounce the document by burning it in public. His rhetoric to Zikong used likely scenarios to illustrate a probable negative outcome. Zikong then burned it.[55][56][57] In 553 BCE Zikong tried again to monopolize political power, supported by Chu state. But two nobles rose to fatally block him. The two formed a new triumvirate to rule Zheng, the third being the popular Zichan, elevated now as a high minister.[58][59][60]

Western Han painting, to suggest likely dress/appearance of Zichan (here: near contemporaries Confucius & Laozi)

Zheng state in 561 BCE had joined a coalition headed by the powerful Jin state to the north.[61] Zichan as a high minister maneuvered to ally Zheng with fellow small-state members, in order to lighten their burdens. Jin, as the current hedgemon, required all 'northern league' members to make regular state visits to Jin, and each time to bring high-value gifts.[62][63] In 548 Zichan wrote a convincing letter to Jin's chief minister. It criticized Jin for increasing the value of 'gifts' demanded. Zichan successfully argued this worked against Jin's reputation. Worth more than the gifts was Jin's good name; on it rested Jin's virtue, the very foundation of Jin state.[64][65][66] Zichan continued to lobby Jin on behalf of the small states.[67]

In 547 BCE the Zheng people made war on the small state of Chen as pay back (a year earlier the large Chu state and Chen had attacked Zheng, closing up wells and cutting down trees).[68] With 700 chariots Zheng took the Chen capital, Zichan being second in command. The military occupation worked to reform some Chen policies (altar of earth, conscripts, taxes, land), then withdrew, without looting the city or destroying its sanctuaries, nor did the Zheng army seize hostages.[69] For a military victor to act harshly, take war booty and vengeance was then customary in ancient China's multistate system.[70][71][72][73][74] Zichan later defended Zheng's invasion of Chen before resentful Jin's ministers.[75][76][77]

In 544 a feud began between the nobles of rival clans. The Si clan partisans then attacked and burned the residence of a Jiang clan leader.[78][79][80] It threatened the unity of Zheng state. Initially Zichan had distanced himself to avoid the bitter conflict's social contagion. Yet his attention was solicited. By using the remedial details from a local tradition,[81][82][83][84][85] as a guide, Zichan managed to bring the raucous disputants into negotiation, circa 543 BCE. The solution worked-out did not prove agreeable to all the parties, yet the bloody feud came to an end.[86][87][88][89] Zichan had remained a popular leader.[90][91]

Han Hu (Zi Pi) the first minister in 544 wanted to appoint Zichan as his successor. A reluctant Zichan had declined: the office was troubled from without by strong and aggressive rival states, and from within by the constant feuding of the clans, which made Zheng "impossible to govern well". Yet by the next year Zichan had been persuaded of a tolerable level of coexistence among the nobility. Such conditions might be sufficient for Zichan to pursue reforms.[92][93][94][95]

His political path, ably pursued in office over decades, and his personal popularity, can be more skeptically portrayed as a cross-cultural allegory of the "law-givers and tyrants" in an Ancient Greek city-state. Such a ruler could act harshly or capriciously, defying traditional limits to his authority. "Following another civil war in 543, Zi Chan seized effective power".[96] On the other hand, the career of Zichan can be appraised as a forerunner of the scholar official, who would later administer and adjudicate, dominating Chinese imperial societies.[97]

Reform programs

Zichan initiated actions to strengthen the Zheng state. Along with subordinate ministers and aides,[98] Zichan had strategized what reforms might work best over time, and improvised.

Agricultural methods were managed to increase the harvest. He reset boundaries between farmlands. Tax reforms increased state revenue. Military policies were kept current. Laws were published in a break with tradition. Administration of state operations were centralized, effective officials recruited, social norms guided. Commerce flourished. Rites were performed and Zhou-era customs followed, in an evolving social context. Religious needs of the people addressed. Divinations for Zheng state were handled by its special ministry. Interstate relations required constant vigilance, e.g., to meet demands for tribute. His negotiating skills were tested. Zichan had opposition and acquired a sophist enemy. He did not always succeed.[99]

From the Han dynasty historian Sima Qian,[100] his Shiji:

Sima Qian (c.145-86 BCE), author of the Shiji (Records of the Grand Scribe).

Tzu-ch'an[101] was one of the high ministers of the state of [Zheng]. ... [Its affairs had been] in confusion, superiors and inferiors were at odds with each other, and fathers and sons quarreled. ... [Then] Tzu-ch'an [was] appointed prime minister. After... one year, the children in the state had ceased their naughty behavior, grey-haired elders were no longer seen carrying heavy burdens... . After two years, no one overcharged in the markets. After three years, people stopped locking their gates at night... . After four years, people did not bother to take home their farm tools when the day's work was finished, and after five years, no more conscription orders were sent out to the knights. ... Tzu-ch'an ruled for twenty-six years [sic], and when he died the young men wept and the old men cried... .[102][103][104]

The earlier Zuo Zhuan had also told of the people's appraisal of Zichan, a version similar to the Shiji, but differing in stages and detail. After one year the workers complained, griping about new taxes on their clothes and about a new levy against the land. Yet after three years the workers praised Zichan: for teaching their children, and increasing the yield of their fields.[105][106]

Yet however skillful his statecraft, Zichan in his reformist role as proponent of advanced policies was not unique. Over a century earlier Guan Zhong (720-645), the chief minister of Qi, earned praise for his effective management. His innovations included administrative and military-agricultural innovations. The Qi state nonetheless maintained traditional Zhou rituals. As a consequence Duke Huan of Qi became the 'first' of the Five Hegemons, and a noted "paragon".[107][108][109][110] Another reformist minister was Li Kui (455-395) of Wei.[111][112]

Agriculture

Ancient Egyptian ard (from Burial Chamber of artisan Sennedjem).[113]

Agricultural politics in Zheng not only affected management of the land, farm operations and the harvest, but also issues of taxation, and military strength. Of the several powerful clans, the rival lineage groups (zu) of Zheng, each controlled its own lands, the primary source of community wealth and livelihood.

Zichan's policy sought to increase food production, to improve the sowing and reaping of crops, the tending of livestock.[114][115] A minister's role included agricultural management to further state prosperity,[116] as recorded in the Zhou era's Shijing.[117][118][119] Techniques and methods developed. Farm implements of stone or wood were being replaced by metal. As yoked to oxen, a iron plow increased the yield, directly causing a rise in prosperity of people and rulers.[120][121][122]

Zichan in 543 BCE reset the boundaries of farm lands and the location of irrigation ditches.[123] "The fields were all marked out by their banks and ditches."[124][125] The Mencius later described a traditional well-field system of land use,[126][127] in which eight plots of farm land surround a ninth to be tilled in common.[128][129] More probably clan lineages (zu) controlled the agricultural lands, and distributed parcels to the peasants who paid rent in kind; the remaining land was collectively cultivated to support, e.g., the lineage temple.[130][131][132]

The 543 order by Zichan transformed Zheng agriculture, it "carried out such reforms as grouping houses by five, responsible for one another, and marking out all the fields by banks and ditches."[133][134][135] Clan leaders of Zheng had long dominated the farming operations on their lands, which determined power, wealth, and status.[136][137] Among the fierce inter-clan rivalries, violent revolts had irrupted to nullify any action to lessen a clan's land dominance. Moving the ditches was inherently risky for any politician (e.g., Zichan's father in 562).[138][139][140]

Tax issues arose from Zichan's reforms of farmland. Zheng's revenues were chronically short, often due to costs for defense, or to pay out tribute to powerful neighboring states.[141] A 537 BCE reform made by Zichan increased the land tax, which drew sharp criticism in Zheng. The people reviled him, "His father died on the road, and he himself is a scorpion's tail." Zichan replied that there was no harm in the people's complaints, but that the new law benefited Zheng. "I will either live or die," he said, quoting an Ode, "I will not change it."[142][143]

Taxing land was delicate. Nuanced by the multifaceted politics of land agency and ownership, such issues were contested then in the event, and later by scholars.[144][145] In progress seemed to be a fundamental shift in the social-political evolution of farmland control. Starting confusedly in the Spring and Autumn (Zichan's era), the shift was completed more-or-less during the Warring States (475-221). Moving away from traditional communities dominated by clan lineages, land ownership devolved, parcel by parcel, to more efficiently-run holdings of "nuclear family households". Holdings that the state more easily taxed.[146][147][148][149][150]

Infantry clothed in armor (at the end of Warring States period, c.210 BCE).

Warfare intersected agriculture. Chariots driven in battle by aristocrats (familiar to Zichan) were starting to be supplanted by infantry.[151][152] Most foot soldiers were also farmers.[153][154][155][156] Interstate military competition was raw, and intensified; it pushed the ruling ministers to increase their armies. Existential demands on agriculture were made for the state treasury and for recruits.[157][158]

Accordingly, an army was supported by taxing land and its ranks filled by drafting farmers. The early reforms by Qi state (7th century BCE) had so organized its infantry into fighting units of five so as to match the social units of five composed of farming families.[159] By his agricultural and land-tax reforms starting in 543 BCE, "Zi Chan reordered the fields of Zheng into a grid with irrigation channels, levied a tax on land, organized rural households into units of five, and created a qiu levy."[160][161][162] The qiu levy here suggests the qiu troops that Lu state had mustered earlier, circa 590 BCE. Prof. Lewis concludes that Zichan followed the land tax and defense policies of Jin and Lu states in "extending military recruitment into the countryside". The innovation was opposed by traditional elites (clan leaderships) who were "losing their privileged position" as the controlling factor in Zheng's armed forces.[163][164][165][166]

The laws of 536 BCE

In Zichan's reform of government one major focus concerned the law. Before Zichan, in each state the powerful hereditary clans, descendants of the Zhou lineage, had generally enforced their own closely-held laws and regulations.[167] "So long as the penal law remains in the secret archives of the state, those who administer the code are free to employ their own private judgment and their own moral discretion... ."[168] The contents of the law might be known only to a "limited number of dignitaries who were concerned with their execution and enforcement." Laws "were not made known to the public."[169] "When the people were kept from knowing the law, the ruling class could manipulate it as it saw fit."[170] Yet the traditional governance among the city-states was then faltering and dissolving in continually changing conditions. In many regimes the ministers, by maneuver or ursupation, were replacing Zhou-lineage clan rulers in whose name they had acted. Ministers began to assume direct state rule of the population.[171] The Zuo Zhuan records that in 536 BCE Zheng state had its penal statutes inscribed on a bronze tripod caldron or ding. "In the third month, the Zheng leaders cast a penal code in bronze."[172][173] It was made public, a first among the Eastern Zhou states.[174][175]

Au contraire, one modern view challenges this notion that no state had published its laws before the late Spring and Autumn period. Prof. Creel doubted that laws were kept secret. He refers to earlier laws mentioned in ancient writings.[176][177] Creel questioned several widely-quoted passages from the Zuo Zhuan which narrate: 1) how Zichan inscribed the Zheng laws on the bronze tripod ding in 536;[178] and, 2) how Confucius criticized the similar publication of laws by a nearby state, Jin in 513.[179]

Bronze Cauldron (ding) decorated, of Jin state a few decades after Zichan

Yet the story of Zichan being first in China to publish a selection of state laws remains the consensus of modern researchers.[180][181][182][183][184][185] Zhao comments how the adverse political situation of Zheng "produced the legendary figure of Zichan, arguably the most influential reformer of his age. [Zichan's] most remarkable act was placing a caldron inscribed with Zheng's legal codes in a public place in 536". Judging by the fierce reaction generated, Zichan's action must have been considered "sensational at the time".[186] A law whose text was available to those subject to it, would work to foster their awareness of proper civic conduct. Published laws served the state, 1) as a way of guiding the people, and also 2) as a more effective tool of control, because it warns as well as legitimises punishment of violators. That Zichan possessed the ability to break open a new chapter in social norms was because he "had the complete support of the people of Cheng [Zheng], he enjoyed a position of full authority there throughout his life."[187][188][189][190]

Initial adverse reactions

For publishing the laws of Zheng, Zichan was criticized by some of his key contemporaries. It undermined the nobility, undercut their governing authority and their judicial role. Before, in making their legal judgments, the elite officials had applied to the facts their own confidential interpretation of what they viewed as the inherited social traditions, styled later 'rule by virtue'. The end result of this shrouded procedure would be very difficult to challenge.[191] By articulating and making public the legal statutes the people were better empowered to advance an opposing view of state law. Up until then ruling circles thought publishing the law would be detrimental, would open the door to public argument, bickering, and shameless maneuvering to avoid social tradition, its time-tested moral force.[192][193] The situation was multi-sided, as political roles were changing during a surge in growth of material culture; the social tradition itself was in flux. Opening up laws to be viewed by the common people would subsequently become the trend in pre-imperial Chinese statecraft.[194]

Deng Xi of Zheng (545-501 BC),[195] for good or ill, acquired a reputation for provoking social conflict and civic instability. A child when Zichan published the laws, Deng Xi was a controversial official of Zheng with Mingjia philosophical views.[196] Despite being aware and warned of the corrosive activities of the Mingjia, Zichan in 536 had an historic bronze ding cast, inscribed with Zheng's penal laws. As Deng Xi came of age, he challenged the state and its ministers, including Zichan.[197][198][199] Some thought he studied trickery.[200] The state of Zheng put Deng Xi to death in 501 according to the Zuo Zhuan.[201][202] Most probably it was not by Zichan.[203][204][205][206] Ancient documents, however, are divided as to who ordered his execution.[207][208][209][210][211] Sun comments, "But the problems he raised were not solved by his death."[212][213]

Shuxiang, a minister of Jin and personal 'friend' of Zichan, wrote a long 'letter' faulting him for making the Zheng law public. It marshaled strong traditional arguments against publishing the penal laws. Publicity weakened the timeless truth of traditions closely-held by clan leaders. Confucius would later raise such issues anew.[214][215] Harshly accusing Zichan of grave error, Shuxiang here predicted future calamity for Zheng state. Responding Zichan claimed he was "untalented" and so unable to properly manage the laws with a view toward the future generations. To benefit people of Zheng alive today was his aim.[216][217][218][219][220] Issues at stake here were long debated, e.g., by philosophers of the Warring States era that followed,[221][222] and long continued.[223]

Sources, politics & content

After Zichan's legal publication of 536, it became common practice for states to selectively publish their laws. Jin state by 513 had so cast its laws in a bronze tripod ding.[224][225][226][227]

Sources. In order to draft the legal text, a likely source for Zichan (in addition to his ministry's working practice) would be the various competing clans living within Zheng state: their privately-kept traditions of juridical authority, each clan's customs and rules being useful to guide its own style of settling disputes.[228][229][230]

When the zu [clans] started to dissolve... people naturally needed moral principles and rules which would assimilate the customs and customary laws of different zu and be universally applied to all... despite their different zu origins.[231]

Another source existed in the blood covenants (meng) created in writing between political entities in the late Spring and Autumn.[232][233][234][235] Also, as discussed above,[236] Creel lists the titles of dynasty laws mentioned in prior texts.[237][238][239]

Politics. Zichan created "a break with the long-standing tradition of clan autonomy, [by] the institution of his codified law."[240] The after-effects worked to centralize legal authority in the Zheng state ministers, and to diminish the discretionary power of the several clans.[241][242][243] The legal publication also worked in various bargains and disputes to benefit the people of Zheng.[244]

More generally, the 'traditional' social conduct fostered by the li-centered rites, customs once inspired by an animated worldview and later associated with the Kongzi school, would be reworked, restructured and rationally integrated. Since the Spring and Autumn (Zichan's era), despite the fajia triumph during the Qin conquests,[245][246] such values as articulated from the rites of li continued to infiltrate, for better or worse, and to eventually "amalgamate with law".[247][248][249][250]

Content. The Zheng penal laws published in 536 by Zichan apparently included "descriptions of crimes and their punishments."[251][252] After describing Zichan's publication, the Zuo Zhuan indirectly refers to the names of three statutes, each of an historical dynasty (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), as the basis of Zheng's 536 laws. Yet nothing is known of the content of these three 'statutes'.[253][254][255]

Subsequently written state laws may be suggestive, or provide legal context for conjecture. The Fa Jing (asserted to be by Li Kui of Jin state circa 400),[256] contains six 'fascicles' which are titled: "Statutes on Robbery, on Banditry, on Net, on Arrest, Miscellaneous Statutes, and Statutes on the Composition (of Judgements)".[257] A duplicate translation of these six 'fascicles': "bandits, brigands, prisons, arrests, miscellaneous punishments, and special circumstances".[258]

Government

Selected events during Zichan's career in the administration of Zheng follow.[259]

In 548 a clan leader of Zheng, You Ji,[260][261] talked shop with Zichan and Zheng high officer Ran Ming.[262] Asked by You Ji about the way of government. Zichan replied:

Governing is like farming, in that one thinks about it day and night, in that one thinks about its beginnings so as to achieve its ends, in that one acts on these thoughts from morning till evening. Do not act on what you have not thought through; do this in the same way that fields follow dividing boundaries. In this way there will be few errors.[263][264][265]

Large tripod Ding, Spring and Autumn period. Henan Museum.

In 543 Zichan became first minister of Zheng.[266]

"In taking charge of government, Zichan chose the able and employed them." Feng Jianzi was a decision maker. You Ji, refined and learned. Gongsun Hui knew neighboring states, could read people, and write speeches. Pi Chen was a strategist of the countryside. When Zheng prepared to deal with rival states and their princes, Zichan consulted with each of these competent and tested officials. "Consequently there were rarely any failures." Such that Wei's minister called it "abiding by ritual propriety".[267][268][269] In the often dysfunctional clan nobility of Zichan's day "selecting men for office according to their ability" was unusual, as "office was commonly inherited and considered a family possession".[270] Zichan's methods increased the state's control and reach.[271]

In 542 the former prime minister and a clan leader, Han Hu, had wanted to appoint an inexperience youth to a high position. Zichan had successfully opposed his choice. As a consequence Han Hu praised Zichan's abilities, saying, "I have heard that a noble man applies himself to understand what is important and far-reaching, while a petty man applies himself to understanding what is minor and close at hand. . . . If it were not for your words, sir, I would not have understood."[272] Like Confucius, Zichan "argued that government was a craft that required study."[273] Later Zichan remarked, "Men's minds are different, even as their faces are."[274]

In 541 two suitors, first cousins, contested marriage to the beautiful sister of Xuwu Fan. Already engaged to the younger You Chu, the woman then received a "betrothal fowl" from a superior officer Gongsun Hei,[275][276] his agent insisting on its delivery. Alarmed, Xuwu Fan told Zichan who, saying its sorrow reflected the acrimonious domestic affairs in Zheng state; Zichan left the problem to him. The cousins agreed to let the woman decide. Gongsun Hei in "elegant attire" left a gift of cloth and exited. You Chu in military dress shot an arrow to left and to right, sprang to his chariot and left. The woman watched from her chamber. She choose the "manly" You Chu. Gongsun Hei then arranged to meet You Chu. Enraged, he had intended to kill him. You Chu, aware of the danger, came with a dagger-axe. He chased Gongsun Hei to a crossroads, and there wounded him. After Gongsun Hei spoke to high officers of Zheng, telling them he acted in friendship. Zichan found "a measure of right on both sides".[277] "When both are equally justified, the younger, inferior one bears the blame."[278][279][280]

You Chu was arrested. "The great ordering principles of the state are five," Zichan said: to hold in awe the ruler, to heed his government, to revere the nobles, to serve the elders, to nurture your kin. Gongsun Hei was "a great officer of the 1st degree". You Chu lifted his weapon, while the duke was in the city, against his cousin, his elder, his superior. You Chu was banished. Zichan told him, "Do your best and set out quickly." Before, Zichan had consulted with You Ji, head of You Chu's clan, who agreed that his exile was necessary.[281][282][283] Gongsun Hei the next year died, due to his then several crimes.[284][285]

Villagers debated Zheng state policies at local meeting places. To the suggestion that these villagers be stopped, Zichan replied, "Why should we do that?" People will freely gather and talk after work. "They are my teachers." Zichan's apparent inclination was to follow what the villagers "deem to be good policies and emend whatever they regard as bad". To diminish resentment Zichan had heard of invoking loyalty, but to use the force of authority "would be like blocking a river". A disaster follows when a great dyke breaks. It is "better that I hear criticism and let it be my medicine". The Zuo Zhuan continues, "Confucius heard this story and remarked, 'Judging from this, when people say that Zichan was not humane, I do not believe it'."[286][287][288] Critics of Zichan differ.[289][290]

In 537 Zichan increased the land tax.[291]

In 536 Zichan selectively published Zheng's penal laws.

Antique jade buttons of China.

In 526 Zichan received a request to buy a certain Jade ring from the chief minister of Jin state, Han Qi. Zichan replied that the ring, a "twin", was not in the treasury. Zheng clan leaders then came forward to press Zichan to give it to Han Qi. Zichan responded thoughtfully, after considering how a "border state" keeps its sovereignty. His duty was not to favor the powerful (here Jin state which forced Zheng to pay it tribute), but to follow ritual propriety. Han Qi then said that from a merchant he bought the matching jade ring; however, the merchant insisted on first notifying Zheng state. Zichan now raised the issue of a long-ago covenant made by Duke Huan to Zheng merchants. In time of need, when Zheng moved its capital eastward, worthy merchants had served their state well. Han Qi withdrew his request. Often renewed the old covenant stated,

"You will not rebel... and we will not force you to sell anything... or seize anything from you. You will have your profitable market and your precious goods".[292][293][294][295]

In 522 Zichan "died after an illness of several months". He left his successor You Ji advice on how to run the government of Zheng. "Only one who has virtue is capable of controlling the people by means of leniency. Failing that, nothing is better than harshness". He analogized harsh laws to fire, people feared fire. Water is familiar like leniency, but people drown.[296][297][298] "When Zichan died and Confucius heard of it, he shed tears and said, 'His was a way of cherishing people that was passed down from ancient times'."[299]

In the hierarchy of Zichan's day, the nobility dominated a much larger rural population based on agriculture.[300][301][302] Yet it was a time of social transformations when the people were becoming more of a political factor that the elites had to somehow acknowledge, or manipulate.[303][304] Zichan had earned an early reputation as a civic provider for the people's welfare.[305][306][307] In his leadership style Zichan was advanced, in that he reportedly took into account the views or motivations of the nascent soldier-peasants, the common people of Zheng.[308][309][310]

Belief, divination

Divination: for Zichan an ancient statecraft. Shang tortoise shell.[311]

In BCE 541 the Prince of Jin being very ill, the Liege of Zheng, Jian (r.566-530), sent Zichan to Jin on an official visit. Shuxiang, an official, told Zichan that a diviner had diagnosed the Prince as haunted by two spirits, neither known to Jin scribes. Learned in ancient lore, Zichan identified the two spirits, one of a star, the other a neglected ancestor. Yet neither afflicted the prince, said Zichan. Instead poor management of his life-force made the prince ill: (1) of his time each day, of his emotions, his food and drink; and, (2) poor vetting of conflicts re clan origins of his harem ladies, if needed vetting by the tortoise-shell. Shuxiang and Zichan then talked politics, e.g., about Gongsun Hei of Zheng.[312] Overhearing their conversation the Jin Prince said of Zichan, "He is a noble man and widely versed in the things of the world", then "rewarded him lavishly".[313][314] Yet the Jin Prince evidently did not take the cure.[315]

Zichan in his conduct of state affairs, paid respect to popular religious values and loyalties. Yet Zichan apparently also kept abreast of the nascent attitude about Heaven, that appropriate behavior should conform to moral norms as understood among human beings, rather than to unknowable mysteries.[316] Zichan demonstrated concern for the afterlife of ancestors, including ghosts.

In 536 in Zheng "someone dreamed that Liang Xiao walked in armor" and threatened to kill the Si lineage head on a certain day, and the next year the Feng lineage head. Liang Xiao was deceased, a minister, but an alcoholic; he had died in 543 during fierce fighting between the Si clan and the Liang clan. "The people of Zheng spooked one another with tales of Liang Xiao". On the day so said the Si clan chief died. Later the Feng chief fell dead. City inhabitants became frightened, then terrified. To "sooth the people" and calm the ghost, Zichan established positions for the family of Xiang Xiao.[317][318][319]

The haunting stopped. You Ji questioned Zichan, who replied: "When a ghost has a place to go, it does not become an evil spirit." As to the official positions for the unfit family members who lacked propriety, to Zichan it was a minor violation. "I did it to please the people," he said. "We who are in charge of government [must] curry favor, for lacking favor, we will have no credibility. Without credibility, the people will not follow us."[320][321]

Later Zichan was asked about whether Liang Xiao was still able to be a ghost. His powerful family, Zichan replied, had "held the handle of government for three generations" so that his very strong vitality made a capable aura-soul. His violent death may trigger a ghost, that may possess another person, becoming a demon.[322]

In 535 the Jin Prince was ill for three months. Zichan was told by a Jin official that the Prince "dreamed of a tawny bear" perhaps vengeful. Zichan identified the bear as the spirit of Gun, father of the sage-king Yu. The Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties all made him offerings. Jin state then made the spirit an offering. The Prince rallied, and then gave Zichan two cauldrons.[323][324][325]

In 525 a comet appeared. Pi Zao, Zheng's Master of Divination, warned Zichan of a great fire. "If we offer a pouring vessel and a jade ladle, Zheng is certain not to have a fire." Zichan disagreed, refused.[326][327] In 524 fires burned in neighboring states. Pi Zao, supported by Zheng nobles, requested a sacrifice but Zichan refused, saying to a minister, "The Way of Heaven is far away. . . . How can we know anything of it? In truth this fellow only talks a lot. [Yet by luck] he might be right... ." As the fires approached Zichan ordered safety measures across the city. Then the military "took up positions along the path of the fire". Invocators addressed water and fire spirits. Houses burned, whose owners were given tax relief and building materials. For three days there was wailing, and the city markets did not open. Later Zichan told Jin state officials, "we were fortunate enough not to perish".[328][329][330][331]

Several Dragons (Qing Dynasty).

In 523 a great flood hit Zheng. By the capital's south gate, a pool formed where dragons fought. People asked for an expiatory sacrifice, which Zichan refused. "When we fight, dragons take no notice, so why should we... when dragons fight? [T]he water is their home."[332][333][334]

In Zheng a text attributed to Zichan discussed the soul and survival. Humans each have two souls: the material p'o exists from sperm; after birth the aerial hun appears from breath, little by little. In life joined, the two separate after death. The material "follows the body into the tomb" and the aerial subsists free. Each soul seeks to "support its spectral life" hence the living care for the dead, who become their guardians. If starving, however, the soul turns to brigandage to survive.[335][336]

The royal Zhou's cultural domination receded.[337] The predominately rural people of the vassal states began to align more with the fruitfulness and vitality of their farm lands, rather than the fading charisma of capital aristocrats, or clan leaders.[338][339] Hence the declining status of urban shrines to the Zhou lineage. The countryside "altars of soil and grain" began to gain popularity.[340][341][342] In 524 because of the great fire, Zichan had "made a great altar of earth and performed exorcisms in four directions".[343][344][345]

Rites, social virtue

The Zuo Zhuan mentions a summer meeting between the states in 517 BC five years after Zichan died. The Jin minister inquired about ceremony and li (ritual propriety) to an official of Zheng; he recalls a speech by "our former high officer" Zichan. The Zuo Zhuan quotes Zichan at length, in the ancient book's "grandest exposition of ritual and its role in ordering human life in accordance with cosmic principles", write the modern translators.[346][347][348][349][350] Prof. Fung comments on Zichan's views: "The idea expressed here... is that the practical value of ceremonials and music, punishments and penalties, lies in preventing the people from falling into disorder, and that these have originated from man's capacity for imitating Heaven and Earth."[351]

In 543 the clan leader Liang Xiao of Zheng, a drunkard, got involved in a violent dispute with a rival clan. He lost his life in battle. Zichan had refused to support him against his deadly rivals; however, Zichan personally saw to it that he received his proper rites of burial.[352][353]

Also in 543, a leader of the Feng clan asked Zichan for permission to go hunting in preparation for a sacrifice. Zichan refused, saying that for sacrifice "A ruler alone uses animals fresh from a hunt". Furious, the Feng clan began forming a military force to attack. Zichan was set to flee to Jin state, but the Zheng prime minister Han Hu (Zi Pi) stopped him. Instead the Feng leader had to flee to Jin. Three years latter, Zichan let Feng Juan return to Zheng, and gave him back his estate, his lands and accrued income.[354]

Interstate relations

Urbanization (lands ruled from cities) during the Spring and Autumn period

The early ambition of Zheng's political leadership seemed similar to other Zhou vassals, to strengthen the state and expand its territory. Initially triumphant, it became the leading state c.700. Such status did not last. Zheng's strategic position had powerful neighbors who hemmed it in on all sides, blocking its potential for competitive expansion.[355]

Zichan acted like a highly skilled realist in state-to-state politics. When the State of Jin tried to interfere in Zheng's internal affairs after the death of a Zheng minister, Zichan was aware of the danger. He argued that if Zheng allowed Jin to determine the minister's successor, Zheng lose its sovereignty. He eventually convinced Jin not to interfere in Zheng affairs.[356]

In 548 Zheng state invaded Chen.[357]

In 546 an interstate peace conference was held, in order to negotiate peaceful relations between a northern league headed by Jin, and southern league of Chu. An unsteady armistice was reached. In this new balance of power, Zichan excelled in statecraft and became widely known for his political skills.[358][359][360]

In 536, an embassy of Chu traveling to the state of Jin intended to cross over the territory of Zheng. Chu and Jin were the very powerful neighbors of Zheng, to the south and to the north. They were met at the border by Zheng officials including Zichan, who required them to swear an oath to do no harm within Zheng's borders. This was standard diplomatic protocol as proscribed in ritual texts.[361][362][363]

In 529 Zichan attended the conference of states at Pingqiu called by Jin state.[364][365]

Zichan's general view was to allow in most cases the common people of Zheng to "free discussion of his policies" in their local schools. He excepted, however, discussion of relations with neighboring states, which too often would lead to 'hot-headed' notions that courted disaster. In such matters that required the subtle use of reason, Zichan "failed to shake off the prejudice of the nobleman."[366]

Viewed in philosophy

Birthplaces of philosophers, era of the Hundred Schools of Thought.

Zichan's political thinking is known from his work as minister of state. The kernels of his thought are found in the historical record. His near contemporary Confucius mentioned him. In the centuries following his death, several Warring States philosophers wrote of him, suggesting contexts for his points of view. In his lifetime Zichan's public life resulted in a reputation that endured in ancient Chinese political thought.[367][368][369]

An era of conflict and flux

During the course of the Spring and Autumn period when Zichan was minister "the old order broke down". The people "were bewildered by the lack of standards for settling disputes and maintaining harmonious relationships." The old clan-based hereditary houses, still nominally in power, were losing their social status while appointed state ministers became the new dominant authorities. The resulting regimes were often fragmented internally, divided and conflicted. War between the states also increased in frequency. The changing statecraft of the era was confused, no longer enjoying traditional sanction. The social instability and state upheavals seemed to compel a search for innovation, a fundamental change.[370][371]

Zichan is "depicted in the [Zuo Zhuan] as one of the wisest men of his time, and also as a leading statesman in the small ancient state of [Zheng], which was under constant threat of extinction by its powerful neighbors". Evidently in his person Zichan practiced the traditional li ceremonies and elite virtues of the fading Zhou dynasty (whose ideals were endorsed by Confucius). In his political craft, however, Han-era historians could see him as able to anticipate the later Legalist philosophy of the Warring States period, i.e., skillful in the promulgation and enforcement of newly articulated laws. Such enforced obedience to state-wide standards would better secure the political control of events by the ministers.[372][373]

The Zuo Zhuan quotes at length from the words spoken by Zichan. His thoughts tended to separate the distant domains of Heaven and the near domain of the human world. He argued against superstition and acted to curb the authority of the Master of Divination. He counseled the people to follow their reason and experience. Heaven's way is distant and difficult to grasp; while the human way is near at hand.[374][375][376]

Confucius

Tomb of Confucius at Kong Lin in the city of Qufu (then of Lu state).[377]

Confucius (551-479 BC) was almost 30 when Zichan died. Only after Zichan's generation did Confucius, an unsuccessful office seeker, but an independent, private teacher, establish in China the prized literary tradition of individual authorship. Confucius thus left us his views in collected writings and created a school of disciples, unlike Zichan who served his city-state as an active office holder.[378]

As a near contemporary of Zichan, Confucius was "born in [this] period of great political and social change", a centuries-long revolutionary "upheaval caused by forces beyond his control and already under way." Prof. Creel notes scholarly speculation about the original sources Confucius drew upon to create his teachings. The Zuo Zhuan quotes at length "several statesmen who, living shortly before Confucius... expressed ideas remarkably like his." They were "advanced in their thinking".[379]

The Han historian Sima Qian in his formidable text the Shiji lists Zichan as one of the six teachers of Confucius.[380][381]

There were, of course, issues on which Zichan and Confucius did not agree. Confucius, then only 15, did not comment when Zichan caused the laws of Zheng to be published in 536.[382][383] Yet when later in 513 the neighboring city-state of Jin published its laws, Confucius clearly made known his strong opposition. Such actions undercut the traditional authority of the Zhou-dynasty kings and the city-state nobles who ruled in their name, which scheme of governance Confucius consistently idealized.[384][385]

Another area of disagreement touched on the human capacity to draw insights from observing society. Confucius taught about an ability to discern, from today's repetition of civic events, the distant future. By careful observation, change in the customary rites of a dynasty can indicate the course of its social history many generations hence.[386][387][388][389] Zichan, however, at a decisive moment of political conflict, was known to confess thet he was not talented enough to make such future predictions. So he tailored his decision only for the people of Zheng then living.[390]

According to the Lunyu, Confucius nonetheless spoke well of Zichan. In his personal conduct and attitudes, Zichan seemed to represent the traditional virtues Confucius advocated.

The Master said of Tsze-ch'an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man: in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."[391][392]

The Lüshi Chunqiu paired Confucius and Zichan (who in this translation is called 'Prince Chan'). Both are praised as talented state ministers who led their countries to significant achievements. Both became regarded as successful governors who directed others to accomplish administrative tasks.[393]

The Zuo Zhuan, following more or less a quasi-Confucian point of view, documents many episodes featuring the activities of Zichan as the minister of Zheng. In general, Zichan is presented in a favorable light.[394]

Mencius

The Mengzi of Mencius, fourth century (Warring States period), refers to Zichan. A perplexed disciple questions Mencius about the conduct of Shun, one of the legendary sage kings. Shun's hostile parents and family lied to him. Shun mistakenly believed them, but he did not reveal a corrupt nature thereby. Shun believed their lies because of his regard for his parents. A life of virtue is then discussed.

Mencius compared sage king Shun here to a story about Zichan, when he had believed a dishonest servant. Zichan had given his groundskeeper a live fish to keep in a pond; instead he cooked and ate it. He later told Zichan the fish was alive and swimming in the pond. Zichan was happy that the fish "found his place". Hearing this from Zichan, the servant mocked his reputation for wisdom. But not Mencius, who concluded: "Thus a noble man may be taken in by what is right, but he cannot be misled by what is contrary to the way".[395][396][397]

Yet Mengzi in another episode disapproved of Zichan's 'small kindness'. The head of the Zheng government Zichan, it was reported, used to carry people across the rivers in his own carriage. Mengzi wrote, "He was kind but did not understand how to govern." Better it would be to get the bridges in good repair so the people not need wade across the rivers.[398][399]

Shen Buhai

In 354 Shen Buhai[400] (c.400-337)[401] became chancellor of Han state. Before 403 Han had been one of three rebel, clan-ruled vassal provinces of Jin (W-G: Chin); it got state status from the Partition of Jin.[402][403] In 375 Han conquered its neighbor Zheng (W-G: Cheng),[404][405] where Shen Buhai had been born.

"The most famous man of Cheng was the statesman Tzu-ch'an, who controlled its government from 543 B.C. until his death in 522. . . . In some respects the role of Tzu-Ch'an in Cheng resembled that which Shen Pu-hai would play in Han two centuries later."[406]

Shen Buhai's "talent in statecraft" enabled him to "live quite well" during the Warring States period. Then the seven states were engaged in a fierce, all-consuming competition to survive. To become "strong in war" required "becoming strong in organization, population, and production". Effective rulers benefited from ministers or advisers with such skill and experience. A state's prestige was in fact celebrated by presence at court of political philosophers whose statecraft had been verified by success.[407]

Shen Buhai's contemporary was Shang Yang the legalist.[408][409] In their comparison, Han Fei distinguished two styles of government. The use of law (fa) to control people's conduct (which might be used to restrict activity to agriculture and war). The use of technique (shù)[410] to manage through tact and formality, the personnel of government ministries (bureaucratic administration).[411][412][413][414] In this sense Shen Buhai did not follow legalism (fa) per se, but rather the use of technique (shù).[415][416] Zichan, however, appears as an early exemplar of employing both evolving styles.[417]

Shang Yang

Acclaimed by his adherents as the best minister at implementing legalism during the Warring States period, Shang Yang (c.390-338) did not mention Zichan in his writings. A major theme in Shang's politics was focus on agriculture and war, to the exclusion of all else,[418] to strengthen his Qin state in order to dominate all its rivals.[419][420][421]

Zichan, of a different age, was not so narrowly focused. He aspired to foster the virtues of traditional rites, by fa and shù he kept Zheng state rather fit,[422] with diplomacy he parried rival states, his government made room for merchants, the people of Zheng discussed his policies, along the way he accumulated a reputation in good standing.[423][424][425]

Xunzi

Xunzi (WG: Hsün Tzu) as imagined

A follower of Confucius, Xunzi (c.310-238) advanced the doctrine. He crafted a philosophical framework (filtered by Taoism and Legalism) to nest the teachings of the Rújiā. Differing with Mencius, Xunzi concluded that our human nature was not good to start, but we needed to be guided by education and nourished by the rites of li.[426][427][428]

About Zichan, Xunzi wrote; "Zichan was a person who won over the people, but he never went as far as making government work."[429][430] In discussing the life of Confucius, Xunzi mentioned 'an official act of Zichan' that contributed to a precedent Confucius chose to follow.[431]

In his first few days as prime minister of Lu, Confucius ordered the execution of a well-known person. His followers questioned the harsh act. In affirming his decision, Confucius gave five reason that justified putting a man to death (e.g., his "speaking falsely and arguing well" or his doing "what is wrong and making it seem smooth"). Confucius is said to have had a short list of historical examples (given in the Xunzi) of such justified executions, which included as the sixth and last: "Zichan executed Deng Xi".[432][433][434]

Han Feizi

Qin Shi Huang (Qing portrait c.1750)

Once taught by Xunzi, Han Feizi (c.280-233) became the premier legalist philosopher.[435] His life was difficult, ended in tragedy. Of the nobility of Han state,[436] his gift for political affairs was recognized despite his stutter. But the corrupt Duke of Han ignored him. So Han Fei migrated to Qin state. Its powerful ruler Qin Shi Huang had greatly admired his writing. A classmate of his youth, however, the legalist Li Si,[437] was active in Qin. Li Si poisoned Han Fei's chances by claiming he was a spy from Han.[438][439]

Zichan appeared from time to time in the text Han Feizi (written by Han Fei and others). Three different passages refer to Zichan's effective method of handling 'litigants' or 'suspects' to get at the truth. Zichan "separated them and never allowed them to speak to each other. Then he inverted their words and told each the other's arguments and thereby found the vital facts involved in the case."[440][441]

Han Fei observed that "when prestige in a royal house is low" ministers utter few "upright words". If "self-seeking" prevails, few will seek merit or serve "the public". As an example: "when Zǐ Chǎn sincerely advised the monarch" he was "angrily rebuked" by his father Zǐ Guó.[442][443][444] Han Fei later added: Ziguo told Zichan his loyalty to the state was "an act sharply different" from other ministers. If the sovereign is "worthy and enlightened" he will listen to you. If not, you are left "estranged" and "endangered", and "your father, too".[445][446]

Even as a critic of Zichan it seems Han Fei sensed his abiding significance. In the composite Han Feizi, in making a point about the people, Zichan is placed in equal stead to the esteemed Yu, a legenday sage king and founder of the Xia dynasty.[447][448] "Yu profited the whole world, [Zichan] preserved the state of [Zheng], yet both men suffered slander... ." The Han Feizi concludes that an able ruler knows: (a) "the wisdom of the people is not sufficient to be of use" for governing, (b) "to try to please the people [is the cause] of confusion", and (c) the people "are of no help in ensuring good [political order]".[449][450]

Yet in opposing here a Confucian teaching, i.e., that a contented yet lively people indicates good government,[451] Han Fei may have breached his own doctrine about following the facts.[452] Although Zichan did raise the land tax against popular opposition, he also spoke about the political advantage of a public favorable (even if irrationally) to state leaders.[453] In putting down a clan revolt, it was with public support.[454] He did know how to punish.[455] Although the people initially complained of his reforms, a few years later they praised him.[456] By publishing the Zheng's penal laws, the people benefitted.[457] Zichan was widely considered a popular minister.[458][459][460]

Shortly before death Zichan advised his successor as prime minister to skillfully punish offenders to preserve good order for the people.[461][462] In Han Fei, "fire appears severe, wherefore people rarely get burned".[463][464]

Deng Xi in the Liezi

The Liezi text

Liezi (Lie Yukou) by Zhang Lu.[465]

Obscure in origin the Liezi became widely admired, a book of "stories and philosophical musings" collected over several centuries.[466][467][468] A "considerable secondary literature" resulted in part from its authenticity being challenged. During the Tang dynasty the Liezi was deemed the third of three Taoist classics, after the Tao Te Ching and the Zhuangzi.[469][470] Its nominal author Lie Yukou (fl. 400 BCE) was "a real or imaginary hero of Chuang-tzu's anecdotes". He reportedly hailed from Zichan's own state of Zheng.[471][472][473]

In context of early Taoism of Zhuang Zhou, "Lieh Tzu could ride upon the wind... and return in fifteen days."[474][475] The notion of a mystic gnosis by the Taoist perfect man is presented in "the famous mystic Lieh-tzu, [yet] treated by Chuang-tzu somewhat suspiciously as a man inclined to use his spiritual power to display himself and to control the world through his charismatic magic."[476]

The Liezi gives two stories about Deng Xi's rivalry with Zichan.[477] Both occur in the state of Zheng, and appear to illustrate life principles.

Rivalry and fate

From chapter six, "Endeavor and Destiny", this episode first addresses the rivalry in Zheng between Zichan and Deng Xi (called here Teng Hsi). Its second half (omitted here) discusses how to manage life and death, suffering and change.

Graham's translation differs in detail from Wong's version.[478] Of the rivalry, telescoped renderings are given here, first Graham's, then Wong's.

Deng Xi liked to argue what was ambiguous. He wrote a code of laws, yet he attacked the chief minister, Zichan. The state adopted the laws, Zichan accepted the criticism, then suddenly had Deng Xi executed. "They could not have acted otherwise."[479]

Deng Xi liked to find fault, to stir up conflict among his colleagues in the government. Zichan ruled Zheng and to control crime enacted stricter laws. All were agreeable except Deng Xi. He attacked Zichan and his laws, so that officials split into two hostile camps. Without warning, Zichan had Deng Xi executed. "Things could not have happened otherwise... given the natural dispositions of the two men."[480]

The modern consensus for dating events in ancient China seems to place Zichan's death in 522, and to place Deng Xi's execution in 501, twenty-one years later.[481][482] Yet the Liezi makes a telling exemplar of their rivalry, which ends in the sudden execution.[483][484] The Lushi Chunqiu states:

When Prince Chan governed Zheng, Deng Xi strove to disrupt things. . . . Thus, wrong was taken to be right, and right was taken to be wrong. With no standard of what was right and wrong, what was permissible and impermissible varied each day. . . . The state of Zheng fell into complete chaos, and the populace clamored. Prince Chan, troubled by this turn of events, had Deng Xi executed.[485]

Opinions among scholars vary. "Car, si bon de le disent les auteurs Han, ils insistent bien sur le fait qu'il sut châtier. Une seule fois, c'est vrai, mais c'est bien le caractère unique de l'exécution de Deng Xi... qui la rend, tout la fois, admissible, efficace et nécessaire."[486][487]

Hedonistic brothers

This episode is from chapter seven, entitled "Yang Chu", a chapter considered markedly different than the rest of the Liezi.[488][489] Yang Zhu (c.440-360) founded the philosophical school of Yangism,[490][491] which flourished for a time during the Warring States period. Contra the more optimistic Confucius who focused on social norms and community service, Yang Chu held negative views of life, yet taught an individual's cultivation of the ego. Such inner personal development was coherent with Taoism. Although Taoism did not teach simple hedonism, nor did Yang Chu,[492][493] 'his' Liezi chapter clearly adopts a hedonism.[494][495] Elsewhere in the Liezi, however, hedonism is explicitly criticized.[496][497] In this episode, the attack on Zichan also seems to strike at Confucius.[498][499]

Zichan's success as Zheng minister led him to ponder his two wayward brothers, each a mark of failure in his family. He confided his unease with Deng Xi, who encouraged him to 'put things straight'.

His elder brother Chao was a drunk, with his own rice-beer brewery; his constant intoxication was wrecking his health and fortune. Younger brother Mu, a libertine, kept many young beautiful women; obsessed with his sex life, he was careless of all else.

Zichan met with them. Reason and foresight, morals and reputation are more important to the good life, he said, than feelings of the moment. If so, he'd offer them responsible, well-rewarded positions.

Mocking him, his brothers said they'd chosen to follow the true path of their human desires. Better, they said, than his way of pandering to the world and doing violence to his natural self. Pleasure and happiness beat reputation and a disagreeable life. If all followed nature, no need for government.

Later Zichan told Deng Xi what happened. Chao and Mu are the true sages of your family, Deng Xi replied; and the welfare of Zheng was not in fact Zichan's doing, but luck.[500][501][502]

Zichan in the Zuo Zhuan

Title page of Zuo Zhuan, Ming era

The multitude of assembled narratives found in the Zuo Zhuan recount several centuries in the ancient history of central China. The text self-presents as an expanded Commentary on the cryptically succinct Spring and Autumn Annals of the state of Lu, which cover the Spring and Autumn period, i.e., the years 722 to 481. Its author in traditional lore, Zuo Qiuming, was said to be a contemporary of Confucius. Current consensus dates the text to the 4th century BCE.[503][504]

The Zuo Zhuan appears to derive from a variety of sources, and "the ongoing integration of interpretive and informative layers".[505] There are surviving texts of several other ancient commentaries on the Annals of Lu state. Mention is also made of an "Annals of Zheng".[506][507][508]

"De nombreux épisodes du Zuozhuan mettent en scène Zichan, cette grande figure de la fin des Printemps et Autumns."[509] From the perspective of the school of Confucius, the character of Zichan in the Zuo Zhuan is often depicted in an attractive light.[510] Zichan here approaches the ideal realization of the virtues of Zhou-era "nobility".[511]

Professor Schwartz in summarizing his understanding of Zichan's career, draws on a point of view derived from the future development of ancient Chinese political thinking, during the Warring States Period. Accordingly, he places a different spin on the appraisal of his achievements:

[Zichan] is depicted in the [Zuo Zhuan] as one of the wisest men of his time, and also as a leading statesman in the small ancient state of [Zheng]... . He is depicted as a man who exemplifies the virtuous practice of li in his personal life, and as such, he enjoys the admiration of Confucius himself. Yet as an active statesman he is depicted as single-mindedly bent on assuring the survival of [Zheng]. While Confucius... [holds] his more universalist and moralistic perspective... . . . [Zichan] no longer seems to believe that the sincere practice of li can alone [be enough]. [T]he bonds of li had not prevented murderous and anarchic conflicts among the members of the dominant lineages and local nobility. Anarchy was evidently rife among the people [who worked in] a chaotic agrarian situation. . . . [Zichan's reform program] seems to anticipate the fully developed Legalist programs of later times... .[512]

Bibliography

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Articles

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  • Fraser, Chris, "School of Names": Deng Xi (2015), in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Archive.
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  • Martin, François, "Le cas de Zichan", in Gernet & Kalinowski, En Suivant la Voie Royale (1997).[557]
  • Puett, Michael, "Ghosts, Gods, & Coming Apocalypse," in Scheidel (ed.), State Power in Ancient China & Rome (Oxford University 2015).
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  • Rubin, V. A., "Tzu-Ch'an and the city-state of ancient China" in T'oung Pao, v.52: pp. 8–34 (1965).
  • Theobald, Ulrich, "Zichan" (2010), at ChinaKnowledge website, accessed 2022-07-27.
  • Theobald, Ulrich, "Regional State of Zheng" (2000), at ChinaKnowledge, accessed 2023-06-16.
  • Turner, Karen, "Sage kings and laws in the Chinese and Greek traditions," in Ropp (ed.), Heritage of China (University of California 1990).
  • Wang Hui, "The mixed Han-Tang-Song structure and its moral ideal" in Su Li, The Constitution of ancient China (2018).
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    • Goldin, Paul R., editor, Routledge Handbook of early Chinese history (2020).[564][565][566][567][568][569]
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    • Pines, Kern & Luraghi (PKL), editors, Zuozhuan and early Chinese historiography (Leiden: Brill 2024).
    • Loewe, Michael, editor, Early Chinese Texts. A bibliographical guide (SSEC & IEAS/U.Calif. 1993).
  • Kuan Feng and Lin Lü-shih, "Lüeh lun Tzu-ch'an ho Lao-tzu" in Lao-tzu che-hsüeh t'ao-lun chi (Peking 1959).

References

  1. ^ In the Lŭchi Chunqiu (2000), p.818, Zichan is translated "Prince Chan".
  2. ^ See "Career profile" subsection "Path as official" as to his year of birth.
  3. ^ Kung-sun ch'iao [Wade-Giles]: Watson, Tso Chuan (1989) p.223.
  4. ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 160-161: the fall of Western Zhou. Eastern Zhou divides into the Chunqiu and the Zhanguo periods (xx, 182).
  5. ^ Creel (1974), p.7: in the 771 defeat by rivals and barbarians, both the Zhou King and the Zheng Duke were killed.
  6. ^ Zhang (2014), p.156: in the initial Zhou hierarchy "the imperial and the clan power were integrated." From social rankings, one can infer that "the clan power was the backbone of imperial power."
  7. ^ Hsu (1965), p.3. Zhou's local rulers were kin as well as 'enfeoffed' allies, both were addressed as family.
  8. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 34-35, 62-63. In addition to fengjian, Liu uses the term zongfa to denote a dual system of Zhou authority: aristocratic, and lineage re the Ji clan.
  9. ^ Li Jun (1996): the fengjian system, pp. 67, 71-84; it desolves during the Eastern Zhou, pp. 103-108, 148.
  10. ^ Goldin: Shen (2020), fengjian ranks: nobility Gong, aristocracy Dafu & Shi (116-118). In 770 the new Duke of Zheng helped the new Zhou King move east (p.119).
  11. ^ Creel (1974), p.25: "For a time, after the Chou Kings moved east, the rulers of Cheng controlled the royal government".
  12. ^ Goldin: Shen (2018), p.126. Zheng's new capital: Xinzheng (late Chunqiu); estimated area (by excavation averages) 16 sq.km., a population over 100,000.
  13. ^ Lewis (2000), p.362, 370, differs (per Chunqiu). Large city-states: 9 sq.km., population (inferred) in the 10,000s; small: 4 sq.km., 1,000s. Public buildings of wood, single story, built on tamped-earth.
  14. ^ Falkenhausen (2006), p.133: speculated population of Jin state, contemporaneous to Zheng, perhaps 12,000 to 20,000.
  15. ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 116-120.
  16. ^ Zheng lands were between the weak Western Zhou King, and Song state, a feudatory remnant of the defeated Shang.
  17. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 550-552: Zheng state history. "Zheng Zhuang Gong was the first to obtain the status of leader of the interstate community" in the north (p.552, quote).
  18. ^ Li Feng (2013), 162-163: for a time "Zheng was politically and militarily the most active state in all of China." After 715 Zheng allied with Qi and Lu. Yet its power waned for reasons internal and external.
  19. ^ Goldin: Shen (20118), p.139, between 604 and 547, Chu invaded Zheng nine times, and Jin attacked Zheng twelve times.
  20. ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 104, & 105 (quote, per clans of Zheng).
  21. ^ Theobald (2010), "Zheng": founding, move east, strategic location for trade and war; early hegemony; Zichan chief minister; annexed by Han state in 375.
  22. ^ Goldin: Shen (2018), of Zheng state: whose first lords were the "mightiest figures", later "one of the most powerful" of the era's early states (p.119). Tombs of Zheng lords excavated 1923 (p.119). Marketplace of Zheng (p.130).
  23. ^ Creel (1974): Early Zheng rulers played "a leading role in the royal government" (p.7), Zheng's military victories in 707 and 673 (p.8), its powerful neighbors Jin and Chu (p.9), "The most famous man" of Zheng was Zichan (Tzu-ch'an) (p.10).
  24. ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.596: Hann state, one of three states partitioned from Jin state in 403, occupies Zheng in 375.
  25. ^ Pulleyblank (2000), p.7: the Zhou King had delegated as local rulers mostly "members of the royal Ji clan" to defend the Zhou patrimony.
  26. ^ Theobald (2010), "Zichan": Duke Mu (Zheng Mugong), reference to Duke Cheng (r.584-571), to Zichan's clan, and his names.
  27. ^ Pines (2002) p.313, lists Gongsun Qiao in "Chunqiu Personalities", his cognomens: Zi Chan and Zi Mei.
  28. ^ Kaizuka ([1951]; 1956, 2002): Zichan's family descended from Duke Mu, but his clan was "comparatively weak" among the seven houses of Zheng. Zichan, however, was "the son of a noble, and born into a family sufficiently illustrious to qualify him for high office" (p.89 quote; see pp. 75, 93-94).
  29. ^ Prince Guo or Ziguo (Kung-tsze Kwoh among pre-pinyin romanizations), also called Prince Fa [Gonzi Fa].
  30. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2 pp. 941-947 (Xiang 8), 957-963 (Xiang 9), 973-975 (Xiang 10). In any event, trouble with the conflicting demands of Jin and Chu lay ahead for Zheng state.
  31. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Xiang 8.3, p.203. The modern editors here comment (p.202): "Zichan appears as a precocious child, much to the dismay of his elders, a common trope in early Chinese literature."
  32. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang VIII ¶3, p.435. His father addresses him as "a boy like you".
  33. ^ Han Feizi (1959), v.2, p.84. His father advised Zichan: not to alienate other ministers.
  34. ^ Rubin (1965), p.15: here Zichan shown as skeptical of war.
  35. ^ Eichler (1886), p.13: Zichan's father Prince Fa (Kung-tsze Fah, also Kung-tsze Kwoh), as Zheng's minister of war, was celebrated for the raid on [Cai], except for criticism by his son Tsze-ch'an [Zichan]. Despite being rebuked, Zichan was made a "high dignitary at the early age of nineteen" (p.14).
  36. ^ Theobald (2010), "Zichan": Zheng victory; death of his father Gongzi Fa.
  37. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 11-12. His father Tzu-kuo [Ziguo] killed in 562.
  38. ^ Theobald (2000), "State of Zheng": Duke Jian followed his father Xi (r.570-566). Xi was killed by his minister Zisi.
  39. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2 p.939, Xiang 7.9(10). Lord Xi of Zheng had failed to accord with "ritual propriety" several of nobles and his minister Zisi, then killed a protester; "Zisi sent brigands to assassinate Lord Xi at night... [claiming it was] a sudden, serious illness". The editors add: "the Gongyang tradition speculates that the pro-Jin Zheng ruler was assassinated by his pro-Chu ministers" (p.939).
  40. ^ Zisi was a son of Duke Mu of Zheng (r.627-606). Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 p.2146 & p.2096.
  41. ^ Pines (2011), pp. 329-332: these events as recorded in the Chunqiu, the Zuo Zhuan and the Gongyang Zhuan, which are contrasted and compared.
  42. ^ Rubin (1965), p.12, estimates Zichan's birth year from 583 to 579, citing Chinese authors and Zuo Zhuan.
  43. ^ Eichler (1886), p.14: "the year of birth of Tsze-ch'an... must have been the year 581 B.C., because he was 19 years when his father died and when he became a [high dignitary]".
  44. ^ See above section, "Family of Zichan".
  45. ^ Theobald (2000), "Zheng": Dukes. "Zichan was a very competent person and was known for his kindheartedness, which helped him to survive the [violent politics] of the princes of Zheng."
  46. ^ Refer to section "Zichan in the Zuo Zhuan".
  47. ^ Zisi was the Zheng prime minister. In 566 he had killed Duke Xi (refer to section "Family of Zichan" above). In 565 plots against him had led Zisi to execute four nobles (Zuo Zhuan (2016) v.2, p.941, Xiang 8.2). Of the Si lineage, his was the father of Gongsun Hei (Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.2146). Gongsun Hei would confront Zichan in 541 and 540 (refer to "Government" section).
  48. ^ Spring and Autumn Annals of Lu, for Year 10 of Duke Xiang: "In winter, brigands killed Gongzi Fei (Zisi), Gongzi Fa (Ziguo) and Gongsun Zhe (Zi'er)" of Zheng. Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.965.
  49. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang X ¶8, p.448 (quotes). The rebels had "led a band of ruffians into the palace" where they killed the three ministers (Tsze-sze, Tsze-kwoh, Tzse-urh), a fourth Tzse-k'ung (Zikong) got away (pp. 447-448). Tzse-ch'an attacks (p.448).
  50. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.975, Xiang 10.9a(8). Clan leaders with "band of brigands" killed the three state ministers, but not Zikong; the Liege of Zheng held prisoner. Zichan's counter-attack, with "the inhabitants of the capital" (p.977, 10.9b).
  51. ^ Maspero (1978), p.82: Zichan set out with 17 chariots, "in all some eighteen hundred men".
  52. ^ Zhao (2015), p.153,n.45: the 563 rebellion in Zheng related to Chu's 564 order for Zheng to attack Jin's allies.
  53. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 9-11 (Zheng government, rulers), 11-12 ("armed insurgents", father dies), 12-14 (the people of Zheng).
  54. ^ Eichler (1886), p.14: Zichan "showed great presence of mind".
  55. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Xiang 10.9 (563), p.203.
  56. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang X ¶8, p.448. Zikong burns his document.
  57. ^ Theobald (2000) "Zheng", re Zikong: [Zisi hypocrisy]; burnt document.
  58. ^ Zuo Zhuan, Duke Seang XIX ¶12, pp. 483-484 (Zikong killed by two nobles, Zichan to high minister).
  59. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 12-13 (Zikong burns his document), 13-14 (Zichan's persuasion), 14 (Zikong killed, Chu; Zichan third of triumvirate).
  60. ^ Eichler (1886), p.14: Zikong: [Zisi hypocrisy]. By his document Zikong's autocratic rule would have replaced the oligarchy of nobles. Zichan in 553 a high minister (shao ching).
  61. ^ Li Feng (2011), p.198. Standing army of Jin state is calculated at 37,500 soldiers during the 6th century BCE.
  62. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 14-15: coalition politics; [Jin romanized as Chin].
  63. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.78. In the 6th century BCE, a northern league of Jin [Tsin], and southern league of Chu [Ts'oo] struggled for supremacy. Zichan negotiated between the demands of each.
  64. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXIV ¶1, p.507: Zichan's 548 letter to Jin. Duke Seang XXII ¶2, pp. 494-495: earlier 550 letter to Jin. The Jin minister agreed and reduced the requirements (p.507).
  65. ^ Eichler (1886, pp. 14-15: Zichan's two letters to Jin.
  66. ^ Hsu (1965), p.61. Family loyalties between enfeoffed royal kinsmen (e.g., Jin rulers and Zichan) prevailed during the fengjian system of the early Zhou dynasty, sustained by repeated intermarriages (p.53). Yet the "solidarity of nobility among the states gradually broke down in the Ch'un Ch'iu" (p.77).
  67. ^ Zhao (2015), 159: at the interstate meeting of 529 organized by Jin.
  68. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXV ¶4, p.515. Chu (Ts'oo) and Chen (Ch'in) invade Zheng (Ch'ing).
  69. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1147, Xiang 25.5(4).
  70. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXV ¶4, p.515: Zheng invades Chen, yet army returns without looting; by custom victors very harsh. A Chinese commentator noted that during the Chunqiu era, "there is none where the hostilities were conducted so courteously as by Tsze-chen and Tsze-ch'an [Zichan]".
  71. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 15-16. Zichan could not prevent this war, but strove to "terminate the existing enmity".
  72. ^ Hsu (1965), p.61: Zheng defeats Chen state in 548, yet the defeated people were "treated mercifully".
  73. ^ Maspero (1978), p.100: usually "prisoners were sacrificed on return from military expeditions." It was "more or less customary" after war.
  74. ^ Cf., Li Jun (1996), p.106.
  75. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXV ¶9, pp. 516, 517.
  76. ^ Pines (2002), p.112. Zichan defends Zheng to Jin.
  77. ^ Eichler (1886), p.15. Zichan's able defense using historical analogies, quizzed three times by Jin officials.
  78. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1251, Xiang 29.17: Incident between Liang Xiao of the Liang lineage (v.3, p.2088) and Gongsun Hei of the Si lineage (v.3, p.2067). Ibid., pp. 1261-1263, Xiang 30.10ab: Eventual violent attack on residence, killings. Later, armies of each clan face off in Zheng capital, then make covenant.
  79. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Seang XXIX ¶11 2d, p.551. Pih-yëw as Liang Xiao, Kung-sun Hih/Tsze-seih as Gongsun Hei. Ibid., Seang XXX ¶7.
  80. ^ Refer to "Belief, divination" section: 'ghost' of Liang Xiao.
  81. ^ Liu (1998). Unwritten rulings of a zu [clan]: pp. 12 ("the customary law of a particular zu was applicable only to its own zu members""), 15 (in Eastern Zhou a zu was a people of "the same consanguineous tie [often with their own] walled towns [and] customary law"), 14 (later "the zu disintegrated and individual families became the basic unit").
  82. ^ Lewis (1999), pp. 18-28. Zhou-era local traditions (based on clan usage and embedded in the rituals of ancestors) might well be the source for the formulas Zichan used to settle the feud.
  83. ^ Zhang (1997, 3d ed. 2008), pp. 187-188 (the patriarchal clan and lineage system was integral to the feudal autocracy, so that clan regulations directly influenced the everyday norms).
  84. ^ Kaizuka ([1951]; 2002), p.80: jurisdiction of each autonomous clan. "There existed only ad hoc settlements for solving a dispute involving two or more clans, and there was no determined written law."
  85. ^ Ch'ü (1961), pp. 15, 20. Chinese kinship is patrilineal, the father's lineage being known as tsu [zu].
  86. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXIX ¶8, p.550 & ¶10, p.551; Duke Seang XXX ¶1, pp. 555-556 & ¶7, p.557-558 & ¶9, p.558.
  87. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020 Durrant), Xiang 30.10 (543), pp. 204-205.
  88. ^ Rubin (1965), p.16.
  89. ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 17-18.
  90. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 14, 16. The people came to favor Zichan.
  91. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.66, citing the Shiji and the Zuo Zhuan (p.128,n31)
  92. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Xiang 30.13 (543 BCE), p.206. About the notorious clan rivalry, Han Hu told Zichan, "With me leading them to abide by your commands, who will dare go against you?" Zichan took charge.
  93. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXX ¶9, p.558. "Tsze-p'e" as Zi Pi.
  94. ^ Eichler (1886), p.18.
  95. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 16-17.
  96. ^ Lewis (2000), pp. 369-370 (quotes: "tyrants" 369, "seized" 370). Zichan's rise from the lower nobility to Zheng's highest office, while winning over the people, is held as similar to Greek "tyrants". Lewis gives a sequence-of-events summary of Zichan's career to 543.
  97. ^ Kaizuka (2002), pp. 89-90, 106, 117; refer also: 76-77.
  98. ^ Names of "teachers and aides of the famous prime minister of the state of Zheng, Zichan" were written on bamboo in texts recently discovered. Pines, Zhou History Unearthed (2022), p.263, n.82 (re p.90).
  99. ^ Source references for these issues are found in the subsections to follow.
  100. ^ His father Sima Tan (Ssu-ma T'an) started the grand project of writing China's history, that Sima Qian (Ssu-ma Ch'ien) completed. Sima Tan deserves to share the credit accordingly. Nienhauser (2006), vol. V.1, p.xviii-xix.
  101. ^ 'Zichan' per the Wade-Giles romanization.
  102. ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (1961 Watson), v.II, p.415 (quote).
  103. ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (2016 Nienhauser), vol. X, pp. 233-234 (quote), from Memoir 59 [Chapter 119], "The officials who follow reason".
  104. ^ Somewhat similarly described by Sima Qian was Confucius, when appointed chancellor of Lu by its ruler Ting (Duke Ding). Shiji (1979 Yang), p.8; Shiji (1931 Wilhelm), p.23.
  105. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.207 Xiang 30.13 (543 BCE).
  106. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXXI ¶9, p.558.
  107. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 553-556: Duke Huang of Qi, and Guan Zhong.
  108. ^ Pines (2002) re Qi state, pp. 107, 109-110, 125-127 at 125 (quote). A hegemon: "Ba" (p.107).
  109. ^ Lewis (2000), p.369.
  110. ^ Cf., W. Allyn Rickett, "Guanzi: Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays" (Princeton Univ. 1998): texts circa 2d c. BCE, includes descriptions of Spring and Autumn social economies.
  111. ^ Li Feng (2018), p.187.
  112. ^ Refer to section "Laws of 536", subsection "content".
  113. ^ Ping-ti Ho, The Cradle of the East (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, The University of Chicago 1975), p.44: "field agriculture occurred in the Neolithic nuclear area of North China independently of Mesopotamia" and hence of Egypt and of India.
  114. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 17-18, 20-21, Zichan's agrarian and related reforms.
  115. ^ Li Jun (1996), 127-128, Zichan per agricultural lands.
  116. ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 302-303. Most ancient literature on the agriculture of ancient China is "managerially oriented", addressed to "officials and administrators".
  117. ^ Shijing (Waley 1937, 1960), pp. 130-132, #135, King Ye's command to the Lord of Shao sent south to acquire new lands [c.770s BCE]: "'You are to make fields on every side; You are to tithe my lands.' Then without delay, without haste The king's domains were marked out, They were divided and duly ordered All the way to the southern seas" (quote p.131). Cf. Waley pp. 158-172: ten poems on Zhou-era agriculture.
  118. ^ Creel (1970), p.157: Creel, discussing Zhou rule, quotes from Karlgren's 1950 translation of the Shih-Ching, p. 234, whose second line here (instead of Waley's 'tithe') is 'Tax my territories and soil'.
  119. ^ Shijing (Jennings 1891), pp. 334-335. Cf. "An Admonition addressed in the Spring to the Officers who presided over Agriculture"', p. 351.
  120. ^ Falkenhausen (2006), pp. 409-411: farming tech, iron; productivity gains led to a rise in living standards and an increased population.
  121. ^ Li Jun (1996). Iron plow and oxen (p.114). Population of Chun Qui period estimated at 2.5 million (p.119), that at end of Zhan Guo, 25 million (p.120). Rapid increase in material wealth due to improvements in agriculture and technology (p.120).
  122. ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 307-398. Iron production more efficient by early Warring States period, rather than costly Bronze, for farming implements; crop yields also improved by irrigation, better seedlings, double cropping, fertilizers, pest control.
  123. ^ Wang (2014), pp. 191-193: ditches and boundaries.
  124. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Bk IX Duke Seang, Yr XXX ¶9, p.558 (quote).
  125. ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.370, Zichan: irrigation and taxes.
  126. ^ Mencius (1895, 1970), III,1: III,13-20; pp. 243-245.
  127. ^ Mengzi (2008), 3A 3.13-20; pp. 67-68.
  128. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.576. Called jing [ching], after the character for well "#", for the nine plots of land.
  129. ^ Li Jun (1996), well-field (jing tian) hypothesis questioned (pp. 88-91); ougeng method of pair field work (pp. 114, 122, 130).
  130. ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 189-190. Concluding, the "well-field" system was probably a Confucian ideal about Western Zhou.
  131. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 48-49: the jingtian (well-field); pp. 24-28, 50-54: the rise and fall of the lineages (zu).
  132. ^ Wang (2014): Zhou lineages and armed land seizures, pp. 188-193; the "well-field" and the mu land measurement, 193-195.
  133. ^ Li Jun (1996), p.127 (quote). Before Zichan's reform "there was no strict division of land" (p.128). No evidence that "a well-field system ever existed in Zheng" (p.128).
  134. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.67.
  135. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1872 Legge, 1983), IX: XXX ¶9, p.558.
  136. ^ Rubin (1965), p.21,n2, fields of the clans.
  137. ^ Li Jun (1996), p. 128: "land still under the actual control of the sublineage communities" in Zichan's day.
  138. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 12-13, the clan rebellion of 562.
  139. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang, X ¶8, p.448. The clan leaders whose 562 rebellion cost the life of Zichan's father were aggrieved in part because of their loss of farmland due to the government's "laying out the ditches through the fields" (p.447).
  140. ^ Li Jun (1996), p.112: land reform in Zheng circa 563, "laying out the ditches through the fields" results in killing of Zi Si by clans.
  141. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.80: Zichan needed revenue for tribute payments and defense.
  142. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), X Duke Ch'aou, IV ¶7, p.598 (quotes). "Moreover, I have heard that when a good-doer does not change his measures, he can [count] on success."
  143. ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 22. Han Fei is quoted at p.23, praising Zichan.
  144. ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 122-129. The Zhou dynasty, for use of their lands, at first received tribute payments from the vassal states. In turn (citing the Zhou Zhuan) the states collected payments in kind from those who cultivated the lands together (ji). For Spring and Autumn era, Li Jun analyzed the land tax in three city-state jurisdictions: Jin (122-125); Lu (125-127; and Zheng (127-128).
  145. ^ Wittfogel, according to Eberhard (1952), viewed land use in China as passing from primitive agricultural communism to a second stage "village communism" per the ching-t'ien ("well-field" system discussed above) until 250 BCE. Eberhard disagreed (pp. 21-22).
  146. ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 301, 310-312, quote p.312. A centuries-long major transition: of land, farm labor, agency, ownership. During Eastern Zhou, a rising population made the land more valuable than its tenant farmers (p.311).
  147. ^ Cf., Li Feng (2013), 189-194. Fierce intra-state fighting between clans, generations-long, weakened the lineage's power and hold on the land (pp. 170-173).
  148. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 576-578. Monetization of the Warring States economy replaced barter and facilitated land exchange between individual ownerships (p.582).
  149. ^ Liu (1998), p.50: "From the late Western Zhou onwards... individual families began to emerge as the basic unit of society".
  150. ^ Wang (2014), p.224 (quotes): Land taxation evolved from often treating "each village as a single tax unit". "Resource extraction" for the military eventually caused states to cut out "intermediaries" and make "the individual household the taxpaying unit". Cadasters and mapping farm land, pp. 193-207. Wang skips over the Spring and Autumn period, p.199.
  151. ^ The Simafa (4th c. BCE) states "One chariot carries three mailed officers; seventy-two foot troops accompany it. ... Seventy-five men to one light chariot." Quoted as commentary to Sunzi (Griffith 1963) II:1, p.72, re text "fast four-horse chariots".
  152. ^ Shaughnessy, Writing Early China (2023), p.370n31, in discussing translation of an ancient manuscript, mentions "the standard understanding of chariotry as combining ten foot-soldiers per chariot".
  153. ^ Gernet (1968), pp. 97-98. Jin state created its infantry in 540, though "noblemen habitually fought in chariots and did not easily accept the humble role" taken also by the soldier-peasant (p.98 quote).
  154. ^ Goldin: Tse (2018), pp. 323-325, "infantry became the mainstay of forces" (p.324 quote), did the fighting during Warring States (475-221).
  155. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.573. Lu in 594 and Zheng under Zi Chan in 538: to "levy military taxes" on rural people.
  156. ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 84-91: agriculture and military.
  157. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.80.
  158. ^ Eberhard (1952), p.12.
  159. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.554: "civil and military functions were united" under the Qi minister Guan Zhong (c.730-645).
  160. ^ Lewis (1990), p.59 (quote). Qi state military and land tax, pp. 56-57; Jin state, pp. 57-58.
  161. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), IX Duke Seang XXX, ¶9 (p.558); X Duke Ch'aou IV, ¶7 (p.598).
  162. ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), 16/5.3, B (pp. 389-390).
  163. ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 58-59 (Jin and Lu), p.59 (recruitment quote, privileged quote). The "five-man squad was the basic unit of military organization" (p.59).
  164. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), IX Duke Seang XXX, ¶9 (p.558): the rural households of five were "responsible for one another"; VIII Duke Ch'ing I, ¶4 (p.337): K'ëw [qiu] "is a territorial designation".
  165. ^ Liu (1998).
  166. ^ Lu Feng (2013), p.235. Later, creation of "Five Family Units" each "mutually responsibility for each other's conduct" adopted by Shang Yang for Qin state in 356.
  167. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 50-53.
  168. ^ Schwartz (1985), p. 326 (quote).
  169. ^ Timoteus Pokora, "China," in The Early State (The Hague: Mouton 1978), edited by Claessen and Skalnik, p.206.
  170. ^ Ch'u (1961), p.170. Ch'u then quotes Henry Maine's Ancient Law (11th ed, 1887), pp. 11-12.
  171. ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 102-120.
  172. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1403, Zhao 6.3a (quote); referenced at p.1425, Zhao 7.9a (Ibid.).
  173. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), p.609, Duke Ch'aou VI (year 536), ¶2: "We have here the following narrative about a proceeding of Tsze-ch'an in Ch'ing [Zichan in Zheng]: In the 3d month, they cast [tripods] in Ch'ing, with descriptions [of crimes and their] punishments [upon them]." Shuh-hëang [Shuxiang of Jin state] then sent his protest letter to Zichan (Ibid.).
  174. ^ Li Feng (2013), p. 174-175.
  175. ^ Hsu (1965), pp. 14, 20-23.
  176. ^ Creel (1980), pp. 34-38.
  177. ^ Cf., Bodde and Morris (1967), pp. 11-17: discussion of early laws and Chinese theories of legal origins.
  178. ^ Discussed further, below in this section: "Content".
  179. ^ Creel (1980), p.36: Zichan & laws of Zheng; p.37: Confucius contra.
  180. ^ Lewis (2021), pp. 25-26 re Zichan, and Confucius in the Zuo Zhuang.
  181. ^ Zhao (2015), pp. 164-165.
  182. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 20-21: Zichan.
  183. ^ Li Jun (1996), p.105: Zichan.
  184. ^ Bodde and Morris (1967) pp. 14-16: Zichan (Tzu-ch'an).
  185. ^ Ch'u (1961), p.170: "Not until the sixth century B.C. were laws of the various states revealed to the general public."
  186. ^ Zhao (2015), p.164 (quotes: Zheng and Zichan).
  187. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), quote at p.69.
  188. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 1956, 2002), p.106.
  189. ^ Lunyu (1971 Legge), p.278 XIV:X.
  190. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1989 Watson), pp. 160-161.
  191. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002) pp. 79-80. Each clan ran its own legal affairs. Disputes between clans were decided ad hoc (case by case). This allowance to "clan autonomy" by the state was "idealized by later Confucian scholars [as] 'rule by virtue'" (p.80).
  192. ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.178 [Zhao 6.3], e.g., letter from Shuxiang, an official of the state of Jin.
  193. ^ Cf., Fung (1937, 2d ed 1952, 1983), p.314: Confucius also attacked such notions of publishing laws.
  194. ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 323-330.
  195. ^ See here below section "Deng Xi in the Liezi".
  196. ^ "School of Names", at Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Annex, accessed 2022.12.12. The Mingjia was "notorious for logic-chopping". Although Deng Xi "established a link between disputation and litigation", it led to an anciently acceptable conclusion "that litigators disrupt social order and should be banned" (3.Deng Xi ¶1).
  197. ^ Lu (1998), 128, 130-135: "Deng Xi made every effort to counter the suppression of ideas and opinions imposed by the rulers of Zhen." Lu relies on the Lu Shi Chun Qiu 18.303 (p.132). Yet here it was Zichan's authority that Deng Xi fought against (p.131).
  198. ^ Creel (1980) p.41, where the author, on city politics of Zheng re Zichan and Deng Xi (WG Teng Hsi), quotes from the Lu Shi Chun Qiu:

    When Tsu-ch'an governed the state of Cheng, Teng Hsi worked to make difficulties for him. He contracted with those involved in legal proceedings... . [Many people] gave him presents and studied lawsuits... . They held wrong to be right and right to be wrong, so that... the proper and improper changed every day. ... The state of Cheng was thrown into great confusion and the people clamored and wrangled. Tsu-ch'an was distressed by this, and put Teng Hsi to death and exposed his corpse. The people's hearts were then quieted, right and wrong were established, and law prevailed.

  199. ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), pp. 454-455 [Bk.18, Ch.4.4].
  200. ^ The Xunzi (2014) harshly criticized Deng Xi, accusing him of using reason "to deceive and confuse the masses" (p.41 [6:48-50]), and of disregard for true right and wrong "in order to degrade and humiliate others" (pp.55-56 [8:118-120]). Hutton the translator refers to the Mingjia as "sophists" (p.204,n24).
  201. ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.180, at Ding 9.1 of year 501 BCE: the Zheng ruler Si Chuan put Deng Xi to death. Zichan, however, died in 522 (21 years before Deng Xi), p.202.
  202. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), p.772, Duke Ting IX, ¶1 2d. Si Chuan as Sze Chuen, Deng Xi as Tang Seih.
  203. ^ Chris Fraser, "Deng Xi's Exploits" (2015), Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Archive. Accessed 2024.08.06. Si Chuan ordered execution in 501.
  204. ^ Sun Zhenbin (2015). Deng Xi was executed by Zheng's ruler (p.16) in 501 BC (p.14).
  205. ^ Creel (1980), p.41. Ssu Ch'uan put to death Tent Hsi in 501, per the Zuo Zhuang.
  206. ^ Duyvendak, "Introduction", pp. 69-70 text and fn.1 (in 501, not Zichan), in Shang Jun Shu (1963).
  207. ^ The Xunzi (2014), p.319 [28:42-43], without stating a date, narrates that "Zichan executed Deng Xi". This statement's context is discussed below in the section "Xunzi".
  208. ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), p.454 [Bk.18, Ch.4]. Zichan.
  209. ^ The Book of Lieh-Tzu (1960), p.127 [Liezi]. Zichan.
  210. ^ Maspero (1978), p.324. Tzu-ch'an "put him to death at the end of the sixth century".
  211. ^ Martin (1997), pp. 82-83.
  212. ^ Sun Zhenbin (2015), p.16 (quote).
  213. ^ See here below at section "Deng Xi in the Leizi", subsection "Rivalry and fate".
  214. ^ Zuo Zhuan p.732.
  215. ^ Creel (1980), p.37.
  216. ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), pp. 177-178 & 179 [Zhao 6.3].
  217. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Bk. X Duke Ch'aou, Yr. VI ¶2, pp. 609-610.
  218. ^ "I have not the talents nor the ability to act for posterity; my object is to save the present age". Legge's 1872 translation in E. D. Thomas, Chinese Political Thought (New York: Prentice-Hall 1927), p.229.
  219. ^ Zhao (2015), pp. 164-165.
  220. ^ Fung (2d 1983), pp. 313-314: Zichan's reply.
  221. ^ Cf., Sun Zhenbin (2015), p.16, note 43: Deng Xi "aggravated the conflict between li and law."
  222. ^ Some issues re the Fajia are addressed in Philosophy section.
  223. ^ Ming T'ai-su of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), "instituted a program of disseminating knowledge of the law for the guidance of the people". Ichisada Miyasaki (1980), p.59 (quote), in Cohen, Edwards, Chen, eds., Essays on China's legal traditions (Princeton University).
  224. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.128 (Jin laws published).
  225. ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.599.
  226. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v. 3 p.1703, Lord Zhao 29.5.
  227. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Ch'aou, year XXIX, ¶5, p.732.
  228. ^ Liu (1998), a legal source being the customary laws of the zu (clan), e.g., pp. 22, 27, 44 ("many customary laws were unwritten"), 54 ("One may conclude that that Chinese law originated from the usages and customary laws practiced by the different zu"); 88 (); 132 ("Many members... devoted their first loyalty to their own zu. The zu heads enjoyed undisputed authority within their own zu).
  229. ^ Li Feng (2013), pp.174-176: decline of "traditional lineage-based legal system" (p.175).
  230. ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), pp.79-80 (jurisdiction when violations occur between members of different clans).
  231. ^ Liu (1998), p.88 (quote).
  232. ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 42-50: blood covenants. In 562 Zheng was invaded by a coalition of states, which then all "in this covenant agree not to hoard grain, not to monopolize profit, not to protect conspirators, not to harbor criminals... " (p.47).
  233. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.989, Lord Xiang 11 (562 BCE), 11.3(4,5).
  234. ^ Kaizuka (1951,2002), p.80: the resolution of a dispute would be enforced according to "a contract witnessed by the blood of the nobles of each party."
  235. ^ Liu (1998), p.22: The meng or covenant mitigated "the conflicts between different states" and eased "frictions between the different zu [clans] within the same state." Cf., pp. 44-45, 167-168.
  236. ^ Section "Laws", subsection "Context". Also relevant: "Content" in this section below.
  237. ^ Creel (1980), pp. 34-37.
  238. ^ Cf., Martin (1997), p.70 "[institué] de châtiments" {[instituted] punishments}, quoting the Zuo Zhuan, Zhao 16.3. Here in a speech of 526 BCE, Zichan makes an allusion to royal Zhou policy on punishments, or its lack.
  239. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1533, Zhao 16.3.
  240. ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), p.81 (quote re Zichan).
  241. ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.599. The 513 casting of laws in bronze done "to enforce the destruction" of two Jin lineages.
  242. ^ Liu (1998), pp.87-88.
  243. ^ Lewis (1990), p.64: lineage power lost in era of legalist reforms.
  244. ^ See discussion in this section "The laws of 536 BCE", subsection "Context".
  245. ^ Cf., Jiang (2021), pp. 456-457: brief discussion of fajia attack on a Confucian "cultivation of personal virtues" and how the fajia "grossly underestimated" the importance of such virtues "in our self-understanding as humans, hypocrisy and all".
  246. ^ Martin (1997), Zichan: entre légistes et confucianistes.
  247. ^ Zhang ([1997], 3d ed 2008), p.25 ("amalgamate" quote).
  248. ^ Liu (1998), development of "natural li" starting in Spring and Autumn (pp. 74-82). In early Han dynasty came "the so-called Confucianization of Chinese law" (pp.185-186, p.252 "so-called" quote).
  249. ^ Maspero (1978), p.356: It was to the "ritualists who had carried out the role of educators" that the Confucian school "owed its vitality and strength to survive the [legalist] crisis" and emerge "more vigorous than before."
  250. ^ Chü (1961), pp. 267-279 (post-legalist Confucian influence on Han dynasty law).
  251. ^ Eichler (1886), p.65 (quote).
  252. ^ Liu (1998), p.20: The Zuo Zhuan narrates "the casting of bronze tripods in 536 BC with descriptions of crimes and their punishments on them".
  253. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp.1403-1405, Lord Zhao 6.3. "Zheng leaders cast a penal code in bronze" (p.1403, ∮6.3a). Shuxiang of Jin then wrote a letter to accuse Zichan of making a grave mistake. After brief mention of the Xia's 'Punishments of Yu', the Shang's 'Punishments of Tang', and the Zhou's 'Nine Punishments' (the editors note at p.1404, n.312: ""The nature of the three statutes is not known"), Shuxiang's letter continued that Zichan "fixed the three statutes, and cast the penal code" (p.1405, ∮6.3b).
  254. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Ch'aou, year VI ¶2, p.609: At Zheng, "they cast [tripods]... with descriptions [of crimes and their] punishments [upon them]." In Shuxiang's letter to Zichan: "you have framed [this imitation of] those 3 codes, casting your descriptions of (crimes and their) punishments".
  255. ^ Zhao (2015), p.164. Zheng's legal codes of 536, nothing else about their content is known.
  256. ^ Creel (1980), p.37: Creel doubts the authenticity of the Fa-ching, as claimed to be written by Li K'uei (c.400).
  257. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 310-311 (quote). The Fajing was created c. 400 (p.20) by Li Kui (pp.182-183). According to the Jin Shu (of the Tang Dynasty) "when Shang Yang went to state of Qin, he brought with him the Fajing" (Liu quote, p.183). Cf., discussion re Han law at pp.253-256.
  258. ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), the Fa jing at pp. 604-606. Accounts "written much later" describe its division into six sections (p.606, where Lewis provides his translation of the six from the same source, the Jin shu). The legalist Fa jing was "devoted to penal measures to control the people" (p.606). Zichan's likely purpose in 536 differed to some degree.
  259. ^ Primary ancient source: the Zuo Zhuan (refer to final section infra).
  260. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.2134: You lineage head.
  261. ^ Han Feizi (1939), v.1, p.292. You Ji became the successor to Zichan as chief minister of Zheng in 522.
  262. ^ 2016 editors of Zuo Zhuan say Ran Ming was "himself ugly" (p.1135). After listening to him "about the way of government", Zichan remarked, "In the old days I saw only Ran Ming's face, but now I have seen his heart". (p.1155, Xiang 25.14).
  263. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1157, Lord Xiang, 25.14.
  264. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.517, Duke Seang, XXV ¶10 2d. Tsze-t'ae-shuh as You Ji.
  265. ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 15-16.
  266. ^ Refer to "Path" section.
  267. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1285, Xiang 31.10b (3 quotes, including by Wei minister Beigong Tuo).
  268. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.565, Seang XXXI, ¶7 2d.
  269. ^ Lunyu (1971 Legge) 14.9, p.278 (parallel quote).
  270. ^ Creel (1974), p.11 (quote).
  271. ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 325-326. Under Zichan, officials were "chosen on the basis of merit" and kept to their duties, so that for Zheng state a "greater control was to be achieved... ."
  272. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 207-208, Xiang 31.12 (542 BCE), quote at 208.
  273. ^ Creel (1974), p.12 (quote), followed by Creel's translation of the episode here: "Zuo Zhuan" at Hsiang 31 (p.12 text, n.14).
  274. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.208.
  275. ^ Gongsun Hei's grandfather was Lord Mu of Zheng, his father was Zisi (Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1316, note 67 to Zhao 1.7a-7b). Zisi and Ziguo (Zichan's father) were two of the three state ministers killed in the 563 revolt (refer to section "Path as state official").
  276. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1255, Xiang 30.2). The Si and Liang lineages had an uneasy truce in 543; Zichan expected renewed conflict. Gongsun Hei was of the Si clan.
  277. ^ Zichan, however, disapproved of Gongsun Hei's character. "How long can he last? He lacks ritual propriety and has a habit of bullying others." Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1329 (quote), Zhao 1.12d.
  278. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.578, Duke Ch'aou I, ¶3 4th. See-woo Fan as Xiwu Fan, Tsze-nan (Kung-sun Ts'oo) as You Chu, Tsze-sieh (Kung-sun Hih) as Gongsun Hei; "sorrow", "friendship", "a measure of right" quote.
  279. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1317-1319, Lord Chao 1.7a-7b.
  280. ^ Lewis (2021), pp. 27-28. Xuwu Fan said to be the father, not a brother. Lewis presents this story in the context of a society dominated by a warrior culture.
  281. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1317-1319, Lord Zhao 1.7a-7b., "five" and "best" quotes at p.1319.
  282. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.578, Duke Ch'aou I, ¶3 4th. "great officer" quote. T'ae-shuh (Yëw Keih) as You Ji, Yëw-T'soo as You Chu.
  283. ^ Liu (1998), p.132 (You clan leader consulted).
  284. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p. 1341, Zhao 2.4(3). Zichan prosecuted him, and included in a list of his three capital offenses: "Vying with a kinsman for a wife". Faced with state punishment, Gongsun Hei hung himself.
  285. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 171-172, Zhao 2.4 (540 BCE).
  286. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1287, Lord Xiang 31.11 (5 Zichan quotes, 1 by Confucius [who heard later about Zichan's views])
  287. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.565-566, Seang XXXI ¶7 3d.
  288. ^ Lewis (2021), p.79. Better to listen to the common people, hence praised by Confucius.
  289. ^ Contra: Zichan was accused of suppressing the speech and writings of Deng Xi, his young political rival in Zheng, e.g., section "The laws of 536" at "initial adverse reaction" and section "Deng Xi in the Liezi" at "Rivalry and fate".
  290. ^ Sun (2015), p.15. Per Deng Xi, Zichan prohibited the public posting of writings and later delivery of pamphlets.
  291. ^ Refer to section "Agriculture".
  292. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp. 1533-1537, Zhao 16.3b-3c. The rings were "twins" (p.1533); covenant quote (p.1535).
  293. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Ch'aou XVI, ¶2 2d, p.664: "border state" quote.
  294. ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.1, p.13, n.3.
  295. ^ Liu (1998), pp. 157-158.
  296. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp. 1589 (quotes), Zhao 20.9.
  297. ^ Han Feizi (1939), v.1, pp. 292-293.
  298. ^ Han Feizi (n.d. [2024]), p.138.
  299. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), p.1591 (quote), Zhao 20.9.
  300. ^ Lüshi chunqiu, Book 26, Chap. 3; pp. 650-651 (quote). "The Supreme Importance of Agriculture". The sage-kings of antiquity guided the people's devotion to farming, which ennobled them. "When the people farm, they remain simple, and being simple are easy to use. Being easy to use, the borders are secure, and the position of the ruler is honored. When the people farm, they are serious... the law is common to everyone... and all efforts are united."
  301. ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), p.301: the vast majority were commoners.
  302. ^ Chu (2021), chapters 5 and 6.
  303. ^ Lewis (2000), pp. 371-372.
  304. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.572. The population in a Zhou state during Chunqiu was usually either "the guo ren (people of the state, i.e., of the city) [or] the ye ren (people in the field)."
  305. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.66, citing the Zuo Zhuan and Lüshi Chunqiu.
  306. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 8, 12: Zichan's resulting popularity.
  307. ^ Lewis (2000), p.370, Zichan's early concern for the populous, but later his concern limited.
  308. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Ch'aou, XXV ¶2, p.708: Zichan said that ceremonies (li) came from the ways of heaven, the nature of earth, and the actions of people (italics added). [Cited in Wang Hui, Rise of Modern Chinese Thought (Harvard University 2023), p.25.]
  309. ^ Lunyu (1893, 1971 Legge), p.178 (bk. V ch. XV). Confucius about Zichan: "[I]n nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."
  310. ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (2006 Neinhauser), vol. X, pp. 232-234 (119.3101), at p.234. Comments by editor/translator (p.240): "The final line of Tzu-ch'an's biography (3101) also implies the dependence of the common people on him: 'To whom will the common people turn to [now]?'".
  311. ^ L&K: Kalinowski (2011), pp. 346, 347 (divinations table): the Zuo Zhuan contains 46 cases with divinations by heated turtle shell; pp. 349-354: turtle divinations.
  312. ^ Refer to "Government" section, 541 BCE: Gongzun Hei.
  313. ^ Zou Zhuan (2016), pp. 1325-1329, Zhao 1.12a-1.12d, quote at 1329.
  314. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), p.580, Duke Ch'aou I, ¶10 1st. Prince as Marquis, Liege as Earl, Zichan as also Kung-sun K'eaou, 'divine about her' as consulting the tortoise-shell.
  315. ^ Zuo Zhuan, v.3, pp. 1329-1331, Zhao 1.12e-12f.
  316. ^ Kaizuka (2002), pp. 81-85.
  317. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 p.1425 (quotes: dreamed, spooked), Zhao 7.9a. Si clan chief: Si Dai (p.2120), Feng clan chief: Gongsun Duan (p.2067). Strife and death of Liang Xiao: (v.2 p.1251, Xiang 29.17; p.1255, Xiang 30.2; pp.1261-1263, Xiang 30.10a).
  318. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.618 (quote: soothe the people"), Ch'aou VII ¶4 4th. Pih-yëw as Xiang Xiao.
  319. ^ Maspero (1978), pp.167-168. Po-yu as Xiang Xiao, who announced in a dream "the death of his two assassins" (p.167). "The people were calmed only after his office had been given to his son" in order to "appease his irritated soul" (p.168).
  320. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.618 (quote: "when a ghost"), Ch'aou VII, ¶4 4th. Tzu-t'ae-shuh as You Ji (head of the You clan). One unfit family member had been "put to death" (p.618).
  321. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 p.1425 (quote: the people, curry favor), Zhao 7.9a. The editors state:

    "Whatever his own beliefs about the existence of these ghosts, Zichan shows here a canny ability to maintain the balance of power among noble lineages and to manipulate public opinion by appearing to appease the spirits of his enemies."

  322. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1427 (quote), Zhao 7.9b.
  323. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), p.617 ("yellow bear"), Ch'aou VII, ¶4 3d.
  324. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), p.1423 (quote), Zhao 7.7.
  325. ^ Wieger (1969), p.117.
  326. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 p.1549 (quote), Zhao 17.5.
  327. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), pp. 83-84, "Master of Divination" (p.84).
  328. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 pp. 1553-1555, Zhao 18.3 (two quotes); "the great turtle shell" was moved. Also, pp. 1557-1559, Zhao 18.6a+b ("fortunate" quote).
  329. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Ch'aou XVII ¶[2] & ¶4, pp. 671-672. P'e Tsaou as Pi Zao.
  330. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 211-214.
  331. ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 28-29. No sacrifice.
  332. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.260 (quote), Zhao 19.10.
  333. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), p.675, Ch'aou XIX ¶5 3rd.
  334. ^ Eichler (1886), p.75.
  335. ^ Wieger (1969), p.120: text.
  336. ^ Maspero (1978), pp. 103-104: p'o and hun.
  337. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999). The dominant Zhou culture then coexisted with several subordinate cultures, i.e., there was a mix "among the Zhou and many non-Zhou peoples in this period" (p.569). Zheng state, too, contained "non-Zhou people, the Man, Rong, and Di" (p.551).
  338. ^ Li Feng (2013), 189-194. Fierce intra-state fighting between clans, generations-long, weakened each lineage's power, and its hold on the land (pp. 170-173).
  339. ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 43-45: Blood covenants, interstate and (within states) between clans, began to replace lineage loyalty, as a basis for trust in agreements.
  340. ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 300, 314-315: altars.
  341. ^ Lewis (2000), p. 371 (quote). Popular sense of the state as territory; deities of the land.
  342. ^ Cf., Kaizuka (2002), pp. 83-85.
  343. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3 p.1557 (quote), Zhao 18.6a.
  344. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Ch'aou XVIII ¶4,p.671; Zichan "celebrated a great sacrifice at the altar of the land".
  345. ^ Kaizuka (2002), p.84.
  346. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Zhao 25.3 (year 517), pp.128-130. At p.128: quote of Zheng official, pp. 128-129: Zichan's speech in 40 lines, p.130: Jin minister's appreciation. Translator's "grandest" quote, p.127.
  347. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp.1637-1639, Lord Zhao 25.3a(2)-3b.

    Ritual propriety is "the warp thread of heaven and earth, [on which] people make their model. . . . Warmth and kindness, generosity and affability, were made to imitate heaven's way of giving birth and fostering things. . . . For sorrow there is wailing and weeping, for pleasure there is singing and dancing, for joy there is giving and forgiving, for anger there is war and contention... . For this reason rulers were careful in their conduct and made their orders trustworthy".

  348. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), XXV Duke Ch'aou ¶2, pp.708-709.
  349. ^ Fung (1937, 2d ed 1952, 1983). Zichan's speech at pp. 38-39 in 45 lines. Fung includes it in his chapter "Philosophical Thought prior to Confucius".
  350. ^ Schwartz (1985), p.176, p.177.
  351. ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), p.39 (quote).
  352. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 204-205, Xiang 30.10 (543 BCE).
  353. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, pp. 1261-1263, Xiang 30.10a(7).
  354. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, pp. 1271, Xiang 30.13b.
  355. ^ Maspero (1978), pp. 173-174.
  356. ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), p.181.
  357. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.1147, Xiang 25.5(4).
  358. ^ Kaizuka (2002), pp. 78-79.
  359. ^ Maspero (1978), p.214: conference in Sung: Jin & Chu.
  360. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 1195, 1201, 1213,
  361. ^ Lewis (1989), pp. 45-46.
  362. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1409, Zhao 6.7a.
  363. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), VI Duke Ch'aou ¶2a, p.610.
  364. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp. 1507-1509, Zhao 13.3f-3g.
  365. ^ Kern, p.167, in Pines, Kern, Luraghi (2024).
  366. ^ Kaizuka (2002), p.106.
  367. ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 325-327, 328 (portrayal of Zichan with regard to later legalism), 353 (reasoning versus the diviner's mythical view of comets).
  368. ^ Rubin (1976), p.15: Zichan seen as "a statesman and thinker".
  369. ^ Lewis (2021), p.39.
  370. ^ Hsu (1965), p.53 quotes. In the late Zhou era, the nobility's once unquestioned rule antenuates, then falters. The emerging shih followed a traditional code (p.8) of status and loyalty, but their rulings begin to appear arbitrary, lose an effective hold on people. The state ministers begin to encroach on the nobility's power, then to usurp their authority (pp. 1-8, 31-37).
  371. ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 161-178. After fall of Western Zhou (c. 771) the royal lineage systems were often eclipsed at the top by various hegemons. Then the xian system emerged: 'feudal' rule by Zhou nobility was replaced by state appointed local officials. The shih class arose. States explicitly began to employ legal codes to better control the population. During the Spring and Autumn period the cultural changes were "wide-ranging and fundamental", upheavals "totally reshaping" ancient China (p.161).
  372. ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 323-327, quote at 325 (where he refers to the Zuo Zhuan as the Tso-chuan and to Zheng as Cheng). Schwartz notes that ancient texts about Zichan may reflect the legalist lens of a later era (p.325).
  373. ^ Creel (1974), pp. 10-12.
  374. ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), pp. 83-85.
  375. ^ Schwartz (1985), re Zuo Zhuan: pp. 176, 177 (speech); p.181 (qi).
  376. ^ Lewis (2021), pp. 27-28.
  377. ^ Yang Zhaoming, A Tour of Qufu (Shanghai Press 2004, 2009), p.157.
  378. ^ Schwartz (1985), p.60: Confucius "had the leisure to form his thought into a coherent and integrated vision", unlike "the great statesman" Guan Zhong [p.109] or Zichan.
  379. ^ Creel (1949, 1960), pp. 112-113 text, p.309 note 2. Creel emphasizes that the role of Confucius was "unique". He remarks that the similarity of the Analects with the possible "sources" might be a result of later text editing.
  380. ^ Shiji (1994, rev'd 2021), vol. VII, p.115.
  381. ^ Also: Lüshi (2000), p.713: Shiji quoted.
  382. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 177-179 [Zhao 6.3].
  383. ^ Lewis (1999), pp.20-21.
  384. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.179 [Zhao 29.5].
  385. ^ See discussion above: "Publishes laws (in 536)".
  386. ^ Lunyu (1893), p.153 [II.23]: though "at a distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known." Legge notes that no "supernatural powers" are claimed (p.153).
  387. ^ Lunyu (1998), p.114 [2.23]: Asked whether "ten generations hence could be foretold", Confucius noted factors to watch, concluding that "even though it were a hundred generations, it can be known." Brooks states no interpolation (p.329).
  388. ^ Shiji (1925, 1931), pp. 54-55.
  389. ^ Cf., Shiji (1979), pp. 21-22.
  390. ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.179 [Zhao 6.3].
  391. ^ Lunyu (1893, 1971), p.178 (bk.V ch.XV). Also, Kung of Zichan: he gave government notices "proper elegance and finish", p.278 (bk.XIV ch.IX).
  392. ^ Lunyu (1998), p.105 per 5:15 re Zichan ([here romanized as Dž-chǎn, cf.p2). Brooks & /Brooks state, however, this passage may be an interpolation (added at bk.13) made by Dž-Jīng (c.351-295). A rival (as an heir) to Mengzi (as a meritocratic challenger), Dž-Jīng was the fourth head of the Kung school at Lu (pp. 89, 99, 117 [rivals]; 145 [his death, his son repurposes school], 285, 287, 333 [Kung lineage & school]). Also Kung (Confucius) re Zichan's "elegance" p.120 (14:9).
  393. ^ Lüshi (2000), p.390. Here the Lûshi articulates these positive appraisals in favor of Zichan and Confucius, yet does so in a convoluted manner to push a political argument.
  394. ^ Refer to section infra: "Zichan in the Zuo Zhuan".
  395. ^ Mengzi of Van Norden (2008), pp. 118-120 [5A 2.1-2.4], esp. pp. 119-120 [2.4] (quote "his place"). Van Norden notes that this "cognitive error" was considered "highly admirable" by Mengzi and much later by the Neo-Confician Zhu Xi as a form of "virtue ethics" (p.120).
  396. ^ Mencius of Legge (1895, 1970), pp. 347-348 [V.II.4].
  397. ^ De Barry and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 1 (Columbia University 1960, 2d ed 1999), p.143 (quote "noble man").
  398. ^ Mengzi (2008), pp. 103-104 [4B 2.1-2.5]): quote 2.2.
  399. ^ Mencius (1970 Legge), pp. 317-318, IV (pt.2).II.1-5; quote re 2.
  400. ^ Wade-Giles: Shen Pu-hai.
  401. ^ Creel (1974), p.21, p.24.
  402. ^ Goldin: Chen Shen (2018), p.114. The other two states were Wei and Zhao. The once very powerful state of Jin (11th century to 403) lingered as a non-state locale, soon to completely vanish.
  403. ^ Shiji, 45.6-7.
  404. ^ Creel (1974), p.25.
  405. ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 552.
  406. ^ Creel (1974), p.10, quote. Shen Buhai was "probably an officer of Cheng before the conquest" (p.24).
  407. ^ L&S: Nivison (1999), p.769, quotes.
  408. ^ Both political leaders had books named after them: Shen Buhai's survives only in fragments (Creel (1974), pp. 343-392); Shang Yang's is the Shang jun shu.
  409. ^ Liu (1998), p.198,n,42 to text at p.183. Liu finds Creel unpersuasive per Shen Buhai.
  410. ^ The meaning of shù to signifying "technique" apparently developed during the Warring States period. Creel (1974), pp. 125-126.
  411. ^ Han Feizi (1939), Bk.17, chap.XLIII; v.2, pp. 212-216: comparing the styles of Shang (fa lacking shù) and Shen Buhai (shù with confused fa).
  412. ^ Han Feizi (2024), pp. 256-258; chap.43.
  413. ^ Creel (1974), p.137 re Han Fei.
  414. ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 235-236, re Han Fei and Creel on Shen Buhai.
  415. ^ Creel (1974), pp. 40-44. "In fact, Shen Pu-hai was not a legalist" (p.135). Yet "spectrum" of gradations between fa and shù (pp. 147-169).
  416. ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), p.319.
  417. ^ Mengzi (2008), pp. 103-104 (4B 2.1-2.5). Mencius criticized Zichan's governing style for doing his own investigation into facts, rather than relying solely on administrative techniques.
  418. ^ Liu (1998), "agriculture and war": e.g., pp. 180, 182, 186, 190, 191.
  419. ^ Shiji (1994, 2d ed 2021), vol. VII, pp. 155-168: "The Lord of Shang", memoir 8.
  420. ^ Shiji, "The Biography of Lord Shang" in Shang Jun Shu (1928 Duyvendak), pp. 8-31, his horrid death, p.30.
  421. ^ Shang Jun Shu (2019), "Introduction" by Pines: summary execution, "torn apart by chariots" (p.22).
  422. ^ Here using term as developed during the Warring States period.
  423. ^ Martin (2015).
  424. ^ Rubin (1960).
  425. ^ Eichler (1884), pp. 76-78 (not without criticism).
  426. ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.I, pp. 286-288.
  427. ^ Xunzi (2014 Hutton), pp. 248-257 [23:1-394], "Human Nature is Bad".
  428. ^ Xunzi (1963, 1996 Watson), pp. 157-171, chapter 23 "Man's Nature is Evil".
  429. ^ Xunzi (2014), pp. 70-71 [9:118-119], quote in "The Rule of a True King".
  430. ^ Refer to the Mencius (Mengzi) section.
  431. ^ The Zichan action here is of questionable historical accuracy. Refer to Deng Xi paragraphs: above in "Laws of 536" and below re "Liezi text".
  432. ^ Xunzi (2014), pp. 318-319 [28:21-47], quote about Zichan p.319 [28:42-43]; in chapter 28: "The Right-Hand Vessel".
  433. ^ Martin (1997), p.83: discussion.
  434. ^ See above "The laws of 536 BCE", subsection "Initial adverse reactions", the paragraph on Deng Xi: his execution (disputed whether Zichan ordered it or not). See also "Deng Xi in the Liezi text" below, "Rivalry and fate".
  435. ^ Creel, Chinese Thought (1953), p.145: "From an intellectual point of view the most important of all Legalists in Han Fei Tzŭ".
  436. ^ Han Fei was a descendant of the Han/Jin ruling lineage. Refer to section "Shen Buhai".
  437. ^ Wade-Giles: Li SSǔ.
  438. ^ From the Shiji, "The biography of Han Fei Tzŭ" by Ssǔ-ma Ch'ien, in Han Feizi (1939 Liao), v. I, pp. xxvii-xxix: W. K. Liao's 3-page translation.
  439. ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.I, p.320.
  440. ^ Han Feizi (1939 Liao), vol.1 p.285, 9:XXX.7 ("cross examine"); the same quote in vol.1 p.310, 9:XXX.IIC and vol.2 p.62, 12:XXXII,VIC.
  441. ^ Han Feizi (n. d. [2024]), pp. 134, 147, 178. Of the ruler's seven methods to govern (p.132), the seventh: "By speaking and acting contrary to one's intentions to test suspicions, the nefarious situation can be discerned", e.g., Zichan's separating the litigants (p.134).
  442. ^ Han Feizi (1959), v.II, p.66, 12.XXXIII.6 (quote "prestige").
  443. ^ Han Feizi (n.d. [2024]), p.182 (quotes: "self-seeking", "when Zi Chan").
  444. ^ Refer to subsection "Family of Zichan" 565 BCE.
  445. ^ Han Feizi (1959), v.II, p.84, 12.XXXIII.VIC (quotes).
  446. ^ Han Feizi (n.d. [2024]), p.191.
  447. ^ Han Feizi (1964 Watson), section 50, p.129 (Yu and Zichan); p.xiii (the legenday Yu of 2205 BCE ).
  448. ^ Van Norden (2011), pp. 4-5, 7 (King Yu of the Xia).
  449. ^ Han Feizi (1964 Watson), section 50, p.129 (4 quotes).
  450. ^ Han Feizi (1959 Liao), vol. II, p.310, Bk. 19, Chap. L: "causes of confusion"; "political order".
  451. ^ Lunyu (1893), p.269, Bk.XIII, Ch.16:2.
  452. ^ Han Feizi.
  453. ^ Zuo Zhuan.
  454. ^ Zou Zhuan.
  455. ^ Martin (1997), pp. 82-83.
  456. ^ Shiji.
  457. ^ Zuo Zhuan.
  458. ^ Lewis.
  459. ^ Rubin.
  460. ^ Weber.
  461. ^ Refer to section on "Government" at 522 BCE.
  462. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp.214-215, Zhao 20.9.
  463. ^ Han Feizi (1939), v.1, pp. 292-293, 9:XXX.IIC (quote at 292).
  464. ^ Han Feizi (n.d. [2024]), p.138.
  465. ^ Textural investigation of the Liezi's author may point to a single hand of the 4th century. Graham conjectured in 1990 that the book's different points of view reflect the author's life as a "hedonistic youth", then a Confucian official, ending as a philosophical Taoist. Graham, pp. xiii-xiv in "Preface" (1990) of his translation.
  466. ^ Wong (1995), p.4 (quote). "Lieh-tzu was a real person... born around 400 BCE," and a citizen of "Cheng" [Zheng]. He was said to have studied under Wenzi (p.3).
  467. ^ "Lieh-tzu was fond of... reinterpreting ancient folk tales and myths." Shambhala Dictionary of Taoism (1996), "Lieh-tzu" p.92.
  468. ^ Zhuangzi (2020 Ziporyn), chapter 32, entitled "Lie Yukou", pp. 259-265. The first episode is about Lie Yukou. If translated, his name would be "Lineup Banditfend" (p.259,n1).
  469. ^ Loewe: Barrett (1993), p.298: "secondary" quote; Tang's third classic.
  470. ^ Graham (1989), p.200: The three Taoist classics "have won important places in the literary history of China."
  471. ^ Maspero (1927, 1978), re Lie Yukou: p.307 (quote re as hero in Zhuangzi); p.459,n6 (from Zheng).
  472. ^ Bodde writes that Lie Yukou was "a Taoist philosopher probably legendary, introduced by Chuang Tzu, and after whom a book, called the Lieh-tzu, has later been falsely attributed." Bodde's footnote to his translation of Fung (1952) at p.243,n1.
  473. ^ Loewe: Barrett (1993), pp. 298-301. "Lie Yukou was believed to have lived around 400 B.C." The earliest evidence of the book is a report dated 14 BCE (p.299, quote, report). "Chinese scholarship... has been divided as to whether it is an ancient work with later interpolations or a forgery confected from ancient sources" (p.298, quote). A. C. Graham concluded the "putting the Lieh tzu together" was probably done in the early fourth century CE (pp. 299-301, 300 quote).
  474. ^ Fung (1952), p.243: quote, and discussion.
  475. ^ Zhuangzi (2020), p.5: "Now Liezi got around by [riding] the wind itself... for fifteen days at a time."
  476. ^ Schwartz (1985), p.232 (quote), followed by an antagonistic recluse's close questioning of Lieh-tzu.
  477. ^ About Deng Xi, see also section "The laws of 536 BCE" subsection "Initial adverse reactions".
  478. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), in her "Introduction" Wong states, "this is not a translation" as she "elaborated" and "amalgamated" the text (p.20).
  479. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960 Graham), p.127.
  480. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995 Wong), pp.171-172.
  481. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Ding 9.2 (501 BCE), p.180: "In Zheng, Si Chuan killed Deng Xi." Translators' commentary, p.202: "Zichan (d. 522 BCE)".
  482. ^ See here above "The laws of 536" subsection "Initial adverse reactions".
  483. ^ The Liezi may be a source for how Deng Xi died per Zichan, as told by Wieger (1917, 1969), p.232 (which dates the death "about 530").
  484. ^ Lu (1998), pp. 131-132, states her source per Zichan's role in Deng Xi's execution as the Lu Shi Chun Qiu, 18.303.
  485. ^ Lushi Chunqiu (2000), Bk.18/4.4, pp. 454-455. Here Prince Chan is Zichan.
  486. ^ Martin (1997), pp. 82-83, quote. "For, as good as the Han authors say, they insist on the fact that he knew how to punish. Only once, it's true, but it's the unique character of the execution of Deng Xi... which makes it, at the same time, admissible, effective and necessary."
  487. ^ Refer per Deng Xi's execution and Confucius, to section "Xunzi".
  488. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), p.135, Graham: "The 'Yang Chu' chapter is so unlike the rest of the Lieh-tzu that it must be the work of another hand."
  489. ^ Creel (1970), p.39. "Maspero was right when he said that the thought of Yang Chu lacked the quality of mystical joy that characterizes Taoist thought in general."
  490. ^ Van Norden (2011), pp. 69-81: chapter on Yang Zhu.
  491. ^ Graham (1989), pp. 53-64.
  492. ^ Fung (1952), pp. 133-135: Yang Chu, hedonism, the Liezi, and early Taoism. Yangism advises restraint of desire, yet values highly the meaning derived from desire's satisfaction (p.141).
  493. ^ Lieh Tzu (1995), Wong distinguishes: "Yang Chu does not promote asceticism. ...nothing wrong with being well-off and comfortable" (p.186). "However, Yang Chu's philosophy is not the irresponsible hedonism" (p.13).
  494. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), e.g. hedonism re episode of Tuan-mu Chu (pp. 146-147). Graham writes that here "the hedonistic author puts his very different theories into the mouth of Yang Chu," and this "hedonistic author is a rebel against all moral convention which hinders sensual enjoyment" (p.136). Yet Graham locates the Tuan-mu Chu episode in a wider moral context (p.137).
  495. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), Tuan-mu Chu episode, pp. 196-197.
  496. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), p.137 (re pp. 33-35 and 61-65) per Graham.
  497. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), pp. 51-53 (Yellow Emperor), pp. 85-87 (King Mu) per Wong.
  498. ^ Waley (1939, 1982), pp. 20-26. Waley links the 'hedonistic brothers' episode here to the story of Confucius and the Brigand Chih (younger brother of the sage Liu-hsia Hui), as told by Zhuang Zhou. The role of Confucius per Brigand Chih parallels that of Zichan per the 'hedonistic brothers' of the Liezi.
  499. ^ Zhuangzi (2020), Chapter 29, "Robber Zhi", pp. 238-249. In the first episode, pp. 238-243, 'Robber Zhi' is 'Brigand Chih' per Waley (1939, 1982), with Confucius (Kong Qiu of Lu) and friend Liuxia Hui (Liuxia Ji). The translator Ziporyn, at p.79,n16, describes the wise-guy and somewhat ambiguous Robber Zhi as often a "stock example of extreme evil and lawlessness".
  500. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021 Graham), pp. 143-146 ("two brothers").
  501. ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995 Wong), pp. 198-200 ("two brothers"), here at #78 entitled "What damages health... ". At story's end Wong comments, "Tzu-Ch'an himself was not given a very good image by later historians" (p.200).
  502. ^ Waley (1939, 1982), pp. 26-29 ("two brothers").
  503. ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020 Durrant), "Introduction" pp. 1-18. Chinese sources give its likely author as Zuo Qiuming, an "obscure associate of Confucius" (p.1). The Zoo Zhuan has a "complex textual history" (p.14).
  504. ^ Zuo Zhuan (1872, 1983 Legge), pp. 22-35: discussion of Tso-K'ëw Ming, the traditionally recognized author of the foremost 'commentary'.
  505. ^ PKL: Pines (2024), pp. 55-58, quote at p.57.
  506. ^ Durrant (2024), pp. 112-114: the hypothetical records of Zheng.
  507. ^ Maspero (1978).
  508. ^ Shaughnessy (2023).
  509. ^ Martin (1997), p.69 (quote): "Many episodes of the Zuo Zhuan feature Zichan, this great figure of the end of the Spring and Autumn."
  510. ^ PKL: Durrant (2024), p.114: re poetry recitations.
  511. ^ PKL: Martin Kern (2024), pp. 157, 167, 170-171: re the "Noble Man".
  512. ^ Schwartz (1975), p.325. "[T]he entire account [in the Zuo Zhuan] may reflect later embellishments of [Zichan's] story" (ibid.).
  513. ^ Pinyin: Chunqiu; Wade-Giles: Ch'un Ch'iu.
  514. ^ Spring and Autumn Annals.
  515. ^ Reprint Taipei 1983). Volume 5 of The Chinese Classics (Oxford University Press).
  516. ^ Columbia University.
  517. ^ Washington University.
  518. ^ Washington University.
  519. ^ Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (1950).
  520. ^ (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1937; Grove Press, New York 1960)
  521. ^ William Jennings (London 1891; Paragon, New York 1969).
  522. ^ The She King by Legge, The Chinese Classics, v.4 (1872).
  523. ^ With Jay Ramsay and Victoria Finlay, Penguin (2014).
  524. ^ Regnery, Chicago (1971); The Shoo King per Chinese Classics, v.3.
  525. ^ James Legge, Confucius [texts] (Oxford: Clarendon Press 2d rev ed 1893, reprint Dover 1971).
  526. ^ Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of Confucius. A philosophical translation (New York: Ballantine 1998).
  527. ^ R. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks, The Original Analects. Sayings of Confucius and his successors (Columbia University 1998).
  528. ^ French: Couvreur (1895); German: Wilhelm (1921).
  529. ^ Attributed to Lie Yukou.
  530. ^ T. H. Barrett, "Lieh tzu" in Loewe, ed. (1993): authenticity of text challenged, pp. 299-301.
  531. ^ Columbia University 1960, 1990, reprint Hassell Street 2021.
  532. ^ As Lieh-Tzu (Boston: Shambhala 1995).
  533. ^ Zhuangzi. The complete writings (Indianapolis: Hackett 2020).
  534. ^ Chuang-tzu. Basic writings, Columbia University 1968, rev. 1996.
  535. ^ Chuang-tzu. The inner chapters, Indianapolis: Hackett 1981, 2001.
  536. ^ James Legge, tr., The Works of Mencius (Oxford: Clarendon 2d ed 1895, reprint Dover 1970).
  537. ^ Bryan W. Van Norden, tr., Mengzi, with selections from traditional commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett 2008).
  538. ^ Translated as The Book of Lord Shang: by Yuri Pines (Columbia University 2019).
  539. ^ Tr. as The Book of Lord Shang by J. J. L. Duyvendak (Probsthain 1928; University of Chicago 1963).
  540. ^ John Knoblock, Xunzi. A translation and study of the complete works (Stanford University 1988), 3 volumes.
  541. ^ Eric L. Hutton, tr., Xunzi. The complete text (Princeton University 2014).
  542. ^ Burton Watson, tr., Hsün Tzu. Basic writings (Columbia University 1963, 1996).
  543. ^ W. K. Liao, tr., The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu (London: Probsthian 1939: vol.1; 1959: vol.2).
  544. ^ Han Fei Zi (Las Vegas: Daybreak n.d. [2024]).
  545. ^ Burton Watson, tr., Han Fei Tsu. Basic writings (Columbia University 1964).
  546. ^ Pinyin: Zhanguo; Wade-Giles: Chan Kuo.
  547. ^ Sun Tzu, The Art of War, tr. by Samuel B. Griffith (Oxford University 1963, 1971). Sunzi Bingfa of Sun Wu (544-496 traditional dates).
  548. ^ Sun-tzu, The Art of War, tr. by Ralph D. Sawyer (Boulder: Westview Press 1994; Barnes & Noble 1994).
  549. ^ Unavailable: Three bamboo texts re early history of Zheng, including *Zichan, cited by Shaughnessy, Writing Early China (2023), pp. 253 & 367n2 (Tsinghua University's bamboo manuscripts, in press).
  550. ^ Michael Carson & Michael Loewe, "Lü shih ch'un ch'iu" at pp. 324-330 in Loewe, ed. (1993). Dated 239 BCE, ascribed to merchant Lü Pu-wei (d.235): collection of 'new' scholarly and existing texts, described as comprehensive. German tr. by Wilhelm (1928).
  551. ^ University of Indiana; nine volumes published as of 2023: I, II, V.1, VI, VII-XI. Volume V.2 should contain Chapters 42 on House of Zheng state, and 47 on House of Confucius.
  552. ^ Peking: Foreign Languages Press. The "Confucius Memoir" at pp. 1–27.
  553. ^ Columbia University, 2 volumes. Watson (1961) begins with the Han dynasty (v.I, p.14).
  554. ^ Wilhelm, Kung-Tse: Leben und Werk (Stuttgart: Frommanns 1925). Confucius [Memoir] at pp. 3-70 (annotated).
  555. ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), pp. 42-43: the Shiji chapter [#47] "The History of the Confucius Family".
  556. ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.127, n.30: "The best work in a Western language" on Zichan.
  557. ^ Mèlanges en homage à Léon Vandermeersch, Paris.
  558. ^ Barry B. Blakely, "Chu Society and State".
  559. ^ Constance A. Cook, "The Ideology of the Chu ruling class".
  560. ^ Susan Weld, "Chu Law in Action".
  561. ^ Heather A. Peters, "Towns and Trade".
  562. ^ John S. Major, "Characteristics of Late Chu Religion".
  563. ^ Gopal Sukhu, "Monkeys, Shamans, Emperors, and Poets".
  564. ^ Chen Sen, "The age of territorial lords".
  565. ^ Jue Guo, "The spirit world".
  566. ^ Ori Tavor, "Religious thought".
  567. ^ Yuri Pines, "Political thought".
  568. ^ Roel Sterckx, "Food and Agriculture".
  569. ^ Wicky W. K. Tse, "Warfare".
  570. ^ Yuri Pines, "Chinese history writing" v1.
  571. ^ Marc Kalinowski, "Diviners and Astrologers" v1.
  572. ^ Edward L. Shaughnessy, "Western Zhou History"
  573. ^ Hsu Cho-yun, "The Spring and Autumn Period".
  574. ^ Mark Edward Lewis, Warring States Political History.
  575. ^ David Shepherd Nivison, "The Classical Philosophical Writings".
  576. ^ Michael Loewe, "The Heritage left to the Empires".

See also