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Anti-Armenian sentiment in Azerbaijan

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Location of anti-Armenian massacres and pogroms in Azerbaijan[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]

Anti-Armenian sentiment or Armenophobia is widespread in Azerbaijan,[9] mainly due to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.[10] According to the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), Armenians are "the most vulnerable group in Azerbaijan in the field of racism and racial discrimination."[11] A 2012 opinion poll found that 91% of Azerbaijanis perceive Armenia as "the biggest enemy of Azerbaijan."[12] The word "Armenian" (erməni) is widely used as an insult in Azerbaijan.[13] Stereotypical opinions circulating in the mass media have their deep roots in the public consciousness.[14]

Throughout the 20th century, Armenian and the Turkic-speaking Muslim (Shia and Sunni; then known as "Caucasian Tatars" , later as Azerbaijanis)[a] inhabitants of Transcaucasia have been involved in numerous conflicts. Pogroms, massacres and wars solidified oppositional ethnic identities between the two groups, and have contributed to the development of national consciousnesses among both Armenians and Azerbaijanis.[16] From 1918 to 1920, organized killings of Armenians occurred in Azerbaijan, especially in the Armenian cultural centers in Baku and Shushi.[17]

Contemporary Armenophobia in Azerbaijan traces its roots to the last years of the Soviet Union, when Armenians demanded that the Soviet authorities transfer the mostly Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) in the Azerbaijan SSR to the Armenian SSR.[18] In response to these demands, anti-Armenian rallies were held in various cities, where Azeri nationalist groups incited anti-Armenian sentiments that led to pogroms in Sumgait, Kirovabad and Baku. From 1988 through 1990, an estimated 300,000-350,000 Armenians either fled under threat of violence or were deported from Azerbaijan, and roughly 167,000 Azerbaijanis were forced to flee Armenia, often under violent circumstances.[19] The rising tensions between the two nations eventually escalated into a large-scale military conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh,[1] in which Azerbaijan lost control over around 14%[20] of the country's territory to the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.[18] Ever-increasing tensions over the loss of the territory, which sparked more anti-Armenian sentiment.[11]

The Armenian side has accused the Azerbaijani government of carrying out anti-Armenian policy inside and outside the country, which includes propaganda of hate toward Armenia and Armenians and the destruction of Armenian cultural heritage.[21][22][23] According to Fyodor Lukyanov [ru], editor-in-chief of the journal Russia in Global Affairs, "Armenophobia is the institutional part of the modern Azerbaijani statehood and Karabakh is in the center of it".[24] In 2011, the ECRI report on Azerbaijan stated that "the constant negative official and media discourse" against Armenia fosters "a negative climate of opinion regarding people of Armenian origin, who remain vulnerable to discrimination."[25] According to historian Jeremy Smith, "National identity in post-Soviet Azerbaijan rests in large part, then, on the cult of the Alievs, alongside a sense of embattlement and victimisation and a virulent hatred of Armenia and Armenians".[26][27]

Early period

There have been numerous cases of anti-Armenianism in Azerbaijan throughout history. Between 1905 and 1907, the Armenian–Tatar massacres resulted in the deaths of thousands of Armenians and Azerbaijanis. According to historian Firuz Kazemzadeh, writing in 1951: "it is impossible to pin the blame for the massacres on either side. It seems that in some cases (Baku, Elizavetpol) the Azerbaijanis fired the first shots, in other cases (Shusha, Tiflis) the Armenians."[28]

The ruins of the Armenian quarter of Shusha after destruction by the Azerbaijani army in 1920

A wave of anti-Armenian massacres in Azerbaijani-controlled territories started in 1918 and continued until 1920, when both Armenia and Azerbaijan joined the Soviet Union. In September 1918, a massacre of the Armenians of Baku, now known as the September Days, took place, leaving an estimated 10,000 to 30,000 ethnic Armenians killed in retaliation for killing about 12,000 Muslims during the clashes of the March Days.[29][30][31] Up to 700 Armenians were killed in Khaibalikend[32][33] in a massacre organized on 5–7 June 1919 by Karabakh's Governor-General Khosrov bek Sultanov and led by his brother, Sultan bek Sultanov.[34][35] As a result of the Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan, some 10,000 Armenians in 45 villages in Nakhchivan were massacred throughout 1919. In March 1920 a pogrom of Shusha's Armenians occurred in retaliation of the Novruz attack committed by Armenians against the local Azerbaijanis as well as the Azerbaijani army. Estimates of casualty figures are uncertain and vary from a few hundred[34] to 20,000 victims.[36][37] Before and during the Russian Revolution of 1917, anti-Armenianism was the basis of Azeri nationalism, and under the Soviet regime Armenians remained the scapegoats who were responsible for state, societal and economic shortcomings in Azerbaijan.[38] During the Soviet era, the Soviet government tried to foster a peaceful co-existence between the two ethnic groups, but many Azerbaijanis resented the high social status of Armenians in Azerbaijan, as many Armenians were deemed part of Azerbaijan's intelligentsia. When the atrocity-laden conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh broke out, however, the public opinion in both countries about the other hardened.[39]

Cultural suppression during the Soviet period

Between 1921 and 1990, under the control of the Azeri SSR within the USSR, Armenians in the region faced economic marginalization and cultural discrimination, leading to a significant exodus.[40][41] Meanwhile, authorities encouraged the inflow of Azeris from outside Nagorno-Karabakh.[42] This policy – sometimes called a "White Genocide"[43][44][45][46][47][48] – aimed at "de-Armenizing" the territory culturally and then physically and followed a similar pattern to Azerbaijan's treatment of Armenians in Nakhchivan.[49] The suppression of Armenian language and culture was widespread; many Armenian churches, cemeteries, and schools were closed or destroyed, clerics arrested, and Armenian historical education was banned.[50] The Armenian educational institutions that remained were under the administration of the Azeri Ministry of Education, which enforced prohibitions against teaching Armenian history and using Armenian materials and led to a curriculum that significantly differed from that of Armenia itself.[49][51][52] Moreover, restrictions limited cultural exchanges and communication between Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians and Armenia, with significant neglect in transportation and communication infrastructure.[40] The Azerbaijani government's decree in 1957 that Azerbaijani was to be the main language and the alteration of educational content to favor Azerbaijani history over Armenian exemplify the systemic efforts to assimilate the Armenian population culturally.[53] The 1981 "law of the NKAR" denied additional rights, restricted cultural connections between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, and removed provisions that had explicitly listed Armenian as a working language to be used by local authorities.[54] In the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, Armenians protested against the cultural and economic marginalization they faced in the region.[55] In the 1980s, resentment against what was perceived as a forced "Azerification" campaign led to a mass movement for reunification with Armenia.[56][57][58]

During the First Nagorno-Karabakh War

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict started with demonstrations in February 1988 in Yerevan, demanding the incorporation of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast of the Azerbaijan SSR into the Armenian SSR. Nagorno-Karabakh's regional council voted to secede from Azerbaijan and join the Armenian SSR.[59] These events triggered the anti-Armenian riots that culminated in the Sumgait pogrom, during which 32 people, including 26 ethnic Armenians,[b] were murdered. The pogrom was marked with a great number of atrocities – the apartments of Armenians (which were marked in advance) were attacked and the residents were indiscriminately murdered, raped, and mutilated by the Azerbaijani rioters.[61][62][63] Looting, arson and destruction of Armenian property was also perpetrated.[64] The Azerbaijani authorities and the local police took up no measures whatsoever to stop the atrocities.[65] Russian political writer Roy Medvedev and USSR Journalists' Union described the events as genocide of the Armenian population.[66][67]

After several days of ongoing unrest the Soviet authorities occupied the city with paratroopers and tanks. Almost all the 14,000 Armenians in Sumgait fled the city after the pogrom.[68] In February 1988 at the session of Politburo of the Central Committee in Moscow it was officially acknowledged that mass pogroms and murders in Sumgait were carried out based on ethnicity.[64] It was then that the academician Ziya Bunyadov, whom Thomas de Waal, a British journalist, calls "Azerbaijan's foremost Armenophobe" in his book, Black Garden, became famous for his article "Why Sumgait?" in which he blamed the Armenian victims for organizing the pogrom.[69] According to Memorial, the thorough investigation of the massacre by Soviet authorities has not been made in a timely fashion and its perpetrators have never been held accountable for their crimes,[70][71] which escalated inter-ethnic tensions.[72] Those who participated in the massacre were hailed by numerous Azeri demonstrators as national heroes.[73][74][75]

As time went by, the tensions between two nations grew rapidly, which resulted in new pogroms taking place in rapid succession. In November 1988, the Kirovabad pogrom was put down by Soviet troops, prompting a permanent migratory trend of Armenians away from Azerbaijan.[76] In January 1990, Azeri nationalists organized a pogrom of Armenians in Baku, killing at least 90 Armenians and displacing a population of nearly 200,000 Armenians.[16][77] De Waal stated that the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (forerunner of the later Azerbaijani Popular Front Party) was responsible for the mass pogrom, as they shouted "Long live Baku without Armenians!"[78]

In July 1990 "An Open Letter to International Public Opinion on Anti-Armenian Pogroms in the Soviet Union" was signed by 130 intellectuals and scholars all over the world, which stated:[79]

The mere fact that these pogroms were repeated and the fact that they followed the same pattern lead us to think that these tragic events are no accidents or spontaneous outbursts... we are compelled to recognize that the crimes against the Armenian minority have become consistent practice – if not consistent policy – in Soviet Azerbaijan.

During the war, on 10 April 1992, Azerbaijanis carried out the Maraga Massacre, killing at least 40 Armenians.[80]

Post-1994 era

The final borders of the conflict after the 1994 ceasefire was signed. Armenian forces of Nagorno-Karabakh occupied some of Azerbaijan's territory outside the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.

From 1991 to 1994 the inter-ethnic conflict evolved into large-scale military actions for the occupation over Nagorno-Karabakh and some of the surrounding regions. In May 1994 a ceasefire was signed, but it did not definitively settle the territorial dispute to the satisfaction of all parties. The Armenian forces occupied large areas beyond the borders of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR), the question of refugees is still unresolved and Azerbaijan continues to enforce an economic blockade on the breakaway territory. The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), the Council of Europe's anti-discrimination watchdog, stated that the "overall negative climate" in Azerbaijan is a consequence "generated by the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh."[11]

Influence on Azerbaijani national identity

The Russian historian and essayist Andrei Polonski, who has researched the formation of the Azerbaijani national identity at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, pointed out that "the Karabakh crisis and growing Armenophobia contributed to the formation of the stable image of the enemy which has to a great extent influenced the nature of the new identity (primarily based on aggression and victory)."[81]

Vladimir Kazimirov, the Russian Representative for Nagorno-Karabakh from 1992 to 1996 and co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk Group, has many times accused certain forces in Azerbaijan up to the level of state authorities of inciting anti-Armenian sentiment.[82] At the beginning of 2004, characterizing the decade following the conclusion of the ceasefire, Kazimirov stated:

Having found itself in the position of long-term discomfort, Baku has actually started pursuing a policy of a total 'cold war' against the Armenians. All types of economic "dampers" as well as any contacts with the Armenians (even those on the societal level) are rejected from the very start and those who maintain these contacts are prosecuted. In the enlightened Soviet state someone would be quite willing to instill such sentiments as fundamentalism, revanchism and Armenophobia, which as such only prevent the elimination of both causes and consequences of the conflict. Currently there is growing fanaticism and extremism even on the level of non-governmental organizations.[83]

At the 2009 Eurovision contest, Azerbaijani security services summoned 43 Azerbaijanis who voted for Armenia at Eurovision for questioning, accusing them of lack of patriotism and "ethnic pride", which was widely reported by international media.[84][85][86]

In the media

The ECRI notes that the mainstream media of Azerbaijan is very critical of Armenia and that it doesn't make "a clear distinction between that state and persons of Armenian origin coming under the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan."[25] It further implicates certain TV channels, prominent citizens, politicians, and local and national authorities in the "fuel[ing of] negative feelings among society towards Armenians"[11] According to the watchdog, anti-Armenian prejudice is so deeply built in people's conscience that describing someone as an Armenian may be considered as an insult so strong that it justifies initiating defamation lawsuits, which in some cases is true even if the person who is called that way is an Armenian.[25] There is also wide media coverage of some statements made by Azerbaijani public figures and statesmen which demonstrate intolerance.[87][88] For instance, in 2008, Allahshukur Pashazadeh, the religious leader (Grand Mufti) of the Caucasus Muslims made a statement that "falsehood and betrayal are in the Armenian blood."[89][90][91]

Indoctrination in schools

The Azerbaijani historian Arif Yunus has stated that various Azerbaijani school textbooks label Armenians with epithets such as "bandits", "aggressors", "treacherous", and "hypocritical".[92] He and his wife were jailed for allegedly spying for Armenia.[93]

Yasemin Kilit Aklar in her study titled Nation and History in Azerbaijani School Textbooks comes to the following conclusion:

Azerbaijani official textbooks misuse history to encourage hatred and feelings of ethnic and national superiority. The Armenians... are presented as historical enemies and derided in very strong language. [The fifth grade history textbook by] Ata Yurdu stimulates direct hostility to Armenians and Russians. Even if the efforts to establish peace in Nagorno-Karabagh are successful, how can it be expected to survive? How can a new generation live with Armenians in peaceful coexistence after being inculcated with such prejudices? As of now, the civic nationalism that Azerbaijani officials speak of appears to be a distant myth or a mere rhetorical device.[94]

Destruction of cultural heritage

See also: Armenian Cultural Heritage in Azerbaijan and Historical negationism § Azerbaijan

According to the US Department of Justice:

Despite the constitutional guarantees against religious discrimination, numerous acts of vandalism against the Armenian Apostolic Church have been reported throughout Azerbaijan. These acts are clearly connected to anti-Armenian sentiments brought to the surface by the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan.[95]

Starting in 1998, Armenia began accusing Azerbaijan of embarking on a campaign of destroying a cemetery of khachkar carvings in the Armenian cemetery in Julfa.[96] Several appeals were filed by both Armenian and international organizations, condemning the Azerbaijani government and calling on it to desist from such activity. In 2006, Azerbaijan barred members of the European Parliament from investigating the claims, charging them with a "biased and hysterical approach" to the issue and stating that it would only accept a delegation if that delegation visited Armenian-occupied territory as well.[97] In the spring of 2006, a visiting journalist from the Institute for War and Peace Reporting reported that no visible traces of the Armenian cemetery remained.[98] In the same year, photographs taken from Iran showed that the cemetery site had been turned into a military firing range.[99]

As a response to Azerbaijan barring on-site investigation by outside groups, on 8 December 2010, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) released an analysis of high-resolution satellite photographs of the Julfa cemetery site taken in 2003 and 2009. The AAAS concluded that the satellite imagery was consistent with the reports from observers on the ground, that "significant destruction and changes in the grade of the terrain" had occurred between 2003 and 2009, and that the cemetery area was "likely destroyed and later leveled by earth-moving equipment."[100]

In 2019, Azerbaijan's destruction of Armenian cultural heritage was described as "the worst cultural genocide of the 21st century" in Hyperallergic, exceeding the destruction of cultural heritage by ISIL. The devastation included 89 medieval churches, 5,840 intricate cross-stones, and 22,000 tombstones.[101][102]

Azerbaijani forces shelled the historical 19th century Ghazanchetsots Cathedral in Shusha during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.[103] The cathedral was completed in 1887 and is the seat of the Diocese of Artsakh of the Armenian Apostolic Church.[104][105][better source needed]

Incidents of violence and hatred

See also: Armenian POWs during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War

In 2004, the Azerbaijani lieutenant Ramil Safarov murdered Armenian lieutenant Gurgen Markaryan in his sleep at a Partnership for Peace NATO program. In 2006, Safarov was sentenced to life imprisonment in Hungary with a minimum incarceration period of 30 years. After his request under the Strasbourg convention, he was extradited[106] on 31 August 2012 to Azerbaijan, where he was greeted as a hero by a huge crowd,[107][108][109] pardoned by the Azerbaijani president despite contrary assurances made to Hungary,[110] promoted to the rank of major and given an apartment and over eight years of back pay.[111] Armenia cut all diplomatic ties with Hungary after this incident.[106] On 19 September 2013, President Aliyev stated that "Azerbaijan has returned Ramil Safarov—its officer to homeland, given him freedom and restored the justice."[112]

In 2007, the leader of Azerbaijani national chess team, Teimour Radjabov, gave to a question on how he felt about playing against the Armenian team and he responded "the enemy is the enemy. We all have feelings of hate towards them."[113]

On 4 April, during the 2016 Armenian–Azerbaijani clashes, it was reported that Azerbaijani forces decapitated an Armenian soldier of Yezidi origin, Karam Sloyan, with videos and pictures of his severed head posted on social networks.[114][115][116]

During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, multiple videos emerged online showing beheadings, torture and mutilations of the Armenian POWs by Azerbaijani forces.[117] A video showed two captured Armenians being executed by Azerbaijani soldiers; Artsakh authorities identified one as a civilian.[118] Bellingcat and the BBC investigated the videos and confirmed that the videos were from Hadrut and were filmed some time between 9–15 October 2020.[119][120] Another video showing two Azerbaijani soldiers beheading an elderly Armenian as he is begging for his life in Azerbaijani language by repeatedly says "For the sake of Allah". After the Armenian was decapitated, the victim's head was placed on the nearby carcass of a pig. The men then addressed the dead body in Azerbaijani, saying, "you have no honour, this is how we take revenge for the blood of our martyrs," and, "this is how we get revenge - by cutting heads."[121][122] Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported about the physical abuse and humiliation of Armenian POWs by their Azerbaijani captors, adding that the most of the captors did not fear being held accountable, as their faces were visible in the videos.[117] HRW spoke with the families of some of the POWs in the videos, who provided photographs and other documents establishing their identity, and confirmed that these relatives were serving either in the Artsakh Defence Army or the Armenian armed forces.[117]

Denying entry to Azerbaijan

Main article: List of people declared personae non gratae in Azerbaijan

Unless a visa or an official warrant is issued by Azerbaijani authorities, the government of Azerbaijan condemns any visit by foreign citizens to the separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh (the de facto Republic of Artsakh), its surrounding territories and the Azerbaijani enclaves of Karki, Yukhari Askipara, Barxudarlı and Sofulu which are de jure part of Azerbaijan but are under Armenian occupation. Azerbaijan considers entering these territories through Armenia (as it is usually the case) a violation of its visa and migration policy. Foreign citizens who enter these territories will be permanently banned from entering Azerbaijan and will be included on the list of people who are personae non gratae by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan.[123][relevant? – discuss]

In addition to those declared personae non gratae, several other visitors have been barred from entering the country due to their ethnic Armenian identity. Diana Markosian, a journalist of American and Russian citizenship, who is also an ethnic Armenian, was prevented from entering Azerbaijan due to her ethnicity in 2011.[124][125] Zafer Zoyan, an ethnic Turkish professional arm-wrestler, was barred from entering Azerbaijan because his last name resembled that of an Armenian.[126][127][128]

In May 2016, an eight-year-old boy with an Armenian last name was refused entry into Azerbaijan. Luka Vardanyan, a Russian citizen, was on a school trip to Azerbaijan from Russia. While at the Heydar Aliyev airport, the boy was detained even though his classmates were allowed past customs. After being detained for several hours, the mother, who accompanied him during the trip, decided to leave Azerbaijan immediately.[129] In 2021, Nobel Arustamyan, a Russian journalist and football commentator of Armenian descent, was denied accreditation for UEFA Euro 2020 at the request of Azerbaijan.[130]

"Azerbaijan 2020" stamp

The stamp with the accompanying illustration showing a specialist "disinfecting" Nagorno-Karabakh

On 30 December 2020 Azermarka, which works under the Ministry of Transport, Communication and High Technologies of Azerbaijan, issued "Azerbaijan 2020" postage stamps, which according to the Ministry, were dedicated to the significant events of 2020: the COVID-19 pandemic and the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.[131] Postage stamps were provided with an accompanying illustration showing a disinfection specialist standing over an Azerbaijan map and fumigating the area of Nagorno-Karabakh, seemingly depicting ethnic Armenians in the area were being as a virus in need of "eradicating". This has sparked outrage on social media and accusations of anti-Armenian sentiment.[132]

Official statements

The 3rd president of Azerbaijan, Heydar Aliyev, in his speech pronounced on 13 October 1999, in Nakhichevan said: "In times of trouble, the people of Azerbaijan saw the help of Turkey and the Turkish people and is grateful for that. Particularly, in 1918-1919, during the struggle for independence under the leadership of the great Atatürk, who cleansed his land of Armenians and other enemies, the Turkish people and Turkey offered their help to Azerbaijan, to Nakhchivan."[133]

Viktor Krivopuskov, who previously served as an officer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR and a member of a peacekeeping mission in Nagorno-Karabakh gives the following assessment of Azerbaijan's current state policy:

"The criminals are promoted to the rank of heroes, monuments are erected on their burial places, which comes to prove that the government of Azerbaijan actually continues the policy of genocide which was initiated at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries."[134]

Helmets of deceased Armenian troops and wax mannequins of captured Armenian soldiers of 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war showcased at Baku military park. President Ilham Aliyev shown in the first image during a visit to the park.

Following the 2020 war, the Military Trophy Park was opened in Baku, showcasing the helmets of dead Armenian soldiers, as well as wax mannequins of them. Armenia strongly condemned it accusing Baku for "dishonoring the memory of victims of the war, missing persons and prisoners of war and violating the rights and dignity of their families".[135] The Human Rights Defender of Armenia, the country's ombudsman, called it a "clear manifestation of fascism", saying that it is a "proof of Azerbaijani genocidal policy and state supported Armenophobia".[136] Furthermore, in a resolution, the European Parliament said that the park may be perceived as a glorification of violence (by Azerbaijan) and risks inciting further hostile sentiment, hate speech or even inhumane treatment of remaining POWs and other Armenian captive civilians kept by Azerbaijan in violation of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement, thereby perpetuating the atmosphere of hatred and contradicting any official statements on reconciliation. The EU Parliament also added that they deplore the opening of the military park and urged its immediate closure, saying it would deepen the long-lasting hostilities and further decrease trust between the nations.[137]

In response to a March 2023 resolution released by the EU pariliament which condemned the large-scale military aggression by Azerbaijan in September,[138][139] Azerbaijan's parliament accused MEPs of being influenced by “Armenia and the Armenian diaspora, long since a cancerous tumor of Europe.”

Statements by President Ilham Aliyev

A common refrain, repeated, for example by President Ilham Aliyev, was that the capital of Armenia Yerevan "was a gift to the Armenians in 1918. This was a great mistake. The Iravan khanate was Azerbaijani land, the Armenians were guests here."[140]

On 28 February 2012, during his closing speech at the widely reported conference[141][142][143] on the results of the third year of the state program on the socioeconomic development of districts for 2009–2013, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev stated:

"...there are forces that don't like us, our detractors. They can be divided into several groups. First, our main enemies are Armenians of the world and the hypocritical and corrupt politicians under their control."[144]

In November 2012, Aliyev launched a twitter rant where he made anti-Armenian and irredentist statements:[145][146]

Our main enemy is the Armenian lobby ... Armenia as a country is of no value. It is actually a colony, an outpost run from abroad, a territory artificially created on ancient Azerbaijani lands.

In April 2023, amid Azerbaijan's ongoing blockade of the Republic of Artsakh, President Aliyev said the following:[147][148]

"I am sure that the majority of the Armenian population living in Karabakh today is ready to accept Azerbaijani citizenship. It’s just that these leeches, these wild animals, the separatists [referring to the de facto Republic of Artsakh representatives] don’t allow it.

Armenian genocide denial

The Azerbaijani government officially denies the applicability of the word "genocide" to the 1915 Armenian genocide.[149][150] The then-President of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev stated "In history there was never such a thing as the ‘Armenian genocide,’ and even if there had been, it would be wrong to raise the matter after 85 years."[151] His son Ilham tweeted that Turkey and Azerbaijan are working to "dispel the myth of the "Armenian genocide" in the world."[152]

Azerbaijani boycott of goods and services linked to Armenia or Armenians

Azerbaijan's largest airline, state-owned AZAL, had an Armenian woman named Mary Sargsyan, who worked for the Netherlands company Kales Airline Services and sold air tickets to AZAL, fired just because she was Armenian. On 8 December 2008, the management of AZAL appealed to the management of the Kales company with a request that the tickets should not be sold by persons of Armenian nationality. In its appeal, AZAL noted that otherwise cooperation with Kales would be terminated and an agreement would be concluded with another company.[153]

Reaction

Armenia

In 2011, President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan in his speech at the United Nations General Assembly said:

Baku has turned Armenophobia into state propaganda, at a level that is far beyond dangerous. It is not only our assessment; the alarm has also been sounded by international structures specializing in combating racism and intolerance. Even more dangerously, Armenophobic ideas are spread among the young Azerbaijani generation, imperiling the future of peaceful coexistence.[154]

In May 2011, Shavarsh Kocharyan, the Armenian Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister, suggested a connection between the high level of anti-Armenian sentiment in Azerbaijan and the low level of democracy in that country, stating that: "Azerbaijan's leadership could find no factor to unite his people around the hereditary regime except the simple Armenophobia."[155]

On 7 October 2008, the Armenian Foreign Affairs Ministry statement for the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights claimed that "anti-Armenian propaganda is becoming more and more the essential part of Azerbaijan's official policy."[156] The statement blamed the Azerbaijani government for "developing and implementing large-scale propaganda campaign, disseminating racial hatred and prejudice against Armenians. Such behaviour of the Azerbaijani authorities creates a serious threat to regional peace and stability" and compared Azerbaijan with Nazi Germany stating "one cannot but draw parallels with the largely similar anti-Jewish hysteria in the Third Reich in the 1930s and early 1940s, where all the above-mentioned elements of explicit racial hatred were also evident."[156]

The Armenian side also claimed that the Azerbaijani government "actively uses academic circles" for "distortion and re-writing of historic facts." It also accused Azerbaijan for "vandalism against Armenian cultural monuments and cemeteries in the lands historically inhabited by Armenians, as well as against Armenian Genocide memorials throughout the world" and called the destruction of the Armenian Cemetery in Julfa "the most horrific case."[156]

Azerbaijan

Azerbaijan denies it is in any way propagating anti-Armenian sentiments. President Ilham Aliyev, when confronted with the allegations, started talking about Armenia's crimes during the Nagorno-Karabakh war instead.[157] The delegation of Azerbaijan to the OSCE Review Conference stated that "Armenia should not overlook that the most telling refutation of its mendacious allegations of Azerbaijan in anti-Armenian propaganda and hate dissemination is undoubtedly the fact that, unlike Armenia, which has purged its territory of all Azerbaijanis and other non-Armenians and became a uniquely mono-ethnic State. Azerbaijan has [a] worldwide recognized record of tolerance and peaceful coexistence of various ethnic and religious groups. This tradition is routed in the country's geographic location at the crossroads between East and West, which created opportunities for the Azerbaijani people to benefit from cultural and religious values of different cultures and religions."[158]

Europe

 European Union – On 10 March 2022, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on the destruction of cultural heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh, condemning Azerbaijan's continued policy of erasing and denying the Armenian cultural heritage in and around Nagorno-Karabakh:[159]

"The European Parliament … strongly condemns Azerbaijan’s continued policy of erasing and denying the Armenian cultural heritage in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, in violation of international law and the recent decision of the ICJ...;Acknowledges that the erasure of the Armenian cultural heritage is part of a wider pattern of a systematic, state-level policy of Armenophobia, historical revisionism and hatred towards Armenians promoted by the Azerbaijani authorities, including dehumanisation, the glorification of violence and territorial claims against the Republic of Armenia...;deplores the fact that the conflicts in the Nagorno-Karabakh region have led to the destruction, pillaging and looting of common cultural heritage, which has fuelled further distrust and animosities.[160]

 Council of Europe – The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) published five reports on Azerbaijan and noted a general “negative attitude towards Armenians” in each of them. The ECRI wrote:

“Political leaders, educational institutions and media have continued using hate speech against Armenians; an entire generation of Azerbaijanis has now grown up listening to this hateful rhetoric. Human rights activists working inter alia towards reconciliation with Armenia have been sentenced to heavy prison terms on controversial accusations”[161]

See also

References

Notes
  1. ^ The term "Tatars", employed by the Russians, referred to Turkic-speaking Muslims (Shia and Sunni) of Transcaucasia.[15] Unlike Armenians and Georgians, the Tatars did not have their own alphabet and used the Perso-Arabic script.[15] After 1918 with the establishment of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and "especially during the Soviet era", the Tatar group identified itself as "Azerbaijani".[15]
  2. ^ sources other than the Prosecutor General of the USSR estimate the number killed to be in the hundreds[60]
References
  1. ^ a b Human Rights Watch, Playing the "Communal Card": Communal Violence and Human Rights, 1995, ISBN 9781564321527 "Less than six months later, in September 1918, the Ottoman "Army of Islam" supported by local Azeri forces recaptured Baku. This time an estimated 10,000 Armenians were slaughtered."
  2. ^ John F. R. Wright; Suzanne Goldenberg; Richard N. Schofield (1996). Transcaucasian boundaries. New York: St. Martin's Press. p. 100. ISBN 9781857282351. The Tatar army entered Shushi on 4 April 1920, and sacked the Armenian part of the town, slaughtering the inhabitants.
  3. ^ Transcaucasian boundaries, 1996, p. 99 "...the Sultanov family to demonstrate its "traditional" method of showing authority: a massacre of 600 Armenians took place, which centered on the Armenian village of Khaibalikend on 5 June 1919."
  4. ^ Allen, Tim; Eade, John (1999). Divided Europeans understanding ethnicities in conflict. The Hague: Kluwer Law International. p. 64. ISBN 9789041112132. ...during the anti-Armenian pogroms' in Kirovabad and several attacks on the Armenian quarters in Baku.
  5. ^ DeRouen, Karl (2007). Civil wars of the world major conflicts since World War II. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 157. ISBN 9781851099191. January 13–15, 1990 Anti-Armenian pogroms occur in Baku
  6. ^ Juviler, Peter (1998). Freedom's ordeal: the struggle for human rights and democracy in post-Soviet states. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 61. ISBN 9780812234183.
  7. ^ Hovannisian, Richard G. (1982). "The Doom of Akulis". The Republic of Armenia, Vol. II: From Versailles to London, 1919-1920. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 207–238. ISBN 0-520-04186-0.
  8. ^ de Waal 2003, p. 176.
  9. ^ "Report on Azerbaijan" (PDF). Strasbourg: European Commission against Racism and Intolerance. 15 April 2003. p. 2. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 September 2013. Retrieved 22 January 2013. Due to the conflict, there is a widespread negative sentiment toward Armenians in Azerbaijani society today." "In general, hate-speech and derogatory public statements against Armenians take place routinely.
  10. ^ (in Russian) Fyodor Lukyanov [ru], editor-in-chief of the journal Russia in Global Affairs "Первый и неразрешимый". Vzglyad. 2 August 2011. Archived from the original on 22 June 2014. Retrieved 12 January 2013. Армянофобия – институциональная часть современной азербайджанской государственности, и, конечно, Карабах в центре этого всего. "Armenophobia is the institutional part of the modern Azerbaijani statehood and Karabakh is in the center of it."
  11. ^ a b c d "Second report on Azerbaijan" (PDF). Strasbourg: European Commission against Racism and Intolerance. 24 May 2007. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 September 2013. Retrieved 23 January 2013.
  12. ^ "The South Caucasus Between The EU and the Eurasian Union" (PDF). Caucasus Analytical Digest #51–52. Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen and Center for Security Studies, Zürich. 17 June 2013. p. 21. ISSN 1867-9323. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 October 2013. Retrieved 3 July 2013.
  13. ^ Burtin, Shura (12 November 2013). "It is like being pregnant all your life..." rusrep.ru. Russian Reporter. The word "Armenian" is a terrible curse in Azerbaijan, akin to a "Jew" or "Nigger" in other places. As soon as you hear "you behave like an Armenian!" – "No, it's you, who is Armenian!" – that is a sure recipe for a brawl. The word "Armenian" is equivalent to "enemy" in the most deep and archaic sense of the word....
  14. ^ Yusifli, Elvin (15 September 2010). "Stereotypes in national media – a closer look". Caucasus Edition: Journal of Conflict Transformation. Archived from the original on 26 December 2014. Retrieved 26 December 2014.
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  16. ^ a b Dawisha, Karen; Parrot, Bruce (1994). The International Politics of Eurasia. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. p. 242. ISBN 9781563243530.
  17. ^ Robert Gerwarth; John Horne, eds. (27 September 2012). War in peace : paramilitary violence in Europe after the Great War. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199654918.
  18. ^ a b "Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)". International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights. Archived from the original on 29 April 2010. Retrieved 19 January 2013. The unresolved conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh stimulated "armenophobia."
  19. ^ Human Rights Watch (1994). Azerbaijan: seven years of conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. New York: Humans Rights Watch. ISBN 1-56432-142-8.
  20. ^ de Waal, Thomas (2003). Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war (PDF). New York: New York University Press. p. 286. ISBN 9780814719459. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 September 2013. Retrieved 5 July 2013. This means that the combined area of Azerbaijan under Armenian occupation was approximately 11,797 km2 or 4,555 square miles. Azerbaijan's total area is 86,600 km2. So the occupied zone is in fact 13.62 percent of Azerbaijan—still a large figure, but a long way short of President Aliev's repeated claim.
  21. ^ "Azerbaijan: The Status of Armenians, Russians, Jews and other minorities" (PDF). Washington, DC: Immigration and Naturalization Service. 1993. p. 10. Retrieved 25 January 2013. Despite the constitutional guarantees against religious discrimination, numerous acts of vandalism against the Armenian Apostolic Church have been reported throughout Azerbaijan. These acts are clearly connected to anti-Armenian sentiments brought to the surface by the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
  22. ^ Peter G. Stone; Joanne Farchakh Bajjaly (2008). The destruction of cultural heritage in Iraq. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press. p. xi. ISBN 9781843833840.
  23. ^ Adalian, Rouben Paul (2010). Historical dictionary of Armenia. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press. p. 95. ISBN 9780810860964.
  24. ^ (in Russian) Fyodor Lukyanov [ru], editor-in-chief of the journal Russia in Global Affairs "Первый и неразрешимый". Vzglyad. 2 August 2011. Retrieved 25 April 2014. Армянофобия – институциональная часть современной азербайджанской государственности, и, конечно, Карабах в центре этого всего.
  25. ^ a b c "ECRI report on Azerbaijan (fourth monitoring cycle)" (PDF). Strasbourg, France: European Commission against Racism and Intolerance. 31 May 2011. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 March 2013. Retrieved 19 January 2013. Alt URL
  26. ^ Cheterian, Vicken (2018). "The Uses and Abuses of History: Genocide and the Making of the Karabakh Conflict". Europe-Asia Studies. 70 (6): 884–903. doi:10.1080/09668136.2018.1489634. S2CID 158760921.
  27. ^ Smith, Jeremy (2013). Red Nations. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-11131-7.
  28. ^ Kazemzadeh, Firuz (1951). The struggle for Transcaucasia, 1917–1921. Westport, Connecticut: Hyperion Press. pp. 18–19. ISBN 9780830500765.
  29. ^ Hovannisian, Richard G. (1967). Armenia on the road to independence, 1918. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. p. 227. ISBN 978-0520005747.
  30. ^ Human Rights Watch. Playing the "Communal Card": Communal Violence and Human Rights. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995.
  31. ^ Andreopoulos, George (1997). Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 0-8122-1616-4, p. 236.
  32. ^ Hovannisian, Richard. The Republic of Armenia: Vol. I, The First Year, 1918–1919. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971, pp. 176–177, notes 51–52.
  33. ^ (in Armenian) Vratsian, Simon. Հայաստանի Հանրապետութիւն (The Republic of Armenia). Paris: H.H.D. Amerikayi Publishing, 1928, pp. 286–87.
  34. ^ a b Waal 2004, p. 128.
  35. ^ Hovannisian. Republic of Armenia, Vol. I, p. 177.
  36. ^ "The Nagorno-Karabagh Crisis:A Blueprint for Resolution" (PDF). Public International Law & Policy Group and the New England Center for International Law & Policy. June 2000. p. 3. In August 1919, the Karabagh National Council entered into a provisional treaty agreement with the Azerbaijani government. Despite signing the Agreement, the Azerbaijani government continuously violated the terms of the treaty. This culminated in March 1920 with the Azerbaijanis' massacre of Armenians in Karabagh's former capital, Shushi, in which it is estimated that more than 20,000 Armenians were killed.
  37. ^ Guaita, Giovanni (2001). "Armenia between the Bolshevik hammer and Kemalist anvil". 1700 Years of Faithfulness: History of Armenia and its Churches. Moscow: FAM. ISBN 5-89831-013-4.
  38. ^ Alexandre Bennigsen, S. Enders Wimbush (1986). Muslims of the Soviet empire: a guide. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. p. 145. ISBN 9780253339584. The Armenian presence is strongly felt by Azeris traditionally, the Azeri elite have regarded the Armenians as rivals. Before and during the Revolution this anti-Armenianism was the basis of Azeri nationalism, and under the Soviet regime Armenians remain the scapegoats who are responsible for every failure.
  39. ^ Diller, Daniel C. (1993). Russia and the independent states. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly. p. 270. ISBN 978-0871878625.
  40. ^ a b Yamskov, A. N. (1991). "Ethnic Conflict in the Transcausasus: The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh". Theory and Society. 20 (5): 631–660. doi:10.1007/BF00232663. ISSN 0304-2421. JSTOR 657781. S2CID 140492606.
  41. ^ Laurila, Juhani. "Power Politics and Oil as Determinants of Transition: the case of Azerbaijan." (1999). "The Azerbaijanis can be accused of depriving the 130 000 Armenians living in the Nogorno-Karabakh of their possibilities to watch TV broadcasts from Yerevan, of their right to study Armenian history and their access to Armenian literature. The Azerbaijani government, too, can be said to have conducted racial, cultural and economic discrimination against the Nagorno Karabakh Armenians. Over 80 000 Nagorno-Karabakh residents signed an address asking for annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. Based on this address the Council of Representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh turned to Supreme Council of the USSR, Azerbaijan and Armenia with request to transfer the Nagorno-Karabakh under Armenia."
  42. ^ Starovotova, Galina Vasilevna. Sovereignty after empire: self-determination movements in the former Soviet Union. Vol. 31. No. 19. US Institute of Peace, 1997. "Limited employment opportunities and discrimination against Armenians contributed to the gradual emigration of the Armenian population from the region, while republican authorities encouraged the inflow of Azeris from outside Nagorno-Karabakh."
  43. ^ New Times, New Times Publishing House, 1994 "This would inevitably result in a "final solution," a new carnage of Karabakh Armenians or, at best, if international control is established, in "white genocide," that is, the breaking up and ousting of the national group by economic means...".
  44. ^ Tsypylma Darieva, Wolfgang Kaschuba. Representations on the Margins of Europe: Politics and Identities in the Baltic and South Caucasian States, Campus Verlag GmbH, 2007, ISBN 9783593382418, p. 111 "Thus, the notion of 'genocide', as perceived by the people, included the expressions 'white genocide' (bearing in mind the example of the ethnic cleansing of Nakhichevan and Nagorno- Karabagh of Armenians)...".
  45. ^ Ole Høiris, Sefa Martin Yürükel. Contrasts and solutions in the Caucasus, Aarhus Univ. Press, 1998, ISBN 9788772887081, p. 234 "...the Azerbaijanization of Nakhichevan is called a 'white genocide', that is, one that operates by erasure of evidence of Armenian residence"
  46. ^ Mark Malkasian, Gha-ra-bagh!: the emergence of the national democratic movement in Armenia, p. 56
  47. ^ Stuart J. Kaufman, Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War, p. 55
  48. ^ James Sperling, S. Victor Papacosma, Limiting Institutions?: the challenge of Eurasian security governance, p. 51
  49. ^ a b Walker, Christopher J., ed. (1991). Armenia and Karabagh: the struggle for unity. Minority Rights Publications. London: Minority Rights Group. ISBN 978-1-873194-00-3. [The exodus of many Armenians is] not a matter of chance, but is due to the persistent policy of Baku, whose aim is to 'Nakhichevanize' the territory, to de-Armenize it, first culturally and then physically.
  50. ^ Chorbajian, Levon. The making of Nagorno-Karabagh: from secession to republic. Springer, 2001. "There was overwhelming evidence demonstrating the existence of anti-Armenian policy in Nagorno-Karabagh sanctioned by Azerbaijan. Accounts of forced migrations and resettlement were substantiated by the decreasing and increasing percentage of Armenians and Azeris respectively in the population.61 The lack of economic development and demographic manipulations had been accompanied by cultural suppression. In the 1930s, 118 Armenian churches were closed, clerics arrested and text- books on Armenian history banned from schools. During the 1960s, 28 Armenian schools were closed, churches and cemeteries destroyed and Azeri was imposed as the official language of the republic. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, cultural ties with Armenia were severed and Azeris began to be appointed in Nagorno-Karabagh’s law enforcement and economic bodies."
  51. ^ "Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy". Routledge & CRC Press. Retrieved 29 January 2024. The Armenian schools were attached to the Azerbaijani Ministry of Education and were prohibited from teaching Armenian history. The employed staff was Azerbaijani. Armenian books and journals from neighbouring Armenia and the Armenian diaspora were totally banned. These measures were taken to 'hamper Armenian cultural development' in N-K [Nagorno-Karabakh].
  52. ^ "Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy". Routledge & CRC Press. Retrieved 29 January 2024. 80 per cent of the population of Mountainous Karabakh are Armenians and they constitute about 130,000 individuals. The region is about 4500 square kilometers. There are 187 Armenian schools, which unfortunately are administered not by the Ministry of Education of Armenia, but that of Azerbaijan, in which there is not a single inspector or a single person who knows Armenian. This is a very dangerous thing and it is harming us.
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  66. ^ Glasnost: : Vol. 2, Issue 1, Center for Democracy (New York, N.Y.) – 1990, p. 62, cit. 'The massacre of Armenians in Sumgait, the heinous murders in Tbilisi—these killings are examples of genocide directed by the Soviet regime against its own people.', an announcement by USSR Journalists' Union
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  82. ^ Что делать?! А не "Кто виноват?": ответ Владимира Казимирова армянским НПО (in Russian). Regnum. 13 December 2005. Retrieved 19 January 2013. ...в Азербайджане больше раскручивают кампанию неприязни и даже ненависти к армянам, чем наоборот; больше угроз вернуться к силовому решению, пренебрежения к обязательствам и обещаниям. Но всё это идёт вовсе не от азербайджанского народа и не от НПО, а именно от руководства Азербайджана.
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  91. ^ Глава Духовного управления мусульман Кавказа: "Ложь и предательство в крови у армян" [Head of the Spiritual Board of Muslims of the Caucasus: "Lies and betrayal in the blood of Armenians"] (in Russian). Day.az. 22 July 2008. Archived from the original on 22 June 2014. Retrieved 20 January 2013. "Мы делаем все возможное для урегулирования конфликта мирным путем. С этой целью проводим встречи. Однако не видим результатов этих встреч. Потому что ложь и предательство в крови у армян. Они сидели за нашим столом и ели наш хлеб, а, выйдя на улицу, говорили против нас".
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Further reading

  • A. Adibekyan, A. Elibegova. "Armenophobia in Azerbaijan" (2018): 261 p.
  • Ebrahimi, Shahrooz, and Mostafa Kheiri. "Analysis of Russian Interests in the Caucasus Region (Case Study: Karabakh Crisis)." Central Eurasia Studies 11.2 (2018): 265–282. online
  • Erdeniz, Gizem Ayşe. "Nagorno Karabakh Crisis and the BSEC’s Security Problems." (2019). online[dead link]
  • Khodayari, Javad, Morteza Ebrahemi, and Mohammadreza Moolayi. "Social–Political Context Of Nation–State Building in Azerbaijan Republic After the Independence With Emphasis On Nagorno Karabakh Crisis." PhD diss., University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, 2018. online
  • Laycock, Jo, "Nagorno-Karabakh’s Myth of Ancient Hatreds." History Today (Oct 2020) online
  • Özkan, Behlül. "Who Gains from the ‘No War No Peace’ Situation? A Critical Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." Geopolitics 13#3 (2008): 572–99. https://doi.org/10.1080/14650040802203919
  • Paul, Amanda, and Dennis Sammut. "Nagorno-Karabakh and the arc of crises on Europe's borders. EPC Policy Brief, 3 February 2016." (2016). online
  • Valigholizadeh, Ali, and Mahdi Karimi. "Geographical explanation of the factors disputed in the Karabakh geopolitical crisis." Journal of Eurasian studies 7.2 (2016): 172–180. online
  • Waal, Thomas de (2004). Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war. New York: New York University Press. p. 42. ISBN 9780814719459.
  • The Caucasus: Frozen Conflicts and Closed Borders: Hearing Before The Committee On Foreign Affairs House Of Representatives One Hundred Tenth Congress Second Session (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. 2008. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 February 2010. Retrieved 12 January 2013.
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