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Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism

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For other uses, see Tamil nationalism (disambiguation).

Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism is the belief of the Sri Lankan Tamil people that they have the right to constitute an independent or autonomous political community. This idea, however, has not always existed. Tamil national awareness began during the era of British rule, as Hindu revivalists tried to counter Protestant missionary activity. The revivalists, lead by Arumuga Navalar, utilized literacy as a tool to spread Hinduism and its principals. [1]

The reformed legislative council, introduced in 1921, was based on principals of communal representation, which led the Tamils to realize that they were the minority ethnic group and that they should be represented by a member of their own community. It was under this communal representation that Tamil national awareness changed to national consciousness—a less passive state. They formed a Tamil political party called the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC). In the years leading to Sri Lankan independence, political tension began to develop between the communities as the ACTC, citing the possibility of the Sinhalese adopting a dominant posture, pushed for “fifty-fifty” representation in parliament. This policy would allot half the seats in parliament to the Sinhalese majority and half to the minority communities: the Muslims, the Tamils and the Indian Tamils.

After Ceylon achieved independence, in 1948 the ACTC decided to merge with the ruling United National Party (UNP). This move was not supported by half of the ACTC members and resulted in a split—one half of the party decided to merge with the UNP and the other half decided to leave the party altogether, forming a new Tamil party in 1949. Policies adopted by successive Sinhalese governments and the 1956 success of the Sinhala Nationalist government under S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike made the Federal Party the main voice of Tamil politics.[2] Increased racial and political tension between the two communities led to the merger of all Tamil political parties into the Tamil United Liberation Front and the emergence of a militant, armed form of Tamil nationalism.[3]

Before Independence

Early beginning

See also: Politics of Sri Lanka
Percentage of Sri Lankan Tamils per district based on 2001 or 1981 (cursive) census

The arrival of Protestant missionaries on a large scale from 1814 was a primary contributor to the development of political awareness among Tamils.[4] The activities of missionaries from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Methodists and Anglican churches led to a revival among the Hindu Tamils. Arumuga Navalar led a Hindu Shaiva Tamil revivalist and reformist movement as a defensive response to the threat to their native culture posed by the British colonial and missionary activities.[4] He translated literary works in order to encourage the use of the Tamil Language and spread Hindu Shaiva principles. Navalar’s efforts to revive Hinduism influenced Tamils who built their own schools, temples, and societies, and who published literature to counter that from the missionaries. Thus by 1925 nearly 50 schools, including the Vaddukkoddei Seminary, were fully functioning.[5][6] This revival movement also set the stage for modern Tamil prose.[7]

The success of this effort led the Tamils to think confidently of themselves as a community and prepared the way for their awareness of a common cultural, religious and linguisitic kinship in the mid nineteenth century.[4][8][9] For his efforts Arumugam Navalar was described, by Kailasapathy, as the person who gave his community a distinct identity.[10]

Communal Consciousness

Great Britain controlled the whole island by 1815, and unified the country administratively in 1833 with a legislative council that acted as advisor to the Governor. The council was composed of three Europeans and one each of Sinhalese, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Burghers.[11] But this situation changed in 1919 with the arrival of British Governor William Manning, who actively encouraged the idea of "communal representation". He created the reformed legislative council in 1921 and its first election returned thirteen Sinhalese and three Tamils, a significant loss in representation for the Tamils when compared to the previous council based on direct appointment by the governor.[12][13] Because of this the Tamils began to develop a communal consciousness, and to think of themselves as a minority community. They focused on communal representation in the council rather than national representation, and decided that their delegates should be leaders from their own community.[12][14] This new sense of community identity took Tamil nationalism in a different direction. From the mid-1920s their developing national awareness transformed into a less passive national consciousness, with a heightened determination to protect the interests of the Ceylon Tamil community.[15] Influenced heavily by political history and, perhaps more importantly, Colombo-centered developments, this emerging Tamil national consciousness led to the establishment of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress headed by G. G. Ponnambalam.[16][17]

Development

Historic changes occurred in 1931: the reformed legislative council was eliminated, and the Donoughmore Commission, which rejected communal representation, was introduced. Instead they introduced universal franchise, in which representation was proportionate to percentage of population. The Tamil leadership strongly opposed this plan, realizing that they would be reduced to a minority in parliament. Many Sinhalese were also against universal franchise for caste issues. G. G. Ponnambalam publicly protested the Donooughmore Commission and proposed to the Soulbury Commission that roughly equal numbers of seats be assigned to Tamils and Sinhalese in the planned independent Ceylon, but he was rejected. From the introduction of the advisory council, through the Donoughmore Commission in 1931, to the Soulbury Commission in 1947, the primary dispute between the elite of the Sinhalese and Tamils was over the question of representation, not the structure of the government. This issue of power sharing was used by the nationalists of both communities to create and escalating interethnic rivalry which has been gaining momentum ever since.[18]

Ponnambalam's political program

Ponnambalam's Tamil nationalism was paralleled by a similar Sinhala nationalist program led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. This created tension between the two parties and caused the exchange of verbal attacks, with Ponnampalam calling himself a "proud Dravidian".[19] This interethnic and political stress led to the first Sinhala-Tamil riot in 1939.[20] The Second World War served as an interregnum where the adroit politics of D. S. Senanayake successfully balanced the extremist tendencies of the Sinhala as well as Tamil nationalists. Senanayake, together with Arunachalam Mahadeva, advocated the "Ceylonese" concept, which was similar in spirit to the Ceylon National Congress. Senanayake formed the United National Party, the first government to include both Ponnambalam's Tamil congress and the Bandaranaike's Sinhala Maha Sabha.

After Independence

All Ceylon Tamil Congress

The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), led by G. G. Ponnambalam, was popular among Tamils because it promoted the preservation of Tamil identity.[21] The ACTC advocated a "fifty-fifty" policy, in which fifty percent of the seats in parliament would be reserved for Tamils and other minorities, the remaining fifty percent going to the Sinhalese. According to the ACTC this was a necessary defensive measure to prevent unwarranted dominance by the Sinhalese. In 1947 Ponnambalam warned the Soulbury Commission about this potential problem, and presented the ACTC's solution, which he called a "balanced representation". This fifty-fifty policy was opposed by a Muslim minority and sections of the Tamil community.[22] D. S. Senanayake, the leader of the Sinhalese political groups, allowed Ponnambalam full control over the Soulbury presentations, prevented Sinhalese nationalists like Bandaranaike from taking the stage, and avoided the eruption of acrimonious arguments.[23] But the Soulbury commission rejected the charges of discrimination against the Tamils, and also rejected the fifty-fifty formula as subverting democracy.[24]

The ACTC later decided to adopt a new policy: "responsive cooperation" with "progressive-minded Sinhalese".[21][25] Yet in 1948 Ponnampalam decided to merge the ACTC with the ruling United National Party (UNP), even though he had stated earlier that the UNP was not progressive-minded. The merge was not supported by the entire party, and it ended up splitting the ACTC in half, with one faction merging with D. S. Senanayake’s UNP and the other, led by S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, deciding to leave the party altogether. In 1948, Ponnampalam voted in favor of one of several bills, later known as the Ceylon Citizenship Act, which disenfranchised Up-country Tamils.[26][27] Though he did not vote for all the bills of the Ceylon Citizenship Act, his silence in parliament made the Tamil public believe that he was not committed to Indian Tamil rights.[28] The ACTC remained the major Tamil political party until 1956, when the Federal Party took over that position.[29] The Tamil Congress still held parliamentary positions, however, and continued to be a force in Tamil politics. Then in 1976, the ACTC merged with other Tamil political factions to form a new party called the Tamil United Liberation Front. According to A. J Wilson, Ponnampalam’s legacy is that he raised the consciousness of the Tamil people, urging them to think of themselves as having a separate Tamil national identity rather than as an all-island polity.[30]

Federal Party

File:SJF Chelvanayagam.jpg
S. J. V. Chelvanayakam (1898-1977), a Tamil political leader who represented Tamil rights from 1956 until his death

In 1949 a new Tamil party, called the "Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi" (Federal Party), was organized by the people who broke away from the ACTC. Led by Chelvanayakam, it gained much popularity among the Tamil people because it advocated Tamil rights. Its popularity was also due to the party's opposition to the Ceylon Citizenship Act and the Sinhala Only Act.[26][31] As a result, the Federal party became the dominant party in the Tamil districts after the 1956 elections. Despite this, however, the Federal Party never asked for a separate Tamil state or even for self-determination.[29] Instead they lobbied for a unified state which gave Tamil and Sinhalese equal status as the official language and provided for considerable autonomy in the Tamil areas.[32][29]

It was against this backdrop that the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact was signed in July 1957, but pressure from the opposition and extremist groups forced Bandaranaike to abolish the pact. After the assassination of Bandaranaike, another pact was signed in 1965 between Chelvanayakam and Dudley Senenayake called the Dudey-Chelvanayakam pact, but this agreement, like the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact, was never implemented.[33] The UNP was defeated in the 1970 election and replaced by the United Front (UF), led by Sirimavo Bandaranaike. The new government adopted two new policies that discriminated against the Tamil people.[34] First, the government introduced a double standard for admission grades to universities, requiring the Tamil students to achieve higher grades than the Sinhalese students.[35][11] Secondly, the same kind of policy was adopted for jobs as public servants, which were held by less than ten percent of the Tamil-speaking population.[36][37] The Federal Party opposed these policies and as a result Chelvanayakam resigned his parliamentary seat in October 1972. Shortly afterwards, in 1973, the Federal Party decided to demand a separate, autonomous Tamil state. Until 1973, Chelvanayakam and the Federal Party had always campaigned for a unified country and thought that any partitioning would be “suicidal”. The new policies, however, were considered to be discriminatory by the Tamil leadership,[38] and this modified the official position on Tamil Nationalism. To further the new political agenda, in 1975 the Federal Party merged with the other Tamil political parties to become the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF).[39] In 1976, after the first national convention of TULF, the Ceylon Tamils moved towards a revised nationalism and were now unwilling to live within a confined, single-island entity.[40]

TULF

The Tamil United Liberation Front was formed when the Tamil political parties merged and adopted the Vaddukoddai Resolution. In the 1977 election TULF became the first Tamil Nationalist party to run on a separatist platform. It gained a majority of the votes in the north and east, won 18 seats and became the largest opposition party in parliament.[41]. The Vaddukoddai Resolution had a profound effect on Tamil politics – the parliamentary system was soon to be replaced by guns. TULF, however, tried to refashion itself as the political division, negotiating an agreement with the executive president at that time, J.R. Jayewardene. The outcome was the District Development Councils’ scheme passed 1980. The TULF decided to abandon this scheme because J.R Jayewardene did not agree to let the TULF have the five District Ministership in five Tamil districts where TULF received the most votes [42]. On 1983 the Sixth Amendment was passed and required Tamil members of parliament and Tamil in public office to take the oath of alliance to the unitary state of Sri Lanka. The Sixth Amendment forbade advocating a separate state by peaceful means. Consequently, the TULF was expelled from the parliament for refusing to take the oath.[43]

Tamil Militants

Main articles: Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups and List of Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups
Tamil women rebels in formation in Killinochchi in 2004

After the expulsion of the TULF from the parliament the Tamil political movement was headed by Tamil militants. As a result,the seventies saw the emergence of more than 30 Tamil militant groups. Anton Balasingham, the LTTE theoretician, states that the reason for the militarization of the Tamil youth was because of unemployment, lack of possibility for higher education and the imposition of an alien language. He further alleges these problems were imposed by the majority Sinhalese Government and adds that the only alternative left for the Tamil youths was a "revolutionary armed struggle for the independence of their nation." [44][45]. Only five of the groups, namely PLOTE, TELO, EPRLF, EROS and LTTE, remained a potent political force. The rest of the groups did not have a properly formulated ideology and could not be considered as ideologically Tamil Nationalistic. Out of the five most dominant groups, the LTTE is the most solidly nationalistic of the Tamil resistance organization. Furthermore, the LTTE has the support and sympathy of major sections of the Tamil community because of its policies and constructive Tamil Nationalistic ideology which it advances through its plea for national self-determination. [46]. It has established a de facto state, in the areas under its control, called Tamil Eelam and runs a Government in these areas. In addition, it also performs state functions such as Courts, Police Force, Human Rights organization, humanitarian assistant board[47], health board and education board[48]. It also runs a Bank (Bank of Tamil Eelam), a radio station (Voice of Tigers) and a Television station (National Television of Tamil Eelam)[49].

Notes

  1. ^ Dr. J. Russell, "Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution", Tissara Publishers (Colombo) 1982, Ch. iv
  2. ^ A. J. Wilson, "S. J. V. Chelvanayagam and the Crisis of Sri Lankan Nationalism 1947-1977 London, Hurst & Co. (1994) p. 140 ff.
  3. ^ Michael Roberts, "J. South Asian Studies", vol XXVii, no. 1 (2004)
  4. ^ a b c Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p.108
  5. ^ C. D. Vellupillai, "History of the American Ceylon Mission", Jaffna 1932, Ch. 1
  6. ^ Jane Russell, "Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Commission, 1831-1947, Ph. D. Thesis, Peradeniya 1977, and Tissara Publishers, 1982 p. 21
  7. ^ Dr. J. Russell, "Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution", Tissara Publishers (Colombo) 1982, p.22
  8. ^ Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p.201
  9. ^ Vaitheespara, R. (2006). "Beyond 'Benign'and 'Fascist'Nationalisms: Interrogating the Historiography of Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 29 (3): 435–458. doi:10.1080/00856400601032003.
  10. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.27-31
  11. ^ a b Stokke, K. (2000). "The Struggle for Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka". A Journal of Urban and Regional Policy. 31 (2): 285–304. doi:10.1111/0017-4815.00129. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  12. ^ a b K. M. de Sila, History of Sri Lanka, Penguin 1995 Cite error: The named reference "kms" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  13. ^ K. M. de Silva, Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, vol 2(1), p 114 (1972)
  14. ^ K. M. de Silva, Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, vol 2(1), p 114 (1972)
  15. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.27-39
  16. ^ Gunasingham, M.Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism: A study of its origins, p.
  17. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.1-12
  18. ^ Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p.76
  19. ^ Hansard, 1935, Col. 3045
  20. ^ Full report in the "Hindu organ", June 12 (1939)
  21. ^ a b Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.1-12
  22. ^ Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p.76
  23. ^ Dr. J. Russell, "Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution", Tissara Publishers (Colombo) 1982, p.315
  24. ^ Report of the Soulbury Commission , London (1965)
  25. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.75-76
  26. ^ a b De Silva, P.L. (1997). "The growth of Tamil paramilitary nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil responses" (PDF). South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 20: 97–118. Retrieved 2008-04-27.
  27. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.66-81
  28. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.80
  29. ^ a b c Kearney, R.N. (1985). "Ethnic Conflict and the Tamil Separatist Movement in Sri Lanka". Asian Survey. 25 (9): 898–917. Retrieved 2008-06-05.
  30. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.80-81
  31. ^ Tambiah, S.J. Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy, p.
  32. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.82-90
  33. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.81-110
  34. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.102-103
  35. ^ De Silva, K.M. (1984). "University Admissions and Ethnic Tension in Sri Lanka, 1977—1982". From Independence to Statehood: Managing Ethnic Conflict in Six African and Asian States. London: Francis Pinter: 97.
  36. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.102-103
  37. ^ Goldman, R.B. and Wilson, A.J. From Independence to Statehood, p.173-184
  38. ^ Russell R. Ross. "Tamil Alienation". Library of Congress. Retrieved 2008-05-05. {{cite web}}: Text "coauthor Andrea Matles Savada" ignored (help)
  39. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.82-111
  40. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.101-110
  41. ^ DBS Jeyaraj. "TULF leader passes away". Hindu News. Retrieved 2008-05-04.
  42. ^ Wilson, A.J. The Break-up of Sri Lanka: The Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict, p.142-143
  43. ^ Wilson, A.J. The Break-up of Sri Lanka: The Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict, p.228
  44. ^ Balasingham, A.S. (1983). "Liberation Tigers and Tamil Eelam Freedom Struggle". Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Jaffna.
  45. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.124
  46. ^ Wilson, A.J. Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, p.131-132
  47. ^ Stokke, K. (2006). "Building the Tamil Eelam State: emerging state institutions and forms of governance in LTTE-controlled areas in Sri Lanka". Third World Quarterly. 27 (6): 1021–1040. doi:10.1080/01436590600850434.
  48. ^ McConnell, D. (2008). "The Tamil people's right to self-determination" (PDF). Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 21 (1): 59–76. doi:10.1080/09557570701828592. Retrieved 2008-03-25.
  49. ^ Ranganathan, M. (2002). "Nurturing a Nation on the Net: The Case of Tamil Eelam". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 8 (2): 51–66. Retrieved 2008-03-25.

References

  • Wilson, A. J. (2000). Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Sydney: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 1-85065-338-0.
  • Gunasingham, M. (1999). Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism: A study of its origins. MV Publications. ISBN 0-646-38106-7.
  • Tambiah, S. J. (1986). Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy. IB Tauris & Co Ltd. ISBN 978-0-226-78952-1.
  • Goldman, R. B. (1984). From Independence to Statehood. London: Frances Pinter. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Wilson, A. J. (1988). The Break-up of Sri Lanka: The Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 1850650330.
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