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The complexities of Maurice Blanchot's writings are inextricably linked to the philosophical discourses initiated by Heidegger and Nietzsche, with a notable focus on community. The analysis seeks to unravel how Blanchot's work, especially in 'The Unavowable Community', reacts to and builds upon a tradition of critique regarding conventional political thought, particularly following the disruptions post-1968. It emphasizes the persistent theme of insufficiency, as articulated by Bataille, ultimately addressing the persistent yet problematic quest for community amidst absences and theoretical breaks.
2011
This review considers the collection Political Writings, 1953–1993 by Maurice Blanchot as a means to assess the relatively little-known political odyssey of this writer and theorist. Noting the absence of his earlier right-wing political texts from the 1930s in this collection, it attempts to probe Blanchot’s idiosyncratic ‘ultra-left’ turn represented in his texts of the 1950s and 1960s. In particular, I analyse how Blanchot develops a communism that focuses on the problem of abstraction: both the abstraction intrinsic to social reality, and the necessity to negate and contest that abstraction through a ‘communist writing’. The review reconstitutes this unusual form of Marxism, and analyses the possible resources it offers and its limits.
CONTEMPORARY FRENCH AND FRANCOPHONE STUDIES, 2019
Literature (art) and politics are often compared and brought together, inasmuch as they both engage with, transform, and renounce the human world as it is, and as they both share-in their key moments-a world disclosing power that allows them to generate a world that was not. The events of May '68 foster a further affinity with writing: the numerous slogans-whose echo, variations, and relevance are still sensed-bear witness to a complicit pact between words (in their artistic inscription as graffiti) and political upheaval. Yet, this paper attempts to revitalize the relationship of art and politics, by drawing on Maurice Blanchot's view of literature as a sovereign-insubordinate to worldly, and political, causes-realm. With particular reference to some of Blanchot's key texts, which preceded-and foretold the success/failure of-May '68, this paper explores how literature and literary criticism become radically political in their autonomy, that is, in their turning toward (against) themselves, as forces of opposition that contest their conditions of (im)possibility. Unfolding Blanchot's idiosyncratic account of literature as 'commited non-commitement' (d egagement engag e), this paper will contend that the essence of the political as a profound refusal, as put forth by the anti-authoritarian call of May 1968, is realized in and as the experience of literature.
SubStance, 2021
This article aims to highlight the politics of emotions that govern Maurice Blanchot's insurrectional writings. Starting from the example of Simone Weil, who contrasted the "joy" of the general strike of 1936 with the "force" of capitalist domination, I argue that Blanchot's reading of the events of May 1968 is based on a similar tension between two political affects, i.e., the joy of insubordination and the fear of the state, which implicitly takes up the Spinozist opposition of potential (puissance or potentia) and power (pouvoir or potestas).
Angelaki, 2018
In The Disavowed Community, Jean-Luc Nancy presents a critique of his seminal 1983 essay “The Inoperative Community.” According to Nancy, his error in attempting to derive a politics from Maurice Blanchot’s concept of unworking [désoeuvrement] lay in conflating politics and ontology. This paper suggests that Nancy’s self-critique is only partially correct. The problem ultimately resides in the theory of unworking itself, I argue, not its misapplication. In pursuing this contention, I trace out the tacit response to the exchange between Nancy and Blanchot developed in Jacques Rancière’s early writings on aesthetics. Rancière’s turn to aesthetics is best understood, I propose, as a corrective to Blanchot’s influence on post-marxist theory. Focusing on Rancière’s critiques of Blanchot in Mallarmé: Politics of the Siren and Mute Speech, I show how Rancière’s rival account of modern art answers the question of non-identitarian left politics Nancy posed in “The Inoperative Community.”
Journal for Cultural Research, 2005
In his early essays “Violence and Metaphysics” and “The Ends of Man,” Jacques Derrida evoked a “community of the question” when he called for a fundamental questioning of the being of the “we” in the West. This demand was later formulated by Jean-Luc Nancy and Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe as the philosophical interrogation of the political (le politique), in distinction from the question of politics (la politique). The essay begins by arguing that what is at stake in this distinction is the very possibility of politics that is otherwise foreclosed. It then explores Nancy’s interrogation of le politique in The Inoperative Community, and compares his response to Maurice Blanchot’s response in The Unavowable Community. It is argued that both deconstructions of “community” depict a certain sociality that corresponds to Derrida’s call – a ‘communality’ beyond or radically other than the traditional model of community as formed by sovereign individuals and as forming the sovereign state. Where they differ is that Blanchot founds the ethical relation of the “unavowable” community on the radical interruption of ontology signaled by death, whereas Nancy casts ontology itself in an ethical register, and thereby allows a certain solidarity to emerge as well.
Journal for Cultural Research, 2012
ABSTRACT 1 1. This article is dedicated to the memory of Paul Fletcher. View all notesThis article provides a brief critical introduction to the essays by Maurice Blanchot that appear or are the subject of discussion in this issue of the Journal for Cultural Research. These essays, in one way or the other, relate to the Indian context. More than the question of Blanchot’s critical attitude towards the reception of either Mahatma Gandhi or Indian spirituality in the European intellectual milieu, the author attempts to understand the basis of Blanchot’s argumentation, especially with reference to the “politico-religious” and “writing”. The importance of the notions of the “impossibility of death” and “passivity” which he developed in relation to Levinas’s work has been focused on. In spite of his early orientation in the Christian religion, we see that Blanchot, in his later writings which emphasize an ‘extreme’ literary mode, seems to have striven towards the dissolving of the opposition between East and West, between theism and atheism, and between religion and literature. It is possible that he was thus heralding a post-Christian, post-theological, post-theistic and a postmodern world.
Journal for Cultural Research, 2000
Philosophy and Poetry: A Continental Perspective
Blanchot's fiction and criticism stage an agon between politics and poetics, philosophy and poetry, when affronting death in its various forms in modernity, especially of course th0se modes of death entailed by the catastrophes of twentieth-century political warfare, in particular that of the Final Solution of the Holocaust. In repeating the ancient struggle between philosophy and poetry in this ultimate modern context, Blanchot turns his philosophical criticism and poetic theory into a new mode of fiction or poetry, and his fiction or recits (narratives) into a new mode of philosophy. Blanchot's readings of writers, notably of such poets as Celan, following in Heidegger's considerable wake, sets this stage for imaginative transformation of philosophy and poetry, critical theory and imaginative fiction alike. He thereby models in his work the potentially infinite conversation, creating out of the unvowable, what he calls (along with Foucault) the outside, the authentic space of literature where it is that one may discover the community to come. In this highly ironic and speculative manner, Blanchot develops the implicitly ethical dimensions of literature, thereby responding rather directly to the critical concerns of his life-long friend Levinas, even as he prepares the clearly abysmal ground of transcendent non-transcendence for Derrida's Benjaminian messianicity, to be seen, ironically enough, beautifully at work in his powerfully moving elegiac homage to Levinas, Adieu. This foundationless foundation is that trace of differance opening upon the messianic without a messiah which composes out of death the prolegomenon to any future humans can abide. Guided by this perspective we will read closely, via selective excerpts, such Blanchot's fictions as Thomas the Obscure, Death Sentence, and The Instant of My Death; and such critical texts as The Space of Literature, The Infinite Conversation, and The Writing of the Disaster. We will then conclude with briefer overviews of The Unavowable Community, a paradoxically utopian statement, and The Step Not Beyond, perhaps his ultimate paradoxical fiction of the ethical ontology of writing/reading, precisely because it performs most completely the mutual ironic self-destruction of the traditions of philosophy and literature in which it works. Consequently, in returning then to his readings of the poets, we will show that Blanchot deconstructs in his own way both the binary of the classical agon between philosophy and poetry and all attempted final solutions of it in any dialectical resolution, thereby outlining his
Critical Horizons, 2018
The article links Blanchot’s philosophical and political ideas. Embarking from his recurrent dialogue with Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, it traces the development of Blanchot’s “dissident” version of modernism and his notion of “writing”, alongside his post-war political involvement and writing. I argue that Blanchot never relinquished the purist modernist idea of the privilege of writing and with it the privilege of his own self-identification primarily as a writer. It is my contention that this emphasis sometimes obfuscated his vision, both conceptually and politically. I exemplify my claim by appealing to Blanchot’s unconditional support of Israel and Zionism.
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