Human Capitalism: How Economic Growth Has Made Us Smarter--and More Unequal
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Why the rich are getting smarter while the poor are being left behind
What explains the growing class divide between the well educated and everybody else? Noted author Brink Lindsey, a senior scholar at the Kauffman Foundation, argues that it's because economic expansion is creating an increasingly complex world in which only a minority with the right knowledge and skills—the right "human capital"—reap the majority of the economic rewards. The complexity of today's economy is not only making these lucky elites richer—it is also making them smarter. As the economy makes ever-greater demands on their minds, the successful are making ever-greater investments in education and other ways of increasing their human capital, expanding their cognitive skills and leading them to still higher levels of success. But unfortunately, even as the rich are securely riding this virtuous cycle, the poor are trapped in a vicious one, as a lack of human capital leads to family breakdown, unemployment, dysfunction, and further erosion of knowledge and skills. In this brief, clear, and forthright eBook original, Lindsey shows how economic growth is creating unprecedented levels of human capital—and suggests how the huge benefits of this development can be spread beyond those who are already enjoying its rewards.
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Human Capitalism - Brink Lindsey
Human Capitalism
Brink Lindsey
Human Capitalism
How Economic Growth Has Made Us Smarter—and More Unequal
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
Princeton and Oxford
Copyright © 2013 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,
Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street,
Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW
press.princeton.edu
All Rights Reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lindsey, Brink.
Human capitalism : how economic growth has made us smarter-and more unequal / Brink Lindsey.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-691-15732-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Economic development—Social aspects. 2. Cognition and culture—Economic aspects. 3. Capitalism— Social aspects. 4. Economics—Sociological aspects. I. Title.
HD75.L564 2013
330.12'2—dc23
2013001637
British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available
This book has been composed in Minion and Helvetica
Printed on acid-free paper. ∞
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents
Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I want to express deep gratitude to Bob Litan, my former colleague at the Kauffman Foundation, for believing in this book, giving me the time and freedom to write it, and offering guidance and useful feedback along the way. Thanks also to Seth Ditchik, my editor at Princeton University Press, for all his support and assistance. Eric Brynjolfsson, Bryan Caplan, Sallie James, Reihan Salam, Julian Sanchez, Dane Stangler, Steve Teles, Ben Wildavsky, and Scott Winship read drafts of the manuscript and offered incisive comments that greatly improved the final product. They are, of course, absolved from responsibility for all errors and shortcomings that remain.
Introduction
Things were so much simpler back then …
If you’ve reached a certain age—your forties? thirties? twenties?—you’ve doubtless uttered this familiar, plaintive refrain at some point.
And you were right. Because the fact is—and it’s an extremely important fact—our world is getting more and more complicated all the time.
There are many reasons, but economic growth is the biggest. Growth means a more far-flung, more intricate, more highly specialized division of labor. It means continued additions to the immense accumulation of knowledge and know-how dispersed throughout society. And it means proliferating choices along virtually every dimension of human existence. Put all that together and you get one of the defining characteristics of contemporary America: its overwhelming, incomprehensible complexity.¹
The rise in social complexity over the past century or so—basically, since industrialization took off—has produced a radical transformation in human experience. For one thing, it has made possible the unprecedented prosperity we now enjoy—the consequences of which I explored in a previous book.² Here, though, I want to look at the other side of the coin: not the effects of consuming great wealth, but the causes of our ability to produce it all.
In particular, I want to explore the strenuous mental demands placed on us by our increasingly complex social environment. To thrive and excel in the sensory and information overload of contemporary life, we have to use our brains in ways that set us apart from most people who came before us. We are rich today not simply because our superior technology and organization have made us more productive. Our minds have become more productive as well. Challenged to keep pace with the growing complexity of the world around us, we have stretched our cognitive capabilities far beyond the prevailing norms of times past.
So far, so good. The rise of complexity has been a mighty engine of human progress—not just in our possessions but in our abilities as well. By calling on us to develop our minds in novel and immensely fertile ways, it has broadened our horizons and summoned up powers we never knew we had.
But there is more to the story than that, for it’s obvious that not everybody is thriving and excelling in American society today. Despite the heaping riches that our economic system continues to pile up, millions remain trapped in a nightmare world of poverty, social exclusion, and despair. And many, many more struggle ambivalently with the fact that, despite enjoying steady gains in material comfort, their overall position in society seems increasingly marginal and insecure.
Why are the blessings of American life so unevenly distributed? Because of complexity, I will argue. It is my contention that, although things were very different in the relatively recent past, today the primary determinant of socioeconomic status is the ability to handle the mental demands of a complex social environment. If you can do that, you’ll likely have ample opportunities to find and pursue a career with interesting, challenging, and rewarding work. But if you can’t, you’ll probably be relegated to a marginal role in the great social enterprise—where, among other downsides, you’ll face a dramatically higher risk of falling into dysfunctional and self-destructive patterns of behavior. Complexity has opened a great divide between those who have mastered its requirements and those who haven’t.
To put this point another way, the main determinant of who succeeds and who gets left behind in American society today is possession of human capital.³ Human capital, of course, is the term economists use for commercially valuable knowledge and skills. It is widely understood that, in today’s knowledge economy,
the most important assets are not plant and equipment or stocks and bonds. Rather, the most important assets are the ones we carry around in our heads.
What is less well understood is why human capital has become so important, what has made its rapid accumulation possible, and how our social structure has been altered as a consequence. As I will explain in this book, the central importance of human capital in today’s economy is a response to the rise of social complexity. Because it turns out that the most important forms of human capital consist of mental strategies for coping with complexity—special skills that allow us to make sense of the blooming, buzzing confusion around us, form and sustain useful relationships in a world of anonymous strangers, and impose coherence on our unruly, conflicting impulses and desires.
At the core of this book, then, is a claim about the relationship between economic development and cognitive development. Here’s the basic dynamic: economic growth breeds complexity, complexity imposes increasingly heavy demands on our mental capabilities, and people respond by making progressively greater investments in human capital. As a result, capitalism has morphed into human capitalism
—a social system in which status and achievement hinge largely on possessing the right knowledge and skills.
Over the past generation, though, the structure of American society under human capitalism has grown increasingly lopsided. And that is because the relationship between economic development and cognitive development has broken down for large sections of the population. For those in the upper third or so of the socioeconomic scale, the virtuous circle continues: increasing complexity has led to greater investments in human capital and widening opportunities for putting those investments to productive use. The rest of America, though, is being left behind: human capital levels are stagnating, and so are economic prospects.
This state of affairs is unstable. In any game where most of the players feel they are on the losing end, and where the players themselves have the power to rewrite the rules, sooner or later the pressure to change the rules will grow irresistible. For the game of human capitalism, the threat is that the rule changes will take the form of measures that undermine economic growth—and thus rising complexity, and thus the potential for the further development of human capabilities and all the social progress that such development would make possible.
What is needed instead are rule changes that expand the number of people who are able to compete and thrive in the game of human capitalism. This book concludes with a list of proposals along those lines. But first, it’s necessary to explain how we got into our present situation. What is social complexity and what forces have powered its rise? How has complexity changed the way we think and work? And how has it altered the structure of society? In particular, how does it influence who gets ahead and who falls behind? To those questions we now turn.
One
The Rise of Complexity
Twenty-first-century America is a mind-boggling place. We’ve got more than 310 million people, 80 percent of whom are congregated in densely populated urban areas. In the business sector, more than twenty-seven million different firms compete and cooperate to supply a bewildering variety of goods and services—the typical supermarket alone stocks some thirty thousand different items. Another 1.5 million registered nonprofits, along with countless informal groups, collaborate to serve an immense range of perceived community needs. And providing the nation’s legal and regulatory framework, as well as a host of other public services, are the vast bureaucracies of the federal government, fifty state governments, and more than eighty-seven thousand local governmental units. This incredibly intricate division of labor, meanwhile, is deeply integrated into a larger global economy that encompasses billions of people.
All of this highly organized, highly specialized activity requires the accumulation and communication of vast amounts of knowledge and know-how. In just the past year, nearly 248,000 new patents were granted in this country and almost 290,000 new book titles and editions were published. According to a 2003 estimate (which doubtless is already completely obsolete), the total amount of new information stored on paper, film, and magnetic and optical media in the United States comes to two trillion megabytes annually—or the equivalent of nearly fifteen thousand new book collections as big as the Library of Congress.¹ What about flows of information? Every day, Americans send six hundred million pieces of mail, make billions of phone calls, send billions more text messages, and transmit untold tens of billions of e-mails. And they spend an incredible eight hours of every day watching television, listening to the radio, reading, and surfing the Internet.
Living this way doesn’t come