Invitation to the Septuagint
By Karen H. Jobes and Moisés Silva
4/5
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About this ebook
Karen H. Jobes
Karen H. Jobes (PhD, Westminister Theological Seminary) is the Gerald F. Hawthorne Professor Emerita of New Testament Greek and Exegesis at Wheaton College and Graduate school in Wheaton, Illinois. The author of several works, she has also been involved in the NIV Bible translation. She and her husband, Forrest, live in Philadelphia and are members of an Evangelical Presbyterian Church.
Read more from Karen H. Jobes
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Reviews for Invitation to the Septuagint
22 ratings5 reviews
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5A very expansive and thorough introduction to the Septuagint, its study, and its place in Biblical criticism.The book is well organized and suited for a variety of audiences. The book begins with justification for studying the Septuagint (heretofore LXX), and then explores the history of the text, its transmission, use today, and its function as a translation; the language of the LXX, attempting to ascertain the LXX text, using the LXX for OT textual criticism, the Dead Sea Scrolls and LXX studies, the LXX and the NT; the state of LXX studies, exploring previous scholars, present scholars and their work, attempts at reconstructing the history of the LXX, and concludes with considering theological developments in the Hellenistic age and how this may be manifest in the LXX. The work includes appendices describing organizations and research projects, reference works, glossary, differences in versification between English Bibles and the LXX, and symbols used in the Gottingen apparatus.The first section of the book would be of interest to many in the general public; the rest becomes more and more scholarly in tone and best explored by those who have some understanding in the field of Biblical textual criticism, especially students. This work represents an excellent textbook to introduce the LXX and its issues.The substance of the work is excellent and masterful in its breadth and approach. You really do leave the book recognizing the sheer complexity and difficulty, and yet necessity, of grappling with the LXX in Biblical studies. Thoroughly commended for all those involved in the study of the Old and New Testaments.*-galley received as part of early review program
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Although this book is an introduction, it contains much information. And this is to be expected for such a fascinating, yet complex field of Septuagint studies. I commend this book eagerly. But be warned, knowledge of Greek and Hebrew is a pre-requisite for full appreciation of this material.
- Rating: 1 out of 5 stars1/5I never found a more misleading title of a book - it should rather be called 'Killing The Septuagint' or 'Invitation to Kill the Septuagint'. This is no polemic claim, but a sober preview of what is being taught in this book.
While the principle author initially states to have been "hooked on Septuagint studies" as a student, the book soon turns into a systematic and strongly biased deconstruction of the Word of THEOS, while blatantly endorsing extra-biblical writings such as the Deuterocanonicals and many spurious works. While it is a good summary of many valuable findings, it is also a good summary of the widespread inability of the academic world to correct the fundamental error of having endorsed the Proto-Masoretic text as divinely inspired, although having been adulterated decisively in a small portion.
PROS
+ In parts an important summary of research done, and being done on the Greek Old Testament (GOT).
+ They clearly state that the Greek Old Testament (GOT) was the Bible used by most early Christians and Jews and defend it in some basic aspects.
+ Good overview of the Christian and Jewish recensions (except the endorsement of Aquila).
+ Great chapter 'The Current State of Septuagint Studies' and 'Our Predecessors: Septuagint Scholars of a Previous Generation'.
NEUTRAL
O The chapter 6 'Textual Criticism' contains some great principles, but it is not even mentioned to seek the guidance of the LORD Himself in defining the text.
CONS
- The book contains a huge number of internal quotations, leading the reader to yet another book of Moises Silva (25x) or Karen Jobes (14x). Instead of promoting their own books, this book would have greatly benefitted from a more open approach.
- The writers repeatedly show a substantial lack of discernment (e.g. the claim that Origen was a Christian and their intensive use of his materials; repeated use of the Mishnah and Talmud without the least hint of those works being strongly anti-Christian). Furthermore, many problematic endorsements are found throughout the book. One particular endorsement even includes a popular antichrist (quote p121 "See the brilliant application of these concerns by Bart D. Ehrman").
- The writers are both Augustinians (Calvinists). They are ecumenical at best, while the entire book could have indeed been written by Catholics - disguising what they disguised, and endorsing what they endorsed.
p79 [notice the order] "If one compares the modern English Bibles of Judaism to the Old Testaments of Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, and the Eastern Orthodox Church, differences will quickly be found." The RCC is mentioned 14 times throughout the book, and not a single word of discernment is found. The 'Katholieke Universiteit Leuven' is endorsed several times.
- The book mentions briefly UNCIALS, but does not provide any justification for a change from those significantly more readable letters to the cursives with its 18 commonly used diacritics (221 combinations), which are de facto an intellectual disguise of the Bible.
- The book repeatedly puts the GOT into the role of an extra by stating that it is the first major translation into another language (p19, 67). This is an insufficient investigation, because we have Ezra's translation (459-445 BC, from Paleo-Hebrew into Aramic-Hebrew) and we have Samuel's text (1050 BC, from Hieroglyphic Hebrew into Paleo-Hebrew). Both previous translations are not even mentioned in this book!
p21 Unsubstantiated claims deconstructing the inspiration of the GOT: "The translators who produced the Greek version of the Hebrew Bible were also interpreters who came to the text with the theological and political prejudices of their time and thus had to deal with hermeneutical issues similar to those we face today. Their translations were no doubt influenced, whether deliberately or subconsciously, by what they believed the Hebrew meant in light of their contemporary situation [...] Clearly, this is bad news to the textual critic ..." p89 repeats the same claim of an uninspired translation "The people who translated the Hebrew Bible into Greek faced all of these linguistic decisions. [...] They worked not only within the linguistic context of Hellenistic Greek, but also within a social, political, and religious context that shaped their translation, probably both deliberately and unconsciously."
p146 reiterates their bias against the GOT, and they lower here the value from inspired, to translated, to interpretation: "the LXX may be regarded as the earliest surviving INTERPRETATION of the Bible, and the exegesis of the translators, EVEN WHEN WRONG, can be very valuable in our own exegetical process."
p152 then goes as far as to destroy even the possibility to see MT and GOT on a par: "The viewpoint that claims to assign equal value to the MT and the LXX gives the impression of impartiality and objectivity, but it could just as easily reflect a failure to make a much-needed judgment on the available evidence." Who are the authors to put themselves into the seat of the Lord and judge His Word!
p22 The Bible is clear that we should not speak out names of idol gods, but the book does not only mention those names but goes as far as to criticize the translation of the GOT for using the more neutral word 'demon', and as far as to attribute a 'religious spin' to the translators. What if the HOLY SPIRIT considered it wise to not bother Gentiles with all the names of idols?
The Good Message had been repeated for 4 different people groups - should we therefore not rather expect that the Old Testament for Gentiles should have slight adaptations? Why do we naively assume that the LORD had to write exactly the same Bible for a totally different people group, while seeing even in the NT for one and the same account such clear adaptations towards individual target groups?
p23 The authors speculate if the term 'Sabbaton' came from outside the Bible, but this question is ignorant because the term originated from the earliest Bible texts, thousands of years before the term Jew or the Greek / Hebrew language even existed.
p23 They deny the inspiration, in their eyes it is simply one more version: "The Septuagint certainly left its mark in Greek, just as the King James Version has in English."
p26 They erroneously claim that not the RCC with Jerome, but that "the Reformation [~1100 years later!] shifted attention away from the early translations of the Hebrew Bible".
p32 Heretical assumption that the GOT included the APOCRYPHA at the time of its writing "The scope of modern Septuagint studies extends beyond the canon of the Hebrew Bible. It includes texts from the Hellenistic period that are not translations from the Hebrew at all, but rather Jewish writings composed in Greek, such as 3 Mac, 4 Mac, and the Wisdom of Solomon." p76 "The apocryphal books were not included in Thomson's translation." p80 includes in the chapter 'Order of Books in the Hebrew Bible, the Greek Septuagint, and the English (Protestant) Bible' a long list of Apocrypha in the GOT, but not in the Protestant Bible.
This is highly misleading, because precisely the Reformation was responsible for having included for the first time in history up to 15 apocryphal books in many standard Bibles, while not even the RCC had previously included more than 7 books. p84 repeats the error by stating that "At the time of the Reformation [...] the books of the Protestant Old Testament were translated afresh from the Hebrew canon, which does not include the additional Greek books". p85 reveals a clear lack of discernment "the apocryphal books ... most Protestant Christians have, UNFORTUNATELY, never heard of them, much less read them."
The first 5 apocryphal books had been initiated during the translation of the Greek Pentateuch (LXX, ~250 BC), but the first 11 apocryphal books had only been completed by the time of Christ and therefore 140 years after the completion of the Greek Old Testament (~140 BC), while the full number of 15 apocryphal books had only been completed by 100 AD, approx. 240 years after the Greek OT.
But the writers even go one step further, to say, just because some codices that were compiled 600 years (!) after the writing of the Septuagint included the Apocrypha, now the Septuagint written 600 years earlier consequently included the Apocrypha. This is desperately looking for a scapegoat.
p33, 35 Strong bias against the GOT and the letter of Aristeas "the number of (70) people sent would have been merely a symbolic gesture." [...] "As for the claim that the translation was based on Hebrew scrolls brought from Jerusalem, we have no clear evidence to refute it."
p71 Here it becomes obvious that the author's preference is the (Catholic) Latin Vulgate "The Old Testament was presented in three columns: the Latin Vulgate with pride of place in the middle, the Hebrew text on its right, and the Greek text (with a Latin interlinear translation) on its left."
p83 They erroneously state that "Aquila made a new Greek translation ~FAITHFUL~ to the standardized Hebrew text". This is a blatant and outrageous lie, knowing very well that one of his main goals was to disseminate manipulations in the genealogies, to water down the significance and prophecies leading to the Messiah, and to manipulate many passages of the Bible in their favor. They do mention Rabbi Akiva / Akiba only once in the entire book, when reflecting on Aquila's translation methods (p286), but do not reflect at all on his role in the most dramatic change of the Bible in all over history. To leave him out while virtually every other Septuagint study is forced to speak of his role, shows the anti-biblical intentions of the authors.
Read the full review at www.fitforfaith.ca/reviews-books - Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5This book is the perfect first book on the subject of the Septuagint. It covers all the basic issues and history of the discipline. It's also a very nice quick review for the specialist. I recommend it before reading the older introductions by Swete or even Jellicoe (on which I cut my LXX teeth). It has real footnotes instead of endnotes. That is very helpful in linking the bibliography to the text. Of special value are the many examples which are extensively explained. Required reading for anyone studying text-criticism and history of ancient Judaism and Christianity.
1 person found this helpful
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5For many years, those who wished to learn about the Septuagint (the earliest Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible) had to rely on sources that were out-of-date, disorganized, incomplete, or hard to understand -- usually all four.This book finally solves three of the four problems. It is modern, it is organized, and it is easy to understand (assuming you know Greek, anyway, plus have at least some knowledge of Hebrew). There is no question but that it is the best book in the field, and a good introduction to the handful of editions of the Septuagint now available.Is it perfect? No. It doesn't supply nearly enough information about the various manuscripts; for this, students must still rely on the century-old book by Swete plus scattered information in other editions. I'd like to see more about the text-types of the manuscripts, too. Frankly, this feels like volume one of a two-volume work, with volume two ("The Materials of LXX Studies," or some such) still to be published.But if it is not the last word, this is certainly the best word available now. Get it, and get Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright's A New English Translation of the Septuagint, -- and then start bugging publishers to produce volume II.
1 person found this helpful
Book preview
Invitation to the Septuagint - Karen H. Jobes
© 2000, 2015 by Karen H. Jobes and Moisés Silva
Published by Baker Academic
a division of Baker Publishing Group
P.O. Box 6287, Grand Rapids, MI 49516-6287
www.bakeracademic.com
Ebook edition created 2015
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—for example, electronic, photocopy, recording—without the prior written permission of the publisher. The only exception is brief quotations in printed reviews.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is on file at the Library of Congress, Washington, DC.
ISBN 978-1-4934-0004-1
Unless otherwise indicated, Scripture quotations are the authors’ translation.
Scripture quotations labeled NIV are from the Holy Bible, New International Version®. NIV®. Copyright © 1973, 1978, 1984, 2011 by Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission of Zondervan. All rights reserved worldwide. www.zondervan.com
Scripture quotations labeled NRSV are from the New Revised Standard Version of the Bible, copyright © 1989, by the Division of Christian Education of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America. Used by permission. All rights reserved.
"For years I have been using and recommending Invitation to the Septuagint as an excellent, reader-friendly introduction to an often complex field of study. It orients the novice and nonspecialist to the discipline by means of clear explanations of key terms and concepts, liberal use of examples and illustrations, and up-to-date discussions of the spectrum of issues and perspectives within the world of Septuagint scholarship. Its usefulness as a resource for the Septuagintalist should also not be underestimated. The second edition judiciously augments the content in light of the many developments in the world of Septuagint and cognate studies during the past fifteen years. Regardless of whether one agrees on every point with the authors’ perspectives, in terms of its clarity, conciseness, and coverage of the field, Invitation to the Septuagint is an admirable achievement."
—Robert J. V. Hiebert, Trinity Western University
It is up-to-date with the most significant contributions in the field, offering the reader a good presentation and a fair analysis of the most crucial sources in Septuagint research. I think the authors have succeeded in doing justice to one of the most complex subjects in biblical studies.
—Myrto Theocharous, Greek Bible College, Athens, Greece
Praise for the First Edition
This is a very inviting book for anyone wanting to learn about the Septuagint, not only those for whom this is a first introduction but also those who know their way in this area.
—Emanuel Tov, Hebrew University
We commend this authoritative and helpful guide, written as it has been by two seasoned practitioners in the delights, dangers, and pitfalls of establishing and using the text of the Greek Old Testament and of plotting its history and significance. . . . [The authors] have an encyclopedic knowledge of the subject and an international perspective on current developments as well as a good pedagogical approach to the subject.
—J. K. Elliott, Novum Testamentum
This book provides up-to-date information concerning the making, transmission, and significance of the Greek Septuagint, the first translation of the Hebrew Bible. Students and pastors alike will profit from the research of Jobes and Silva, presented in clear and understandable form.
—Bruce M. Metzger, Princeton Theological Seminary
Contents
Cover i
Title Page iii
Copyright Page iv
Endorsements v
List of Illustrations ix
Preface to the Second Edition xi
Preface to the First Edition xiii
Acknowledgments for the First Edition xvi
Abbreviations xviii
Map xxii
Time Line xxiii
Introduction: Why Study the Septuagint? 1
Part 1: The History of the Septuagint 11
1. The Origin of the Septuagint and Other Greek Versions 13
2. The Transmission of the Septuagint 34
3. The Septuagint in Modern Times 63
4. The Septuagint as a Translation 84
Part 2: The Septuagint in Biblical Studies 111
5. The Language of the Septuagint 113
6. Establishing the Text of the Septuagint 128
7. Using the Septuagint for the Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible 156
8. The Judean Desert Discoveries and Septuagint Studies 181
9. The Septuagint and the New Testament 200
10. Interpreting the Septuagint 228
Part 3: The Current State of Septuagint Studies 263
11. Our Predecessors: Septuagint Scholars of a Previous Generation 265
12. Current Studies in Language and Translation 289
13. Reconstructing the History of the Text 308
14. Theological Development in the Hellenistic Age 326
Appendixes
A. Major Organizations and Research Projects 351
B. Reference Works 365
C. Glossary 369
D. Differences in Versification between English Versions and the Septuagint 376
E. Symbols and Abbreviations of the Göttingen Critical Apparatus 381
Indexes
Index of Hebrew/Aramaic Words and Phrases 385
Index of Greek Words and Phrases 387
Index of Scripture References 389
Index of Modern Scholars 392
Index of Subjects 398
Back Cover 409
Illustrations
I.1. Map of the Hellenistic World xxii
I.2. Time Line of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods xxiii
2.1. Traditional Understanding of the Relationship between the Septuagint and the Later Greek Versions 35
2.2. Alternative Understanding of the Relationship between the Septuagint and the Later Greek Versions 39
2.3. Textual History of the Greek Versions 49
2.4. Codex Vaticanus 53
2.5. Codex Sinaiticus 54
2.6. Codex Alexandrinus 55
2.7. Codex Marchalianus 57
2.8. Manuscript Chigi (Daniel) 58
2.9. Manuscript Chigi (Ezekiel) 59
3.1. Holmes-Parsons Septuagint 67
3.2. Order of Books in the Hebrew Bible, the Greek Septuagint, and the English (Protestant) Bible 76
5.1. 1 Reigns (1 Samuel) 3:19–4:2 120
6.1. Larger Cambridge Septuagint 148
6.2. Rahlfs’s Septuagint 150
6.3. Göttingen Isaiah 152
6.4. Göttingen Genesis 154
7.1. 3 Reigns (1 Kings) 2:1–5 176
8.1. Qumran Scroll Fragments 4QJerb,d,e 189
10.1. Esther 5:1–2 and D:1–16 Compared 254
11.1. Paul A. de Lagarde 269
11.2. Alfred Rahlfs 272
11.3. Henry Barclay Swete 274
11.4. Henry St. John Thackeray 277
11.5. Max Leopold Margolis 279
11.6. John W. Wevers 287
Preface to the Second Edition
The authors and publisher are gratified by the warm reception given to the first edition of Invitation to the Septuagint. Since its publication, however, research in the field of Septuagint and cognate studies has developed at an increasingly faster pace. Numerous contributions—including some of major significance—have appeared in monographs, works of reference, journal articles, and anthologies. In addition, we have received many valuable suggestions from reviewers, colleagues, and students.
Any attempt to give a full account of developments during the past fifteen years would make the book unwieldy and diminish its value as an introductory text. We therefore have needed to be selective in the addition of new material. In spite of that, every chapter has grown longer. Often the additions consist of bibliographic references in the footnotes, but the body of the text itself has been expanded at many points, either to provide fuller discussion of topics treated in the previous edition or to cover new issues (e.g., the current debates on the interlinear paradigm and on the hermeneutics of translation). Chapter 11 now includes biographic profiles of several additional scholars (J. Ziegler, I. Soisalon-Soininen, D. Barthélemy, and J. W. Wevers). And a new appendix lists an English translation of the Göttingen sigla and abbreviations. The glossary too has been expanded.
Revisions include the correction of some inaccuracies and numerous minor changes that we hope will make the text more serviceable. Many of these changes might not have occurred to us had it not been for those readers who graciously took the time to bring them to our attention; we are truly grateful for their collaboration.
In addition, we have attempted to clarify statements that were either ambiguous or susceptible to misunderstanding. In particular, some readers have inferred that we do not consider the Septuagint to be valuable for the establishment of the Hebrew text.1 We believe that this criticism was unjustified. It is true that we urge caution in this area (to avoid the frequently haphazard use of the Septuagint as an easy solution to text-critical problems), but at several crucial points we handle the subject in positive terms.2 Nevertheless, we welcome the opportunity in this new edition to make our position clearer through various changes and additions in chapter 7.
Thanks must go to the Wheaton College and Graduate School teaching assistants who helped in various ways during the revision process, especially Jeremy Otten (2012–13), who helped to gather bibliography, and Jeremiah Coogan (2013–14), who assisted in expanding chapters 6 and 11 and the appendixes.
To the students who have used or will use this book to further their knowledge, we dedicate this work.
Karen H. Jobes
Wheaton, Illinois
Moisés Silva
Litchfield, Michigan
1. Such was the judgment of the late James Barr in his extensive review of our book in RBL (Oct. 2002; published online at http://www.bookreviews.org/pdf/1341_3027.pdf), and other writers have depended on his evaluation. Our response was published in BIOSCS 35 (2002): 43–46 and is also included at the end of Barr’s online review.
2. To mention only the most obvious example: in our primary treatment of this topic, where we discuss Deut. 31:1 (see chap. 7, The Septuagint Compared to the Masoretic Text,
below), we conclude that the Septuagint reading, rather than that of the Masoretic Text, is original. Note also that we commend Emanuel Tov’s book The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research as a sober and reliable guide
(see chap. 7, To Continue Your Study,
below). Indeed, aside from a couple of issues (such as his low regard for the classic rules
of internal evidence), we find ourselves in almost complete agreement with Tov’s judicious principles and methods.
Preface to the First Edition
The inspiration for a book like this was born during my doctoral studies at Westminster Theological Seminary in a course entitled The Greek Old Testament,
taught by Moisés Silva. I had previously heard Professor Silva comment that this course was the hardest one offered at the seminary. Being a woman who enjoys a reasonable challenge and having become enamored with Biblical Greek, I registered for the course with enthusiasm.
Very quickly I began to appreciate both the technical and conceptual complexities of Septuagint studies. So many of my naive assumptions about texts, manuscripts, and the Scriptures I hold dear were quickly shattered. I began to see a more profound, mysterious, and wonderful picture that captured my scholarly imagination. I’ve been hooked on Septuagint studies ever since.
Professor Silva was right; it was a difficult course. But one of the difficulties for me as a student completely new to the subject was that everything I read about the Septuagint seemed to presume a great deal of prior knowledge. I could find nothing that provided an introduction to the scholarly discussions that had been going on for decades. I needed a concise primer that would define the jargon, delineate the most fundamental and elementary concepts, and trace out the overarching issues of what Septuagint studies was all about. As I worked through the course under Professor Silva’s able guidance, I began to make notes of things I wish someone had written in clear, easy language. Although I was unaware of it at the time, the outline for this book had begun to take shape.
This book is intended to be a relatively brief and inviting introduction for the student who has no prior knowledge of the Septuagint. It aims to introduce both the history and current state of the scholarly discussion by presenting the terminology, foundational concepts, and major issues in Septuagint studies. Nevertheless, those interested in pursuing the technical use of the Septuagint in textual criticism and biblical studies will also find resources here to further their understanding. If successful, this book will serve as a bridge to the more sophisticated literature produced by scholars working in the field. We trust that our book not only honors the work done by previous generations of Septuagint scholars and accurately presents the work now being done by our colleagues in the field but will also inspire future generations to take up this fascinating field of research.
Karen H. Jobes
Santa Barbara, California
In my student days at Westminster Theological Seminary, unlike Professor Jobes, I did not even have the option of taking a class in Septuagint studies. I was, however, able to sign up for an independent reading course on the subject as part of my Th.M. program; and later the text of the Septuagint became a major focus of attention in my doctoral research at the University of Manchester. In my experience, learning the basic facts related to the Septuagint proved painless, but I soon realized how superficial, and therefore dangerous, that knowledge was. Moving to the next level—that is, being able to handle the Greek text responsibly and to understand specialized articles—required considerable effort, especially without the benefit of structured guidance.
When I began to offer a course on the Greek Old Testament, my aim was to help students profit from my mistakes. While there is no such thing as Septuagint without tears
(indeed, without the affliction of trial and error, one seldom learns anything), pedagogical direction can prevent much wasted time and unnecessary frustration. This book seeks to perform that service. We have made a special effort to write part 1 in a simple and user-friendly fashion, but without minimizing the problems and ambiguities inherent in the subject. The qualifications and nuances in those first chapters are essential if one is to avoid building a shaky foundation.
It is in part 2, however, that we seek to guide the reader through the thicket of the Septuagintal forest. The chapters in this section are intended for students who already have some knowledge of the biblical languages and who wish to attain an intermediate level of proficiency in the use of the Greek Bible. With the additional help of part 3, which reviews the state of scholarship on selected topics, a few readers may even decide that advanced study of the Septuagint is worth pursuing.
The great challenge in teaching a course (or writing a book) on a complex subject is that explaining any one detail seems to assume some understanding of many other items not yet covered. This problem is particularly acute in the field of Septuagint studies. Some repetition is therefore unavoidable, but in dealing with individual topics we have also relied heavily on the use of cross-references to both prior and subsequent discussions within the book. In the end, however, a second reading of the volume may be necessary to tie loose ends.
I must add that this book would never have been written without the productive and persevering efforts of Professor Jobes, on whom fell the lion’s share of the work in its initial stages. Throughout the project, however, we have been in frequent consultation, reading and critiquing each other’s work, and discussing every aspect of the book before it took its final form. As a result, this book represents a collaborative effort in the fullest sense of the term. It is our wish that others will find as much delight in reading these pages as we have found in writing them.
Moisés Silva
Ipswich, Massachusetts
Acknowledgments for the First Edition
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the significant help we have received throughout the course of this project. We are especially grateful to David Aiken for proposing the idea of such a book in the first place, for promoting the work in many ways, and for agreeing to copyedit the typescript. His personal and scholarly interest in Septuagint studies has much to do with the successful completion of the book.
Several specialists have generously given of their time to assist us. Leonard J. Greenspoon, Emanuel Tov, Robert A. Kraft, and Martin G. Abegg read portions of the typescript at an early stage and provided valuable criticisms. Other colleagues, including Natalio Fernández Marcos, Peter W. Flint, Peter J. Gentry, Robert H. Gundry, Galen Marquis, Bruce M. Metzger, Takamitsu Muraoka, Bradley Nassif, Gerard Norton, Albert Pietersma, Eugene C. Ulrich, and John W. Wevers, were kind enough to respond to inquiries or otherwise support our research.
To the staff of the Septuaginta-Unternehmen in Göttingen we extend our sincere thanks. During a visit to its facilities, the authors were able to discuss some important questions and to gather information unavailable anywhere else. We are particularly indebted to its director, Anneli Aejmelaeus, for the time that she unselfishly spent with us, and to Udo Quast, whose unique knowledge of Septuagint manuscripts and of the work of the institute proved invaluable.
We also profited greatly from a brief visit to the Centre for Septuagint Studies and Textual Criticism (Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, Belgium). Our thanks to Erik Eynikel and Katrin Hauspie for their assistance during that time and to its director, Johan Lust.
The authors also thank the staff of the Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center at Claremont, California, for their assistance in selecting and acquiring the photographs of manuscripts that appear in this volume.
David L. Palmer, Byington scholar at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, read a near-final draft of the typescript with great care, identifying some remaining problems and offering numerous suggestions for improvement.
Bradford Zinnecker, also a Byington scholar at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, prepared an initial draft of appendix D that greatly facilitated our work.
Finally, the authors express their thanks to Westmont College and Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary for the support they have received in the production of this book.
Abbreviations
General and Bibliographic
Hebrew Bible/Old Testament
Old Testament Apocrypha
New Testament
Introduction
Why Study the Septuagint?
The SEPTUAGINT—commonly abbreviated LXX—is a fascinating treasure from the ancient past.1 Whether you are Christian or Jewish or neither,2 whether you are only generally interested in religious studies or are an aspiring biblical scholar, it is worth your while to become acquainted with it. Because the Septuagint was the first translation made of the Hebrew Bible (and possibly of any literary work of comparable size) into another language, it marks a milestone in human culture. Knowledge of the ancient world is incomplete without understanding the significance of the Septuagint and the history that brought it into existence. In this book, we invite you to learn about the place of this translation in history, to appreciate its value for modern scholarship, and to come away with some of our enthusiasm for it. The present chapter is intended as an overview of the field, with a brief description of issues that will be treated later in greater detail.
The Septuagint and the Hebrew Bible
The Bible contains ancient writings that have been read continuously from the time of its authors until our own. The first and oldest part of the Bible was written originally in Hebrew (with some small portions in Aramaic: Ezra 4:8–6:18; 7:12–26; Dan. 2:4–7:28; Jer. 10:11; and two words in Gen. 31:47). The abiding importance of these sacred writings—first to the Jews and later to the Christians—demanded that throughout history they be translated into the languages of the peoples who received them as Scripture.
After the Near East was conquered by Alexander the Great (ca. 333 BCE), the Jewish people came under the influence of Hellenistic culture. Their religious values and ancient ways collided with Greek practices, philosophies, and language. Just as today most Jews live outside of Israel, so it was during the Hellenistic period. Because as a rule the Jews of the DIASPORA (Dispersion) scattered throughout the Mediterranean no longer spoke Hebrew, they needed to translate their sacred writings into Greek, which had become the lingua franca of the Hellenistic world. Thus the Greek version of the Hebrew Bible, now known as the Septuagint, became Scripture to the Greek-speaking Jewish communities in the Diaspora. Together with the Greek NT, it would become the Bible of most Christians during the first centuries of the church. The Greek version remains even today the canonical text for the Orthodox Christian tradition, which traces its heritage to the earliest Greek-speaking Christians.
Because of the Greek Bible’s widespread importance, numerous copies of it were produced by scribes in many places throughout the centuries. More manuscripts of the Greek OT survive than of any other ancient Greek text except the NT. According to one authoritative source, At present, up to 2000 Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint are known: they cover a period of time that stretches from the 2nd century BCE to the 16th century CE and are now scattered all over the globe.
3 For scholars interested in the complexities of textual criticism and the tendencies of scribes, the manuscripts of the Greek versions provide an enormous amount of material for study.
The Septuagint is written in KOINE, that is, the common Greek of the Hellenistic age, a form of the language that had developed from the Classical Greek of fifth-century Athens. For students of the Greek language during the Hellenistic period, the Septuagint is a major source of information. Moreover, because it is a translation of a Hebrew text into Greek, it provides a unique opportunity for those interested in comparing translation Greek to composition Greek.
The Greek version has great value also for the study of the Hebrew text. The issues surrounding this use of the version are complex, but the fact remains that the Septuagint was translated from some Hebrew text that was not identical to the Hebrew text we use today. That original Greek translation, which was produced earlier than surviving copies of the Hebrew Bible, is an indirect witness to its VORLAGE, that is, the Hebrew parent text from which it was translated. In theory, the Septuagint should allow scholars to reconstruct that earlier Hebrew text, though in practice this activity is fraught with difficulties.
Already in the first chapter of the Bible we come across some interesting examples where the Greek differs from the extant Hebrew. Compare Gen. 1:6–7 in the two forms (translated literally into English):
A few minor differences may be observed, such as the repetition of God
in the Greek version of verse 7. Note especially, however, that the Greek has the words and it was so
in verse 6 rather than in verse 7. Does that mean, as some scholars argue, that the Hebrew manuscript used by the Greek translator also had the phrase in verse 6? Or is there some other way to account for the difference?
One of the reasons scholars cannot be certain that the Greek exactly represents its Hebrew Vorlage is that translation between any two languages always involves a degree of interpretation. The translators who produced the Greek version of the Hebrew Bible were also interpreters who came to the text with the theological and political prejudices of their time and thus had to deal with hermeneutical issues similar to those we face today. Their translations were no doubt influenced, whether deliberately or subconsciously, by what they believed the Hebrew meant in light of their contemporary situation, which may not have been what the author of the Hebrew text intended. Clearly, this is bad news to the textual critic, who wants to use the Greek version to reconstruct its Hebrew parent text. It is possible that the Greek translator deleted the phrase and it was so
from Gen. 1:7, perhaps because it sounded out of place, and inserted it in 1:6, where it seemed more appropriate immediately following God’s command (similarly, the Greek text includes this phrase after the command in Gen. 1:20, where it is absent in extant Hebrew texts).
On the other hand, precisely because the Septuagint reflects the theological, social, and political interests of its translators, it provides valuable information about how the Hebrew Bible was understood and interpreted at the time the translators were working. In the Greek we find passages that are given a particular political or religious spin. This feature is especially clear in the book of Isaiah. For example, the Hebrew text of Isa. 65:11 reproaches those who, forsaking the Lord, set tables for Gad [a god of fortune] and fill cups of mixed wine for Meni [a god of fate].
The names of these SEMITIC gods were probably not familiar to Alexandrian Jews, and so the translator replaced these names with the Greek words for demon
and fate,
both of which could be understood as names for deities.4 With this technique, the translator managed not only to clarify the meaning of the text but also to contextualize it.
One must also remember that the Septuagint was produced in the wake of Alexander’s conquest and death, when Palestine was coveted by the Ptolemies to the south in Egypt and the Seleucids to the north in Syria. Because Palestine was caught in the middle, political allegiances among the Jews were often divided. Moreover, great internal turmoil resulted as Jews in favor of Hellenization clashed with those who opposed it. Just as people today use the Bible to support their agendas, so also were the sacred writings appealed to for authority at that time. And just as a given verse today can be interpreted to support the claims of opposing parties, so also were specific sacred texts understood differently by different communities. This conflict may be seen, for instance, in the Essenes’ understanding of Scripture when compared with that of the Pharisees. To what extent such interpretations can be identified in the Greek translation of the Bible is a subject of debate, but it would be strange indeed if the political loyalties and religious convictions of the translators were not reflected in their work.5 In any case, the Septuagint provides invaluable material showing how the Hebrew Bible was used in this crucial period of Jewish history.
The Septuagint in the Christian Church
The Greek OT, not the Hebrew Bible, was the primary theological and literary context within which the writers of the NT and most early Christians worked.6 This does not mean that the NT writers were ignorant of the Hebrew Bible or that they did not use it. But since the NT authors were writing in Greek, they would naturally quote, allude to, and otherwise use a Greek version of the Hebrew Bible. This process is no different from that of a modern author writing in Spanish, for instance, and quoting a widely used Spanish translation of the Bible.
Consequently, familiarity with the Greek OT cannot help but enlighten the student of the Greek NT. Biblical scholar Adolf Deissmann once wrote, A single hour lovingly devoted to the text of the Septuagint will further our exegetical knowledge of the Pauline Epistles more than a whole day spent over a commentary.
7 The connection can be illustrated at several levels.
In the first place, the Septuagint provided some of the vocabulary that the NT writers drew upon. To be sure, it is often difficult to determine whether a NT writer used a given Greek word, such as sabbaton (Sabbath
), because of its use in the Septuagint or simply because it was already a part of the vocabulary among Greek-speaking Jews in the first century. There is no doubt, however, that the NT writers often use Septuagint terms or phrases that were not in common Greek usage (e.g., pasa sarx, all flesh,
in Luke 3:6). In such cases, they may be borrowing the terms from the Septuagint to affect a biblical
style. Most of us have heard someone pray using the archaic English pronouns thee and thou. Although these pronouns are not current in modern English, people still use them on certain occasions if they want to imitate or suggest the style of biblical language as found in the enormously influential King James Version. The Septuagint certainly left its mark in Greek, just as the King James Version has in English.
Second, the NT writers sometimes used expressions found in the Septuagint to draw the reader’s mind to specific passages of OT Scripture. Paul, for instance, uses the phrase every knee shall bow
in Phil. 2:10 to describe the ultimate exaltation of Jesus. This phrase occurs in the Greek text of Isa. 45:22–23, which may be translated as follows:
Turn to me, and you will be saved,
you from the ends of the earth.
I am God, and there is no other.
By myself I swear
—surely righteousness will come out of my mouth,
my words will not be thwarted—
that every knee will bow to me
and every tongue will confess to God.
Clearly Paul is using vocabulary from the Greek version of Isa. 45:23, not just to sound biblical,
but to bring that passage to mind in order to identify Jesus with God.
Third, the NT writers frequently quote the Greek OT directly—perhaps as many as three hundred times. This accounts for some of the differences readers note when comparing these quotations with the corresponding OT passages. For example, in Heb. 11:21 dying Jacob is said to have worshiped leaning on the top of his staff, a reference to the Greek text of Gen. 47:31. In almost all English Bibles, however, Genesis says that Jacob worshiped at the top of his bed, which is indeed what the surviving Hebrew manuscripts say. The reason for the discrepancy is that the Hebrew text used by the Greek translator of Genesis consisted only of consonants; the appropriate vowels were to be inferred by the reader from the context. The Hebrew noun mṭh in Genesis could be read as either maṭṭeh (staff
) or miṭṭâ (bed
), and the Greek translator, possibly following an interpretative tradition, inferred that the word staff was meant. Some centuries later, when vowel points were added to the Hebrew biblical texts, the noun in Gen. 47:31 was taken (on the basis of a different tradition) to mean bed.
8
One must appreciate that the continuity and development of thought between the Old and New Testaments is of particular concern for biblical theology. The Greek OT provides essential, but often overlooked, theological links that would have been familiar to Christians of the first century but are not so obvious in the Hebrew version. No NT scholar can afford to ignore the Septuagint and other Greek versions.
In addition, the Greek, not the Hebrew text, was the Bible used by the early church fathers and councils. As Christian doctrine on the nature of Jesus and the Trinity developed, discussion centered on the exegesis of key OT texts. Because most of the church fathers could not read Hebrew, exegetical debates were settled using the Greek OT. Some of the Greek words used to translate the OT had connotations associated with Greek culture and philosophy that were probably alien to the thought of the original Hebrew author. The simple fact that the Hebrew Scriptures existed in the Greek language and were read by people living in a Greek culture led to exegesis by both Jewish and Christian interpreters (e.g., Philo and Arius, respectively) that was heavily influenced by Greek philosophy.
Of course, one must also consider that the Greek translators themselves originally rendered the Hebrew in ways that were to some extent influenced by Greek culture and thought, making the text even more congenial to a later exegesis that would be similarly influenced. A good example is the Greek text of Prov. 8:22–31, which held a prominent place in the early discussions about the nature of Jesus and his place in the Trinity. In this passage, wisdom is personified as the first of the Lord’s works prior to the creation of the universe. Primarily because of the opening verses of John’s Gospel, Jesus became associated with this divine wisdom (sophia) or rationality (logos). In Greek philosophy, however, the Greek concept of an impersonal divine wisdom permeating the universe was prominent, and so the nature of Jesus and his relationship to God the Father had to be carefully delineated. Many early theologians, such as Origen and Tertullian, used Prov. 8 in their discussions of the relationship between the Son and the Father. Subsequently Arius, a Christian presbyter of Alexandria (died 336), argued on the basis of the Greek translation of Prov. 8 that the Son was a created being, not coeternal with the Father. Subtle differences between the Greek and Hebrew worked in favor of Arius’s argument, which led to years of intense debate.9
Augustine famously made frequent use of Isa. 7:9, Unless you have believed, you will not understand
(according to the Old Latin), making faith a central component in the quest for knowledge.10 But this statement is not found in most English Bibles today, which translate the Hebrew text, If you do not stand firm in your faith, you will not stand at all
(NIV). Spoken in the original context of Isaiah’s exhortation to King Ahaz, the statement threatens the future of Ahaz’s reign if he seeks security in an alliance with Assyria. As Pope Francis points out in his encyclical letter Lumen Fidei,
Here there is a play on words, based on two forms of the verb ʾamān: you will believe
(taʾamînû) and you shall be established
(tēʾāmēnû). . . . It might seem that the Greek version of the Bible, by translating be established
as understand,
profoundly altered the meaning of the text by moving away from the biblical notion of trust in God towards a Greek notion of intellectual understanding. Yet this translation, while certainly reflecting a dialogue with Hellenistic culture, is not alien to the underlying spirit of the Hebrew text. The firm foundation that Isaiah promises to the king is indeed grounded in an understanding of God’s activity and the unity which he gives to human life and to the history of his people.11
Augustine, reading most likely from a Latin Bible that had been translated from a Greek text, found there that without faith in God’s enduring presence one cannot attain true understanding.
These examples are only two of many that show how the doctrines and beliefs of Christianity were hammered out with exegetical appeals to an OT that was written in Greek, not Hebrew. While no point of Christian doctrine rests on the Greek text in contradiction to the Hebrew, it is also true that the Greek OT text was the Word of God for the universal church in its first three centuries. Moreover, the Eastern Orthodox churches inherited the Greek text as their Bible. Traditionally, the Orthodox churches have considered the Greek version to be divinely inspired (and even in some sense to have superseded the Hebrew text), although this view is a matter of debate among Orthodox scholars today.12
Because of the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, most Christians in the Western church today are completely unfamiliar with the Septuagint. Part of the reason for this development is that the Reformation shifted attention away from the early translations of the OT, whether they be Greek or Latin, back to the original Hebrew. Today’s English translations of the OT are rightly based, not on the Greek or Latin versions, but on the best available Hebrew text, known as the MASORETIC TEXT (MT). While the Hebrew is the best textual base for modern translations, we cannot forget that the ancient Greek version of the OT was nevertheless the Bible of the earliest Christian writers.13
As we have seen, the Greek versions contain textual links not found in the Hebrew that provide historical and literary continuity for the important task of biblical theology and for accurately understanding the exegetical debates of the early church fathers. The student of the Bible at the college or seminary level must learn to appreciate the Septuagint and to understand its use in modern biblical scholarship and exegesis. Although few students will pursue Septuagint studies as a specialty at the graduate level, all students of the Bible, regardless of their religious identity, should understand the historical importance of the Septuagint and its significant contribution to the development of the Bible that we hold in our hands today. As the eminent biblical scholar Ferdinand Hitzig is said to have remarked to his students, Gentlemen, have you a Septuagint? If not, sell all you have, and buy a Septuagint.
14
1. The proper
way to pronounce Septuagint is the subject of lighthearted debate among specialists. English dictionaries typically suggest the pronunciation SEP-too-a-jint or sep-TOO-a-jint or the like, but many scholars in the discipline treat it as a three-syllable word, SEP-twa-jint. In Europe, one often hears the last syllable pronounced with a hard g, after the pattern of Latin Septuaginta.
Terms included in the glossary are set in small caps the first time they appear in the text.
2. The authors are Christian but recognize and value the Jewish heritage of the Bible and its translations. Accordingly, the term Hebrew Bible or Hebrew Scriptures will be used mainly when the text is discussed in the context of Judaism, and Old Testament (OT) when in the context of the church.
3. This estimate comes from the Septuaginta-Unternehmen in Göttingen: http://adw-goe.de/en/research/research-projects-within-the-academies-programme/septuaginta-unternehmen/ (accessed September 2, 2015). As with ancient works generally, many of the manuscripts are fragmentary. See below, chap. 2, Greek Manuscripts,
for further detail.
4. See Isaac L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems (Leiden: Brill, 1948), 99. He argues that the Greek words should be taken as a reference to Agathos Daimon and Tyche, deities in the Hellenistic cult. This work, along with two other studies, has been reprinted as The Septuagint Version of Isaiah and Cognate Studies, ed. Robert Hanhart and Hermann Spieckermann, FAT 40 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), with different pagination (see 264).
5. E.g., see Isa. 15:7b, which in the Hebrew reads, They [i.e., the Moabites] will carry away their possessions over the brook of willows.
The Greek translator, however, misunderstood the text (the Hebrew word for willows
has the same consonants as the word for Arabs
) and rendered it, For I will bring Arabians upon the valley, and they will take it.
Seeligmann (Septuagint Version of Isaiah, 89 [repr. 234]) suggests that this rendering alludes to the conquest of Transjordan by the Nabateans, an Arab state, in the second century BCE.
6. See Emanuel Tov, The Septuagint between Judaism and Christianity,
in Die Septuaginta und das frühe Christentum—The Septuagint and Christian Origins, ed. Thomas Scott Caulley and Hermann Lichtenberger, WUNT 277 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011), 3–25.
7. Adolf Deissmann, The Philology of the Greek Bible (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1908), 12.
8. The NIV translates Gen. 47:31 so as to agree with Heb. 11:21, presumably on the grounds that the traditional vowel pointing of the Hebrew text is incorrect and that the Greek version preserves the correct sense. For a discussion of this quotation, see Moisés Silva, The New Testament Use of the Old Testament: Text Form and Authority,
in Scripture and Truth, ed. D. A. Carson and J. W. Woodbridge (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983; repr., Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992), 147–65.
9. The Arian teaching was pronounced a heresy by the Council of Nicea in 325. For further details, see Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, 5 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971–89), 1:191–210.
10. Robert J. O’Connell, Soundings in St. Augustine’s Imagination (New York: Fordham University Press, 1994), 123–24.
11. Pope Francis, Lumen Fidei, Vatican website, June 29, 2013, §23, http://w2.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/encyclicals/documents/papa-francesco_20130629_enciclica-lumen-fidei.html (accessed September 2, 2015).
12. See the discussion below in chap. 3 under the heading The Biblical Canon
and n. 48.
13. Müller goes so far as to argue that the Christian church in the West was quite wrong to follow Jerome’s preference for the Hebrew text over that of the Septuagint. See Mogens Müller, The First Bible of the Church: A Plea for the Septuagint, JSOTSup 206, Copenhagen International Seminary 1 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), 143. Even more emphatic is Timothy Michael Law, When God Spoke Greek: The Septuagint and the Making of the Christian Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013). While the arguments of these and other authors are not persuasive, they are helpful in showing the great importance of the Greek text for early Christianity.
14. J. J. Kneucker, Zur Erinnerung an Ferdinand Hitzig: Eine Lebens- und Charakterskizze,
in Dr. Ferdinand Hitzig’s Vorlesungen über Biblische Theologie und Messanische Weissagungen des Alten Testaments, ed. J. J. Kneucker (Karlsruhe: H. Reuther, 1880), 1–64, esp. 19n2. Apparently Professor Hitzig had no female students. Today, women are among the outstanding scholars contributing to Septuagint studies.
Part 1
The History of the Septuagint
In this first part of the book, the reader is introduced to the basic facts and concepts related to Septuagint studies. We begin in chapter 1 by defining our terms and describing the historical origins of the Septuagint. We then discuss in chapter 2 the complications that developed in the following centuries as the Greek text underwent various revisions. Chapter 3 provides a summary of the manuscripts that have survived and of the printed editions available today, followed by a description of the contents of the Septuagint in the light of historical developments regarding the biblical canon. Finally, chapter 4 is devoted to the nature of the Septuagint as a translation document.
These chapters are written with the general reader and the beginning student in mind. Although most readers will probably have a basic familiarity with biblical studies, no knowledge of Greek or Hebrew is assumed in this part of the book, and a special effort has been made to explain new terms as they appear. These terms are also included in the glossary and are set in small caps on their first appearance in the text.
1
The Origin of the Septuagint and Other Greek Versions
Defining Our Terms. The term Septuagint, which is used in a confusing variety of ways, gives the inaccurate impression that this document is a homogeneous unit. Important distinctions sometimes need to be made, such as the contrast between the initial translation of the Pentateuch (the Septuagint proper), the earliest translation of other books (the Old Greek), and the modern printed volumes (e.g., Rahlfs).
The First Greek Translation. The Letter of Aristeas, in spite of its legendary character, seems to preserve some valuable information. The Pentateuch was originally translated in Alexandria around the year 250 BCE, and the rest of the Hebrew Scriptures were translated within the following two or three centuries. The precise reason for the translation of the Pentateuch at that time is debated by scholars. Later traditions, which provide little help in sorting out the origins of the Septuagint, are in part responsible for the present terminological confusion.
The Later Greek Translations. For several reasons, such as dissatisfaction with the Septuagint, other attempts were made to render the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek. Aquila was a Jewish proselyte who tried to represent almost every detail of the Hebrew text consistently. The translation associated with Theodotion has some points of contact with that of Aquila, but its origin is the subject of much scholarly debate. Symmachus produced a careful translation that can be characterized as moderately literal
while showing sensitivity to Greek idiom. We know little about the Other Versions from antiquity.
Defining Our Terms
Strictly speaking, there is really no such thing as the Septuagint. This may seem like an odd statement in a book titled Invitation to the Septuagint, but unless readers appreciate the fluidity and ambiguity of the term, they will quickly become confused by the literature.1
One might think that the Septuagint is the Greek version of the Bible in the same way that the VULGATE, for example, is the Latin version. The difference between them, however, is much greater than simply the language used. The Vulgate was largely the work of one man (Jerome) at one time (the end of the fourth century) in one place (Bethlehem).2 As a result, the Latin Vulgate as a whole displays considerable unity. Not so with the Septuagint, which was produced by many people unknown to us, over two or three centuries, and almost certainly in more than one location. Consequently, the Greek OT does not have the unity that the term the Septuagint might imply.
Because the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures has such a long and complicated history, most of which is unknown today, the term Septuagint is used to refer to several different things. In its most general sense, the term refers to any or all ancient Greek translations of the Hebrew Bible, just as one might now refer in general to the English Bible,
with no particular translation in mind. This is the sense in which the term is used in the title of our book—a book about the ancient Greek version(s) of the Hebrew Scriptures. Often, the term (or its abbreviation LXX) is also used to refer to a particular printed edition of the Greek text, whether that edition reproduces the text of a particular manuscript or prints a reconstructed text.3
Given these typical uses of