Conquistador in Chains: Cabeza de Vaca and the Indians of the Americas

Conquistador in Chains

Conquistador in Chains

Cabeza de Vaca and the Indians of the Americas

DAVID A. HOWARD

The University of Alabama Press

TUSCALOOSA

Copyright © 1997

The University of Alabama Press

Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0380

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

designed by erin toppin bradley

The paper on which this book is printed meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Science–Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

Acknowledgment is made to Oxford University Press for permission to quote a passage from Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Southern Voyages, copyright © 1994 Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Howard, David A.

Conquistador in chains : Cabeza de Vaca and the Indians of the Americas / David A. Howard.

p.    cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-8173-0828-8 (pbk.: alk. paper)

1. Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar, 16th cent.  2. Explorers—America—Biography.  3. Explorers—Spain—Biography.  4. Indians of North America—First contact with Europeans.  5. America—Discovery and exploration—Spanish.  I. Title.

E125.N9H68    1997

970.01′6′092—dc20

[B]    96-10629

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data available

ISBN-13: 978-0-8173-9170-6 (electronic)

Contents

List of Maps

Preface

Acknowledgments

Introduction

1

Seeing the Poorness of the Land

2

So Miserable an Existence

3

We Left the Whole Land in Peace

4

To Lead All These Peoples to Be Christians

5

Not to Go under Another’s Banner

6

To Conquer and Pacify and Populate the Lands

7

To Look for a Way through the Continent

8

The Good Treatment That Was Done to Them

9

As Was Customary in the Kingdom of Spain

10

The Paradise of Muhammad

11

Christians and Vassals of His Majesty

12

They Would Go from the Land and Leave Them Free

13

That They Might Be the Governors and Not He

14

Before They and Their Souls Are Lost

15

To See If I Could Find the Gold and Silver

16

A Land That Was Newly Discovered

17

Uninhabited and Uninhabitable

18

Everyone Was Dying of Hunger

19

Only What Was Needed

20

That He Might Not Discover Gold and Silver

21

Liberty! Liberty!

22

I Am the King and Ruler of This Land

23

No Man Was Safe from the Other

24

To Discredit Me with His Majesty

25

He Was a Very Good Governor

26

If He Were to Go on as He Began

27

A Completely Poor Caballero

Conclusion

Notes

Bibliography

Index

Maps

The Explorations of Cabeza de Vaca in North America

Cabeza de Vaca and the Indians of Florida

The Explorations of Cabeza de Vaca in the Río de la Plata

Cabeza de Vaca and the Indians of the Río de la Plata

Preface

No longer do the Spanish conquerors of the New World stand in a flattering light. Generations of celebration and romance have given way to a focus on cruelty, violence, tyranny and brutality. Yet such a viewpoint is too narrow, especially for a unique conquistador named Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. A life-changing adventure led Cabeza de Vaca to a vision of a different kind of conquest, one that would safeguard liberty and justice for the Indians of the New World. Although this Spanish soldier and official understood the goal of conquest as did the other soldiers of his era, he differed in his beliefs about the means used to gain that goal. He sought a conquest that was just and humane, true to Spanish religion and law.

His ideas of liberty or justice were entirely Spanish. The Indians of America, he assumed, would be better off under Spanish and Christian civilization than under their own political and social systems. Thus, Cabeza de Vaca was an imperialist who imagined that the policies of the government of Spain might be achieved in America by just and humane means and under Spanish law. The model for such a conquest came from his reaction to the abuses by other conquistadores in bringing Indians under Spanish authority. To try to hold him to the values of the post- and anti-imperialist outlook of the late twentieth century would be to miss the vital differences between him and the others of his generation.

This account of Cabeza de Vaca’s career is based on published primary sources. During the past century many works have been published in Spain, Argentina, and Paraguay relating to the era of conquest and colonization in the Río de la Plata province (see bibliography). An index of relevant unpublished sources in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain, appears in Raúl Molina, Misiones Argentinas en los archivos europeos, 378–435. The titles of documents there show that little of significance remains unpublished. Other lists of titles in that archive give the same result: Luis Alberto Musso Ambrosi, El Río de la Plata en el archivo general de Indias de Sevilla, guía para investigadores; and Victor Tau Anzoátegui, ed., Libros registros-cedularios del Río de la Plata (1534–1717): Catálogo I. The same situation exists for the Archivo Nacional in Asunción, Paraguay: see Guía de los documentos microfotografiados por la unidad móvil de microfilm de la UNESCO and Francisco Sevillano Colom, Lista del contenido de los volúmenes microfilmados del archivo nacional de Asunción.

This narrative focuses on Cabeza de Vaca himself but also, as necessary, on those Europeans and Indians on two continents who were part of his ordeals and successes.

Acknowledgments

Many people have helped me in this study of Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. The first thoughts that led to my research came at a National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Seminar at Harvard University, directed by the late J. H. Parry. Although a number of college and university libraries and librarians provided a variety of sources, particular thanks must go to those at Harvard University, Duke University, Cornell University, the State University of New York at Buffalo, and my own institution, Houghton College. Also at Houghton College, my colleagues in the History Department gave encouragement and support: Drs. Katherine Lindley, William Doezema, and A. Cameron Airhart. Much of the research was done during Sabbaticals supported by Houghton College. Thanks also are due to those readers, people unknown to me, who have reviewed and commented on this text during its evaluation, and to Dr. Eugene Lyon for recommending The University of Alabama Press for publication. The University of Alabama Press has provided much help and encouragement. I am thankful to its editor, Malcolm M. MacDonald, manuscript editor Ellen Goldlust, and the staff of the Press. Finally, my family has helped me in many ways directly connected to my research, including the maps. My dear wife, Dr. Irmgard K. Howard, has read almost as many versions as I have. I thank her most of all.

Introduction

The great tale of adventure by Spanish conquistador Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca in North America begins abruptly indeed. On the 17th day of the month of June of 1527, Governor Pánfilo de Narváez left from the Port of San Lúcar de Barrameda, with power and command from your majesty to conquer and govern the provinces which are from the River of Las Palmas to the Cape of Florida. So opens his famous book, first published in 1542 with the title La relación. As treasurer and chief constable, Cabeza de Vaca was one of the royal officials with Narváez. Yet not until the end of the book do readers learn about Cabeza de Vaca’s background, and even then he provides merely the names of his father, Francisco de Vera, his grandfather, Pedro de Vera (conqueror of the Canary Islands), and his mother, Doña Tereza Cabeza de Vaca.¹

One might expect to see him called Vera, or even Núñez, as many Latin American writers now favor. He himself used his mother’s name, Cabeza de Vaca, possibly to mark the honor of her family, although his father’s family name, Vera, did not lack standing either. In 1212, as legend had it, during the Spanish reconquest of the Muslims, a peasant ancestor of his mother, Martín Alhaja, gave aid to the Christians by using a cow’s skull to point out a mountain pass north of Seville. As a reward after the victory, King Sancho of Navarre renamed him Cabeza de Vaca—cow’s head.

The early life of Cabeza de Vaca must be derived from sources other than his own books. What little is known about his activities before he first set out for America in 1527 may be read in the works of two authors, Morris Bishop and Enrique de Gandía. Gandía determined that Cabeza de Vaca was born in Jerez de la Frontera, Spain, in 1500. That date is found in testimony given by Cabeza de Vaca in Valladolid in September 1548, when he stated on oath that he was about forty-eight years old.² Other historians have put his birth at around 1490. The eldest of four children, he lived with an uncle and aunt after his parents died. While he was still young he entered into his first career as a soldier. Gandía quoted testimony from legal records in the Archives of the Indies of Seville which gives brief reports about his military duty in Italy. He was enlisted under Don Alonso de Caravajal as a page or drummer and was in Italy by late 1511 or early 1512, participating in a famous battle and siege at Bologna. In April 1512 he was seriously injured at the battle of Ravenna, which the Spaniards lost. His last post was as a lieutenant in the city of Gaeta, near Naples.

Bishop placed Cabeza de Vaca back in Seville by 1513, in the service of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. In 1520 a civil war broke out in Castile, the revolt of the comuneros, and the duke took the side of Charles I, the king of Spain (1516–56), who as Charles V was also Holy Roman emperor (1519–56). Cabeza de Vaca helped the duke and served the king in battles from Seville to Valladolid, Tordesillas, and Villalar. In addition to his valorous deeds in opposing the comuneros, he fought against the French in Navarre. Nothing is known of him between 1522 and 1527, just before he left for America.³

1

Seeing the Poorness of the Land

For eight years a bleak and perilous wilderness held Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca captive.¹ Such hardship and misery would have a great effect on anyone. His long ordeal, so savage and so remote from the service of God and all good reason, changed him profoundly.² A typical conquistador who had come to the New World for riches, for power, and to make a name, he emerged from years of captivity with a new goal: to bring the Indians of America into the Spanish empire with justice and liberty.

This drastic change raised Cabeza de Vaca to a position of singular importance in American history. He became a champion and protector of the Indians, seeking a humane conquest which by kindness, justice, and good treatment would civilize (or Hispanize) and make Christians of them. The questions that came from that undertaking were also singularly important. What happened to Cabeza de Vaca in the wilderness of North America? What prompted him to defend the Indians? Was a humane conquest even possible?

Cabeza de Vaca first came to America in a company led by the conquistador Pánfilo de Narváez. A veteran of warfare in America, Narváez had fought Indians in the Greater Antilles and Spaniards (Hernán Cortés) in Mexico, where he lost an eye. On December 11, 1527, he got the capitulations (a contract with the crown) that he needed for a conquest of Florida.³ Like so many others, he dreamed of another Mexico. To look after royal interests, the king of Spain, Charles I, sent along Cabeza de Vaca as royal treasurer and chief constable (alguacil mayor).⁴

In June 1527 Governor Narváez sailed for America. His fleet of five ships carried some six hundred people, but more than 145 of them decided to stay at Santo Domingo. Later, at Cuba, sixty others were lost in a hurricane. When Narváez finally sailed to Florida in April 1528, he had only four hundred men and eighty horses. Such conquistadores were adventurers of varied backgrounds, some more desperate than others, and they often proved quite effective in battle. Discipline and the methods of warfare were more customary than formal, and the key to control over such a company was its leadership. On Good Friday Narváez’s ships landed on Florida’s west coast, although the exact site remains open to debate. The next day, at an Indian village deserted by its wary people, Narváez claimed the land in the name of Charles I.⁵

Ten years later, Cabeza de Vaca wrote a report for the king about the experiences that followed. It was published in 1542 (at Zamora) as La relación (Relation), and a second edition appeared in 1555 (at Valladolid) under the title Naufragios (Shipwrecks).⁶ This classic story of conquest, written in part to win another royal office, tells of his many adventures and reveals his changing ideas about the native people of America. This book says little about the Indians in Florida—a few sentences about what he did and saw provide the only evidence of his ideas.⁷ Naturally, he wrote mostly about his own work and the problems of survival. The Indians at the town on the coast where he landed were hostile, a warning of troubles to come.⁸ The Spaniards, who had their own reasons to go onward, forced the Indians to act as guides and took their stores of corn.

Cabeza de Vaca’s legal responsibilities did include the Indians. While the main duties were financial, he was instructed to take care of and be diligent to look after anything that may tend to our royal service, including telling the king how the natives are treated, our instructions observed, and other of the things respecting their liberties that we have commanded; especially the matters touching the service of our Lord and divine worship, the teachings of the Indians in the Holy Faith.⁹ As alguacil mayor, Cabeza de Vaca’s duties included watching over the Spaniards to keep them from harming the Indians.¹⁰ Yet he appeared to be no more upset about how the Indians were treated than were his companions and showed no more regret about ignoring their liberties.

The Spaniards had come to America for gold. When they saw that the Indians had small quantities of it (probably salvaged from wrecked Spanish ships), they asked where it was found. By good luck or wisdom, the Indians said that very far away was a province called Apalache, where there was much gold.¹¹ Surely no answer was more likely to get rid of such an army of invaders.¹² Narváez, taking a gamble, decided to go inland, while his ships carried supplies up the coast. Cabeza de Vaca strongly opposed taking such a risk; he wanted to wait until the Spaniards had a secure port and more supplies. Narváez had made up his mind, however, and he said that if Cabeza de Vaca was afraid to go inland on the entrada (armed expedition), he could take charge of the ships. That scorn, of course, bound Cabeza de Vaca by honor to go with the governor, however rash the plan. The thought of gold was also a strong lure, for his remarks show that he shared in its enchantment.

The expedition inland caused great suffering. Three hundred soldiers, forty on horseback, crossed the rough countryside with immense effort. After much arduous travel they met another group of about two hundred Indians, whose actions caused the intruders to seize five or six of them. Such strife was to mark the rest of that journey.¹³ Nearly starving, the Spaniards came at last to the town of Apalache. (The site of that town has been determined to be Ivitachuco, and the land attached to it covered some forty miles east to west and north to south.)¹⁴ Reaching their goal, where food and gold were expected, revived the men. To take the town, Narváez put fifty infantry and nine cavalry under Cabeza de Vaca, an experienced officer, who did not question attacking unsuspecting people. In Florida he was merely another conquistador, one of many willing to use force without question, a soldier following orders.

Apalache was not another Mexico. Narváez found only women and children there, for the men had fled. One can imagine the shock of finding that this town of forty small, thatched huts was the largest in the area. In two hours the Indian men came to ask for their families and peace. Narváez agreed but upset the Indians by holding a chief hostage. A day later they began trying to drive out the invaders, attacking suddenly and from ambush, but the Spaniards could not force a battle with foes who were so quick to retreat.

For almost a month the Spaniards stayed in the area. Three scouting trips showed that the nearby people were poor and the traveling was bad. They asked the hostage chief and the Indians who came with them from beyond Apalache about the people, the land, and its supplies. All of them agreed that Apalache was the largest town—farther away, the people became fewer and much poorer. It was a region of large lakes, dense forest, and great wilderness, but no people. To the south, however, the land had towns and food. Nine days’ journey toward the sea was the town of Aute, they explained. There the Indians had maize, beans, squash, and fish.

The Spaniards were ready to quit. Cabeza de Vaca recalled their deep gloom. Seeing the poorness of the land, the bad reports that [the Indians] gave us of the people and all the rest, and how the Indians made constant war upon us, wounding men and horses at the places where we went to get water, attacking from the lakes in so much safety that we could not harm them, the invaders decided to go to the sea.

These Indians excited little feeling in Cabeza de Vaca. Only their military qualities struck him. Writing about a furious attack, for example, he said that all the Indians we saw from Florida are archers, and because they are naked and so tall, from a distance they seem gigantic. They are a people admirably well-formed, very slender, and with great strength and quickness.¹⁵ In fact, they wounded him in one of their assaults. In America Cabeza de Vaca was merely a spectator. The humanity of the Indians and their way of life did not interest him very much. He did not try to change or Christianize them, in spite of his royal orders. The Indians had value only as they were useful to the Spaniards. Taking their food or property and making them act as hostages or guides drew no blame. These steps were necessary for the Spaniards to survive, even though the Indians might thereby starve. According to historian José B. Fernández, Cabeza de Vaca left out of his book Narváez’s atrocities in Florida because the failure to prevent them probably would make it hard to get another royal grant.¹⁶ It is just as likely that if Cabeza de Vaca saw such misdeeds, he did not yet care very much about what was happening to the Indians.

Back to the sea went the Spaniards. Nine days from Apalache they came to Aute, burnt and deserted already, but with much corn, squash, and beans left behind.¹⁷ After two days rest, Cabeza de Vaca took some men to the coast. His scouts found that it was very hard to travel along the shoreline, and there was no sign of the ships. Reporting to Narváez at Aute, he learned that Indians had attacked and that the men were becoming sick. Only one choice was left. As impossible as it must have seemed because they lacked skills, tools, and materials, they needed to get to the sea and make boats. An extremely hard, daylong journey brought them to the shore at a place that they named the Bay of Horses. The number of sick grew by the hour, and more than forty died of hunger and illness. The desperate survivors used whatever was at hand and put together five boats or barges. On September 22 they were able to cast off. Each of the unsound vessels carried about fifty men, heading along the coast toward New Spain.¹⁸

For weeks the Spaniards sailed and drifted, often through storms. They fought off Indian attacks and survived with little food. Finally, came the coast of Texas, where they were shipwrecked on an island. The date, noted by Cabeza de Vaca, was November 6, 1528.¹⁹ A few of the men survived, fed and sheltered thanks to the pity of the Indians. Those who went back out to sea were never again seen; among them was Narváez, who abandoned the rest to their fate.²⁰

2

So Miserable an Existence

The shipwreck led to a great change in Cabeza de Vaca. He and the others knew that they would soon die without help, which had to come from the people who lived there—the Indians.¹ For the first time since coming to North America, these Spaniards had a need to learn something about the humanity of the Indians. The island held two peoples, named the Capoques and the Han, who were part of a somewhat diverse Indian population, speaking different languages but labeled for convenience the Karankawa. Each group had about four hundred members. As nonsedentary Indians, they moved from the island to the mainland when seasonal food supplies required. By the twentieth century the Karankawa had become extinct.²

For Cabeza de Vaca these Indians became the key to life. He and the other mariners slowly recovered from their hard landing. After they had eaten, rested, and explored the island, they tried to launch their boat, but an enormous wave immediately crashed over them. The battered craft tipped and sank, and three men drowned. Seeing the disaster, the Indians began crying aloud; their concern touched Cabeza de Vaca. Truly, finding that these men, so crude and lacking reason like brutes, were grieving so much for us, increased for me and the rest of the company our anxiety and concern for our misfortune.

This hint of human sympathy helped him decide what to do. He begged the Indians to take the Spaniards to their camp. His men were terrified. They knew that earlier in Mexico the Aztecs had sacrificed Spanish captives before their idols. However, these Indians seemed so agreeable that by the next morning that worry faded for the warmed and fed survivors.³

The Spaniards named the island Malhado, meaning evil fate or doom. By withholding food, the Indians eventually forced some of the unwilling Spaniards to practice medicine, without examining us or demanding our licenses. The Spanish cures came about by making the sign of the cross, blowing on them, reciting a Pater Noster and an Ave Maria, and praying the best that we could that God our Lord would give them health. An added plea was that God would inspire the Indians to treat them well. As God willed, said Cabeza de Vaca, their patients at once told the other Indians that they were healthy and sound. Such cures, reflecting both Spanish and Indian ideas about medical treatment, would be vital to his eventual escape.⁴ Ironically, half of the Indians soon died of a stomach sickness, which some of them guessed was of Spanish origin.⁵

The six years that followed were harsh. The Spaniards traveled to and from the mainland to find food, often living as slaves or captives of different groups. Until his escape in 1534, Cabeza de Vaca stayed with several Indian peoples. The hunters and gatherers who lived away from the coast survived for part of the year mainly on prickly pear fruits or pecan nuts. As these foods grew in two widely separated areas and ripened at different times of the summer or fall, those Indians ranged over some five thousand square miles.⁶

Most of the Spaniards soon died, and Cabeza de Vaca gave this part of his story only a few pages. He wrote with some relief about getting freedom to travel and to carry on trade as a merchant for the Charruco Indians, acting as a neutral stranger who could exchange goods between hostile peoples. Cabeza de Vaca stayed as aloof from the Indians as his way of life allowed. His book shows how far he kept himself from them emotionally during the years on Malhado Island and the mainland. Often he thought them to be peculiar. The end of one passage makes clear his view of how they lived: They have other strange customs, but I have related the most important and notable.⁷ He often commented about Indians in a general way, so it is not always possible to link his remarks with specific peoples.⁸ The bonds that grew later, during the long walk to New Spain, were not yet evident. He still admired their war skills and valor, but from the time of the shipwreck until the escape began, his book portrays him as ready to attack Indian villages and loot Indian food. The difference, of course, was that now he had to work and beg for food. If a passing ship had taken him off the coast of Texas, he would have missed the experiences that made him one of the chief supporters and defenders of the Indians. After six years in the wilderness, he looked upon them just as he had in the beginning. They still had value only for his own survival. Not until he began the journey to New Spain did his view of the Indians change.

The time spent with the Indians on Malhado Island was not happy. The perils of starvation, overwork, illness, hard winters, and death fueled his desire to escape. He believed that the Spanish settlement at Pánuco, located to the south on the Pánuco River, was nearby. The bad treatment and forced labor finally caused him to flee to the mainland, where he was able to do the trading that so pleased him. With freedom to come and go as he wanted and not as a slave, he explored the countryside to look for a way out. This urge to escape was not shared by all