1914

John French

1914

First published by Sheba Blake Publishing Corp. 2021

Copyright © 2021 by John French

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John French asserts the moral right to be identified as the author of this work.

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Contents

Preface

1. Preliminary

2. The British Expeditionary Force

3. The Sailing of the Expeditionary Force

4. The Retreat from Mons

5. Further Course of the Retreat

6. The Battle of the Marne

7. The Battle of the Aisne and It’s Progress Up to September 30th

8. The Siege and Fall of Antwerp

9. The Last Days of the British Operations on the Aisne - The Northern Move

10. The Battle of Ypres

11. The Battle of Ypres

12. The Battle of Ypres

13. The Battle of Ypres

14. The Entry of the Territorial Army

15. The Operations of December 14th-19th, 1914

16. The Close of the Year 1914

17. Ammunition

Index

About the Author

Preface

Le Maréchal FRENCH commandait en Chef l’Armée Britannique au début de la Guerre.

Comme on le sait, les allemands ont cherché en 1914 à profiter de leur supériorité numérique et de l’écrasante puissance de leur armement, pour mettre hors de cause les Armées Alliées d’Occident, par une manoeuvre enveloppante, aussi rapide que possible.

Après avoir cherché en vain la décision à la MARNE, puis à l’AISNE et à la SOMME, ils la poursuivent successivement à ARRAS, sur l’YSER et à YPRES.

À mesure que dans cette course à la mer, le terrain disponible se restreint devant eux, les coups se précipitent et se répètent plus violents, les réserves s’engagent, de nouveaux Corps d’Armée entrent en ligne nombreux et intacts. La reddition d’ANVERS assure d’ailleurs à l’ennemi d’importantes disponibilités.

Mais déjà l’Armée Belge, appuyée de troupes françaises, arrête les allemands sur l’YSER, de NIEUPORT à DIXMUDE. Après avoir pris part aux actions de l’AISNE, l’Armée Britannique a été transportée dans le Nord. C’est ainsi qu’elle s’engage progressivement de la BASSÉE à YPRES, s’opposant partout à l’invasion.

Bref, les allemands, après avoir vainement développé leurs efforts de la Mer à la LYS, dès le 15 octobre, sont dans l’obligation, à la fin du mois, de vaincre à YPRES, ou bien leur manoeuvre échoue définitivement, leur offensive expire en Occident et la Coalition reste debout.

Ainsi sont-ils amenés, sur ce point d’YPRES, dans une lutte acharnée, à concentrer leurs moyens, une forte artillerie lourde largement approvisionée, renforcée de minenwerfers, de corps d’armée nombreux et renouvelés.

Quant aux Alliés, ils sont réduits à recevoir le choc avec des effectifs restreints, des munitions comptées et rares, une faible artillerie lourde. Toute relève leur est interdite par la pénurie de troupes, quelle que soit la durée de la bataille. Pour ne citer qu’un exemple, le premier corps britannique reste engagé du 20 octobre au 15 novembre—au milieu des plus violentes attaques et malgré de formidables pertes.

Mais à cette dernière date la bataille était gagnée. Les Alliés avaient infligé un retentissant échec à l’ennemi: ils avaient sauvé les communications de la Manche et par là fixé le sort et l’avenir de la Coalition.

Si l’union étroite du Commandement Allié et la valeur des troupes ont permis ces glorieux résultats, c’est que le Maréchal FRENCH a déployé la plus entière droiture, la plus complète confiance, la plus grande énergie: résolu à se faire passer sur le corps plutôt qu’à reculer.

La Grande-Bretagne avait trouvé en lui un grand soldat. Il avait maintenu ses troupes à la hauteur de celles de WELLINGTON.

Avec l’émotion d’un souvenir profond et toujours vivant, je salue le vaillant compagnon d’armes des rudes journées et les glorieux drapeaux Britanniques de la Bataille d’YPRES.

Maréchal de France.

One

Preliminary

For years past I had regarded a general war in Europe as an eventual certainty. The experience which I gained during the seven or eight years spent as a member of the Committee of Imperial Defence, and my three years tenure of the Office of Chief of the General Staff, greatly strengthened this conviction.

For reasons which it is unnecessary to enter upon, I resigned my position as Chief of the Staff in April, 1914, and from that time I temporarily lost touch with the European situation as it was officially represented and appreciated.

I remember spending a week in June of that year in Paris, and when passing through Dover on my return, my old friend, Jimmie Watson (Colonel Watson, late of the 60th Rifles, A.D.C. to the Khedive of Egypt), looked into my carriage window and told me of the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his Consort. I cannot say that I actually regarded this tragedy as being the prelude which should lead ultimately to a great European convulsion, but in my own mind, and in view of my past experience, it created a feeling of unrest within me and an instinctive foreboding of evil. Then came a few weeks of the calm which heralded the storm—a calm under cover of which Germany was vigorously preparing for the day.

One afternoon, late in July, I was the guest at lunch of the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowski. It was a small party, comprising, to the best of my recollection, only Princess Henry of Pless, Lady Cunard, Lord Kitchener, His Excellency and myself. The first idea I got of the storm which was brewing came from a short conversation which I had with the Ambassador in a corner of the room after lunch. He was very unhappy and perturbed, and he plainly told me that he feared all Europe would be in a blaze before we were a fortnight older. His feeling was prophetic. His surprising candour foreshadowed the moral courage with which Prince Lichnowski subsequently issued his famous apologia.

On July 28th Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. The military preparations of the Dual Monarchy inevitably led to a partial mobilisation by Russia against Austria, whereupon the German Emperor proclaimed the Kriegsgefahrszustand on July 31st, following this up by declaring war against Russia on August 1st. On August 2nd German troops entered Luxemburg and, without declaration of war, violated French territory. Great Britain declared war against Germany on August 4th and against Austria on August 12th, France having broken off relations with Austria two days earlier.

On Thursday, July 30th, I was sent for by the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, and was given private intimation that, if an expeditionary force were sent to France, I was to command it. On leaving the room I found some well-known newspaper correspondents in the passage. I talked a little with them and found that great doubt existed in their minds as to whether this country would support France by force of arms. This doubt was certainly shared by many.

I remember well that on the morning of Saturday, August 1st, the day upon which Germany declared war on Russia, and it was known that the breaking out of hostilities between Germany and France was only a question of hours, I received a visit from the Vicomte de la Panouse, the French Military Attaché in London. He told me that the Ambassador was much disheartened in mind by these doubts and fears. We talked matters over, and he came to dinner with me that night. Personally, I felt perfectly sure that so long as Mr. Asquith remained Prime Minister, and Lord Haldane, Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Winston Churchill continued to be members of the Cabinet, their voices would guide the destinies of the British Empire, and that we should remain true to our friendly understanding with the Entente Powers. As the result of the long conversation I had with the Vicomte de la Panouse, I think I was successful in causing this conviction to prevail at the French Embassy.

England declared war on Germany on Tuesday, August 4th, and on the 5th the mobilisation of Regulars, Special Reserve and Territorials was ordered. On Wednesday, August 5th, a Council of War was held at 10, Downing Street, under the Presidency of the Prime Minister. Nearly all the members of the Cabinet were present, whilst Lord Roberts, Lord Kitchener, Sir Charles Douglas, Sir Douglas Haig, the late Sir James Grierson, General (now Sir Henry) Wilson and myself were directed to attend. To the best of my recollection the two main subjects discussed were:—

1. The composition of the Expeditionary Force.

2. The point of concentration for the British Forces on their arrival in France.

As regards 1.

It was generally felt that we were under some obligation to France to send as strong an army as we could, and there was an idea that one Cavalry Division and six Divisions of all arms had been promised. As to the exact number, it did not appear that we were under any definite obligation, but it was unanimously agreed that we should do all we could. The question to be decided was how many troops it was necessary to keep in this country adequately to guard our shores against attempted invasion and, if need be, to maintain internal order.

Mr. Churchill briefly described the actual situation of the Navy. He pointed out that the threat of war had come upon us at a most opportune moment as regards his own Department, because, only two or three weeks before, the Fleet had been partially mobilised, and large reserves called up for the great Naval Review by His Majesty at Spithead and the extensive naval manoeuvres which followed it. So far as the Navy was concerned, he considered Home Defence reasonably secure; but this consideration did not suffice to absolve us from the necessity of keeping a certain number of troops at home. After this discussion it was decided that two Divisions must for the moment remain behind, and that one Cavalry Division and four Divisions of all arms should be sent out as speedily as possible. This meant a force of approximately 100,000 men.

As regards 2.

The British and French General Staffs had for some years been in close secret consultation with one another on this subject. The German menace necessitated some preliminary understanding in the event of a sudden attack. The area of concentration for the British Forces had been fixed on the left flank of the French, and the actual detraining stations of the various units were all laid down in terrain lying between Maubeuge and Le Cateau. The Headquarters of the Army were fixed at the latter place.

This understanding being purely provisional and conditional upon an unprovoked attack by Germany, the discussion then took the turn of overhauling and reviewing these decisions, and of making arrangements in view of the actual conditions under which war had broken out. Many and various opinions were expressed; but on this day no final decisions were arrived at. It was thought absolutely necessary to ask the French authorities to send over a superior officer who should be in full possession of the views and intentions of the French General Staff. It was agreed that no satisfactory decision could be arrived at until after full discussion with a duly accredited French Officer. I think this is the gist of the really important points dealt with at the Council.

During the week the Headquarters of the Expeditionary Force were established in London at the Hotel Metropole, and the Staff was constituted as follows:—

Chief of Staff Gen. Sir Archibald Murray. Sub-Chief Brig.-Gen. H. H. Wilson. Adjutant-General Major-Gen. Neville Macready. Quartermaster-General Major-Gen. Sir William Robertson. Director of Intelligence Brig.-Gen. Macdonogh. C.R.A. Major-Gen. Lindsay. C.R.E. Brig.-Gen. Fowke. Military Secretary Col. the Hon. W. Lambton. Principal Medical Officer Surg.-Gen. T. P. Woodhouse. Principal Veterinary Officer Brig.-Gen. J. Moore.

It was about Thursday the 7th, or Friday the 8th, August, that Lord Kitchener was appointed Secretary of State for War, and on Monday, the 10th, the Mission sent by the French Government arrived. It was headed by Colonel Huguet, a well-known French Artillery Officer who had recently been for several years French Military Attaché in London.

As before mentioned, one of the most important matters remaining for discussion and decision was finally to determine whether the original plan as regards the area of concentration for the British Forces in France was to be adhered to, or whether the actual situation demanded some change or modification. There was an exhaustive exchange of views between soldiers and Ministers, and many conflicting opinions were expressed. The soldiers themselves were not agreed. Lord Kitchener thought that our position on the left of the French line at Maubeuge would be too exposed, and rather favoured a concentration farther back in the neighbourhood of Amiens. Sir Douglas Haig suggested postponing any landing till the campaign had actively opened and we should be able to judge in which direction our co-operation would be most effective.

Personally, I was opposed to these ideas, and most anxious to adhere to our original plans. Any alteration in carrying out our concentration, particularly if this meant delay, would have upset the French plan of campaign and created much distrust in the minds of our Allies. Delay or hanging back would not only have looked like hesitation, but might easily have entailed disastrous consequences by permanently separating our already inferior forces. Having regard to what we subsequently knew of the German plans and preparations, there can be no doubt that any such delayed landing might well have been actively opposed. As will be seen hereafter, we were at first hopeful of carrying out a successful offensive, and, had those hopes been justified, any change or delay in our original plans would have either prevented or entirely paralysed it. The vital element of the problem was speed in mobilisation and concentration, change of plans meant inevitable and possibly fatal delay.

Murray, Wilson, Grierson and Huguet concurred in my views, and it was so settled.

The date of the embarkment of the Headquarters Staff was fixed for Friday, August 14th.

During the fateful days which intervened, daily and almost hourly reports reached us as to the progress of mobilisation both of our Allies and our Enemies. From the first it became quite evident that the German system of mobilisation was quicker than the French. There was reason to believe that Germany had partly mobilised some classes of her reserves before formal mobilisation. The splendid stand made by the Belgians in defence of their frontier fortresses is well known, and the course of the preliminary operations on the Belgian and Luxemburg frontiers, as well as those in the neighbourhood of Nancy, gave us hope that the wonderful army of which we had heard so much, was not altogether the absolutely invincible war machine we had been led to expect and believe. During this most critical time, my mind was occupied day and night with anxious thought. I will try to recall those days of the first half of August, 1914, and crystallise the result of my meditations. This will serve to show the doubts, fears, hopes and aspirations, in short the mental atmosphere in which I awaited the opening of the campaign.

In the ten years previous to the War, I had constantly envisaged the probable course of events leading up to the outbreak of this world-war, as well as the manner of the outbreak itself. In imagination I had seen the spark suddenly emitted in some obscure corner of Europe, followed by the blowing-up of one huge magazine, such as the declaration of war between Russia and Austria would prove to be, then the conflagration spreading with lightning speed, and I had seemed to have a foretaste amid it all of the anxious hesitation which would precede our entry into the war.

I have been a member of the Committee of Imperial Defence since 1906, and have assisted at the innumerable deliberations of that Aulic Council. It was somewhere about 1908 that the certainty of a war was forced upon my mind. Lord Haldane was then Secretary of State for War and I was Inspector-General of the Forces. Lord Haldane was himself alive to the possibility of war; but, while he hoped to ward it off by diplomacy and negotiation, he fully acquiesced in the desirability of making every preparation which could be carried out in complete secrecy. He told me that were he in power, if and when the event occurred, he would designate me to command the Expeditionary Force, and requested me to study the problem carefully and do all I could to be ready. It thus fell out that in August, 1914, the many possibilities and alternatives of action were quite familiar to my mind.

It is now within the knowledge of all that the General Staffs of Great Britain and France had, for a long time, held conferences, and that a complete mutual understanding as to combined action in certain eventualities existed.

Belgium, however, remained a dark horse up to the last, and it is most unfortunate that she could never be persuaded to decide upon her attitude in the event of a general war. All we ever had in our mind was defence against attack by Germany. We had guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium, and all reports pointed to an intention by Germany to violate that neutrality. What we desired above all things was that Belgium should realise the danger which subsequently laid her waste. We were anxious that she should assist and co-operate in her own defence. The idea of attacking Germany through Belgium or in any other direction never entered our heads.

Pre-war arrangements like these were bound in such circumstances to be very imperfect, though infinitely better than none at all.

It will be of interest at this point to narrate a conversation I had with the Emperor William in August, 1911. When His Majesty visited this country in the spring of that year to unveil the statue of Queen Victoria, he invited me to be his guest at the grand cavalry manoeuvres to be held that summer in the neighbourhood of Berlin.

It was an experience I shall never forget, and it impressed me enormously with the efficiency and power of the German cavalry. It was on about the third day of the manoeuvres that the Emperor arrived by train at five in the morning to find the troops drawn up on the plain close by to receive him. I have never seen a more magnificent military spectacle than they presented on that brilliant August morning, numbering some 15,000 horsemen with a large force of horse artillery, jäger and machine guns.

When His Majesty had finished the inspection of the line, and the troops had moved to take up their points for manoeuvre, the Emperor sent for me. He was very pleasant and courteous, asked me if I was made comfortable, and if I had got a good horse. He then went on to say that he knew all our sympathies in Great Britain were with France and against Germany. He said he wished me to see everything that could be seen, but told me he trusted to my honour to reveal nothing if I visited France.

After the manoeuvres of the day were completed, at about 11 or 12 o’clock, I was placed next to His Majesty at luncheon and we had another conversation. He asked me what I thought of what I had seen in the morning and told me that the German cavalry was the most perfect in the world; but he added: It is not only the Cavalry; the Artillery, the Infantry, all the arms of the Service are equally efficient. The sword of Germany is sharp; and if you oppose Germany you will find how sharp it is.

Before I left, His Majesty was kind enough to present me with his photograph beautifully framed. Pointing to it, he remarked, semi-jocularly: There is your archenemy! There is your disturber of the peace of Europe!

Reverting to my story. Personally, I had always thought that Germany would violate Belgian neutrality, and in no such half measure as by a march through the Ardennes, which was what our joint plans mainly contemplated. I felt convinced that if ever she took this drastic step, she would make the utmost use of it to pour over the whole country and outflank the Allies.

The principal source of the terrible anxiety I felt took its root in the thought that we were too much mentally committed to meet an attack from the east, instead of one which was to come as it actually did. It reassured me, however, to know that our actual dispositions did not preclude the possibility of stemming the first outburst of the storm so effectively as to ward off any imminent danger which might threaten Northern France and the Channel Ports.

To turn from the province of strategy to the sphere of tactics, a life-long experience of military study and thought had taught me that the principle of the tactical employment of troops must be instinctive. I knew that in putting the science of war into practice, it was necessary that its main tenets should form, so to speak, part of one’s flesh and blood. In war there is little time to think, and the right thing to do must come like a flash—it must present itself to the mind as perfectly obvious.

No previous experience, no conclusion I had been able to draw from campaigns in which I had taken part, or from a close study of the new conditions in which the war of to-day is waged, had led me to anticipate a war of positions. All my thoughts, all my prospective plans, all my possible alternatives of action, were concentrated upon a war of movement and manoeuvre. I knew perfectly well that modern up-to-date inventions would materially influence and modify our previous conceptions as to the employment of the three arms respectively; but I had not realised that this process would work in so drastic a manner as to render all our preconceived ideas of the method of tactical field operations comparatively ineffective and useless. Judged by the course of events in the first three weeks of the War, neither French nor German generals were prepared for the complete transformation of all military ideas which the development of the operations inevitably demonstrated to be imperative for waging war in present conditions.

It is easy to be wise after the event; but I cannot help wondering why none of us realised what the most modern rifle, the machine gun, motor traction, the aeroplane and wireless telegraphy would bring about. It seems so simple when judged by actual results. The modern rifle and machine gun add tenfold to the relative power of the defence as against the attack. This precludes the use of the old methods of attack, and has driven the attack to seek covered entrenchments after every forward rush of at most a few hundred yards.

It has thus become a practical operation to place the heaviest artillery in position close behind the infantry fighting line, not only owing to the mobility afforded by motor traction but also because the old dread of losing the guns before they could be got away no longer exists. The crucial necessity for the effective employment of heavy artillery is observation, and this is provided by the balloon and the aeroplane, which, by means of wireless telegraphy, can keep the batteries instantly informed of the accuracy of their fire.

I feel sure in my own mind that had we realised the true effect of modern appliances of war in August, 1914, there would have been no retreat from Mons, and that if, in September, the Germans had learnt their lesson, the Allies would never have driven them back to the Aisne. It was in the fighting on that river that the eyes of all of us began to be opened.

New characteristics of offensive and defensive war began vaguely to be appreciated; but it required the successive attempts of Maunoury, de Castelnau, Foch and myself to turn the German flanks in the north in the old approved style, and the practical failure of these attempts, to bring home to our minds the true nature of war as it is to-day.

About the middle of November, 1914—after three and a half months of war—we were fairly settled down to the war of positions.

It was, therefore, in a somewhat troubled frame of mind that I began to play my humble part in this tremendous episode in the history of the world. The new lessons had to be learned in a hard school and through a bitter experience. However, for good or for evil, I have always been possessed of a sanguine temperament. No one, I felt, had really been able to gauge the respective fighting values of the French and German Armies. I hoped for the best and rather believed in it; and in this confident spirit, although anxious and watchful, I landed at Boulogne at 5 p.m. on August 14th, 1914.

It will be a fitting close to this chapter if I add the instructions which I received from His Majesty’s Government before leaving.

"Owing to the infringement of the neutrality of Belgium by Germany, and in furtherance of the Entente which exists between this country and France, His Majesty’s Government has decided, at the request of the French Government, to send an Expeditionary Force to France and to entrust the command of the troops to yourself.

"The special motive of the Force under your control is to support and co-operate with the French Army against our common enemies. The peculiar task laid upon you is to assist the French Government in preventing or repelling the invasion by Germany of French and Belgian territory and eventually to restore the neutrality of Belgium, on behalf of which, as guaranteed by treaty, Belgium has appealed to the French and to ourselves.

"These are the reasons which have induced His Majesty’s Government to declare war, and these reasons constitute the primary objective you have before you.

"The place of your assembly, according to present arrangements, is Amiens, and during the assembly of your troops you will have every opportunity for discussing with the Commander-in-Chief of the French Army, the military position in general and the special part which your Force is able and adapted to play. It must be recognised from the outset that the numerical strength of the British Force and its contingent reinforcement is strictly limited, and with this consideration kept steadily in view it will be obvious that the greatest care must be exercised towards a minimum of losses and wastage.

"Therefore, while every effort must be made to coincide most sympathetically with the plans and wishes of our Ally, the gravest consideration will devolve upon you as to participation in forward movements where large bodies of French troops are not engaged and where your Force may be unduly exposed to attack. Should a contingency of this sort be contemplated, I look to you to inform me fully and give me time to communicate to you any decision to which His Majesty’s Government may come in the matter. In this connection I wish you distinctly to understand that your command is an entirely independent one, and that you will in no case come in any sense under the orders of any Allied General.

"In minor operations you should be careful that your subordinates understand that risk of serious losses should only be taken where such risk is authoritatively considered to be commensurate with the object in view.

"The high courage and discipline of your troops should, and certainly will, have fair and full opportunity of display during the campaign, but officers may well be reminded that in this, their first experience of European warfare, a greater measure of caution must be employed than under former conditions of hostilities against an untrained adversary.

"You will kindly keep up constant communication with the War Office, and you will be good enough to inform me as to all movements of the enemy reported to you as well as to those of the French Army.

"I am sure you fully realise that you can rely with the utmost confidence on the wholehearted and unswerving support of the Government, of myself, and of your compatriots, in carrying out the high duty which the King has entrusted to you and in maintaining the great tradition of His Majesty’s Army.

(Signed) KITCHENER, Secretary of State"

Two

The British Expeditionary Force

Ihave thought fit to interrupt my narrative here to devote some pages to the composition of the original Expeditionary Force. The First Expeditionary Force consisted of the First Army Corps (1st and 2nd Divisions) under Lieut.-Gen. Sir Douglas Haig; the Second Army Corps (3rd and 5th Divisions) under Lieut.-Gen. Sir James Grierson (who died shortly after landing in France and was succeeded by Gen. Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien), and the Cavalry Division under Major-Gen. E. H. H. Allenby. To these must be added the 19th Infantry Brigade, which, at the opening of our operations in France, was employed on our Lines of Communication. The original Expeditionary Force was subsequently augmented by the 4th Division, which detrained at Le Cateau on August 25th. The 4th Division and the 19th Infantry Brigade were, on the arrival of Gen. Pulteney in France, on August 30th, formed into the Third Army Corps, to which the 6th Division was subsequently added.

For the purpose of convenient reference, I have included in this chapter the composition of the 6th Division, which joined us on the Aisne, and of the 7th Division and the 3rd Cavalry Division, which came into line with the original Expeditionary Force in Belgium in the opening stages of the First Battle of Ypres; as also of the Lahore Division of the Indian Corps, which likewise took part in the Battle of Ypres.

THE FIRST EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.

General Officer Commanding-in-Chief: Field-Marshal Sir J. D. P. FRENCH.

Chief of the General Staff: Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. J. MURRAY.

Adjutant-General: Major-Gen. Sir C. F. N. MACREADY.

Quartermaster-General: Major-Gen. Sir W. R. ROBERTSON.

* * *

First Army Corps: Lieut.-Gen. Sir DOUGLAS HAIG.

* * *

1st Division: Major-Gen. S. H. LOMAX, wounded October 31st, replaced by Brig.-Gen. LANDON (temp.), then by Brig.-Gen. Sir D. HENDERSON.

1st Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. F. I. MAXSE, succeeded by Brig.-Gen. FITZCLARENCE, V.C. (killed, November 11th). Col. McEwen then took command. Later on, Col. Lowther was appointed to command the Brigade. 1st Batt. Coldstream Guards. 1st Batt. Scots Guards. London Scottish (joined Brigade in November). 1st Batt. Royal Highlanders (the Black Watch). 2nd Batt. Royal Munster Fusiliers (cut to pieces at Etreux, August 29th, replaced by 1st Batt. Cameron Highlanders).

2nd Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. E. S. BULFIN, wounded November 1st, succeeded by Col. Cunliffe-Owen (temp.). Brig.-Gen. WESTMACOTT took command November 23rd. 2nd Batt. Royal Sussex Regt. 1st Batt. Northampton Regt. 1st Batt. N. Lancs Regt. 2nd Batt. K.R.R.

3rd Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. H. J. S. LANDON, appointed to command the Division after October 31st, Col. Lovett taking command of Brigade. Brig.-Gen. R. H. K. BUTLER was appointed to command the Brigade November 13th. 1st Batt. The Queen’s Royal West Surrey Regt. (cut up October 31st, replaced by 2nd Royal Munster Fusiliers). 1st Batt. S. Wales Borderers. 1st Batt. Gloucester Regt. 2nd Batt. Welsh Regt.

Divisional Cavalry: C Squadron 15th Hussars. 1st Cyclist Co.

Royal Engineers: 23rd & 26th Field Cos. 1st Signal Co.

Royal Artillery: R.F.A. Batteries— XXV. Brigade—113, 114, 115. XXVI. Brigade—116, 117, 118. XXIX. Brigade—46, 51, 54. XLIII. Brigade (Howitzer)—30, 40, 57.

Heavy Battery R.G.A.—26. 1st Divisional Train.

R.A.M.C.: 1st, 2nd, & 3rd Field Ambulances.

* * *

2nd Division: Major-Gen. C. C. MONRO.

4th (Guards) Brigade: Brig.-Gen. R. SCOTT-KERR, wounded September 1st and succeeded by Brig.-Gen. the EARL OF CAVAN (arrived September 18th).

2nd Batt. Grenadier Guards. 3rd Batt. Coldstream Guards. 2nd Batt. Coldstream Guards. 1st Batt. Irish Guards. 1st Herts (T.F.) (joined Brigade about November 10th).

5th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. R. C. B. HAKING, wounded on September 16th; succeeded by Lieut.-Col. Westmacott until Haking returned on November 20th.

2nd Batt. Worcester Regt. 2nd Batt. Highland L.I. 2nd Batt. Oxf. & Bucks L.I. 2nd Batt. Connaught Rangers. (2nd Connaughts were amalgamated with their 1st Batt. at the end of November and replaced in the Brigade by 9th H.L.I. (Glasgow Highlanders).)

6th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. R. H. DAVIES, invalided in September; succeeded by Brig.-Gen. FANSHAWE, September 13th.

1st Batt. The King’s (Liverpool) Regt. 1st Batt. Royal Berks Regt. 2nd Batt. S. Staffs Regt. 1st Batt. K.R.R.

Divisional Cavalry: B Squadron 15th Hussars. 2nd Cyclist Co.

Royal Engineers: 5th & 11th Field Cos. 2nd Signal Co.

Royal Artillery: R.F.A. Batteries—

XXIV. Brigade—25, 50, 70. XXXVI. Brigade—15, 48, 71. XLI. Brigade—9, 16, 17. XLIV. Brigade (Howitzer)—47, 56, 60.

Heavy Battery R.G.A.—35. 2nd Divisional Train.

R.A.M.C.: 4th & 6th Field Ambulances.

* * *

Second Army Corps: Lieut.-Gen. Sir JAMES GRIERSON, died August 17th; succeeded by Gen. Sir HORACE SMITH-DORRIEN.

* * *

3rd Division: Major-Gen. HUBERT I. W. HAMILTON, killed October 14th; Major-Gen. MACKENZIE in command till end of October; then Major-Gen. WING till November 6th; then Major-Gen. HALDANE.

7th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. F. W. N. McCRACKEN, 3rd Batt. Worcester Regt. 1st Batt. Wilts Regt. 2nd Batt. S. Lancs Regt. 2nd Batt. Royal Irish Rifles.

8th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. B. J. C. DORAN, invalided October 23rd; Brig.-Gen. BOWES took over command.

2nd Batt. Royal Scots. 2nd Batt. Royal Irish Regt. (Battalion cut up at Le Pilly, October 20th; became G.H.Q. troops, replaced by 2nd Suffolks.) 4th Batt. Middlesex Regt. 1st Batt. Gordon Highlanders. (Employed as G.H.Q. troops during September, being replaced by 1st Devons, but rejoined Brigade at beginning of October.)

9th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. F. C. SHAW, wounded November 12th; succeeded by Lieut.-Col. Douglas Smith, Royal Scots Fusiliers.

1st Batt. Northumberland Fusiliers. 4th Batt. Royal Fusiliers. 1st Batt. Lincolnshire Regt. 1st Batt. Royal Scots Fusiliers.

Divisional Cavalry: A Squadron 15th Hussars. 3rd Cyclist Co.

Royal Engineers: 56th & 57th Field Cos. 3rd Signal Co.

Royal Artillery: R.F.A. Batteries— XXIII. Brigade—107, 108, 109. XL. Brigade—6, 23, 49. XLII. Brigade—29, 41, 45. XXX. Brigade (Howitzer)—128, 129, 130. Heavy Battery R.G.A.—48. 3rd Divisional Train.

R.A.M.C.: 7th, 8th, & 9th Field Ambulances.

* * *

5th Division: Major-Gen. Sir CHARLES FERGUSSON, invalided October 22nd; succeeded by Major-Gen. MORLAND.

13th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. G. J. CUTHBERT, invalided about the end of September; succeeded by Brig.-Gen. HICKIE, who went sick October 13th, Col. Martyn getting command (temp.).

2nd Batt. K.O. Scottish Borderers. 2nd Batt. (Duke of Wellington’s) West Riding Regt. 1st Batt. Royal West Kent Regt. 2nd Batt. K.O. Yorkshire L.I.

14th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. S. P. ROLT, invalided October 29th; succeeded by Brig.-Gen. F. S. MAUDE.

2nd Batt. Suffolk Regt. (replaced by 1st Devons at the beginning of October, and became G.H.Q. troops). 1st Batt. East Surrey Regt. 1st Batt. Duke of Cornwall’s L.I. 2nd Batt. Manchester Regt.

15th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. Count A. E. W. GLEICHEN. 1st Batt. Norfolk Regt. 1st Batt. Cheshire Regt. 1st Batt. Bedford Regt. 1st Batt. Dorset Regt.

Divisional Cavalry: A Squadron 19th Hussars.

Royal Engineers: 17th & 59th Field Cos. 5th Cyclist Co.

Royal Artillery: R.F.A. Batteries— XV. Brigade—11, 52, 80. XXVII. Brigade—119, 120, 121. XXVIII. Brigade—122, 123, 124. VIII. Brigade (Howitzer)—37, 61, 65.

Heavy Battery R.G.A.—108. 5th Divisional Train.

R.A.M.C.: 13th, 14th, & 15th Field Ambulances.

19th Infantry Brigade: Brig.-Gen. L. G. DRUMMOND, succeeded early in September by Brig.-Gen. F. GORDON.

[Note.—This Brigade was formed from units on Lines of Communication, and was attached successively to the Cavalry Division, Second Corps and Fourth Division during the retreat from Mons and advance to the Aisne. In the Flanders