With the British Army on the Somme: Memoirs from the Trenches

EPILOGUE

PART I

CHAPTER I

BEFORE THE WAR

IN THE SUMMER of 1912 an English socialist of some fame in the world of letters was returning home through France. On the train he made acquaintance with a highly educated German of a social type scarcely known in England. The man was a merchant, an imperial politician, a commercial traveller of the higher sort, and in some measure a spy - a spy of character and tendencies, a political psychologist who took back to Germany information of the trend of other people’s ways and habits. His constant pleasure was to discuss national traits and world politics. With the cold and cruel logic that mark one side of the Prussian character, he proceeded to sketch for the edification of his English companion the course of the impending war.

And he spoke by the book. His prognostics were verified to the letter in many details. He was wrong only as to issues. He told how the German army would pour across Belgium and swamp France. Nor did he omit to give practical details of the material preparations. Wooden platforms, so he said, had been manufactured in sections for the purpose of lengthening the little platforms at particular local stations in Belgium.

The tale would have been very distasteful to his companion, who was what we call a pacifist, if he had not regarded the whole discussion as a mere academic thesis; and in that temper he joined issue. What will Britain be doing all this while? He asked. At the challenge the German, who was on his way to accept the hospitality of an aristocratic house in England, unfolded his belief in the utter decadence of Britain, illustrating his theme with examples from the home of his host. Such young men, said the German, are of no use to their country; and the nation that encourages them to shoot and hunt and play games and to drive motors is too selfish and too lazy to fight.

Three years later, after the first harvest of war had been reaped, I went to seek the grave of one of these young Englishmen. He had sought a commission before the war was a week old and joined one of the best of all our fighting regiments. Before many weeks were over he was recognized even in that company as a soldier of exceptional parts. He had made himself expert in the machine-gun and in bombing. Throughout the most desperate and miserable period of the fighting in the mud of Flanders he was never anything but merry and keen. He was one of the few men that ever I knew who enjoyed the war and the exercise of his vitality in such a field. Whatever he may have felt, for he was kind and affectionate by nature and a great lover of children, he never showed to his companions a sign of fear or reluctance or softness. Whom the gods love die young. He was shot dead in the defence of a German trench that his company had captured against heavy odds. Where he fell, there he was buried, far from the many acres he would one day have owned. He was rich and strong and comely; and made the supreme sacrifice. The nation that is decadent in his fashion may gladly embrace the German accusation. It was no accident that he wrested this wretched trench from a stronger force of the apostles of the art of war. The formula, baldly stated again and again in German histories, We are the greatest people because we are the most warlike, went by the board once again during that fight for the muddy ditch in Flanders. The better man won.

One other anecdote. Three weeks before the war an English trades unionist and internationalist went to Hamburg for a conference convoked to discuss internationalism and the solidarity of labour. The Englishman had previously persuaded the Hamburg workmen to organize co-operative shops, and they began to prove successful beyond all German expectation. Presently the military authorities descended, visited the organizers, took a complete census of horses and carts, offering a small retaining fee. At the same time these officers made a record of every machine in the district and instructed the owners in the best and quickest method of converting the machinery to the manufacture of war material.

All this was known to the trades unionists of Germany.

Because of this knowledge, or in spite of it, no single deputy of the German socialist group present at the conference could be persuaded to vote for a motion in favour of international peace, though the discussion was purely abstract and academic. The pacifists themselves believed that the world could not compete with Krupp and the lesser Krupps in war as in peace, and had definitely, if not always consciously, accepted the policy of an aggressive war. They felt no doubt that a quick and thorough victory would follow and would ensue the paradise of world dominance. The prospect was too fair to reject. Even the best succumbed to the enticement of the dream. When August came the socialists in the Reichstag cheered the Chancellor to the echo.

All the world that loved peace could do nothing else but fight a people of such a mood and temper.

CHAPTER II

THE SOLDIER AND THE SEËR

EVERY ONE WHO, not being a soldier, writes about war, sees more of its pomp and circumstance than its dirt and stagnancy. If anyone were to write of it as it is at its worst - as it was in the mine holes at St. Eloi, where strong men fell exhausted within a hundred yards from their starting-point - as it was in Devil’s Wood, where bodies lay thick - as it was in the crowded trenches down the hill towards Le Sars, where more men were buried alive than shot dead, then man and woman would not endure to read the tale, if anyone could endure to write it or consent to publish it. Nothing is written, even in Zola’s Débâcle, as unendurable as half that our men suffered up to the second battle of Ypres and after. Perhaps the worst ought to be told to the end that, on the way to the far-off divine event, men may be finally sickened of war and feel its bestiality in their veins for the rest of their lives.

Yet only a few men could so write it, and they must come from the ranks of those who have themselves known the worst. If written as an imparted tale, it would be no more than morbid, unwholesome, false.

In the following account of what I have seen and experienced during the later part of the war, I do not propose to attempt to tell an unpleasant tale, to underline horrors, to double dye hospital scenes, to accent failures and impress death and wounds. But it is the duty of every reader of a war book to feel as he reads that war is war, that every glorious victory or magnificent resistance or masterly retreat means the extinction of life and a sum of pain beyond computation. Nothing imaginable is worse than the atmosphere of trench warfare. Men crouch in mud and are pashed out of existence by bits of metal thrown from miles away. The chemicals that explode destroy the hearing, displace the heart, set the nerves in a quiver which may last lifelong. To pain is added madness, to wounds suffocation. Even when men charge in the open and taste for a moment the ecstasy of struggle, they are usually so weary from want of sleep that life is already a burden, and as soon as the victory is won, the crouching in the mud begins again, and often hunger and thirst are added. Modern war is of this nature. Every man hates it, save one in ten thousand whose faculty for storm and turbulence is beyond the normal, or whose passion against the enemy is supreme.

Yet war is wonderful as well as gross, majestic as well as muddy. That full sentence of Napier’s, With what a majesty the British soldier fights, goes ringing in the head even when a knock-kneed soldier from the slums falls gasping in the mud at the bottom of a crazy ditch. Humour and good humour laugh on the parapet of death, and health sprouts from the centres of mud and reek. Ideals of faith and loyalty shine through the curses and blasphemy that often pour from the mouth of the fighter. Even the most insensate soldier will religiously exclude from his letters home anything that might breathe alarm or hint danger. What war is morally, it is also aesthetically. Its grandeur - to the eyes, though never to the mind - may be overwhelming. It may even be pretty or, as soldiers say, amusing. Its contrasts cover the field of contrasts. But, the nearer, the uglier, is the rule; and soldiers have nothing more irritating to endure than the pictures of battles as they seem to distant observers. I write with one special contrast in mind. One evening I had the news that just before dawn our troops were to attack an intrusive angle of German trench at St. Eloi. The only chance of seeing anything of the fight was to climb one of those mounds, rather than hills, which some mole-like upheaval has raised on the plains of Flanders. All that I saw during this night and morning was of surpassing charm. A sensitive woman would have enjoyed every moment. Nature and art were combined to invest the spectacle with splendour. The sun rose blood-red. The shrapnel hung like clouds painted by old masters to hold mediaeval angels. The horizon glittered with firefly sparks. In spite of the tumult the first songs of spring . were twittered in the hedgerow. Good news reached us. All was well with the world.

Such the semblance. What the reality? The soft and sticky ground at St. Eloi had been tossed up as loosely as hay behind the tedders by one mine after another. The sloping sides of the great hollows were further fretted with shells and bombs, till the earth was crumbled out of all consistency. Rain had fallen and reduced the carious particles to a state of foul swampiness, to a Slough of Despond, where men waded to the hips and only the strongest could cross. In this cockpit the Royal Scots and others charged and struggled. They saw their wounded sink out of sight. A friend, struggling to rescue a friend, sank himself, and the two looked across at one another, each helpless. For a day and a night and a day under the rain of heathenish shells and grenades our men wrestled to turn these pits into fortresses and keep back the enemy from a few paltry yards of Flanders. Not once or twice men have been drowned from sheer weariness in the water of the trenches. These men were drowned in mud. In primeval slime they fought like lions a battle of eels, and in the sequel when they had done their utmost certain topographical features made the place unwise to hold. I spoke with the men who had endured this the day after writing of the battle as it was unveiled to me, and felt that I had committed unconscious high treason. So easy is it to make the foul appear fair, to be tricked by the enchantment of distance.

Perhaps the general attitude of every soldier to everything written about war - and not least the official news - is that all is too smooth, too pretty, too little real, and too favourable. It is true what some have endured to suffer others must endure to hear; but readers must submit to be tricked. Avoidance of the brutality of war is in some sort inevitable. All who have written about war, especially the great historians, who are doubly deceived by the distance of time and space, see it as the airman sees it in a large spaciousness where details are hid and only issues count. But let us remember the real war behind. If we forget the loss, the pain, the fear, the waste, and the wickedness, we forget a duty to the human race.

Again, the thousands who have publicly praised the man in the trench, whether soldier or officer, have unwittingly in their cumulative admiration helped to give - or so the soldier sometimes thinks - a wrong impression of his service.

The truth is that the observer is so constantly struck by the cheerfulness of the men that he has come to regard their occupation as in itself an almost cheerful thing, or rather to give the impression that it is a cheerful thing. Every visitor to the front has so far escaped without hurt; and most visitors have seen few tragic and many singularly picturesque sights. Even in the trenches goodly cooking smells titillate his nostrils; and if the day is quiet and rifle grenades are infrequent, he is conscious, as he reaches the fighting line, of a curious feeling of security after the tremors of his approach.

Afterwards, when he returns home, he is apt to give a picture of the war which leaves the soldiers a little resentful. Somehow the trimmings and dressings come to smother up the reality, and the fact does not appear that life in the trenches is no soft, pretty, or sentimental thing. Let me add yet another illustration of the soldier’s point of view in face of his admirers.

On the morrow of a severe local attack I went to visit the neighbourhood of the scene of action close to the famous Hohenzollern Redoubt. No picture could have been more idyllic. There was great aerial activity. The machines looked like silvered butterflies chasing one another on a summer morning. Even the sound of the machine guns, followed by the patter of the bullets here and there, was dwarfed by the great space of intervening air to the tap of a nesting woodpecker. Even when a plane was hit - and I saw one hit - it slid to earth like a homing seabird, giving no sense of catastrophe. The shrapnel made soft pillows for a cupid’s bust. The general scene, viewed from a point of vantage, had the glamour that sunshine following snow can give to any landscape, even after it has suffered such earthquake shocks as disfigured part of the land in front of me.

Nearer the front some of the dug-outs were comfortable and homelike. In one the only complaint was that the lire was rather big. Its occupant was reading a list of names of men recommended for gallant action. Farther back at a headquarters every one was exceedingly elated at the results of the fighting: the science of the engineers, the quick charge, the few casualties. The journey to and from the front could scarcely have been more charming. My companion, who was new to these things, was especially pleased with the parties of men swinging along with towels round their shoulders, as if they were at a seaside resort. This was on the return journey. Earlier the birds had heralded a delicious dawn with a fresh and lively chorus. In very truth, all was well with the world. My companion and I had spent a morning sweet with news of victory and the benediction of the spring. Who said WAR?

That is one picture. Now for the other. On the night following an old and grizzled officer, almost the last of those who had marched with the regiment to Mons and back two years ago, received instructions to take his men up to hold the ground won. The landscape he surveyed before moving was a model of desolation, ugly with debris and foul confusion, showing up against an ominous mountain of slag, converted to a German fortress, a monument of clinkered sin. As he and his men felt their way forward they met the stretcher-bearers and their groaning burdens.

The first crater they reached was a valley of Gehenna strewed with bodies, all fouled with mud so deep that only the strongest could attempt to carry out the wounded, and even the fresh and unimpeded troops had much ado to advance. At last they took up their stations in this same bottomless mud and slush, some of them over ground beneath which they knew the enemy were tunnelling, all of them in positions open to every danger from above. Each man had only one course - to shut his mind to any thought whatever, beyond an almost fatalistic determination to hold on, to carry on, to go through with it. And they held on. They made good, splendidly, grimly. But the splendour was not pretty, not of a sort to make the men enjoy delicate appreciations of the amenities of trench life.

The very worst side of war can never be given while war lasts; and for this reason the soldier thinks that people at home, while they praise his cheerful courage, do not understand how grim his business is. The lighter side of war is daily painted; the darker side seldom and less adequately.

Of course, the journeyman work of the war, in the front trench or behind it, is at neither extreme; and as time went on it improved for all our troops in all parts of the line. Our artillery became more numerous than the enemy’s and fired many times more shells. The trench maladies were more or less defeated. Confidence grew. Some few men even enjoyed war.

All this is true; but injustice is done and a false view promulgated if the civilian world does not realize that every little success won, every little attack defeated, means a very terrible experience to every man engaged. In the greatest battles in history few episodes have more finely tested our British sort of courage or better revealed the grimness of war than the battles on the Somme, for local defeats and the snare of muddy stagnancy were associated with salient victory. And yet at the very time when the worst was in progress the edge of the battle disclosed scenes so picturesque - I might almost say so pretty - as almost to make a visitor oblivious of the gaunt, utter ruin of the once happy towns through which he passed or where he stood.

CHAPTER III

STEPS TO THE SOMME: MOVEMENT

THE BATTLE OF the Somme, opened at 7.30 on the morning of 1st July, cut the year in half by a single blow. It dissevered all the past from the present, so complete was the change of warfare, in spirit and in fact. The battles were fought in a fair country of hill and valley, and men moved for a great part of the while in the open, instead of crouching in muddy ditches on a viewless plain. We had fled and forgotten for a while

"the ditches

And tunnels of Poverty Flat."

The issues became vast and positive. They had been meagre and static. Above all, we heard every day such cluttering of shells that the very whine and whinny overhead drowned other noises.

But the battle of the Somme was the result of growth, the flower of a biennial plant. Just before it opened, as I was watching our shells playing pitch and toss with German wire opposite the Gommecourt salient, I began discussing in the narrow prison of an observation post the years that had led to this event. The artillery observer said almost bitterly that now people would forget the early war and the first soldiers. For myself, though I had been in France from September 1914, I was to see this battle as I had never seen war; but vivid moments survive from the first two years, and the tale of the Somme will be truer and more real for some glimpses into earlier fights.

The war began with movement, at one time almost the quickest known in war; and such is the influence of movement, that even amid the nameless confusion of the retreat from Mons, when men, if they slept at all, only slept as they moved, officers confessed that they enjoyed every moment. The enjoyment was doubled when the battle of the Marne was won, and our army marched north again; and every one believed himself engaged in a short, sharp war, already reaching a climax.

One officer, who still asserts that he never really knew the delight of life till the days of the retreat, nor so hated it as in the stagnant days that followed our advance, touched every variety of experience in that August and September. He heard the French cheers coming faintly over the water at Havre, when the news was made sure that the English were coming. With a hundred French civilians he dug in a nightmare night those shallow trenches at Le Cateau, which were afterwards described as our prepared position He rode with a staff north and south, arresting here and there German military spies, one careering in all the glory of a 60-h.p. Mercédès car. He stood for hours by the roadside among the mingled succession of guns, cavalry, companies or platoons of infantry, Red Cross cars, ordnance lorries, and the rest, helping to sort out the British Army. Experience fell so quick on experience that not a moment was left to think of the bearing of it all. Action filled every moment. The army was sorted between Hem and Noyon. The men slept, and divisions recovered cohesion. The Marne was fought and won; and a fortnight later this officer, still riding the same horse - an animal well known in the Grafton hunt - found himself journeying north a few miles east of his retreat to the south. With him were two other officers, and close behind six mounted orderlies, each leading an extra mount. Suddenly one of the party caught sight of a head-dress of curious appearance topping a stook of corn in an adjacent field. Germans, by the Prophet, he cried, and the whole party jumped the little ditch at the roadside and trotted up the stubble. From the vast hand of the leading officer stuck out by an inch or two the muzzle of a little pistol, and as they rode the others chaffed him on his absurd toy. The orderlies loaded their rifles, but as the led steeds pulled them this way and that, they