On a Collision Course: The Dawn of Japanese Migration in the Nineteenth Century

University

Introduction

Masako Iino

Dr. Yasuo Sakata is a leading scholar in immigration/emigration studies, or migration studies, as well as in Japanese American studies in both Japan and the United States. He has published a great number of books and essays on themes in these fields. The essays compiled in this volume are typical of his work and present his great accomplishments. His contributions started as early as the 1970s, when the situation in these fields was exactly what he describes: that is, many improvements were needed. He then brought about great change.

Sakata, who does his research in both Japanese and English, has long been aware of the situation of researchers in migration studies in Japan and the United States, as his papers indicate. And he had critical views on what was needed. Though he saw the development of the field to be quite slow, he was always in a position to change it. His contribution to the development of migration studies in both countries is significant.

In 1991 (see chapter 1 of this volume), Sakata described the situation of immigration studies/Japanese American studies in the United States as follows:

Since the 1950s innovative studies have been published that are based on detailed research and the examination of documents and on new analytical concepts regarding the history of Japanese Americans and their communities. Some ethnic studies researchers also began engaging in studies of Japanese Americans, recognizing that they have played a key role in America’s multiethnic society.

And he saw that research on Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans was well received in academic circles in the United States at the time. There were, however, a few areas of concern. For one, studies using Japanese documents and records were exceptions. If the research relied solely on English-language documents and resources, he argued, American perspectives and opinions would outweigh Japanese perspectives. Sakata maintained that immigration studies should emphasize an international point of view. Thus, he argued that the perspectives of the immigrant and emigrant countries should be examined equally and objectively, even if they had different societies, cultures, or environments. His idea was this: in Japanese American studies, mastering the English and the Japanese languages was crucial to conducting comprehensive research.

Sakata has perfect command of both English and Japanese. With his training in Japanese history, he has also mastered classical Japanese. The documents that researchers rely on in Japanese history, particularly before World War II, are mostly handwritten in classical Japanese. Therefore, researchers in immigration/emigration studies need this training, he insists, and not many researchers, either in the United States or in Japan, have it.

He has also quite critically observed the condition of migration studies and Japanese American studies in Japan (see chapter 1):

In Japan, even before World War II, researchers, institutions, and local government agencies were studying emigration from their local communities and prefectures, producing highly regarded results. Unfortunately, research on overseas emigration and migration conducted from an international perspective is extremely limited. Japanese researchers have focused on emigrants’ former lives in Japan and have shown little interest in their lives in America.

He points out that such academic interest created a bias favoring research focusing on specific regions and issues, making it difficult to grasp the bigger picture.

Actually, in Japan, the field of migration studies was, for a long time, considered to be a part of Japanese history. The focus of research was mainly on the so-called push factors of emigration, with reference to the conditions of areas—the imin-ken (literally emigration prefectures)—that sent out large numbers of emigrants. Naturally the sources that researchers mainly used were part of the local history of Japan, written in Japanese. Research on the emigration policies of the Japanese government was also an important theme of migration studies then.

Even in the 1990s, when Sakata was deeply involved in research on Japanese emigration to the United States, he saw that it was still difficult for Japanese scholars to conduct research from a global perspective despite evaluating works by American experts in immigration studies. For the most part, Japanese scholars of emigration studies had not been able to establish their own research methods.

Sakata speculated that many Japanese scholars who took an interest in American immigration studies or Japanese American studies were primarily experts in general American studies. Thus, their interests were often too broad for Japanese American studies as the field was then constituted in Japan. Moreover, American researchers in Japanese American studies used fundamentally different methodologies, objectives, and approaches than did Japanese researchers, most of whom focused on their own field of emigration studies. The crucial problem, he concluded, was that neither party recognized the differences in their methodologies and did not cooperate with the other to improve and standardize their respective methods.

There were other obstacles to a comprehensive approach, he argued. One was the tendency in Japan to look down on emigrants as losers. Moreover, the general perception of academics was that immigration studies was not a significant field. Sakata observed that outside the immigrant community itself, there was little enthusiasm to develop immigration studies. Thus, he found, few efforts were made to collect and preserve emigration-related documents left in town halls in the emigrants’ prefectures, and it was difficult to find helpful documents or catalogs of articles. It became his mission to improve this situation both in the United States and in Japan.

The situation started to change in Japan in the late 1970s and the 1980s, though very slowly. In the 1970s, a small number of Japanese researchers who were interested in, and doing research on, Japanese emigration to the United States started to discuss which direction they should take. The majority of them were in American studies programs, and they were exploring the experiences of Japanese emigrants and their children. Immigration studies was an important part of studies about the United States, which drew immigrants from all over the world. According to the strongly held assimilation theory, all those who came to this promised land would be welcomed and incorporated into American society. Many researchers in Japan were finding that this theory did not hold true for Japanese Americans, as their history showed that they were discriminated against and excluded from the mainstream of American society.

Thus, with the realization that research on migration should not be limited to the field of American studies nor to discussions of push factors, researchers started collaborative efforts in migration studies. The idea was that migration should be viewed from both sides: from the perspective of the country that people left and the country that people entered, exactly as Sakata posited while he was doing research in the United States in the 1970s. Naturally the sources that researchers used were in both Japanese and English. In order to grasp how Japanese Americans saw themselves being treated by the larger society in the United States, researchers looked at Japanese-language newspapers published in Japanese American communities.

At the same time, many Japanese researchers studying Japanese emigrants to the United States and their children, that is, Japanese Americans, realized that their focus should not be limited to how Japanese immigrants were discriminated against. Their realization that they should pay attention to how Japanese Americans contributed to American society or to friendly relations between the two countries led them to apply a comparative approach in their research. They started to see the experiences of Japanese Americans in a larger context, comparing them with those of other ethnic groups in the United States: for example, they compared the history of Japanese Americans with that of Chinese Americans, African Americans, and Hispanic Americans.

The comparative approach was also observed in collaborations between scholars doing research on migration in two or more countries, including the United States, Canada, and Australia. For example, Japanese migration to Canada was compared with migration to the United States, showing the differences in the ways Japanese immigrants were received by the two countries.

In the 1980s, research on migration was growing in various fields, not only in history, sociology, geography, demography, anthropology, and area studies but also in the fields of literature, legal studies, medicine, psychology, ethnology, philology, gender studies, art, and sports, among others. Also, as Japanese researchers considered those areas where Japanese emigrants moved to, as well as those where people crossed borders as immigrants or refugees, they started to pay attention not only to the Americas but also to Asian and European countries. The sources they used became more various in multiple languages. Their research also became interdisciplinary. Results of these changes were clearly seen in international symposiums and journals containing collected papers on people on the move.

Another important change that influenced the nature of migration studies occurred in Japan in the 1980s. A large number of Latin Americans of Japanese descent entered Japan to seek employment as temporary workers. They were often called return migrants, and many of them settled in such areas as Aichi, Tochigi, and Kanagawa; their children went to schools in those areas, creating the phenomenon of multicultural coexistence. This situation generated more research in the field of migration studies. Researchers in Japanese history who focused on those return migrants naturally had to deal with why their parents and grandparents had left Japan to go to Latin America in the first place.

At this time researchers in Japanese history also declared that they had become aware that migration studies should pay attention to the Japanese whom the Japanese government had sent to Southeast Asia, the South Sea islands, Russia, and Sakhalin. Researchers paid more attention than before to government documents to find out the motives and effects of its migration policies. This trend invited more researchers to collaborate with each other in migration studies.

With such trends as a background, the Japanese Association for Migration Studies was established in 1991, combining several groups of researchers, with Sakata as its president. The establishment of this academic association responded to the need for a place where scholars with various backgrounds could exchange their research results in the international field of immigration/emigration studies. This meant that migration studies in Japan was very much broadened and became interdisciplinary, supported by Sakata’s contribution to the field. The association did not focus exclusively on Japanese people who moved beyond Japan’s borders, but included research on those who moved from one country to another, for instance, from European countries to the United States, from France to England, or from Mexico to Canada, as well as those who came to work and eventually settled in Japan. Again, the sources that researchers needed to analyze this phenomenon became multilingual. Because of his fluency in both English and Japanese, including classical Japanese, as well as his knowledge of research materials, Sakata himself demonstrated what was needed to proceed in international and global research collaboration.

All the research he published shows his inflexible stand to take materials and documents very seriously and to study them critically before referring to them in publications. Researchers must judge materials before using them to support their own arguments, he maintains. His works show that he takes a serious view of how researchers should find and use materials to reach their conclusions. In chapter 1 of this book, he gives examples of neglected materials and warns that researchers should be aware that some materials may have been misused and that the results of research using these inappropriate materials may be considered plagiarized. His attitude toward research based on reliable materials is always evident in the work he has produced. All researchers in whatever field should learn from his attitude.

Sakata’s emphasis on finding and relying on original records leads to his criticism of research that does not show enough serious effort to distinguish original records from forged or secondhand resources. For instance, in his essay Unequal Treaties and Japanese Migrant Workers in the United States (chapter 2), which focuses on the overseas dekasegi system of the Japanese government and its policies during the early to middle Meiji period, he critically points out that many researchers do not distinguish immigrants from "dekasegi workers" simply because their research does not rely on original documents. He explains:

The history of Japanese migration to the Americas consists of three periods. First came the dekasegi period, when Japanese crossed the Pacific and sojourned in the United States and Hawai‘i. Second came the transition period, when the Japanese began to change into immigrants, distinct from dekasegi laborers. Third came the imin period, when they became immigrants or permanent residents. To gain a holistic understanding of Japanese immigration, it is necessary to study these three periods independently and investigate the internal relationships among them. I suggest that the traditional methodologies of studying Japanese immigration have conflated these three distinct periods, which would erroneously cite parts that do not fit into a preconceived singular history as exceptional conditions or reasons.

Sakata claims that researchers before him did not, or could not, argue that the majority of Japanese laborers were inevitably denied landing from the 1890s, as they were unable to unearth the documents that supported their discourse. Thus he repeatedly addresses the need of efforts on the side of researchers to look for appropriate materials and documents in order to judge and support their argument. Even for scholars with a command of the Japanese language, it is often difficult to fully understand official documents written in classical Japanese, and this might bring about selecting and using the wrong documents. In order to grasp how Japanese intellectual leaders, government officials, and dekasegi laborers understood emigration to the United States, what dekasegi laborers aspired to do, and how they attempted to deal with immigration issues in the United States, researchers dealing with immigration phenomena should be well acquainted with the original documents, he says.

He goes as far as giving an example of how a US immigration supervisor played a nonnegligible role in shifting the exclusionists’ target from certain Japanese people (dekasegi immigrants) to the Japanese as a whole. This shift was one reason for the deterioration of the US-Japan relationship. Thus, Sakata argues that even official documents should be read critically, taking into account the situation of the time as well as the background of the person who wrote the document or report.

One more instance of Sakata’s great contribution to the field of migration studies in Japan is the establishment in 2002 of the Japanese Overseas Migration Museum under the Japan International Cooperation Agency, with the basic theme Dedicated to Those Japanese Who Have Taken Part in Molding a New Civilization in the Americas. The Japanese government felt the need for a center that helped preserve the records of Japanese migration, mainly to the Americas, and that helped people in the world, as well as in Japan, to understand its importance. The center states its mission as follows: This museum aims to accurately position in history the paths traced by overseas migrants through exhibits of materials, literature, photographs, etc., as we consider these migrants as pioneers of international cooperation who took part in the planning and formation of new cultures in new lands.

The museum offers exhibits on Japanese migration as well as a variety of resources and learning materials. The museum also supports research projects dealing with migration and migrants, by funding them and organizing workshops and lectures for the general public to participate in learning opportunities. From the time of conception for the idea of establishing a museum that was related to, or concentrated on, Japanese who left Japan for the outer world, Sakata was a major driving force in realizing the dream. When the museum was opened to the public, Sakata became chair of the museum’s academic advisory committee, from which he would oversee the direction in which the museum was to develop as well as the direction of migration studies in Japan. Both the essays included in this volume and those not included show not only Sakata’s superb scholarship but also his great efforts to nourish the next generation of scholars in the field. He has been a pioneer scholar both in the United States and in Japan, mentoring other scholars by giving them important practical advice. Now, in Japan, the field of migration studies has produced a significant amount of multilingual and diversified research results through global and international collaborations of researchers, just as Sakata wished to see in the 1980s. His contribution to the field is impressive.

CHAPTER 1

A Historical Study of Migration Research and Its Challenges

Since around the 1960s, when many in the United States began recognizing the need to reexamine foundational ideas governing human rights, researchers in the social sciences started to review the history of this immigrant nation and especially the history and experiences of immigrants and citizens of color. Consequently, thorough analyses and candid criticisms were produced regarding the prejudices and supremacist attitudes held by Americans of European ancestry, who had constituted the majority of American people.¹ That said, Americans of today [when this article was written in 1991] continue to take pride in the American dream, as symbolized by the erection of the Statue of Liberty in 1886. They still support the idealized notion that the United States offers a sanctuary to those abject persons who undergo hardship in another region and warmheartedly welcomes them to start a new life, even if these are empty promises that do not reflect reality.*

In this seemingly contradictory America, the land of immigrants, Japanese immigrants and their American descendants, the so-called Japanese Americans (Nikkei), experienced persistent legal harassment and discrimination arising from the racial prejudice of Americans of European ancestry. After the Pacific War broke out, Japanese Americans were forced to relocate to incarceration camps pursuant to President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066. This executive order neglected the protection of human rights guaranteed in the Constitution, which prohibits discriminatory practices based on ethnicity, and contradicted the ideals of the land of liberty. Consequently, Japanese Americans were forcibly removed to relocation centers, a phenomenon far from the utopia that the Statue of Liberty symbolized. Since the 1950s innovative studies have been published that are based on detailed research and the examination of documents and on new analytical concepts regarding the history of Japanese Americans and their communities.² Some ethnic studies researchers also began engaging in studies of Japanese Americans, recognizing that they have played a key role in America’s multiethnic society.³

Although recent research on Japanese migrants and Japanese Americans has been well received, one of its shortcomings is that studies using Japanese-language documents and records, such as The Issei by Yuji Ichioka and Planted in Good Soil by Masakazu Iwata, are exceptions, not the rule.⁴ One can expect that American perspectives and opinions will outweigh Japanese perspectives if the research relies solely on English-language documents and resources. From an international perspective, it is ideal to examine the immigrant and emigrant perspectives equally and objectively, even if the homeland and destination countries have completely different ethnicities, societies, cultures, living environments, and customs. For Japanese American studies, the first desirable step is to acquire a sufficient command of both English and Japanese when conducting research. Since it takes years of effort to master both languages, however, this becomes an obstacle in fostering excellent researchers. Moreover, the reproduction and compilation of Japanese documents to aid bilingual and cross-cultural researchers has just begun, and comprehensive descriptions of related documents have not yet been published. These delays have hindered the development of strong cross-cultural scholarship. For these reasons, only a few American researchers are currently interested in the issue of what types of Japanese-language resources are necessary for Japanese American studies, and how they can be used effectively.

Given this, how are Japanese American studies considered in Japan, the ancestral land of Japanese immigrants? In Japan, even before World War II, researchers, institutions, and local government agencies were studying emigration from their local communities and prefectures, producing highly regarded results.⁵ Unfortunately, research on overseas emigration and migration conducted from an international perspective is extremely limited.⁶ Japanese researchers have focused on emigrants’ former lives in Japan and have shown little interest in their lives in America. Current affairs and academic interest tend to influence the direction of migration studies in Japan, creating a bias favoring research focusing on specific Japanese regions and issues, thus making it difficult to grasp the big picture. One researcher pointed out that Japanese prewar emigration studies tended to focus on emigration to Japanese colonies rather than to North and South America or other Pacific regions.⁷

From the late 1900s till the 1920s, Japan’s general public became increasingly disturbed by the white supremacist attitude of the US government and its citizens. The rising cries of yellow peril—and Japan’s victory in the Russo-Japanese War—led to a serious discussion of a possible war between the United States and Japan. Alien land laws, which clearly targeted Japanese farmers and farmworkers on the West Coast, were enacted in California and other states. Furthermore, due to the Immigration Act of 1924 (commonly referred to as Hainichi iminhō in Japanese), Japanese immigration to America was completely banned when the US Supreme Court ruled that the Japanese were ineligible to be naturalized.⁸ Many Japanese writers paid attention to anti-Japanese incidents and the racial prejudice of white Americans. In those publications, I observed that the writers projected much anger at Americans and their government and that the victimized Japanese immigrants in the United States played a minor role in their accounts. In the 1930s, as US-Japan tensions worsened, expectations increased for the second generation of Japanese immigrants (Nisei) to bridge the gap between two countries. Many writings on Nisei issues were published, but in most cases the discussions were dominated by selfish views that did not consider the Nisei’s positions or views as American citizens.⁹ After World War II, for a while, the general public began to pay attention to the topic of Japanese Americans’ forced removal and incarceration.

The current situation of migration studies in Japan, unfortunately, may make it difficult to develop holistic research that can evaluate and counter the predominating American perspectives. This may be a harsh criticism, but I think Japanese scholars of migration, except for those in a few specific emigration areas with excellent empirical research results, have not yet been able to grasp the new trends and orientation of studies in the United States and evaluate their results fully, and thus cannot respond from a Japanese researcher’s perspective. One reason for this weakness might be that many Japanese scholars who are interested in the history of American immigration or Japanese Americans are specializing in American studies. Naturally, those scholars have a strong interest in American researchers’ methodologies, research results, new English-language research literature and resources, and new analyses in the field of American studies. Moreover, researchers in American studies who specialize in immigration or Nikkei studies have fundamentally different views on methodologies, objectives, approaches, and analyses from those of researchers who conduct emigrant studies in Japan. Though this situation is nothing unusual, it appears that neither party has recognized the differences, demonstrated their problems to one another, or seriously exchanged their views. It is safe to say that we have not yet seen full-scale joint research projects in these fields.

There are other obstacles to a holistic study. One is the tendency in Japan to look down on Japanese emigrants as losers and, as a result, the general perception of academics that migration studies are an insignificant field of study.¹⁰ Except for a small group of researchers in the field of migration or overseas emigration, there simply is not much enthusiasm for developing migration studies. Similarly, few people value—and advocate for the need to collect, organize, and reprint—immigration-related documents left in the town halls in emigrants’ prefectures, such as directories, personal correspondence, local newspaper and magazine articles, letters from America such as Amerika dayori, and consular reports held at diplomatic archives, among others. Although people in the Hiroshima, Yamaguchi, and Okinawa prefectures, known for high rates of emigration, make efforts to collect these materials, they are slow to classify and organize them and have not made them publicly available to researchers. Furthermore, there is no serious attempt to house these documentary records as compilations of resources in public libraries to aid migration studies. A small number of public libraries, such as the National Diet Library and the emigration collection (imin shiryōshū) of the Wakayama Civic Library, make emigration collections available to the public. However, the majority of repositories have not even seriously discussed implementing plans to do so.¹¹

It requires tremendous effort and persistence to conduct migration studies in Japan today. For example, as far as I know, hardly any handy Japanese-language documents or catalogs of articles with commentaries are available for researchers.¹² When researchers search the index of documents, theses, and articles, documents labeled emigration or overseas migration are classified under population. If researchers want to conduct more refined searches, such as Japanese who are ineligible to be naturalized, Japanese Americans’ structural assimilation, education issues for Nisei and Sansei, and Japanese Americans as an ethnic group, they need patience and time to guess the most relevant subjects to search for, extract all the descriptions in the classified items, and collect the scattered theses. Therefore, one is required to spend a long time preparing before the actual research begins. Many important documents might be missed even after such careful pre-research preparation.

It is strongly desirable to prepare an environment in Japan that will allow scholars to develop more productive research in migration and emigration studies and gain higher respect for their research. I would like to stress that one of the important first steps is to create indexes of documentary records with commentaries and to compile and reprint materials.

Two Areas within Migration Studies: An Evaluation of Nikkei Research Resource Collections in America

With a growing demand for Japanese American studies, American researchers in the 1960s enthusiastically began cultivating new research in their respective fields. As they began reexamining documentary records and materials, scholars realized that they would need to explore materials that had not been identified by researchers and began seriously discussing potential methodologies and approaches to unearth them. At that time, however, most of the documents useful to Japanese migration or Japanese American studies stored at universities and public libraries were too focused on specific topics, while the cutting-edge and breakthrough documents that researchers were seeking were almost impossible to find. Japanese-language documents, in particular, were not available at most public libraries, with the exception of large libraries with abundant collections of Japanese studies–related documents such as the Library of Congress or Bancroft Library at the University of California–Berkeley.

Against this backdrop, the University of California–Los Angeles (UCLA) began the Japanese American Research Project (JARP) in 1963. Its ambitious purpose was to conduct a nationwide historical study, conduct sociological surveys of Japanese Americans in the United States (three generations: the Issei, Nisei, and Sansei) through interviews, and collect all available related documents essential to Japanese American studies in both Japanese and English, including newspaper and magazine articles, records of churches and other organizations, personal correspondence, and diaries.¹³ Simultaneously, projects to collect materials for Japanese American studies were in progress regionally by the University of Hawai‘i and the University of Washington.¹⁴ After UCLA completed cataloging its collections, they became available for research in the 1970s, significantly improving the quality and standards of Japanese American studies in the United States.

The current JARP collection at the UCLA library, which Yuji Ichioka expanded to include collections of diaries and personal correspondence (including the Abiko family, Karl Yoneda, and Edison Uno papers), was considered one of the largest and most valuable collections of its kind in the United States. It has dramatically expanded to be more comprehensive and richer since its foundation.¹⁵ Researchers on immigration and Japanese American studies from both Japan and the United States immediately began showing interest in the JARP collection, but after they organized, categorized, analyzed, and evaluated the documents carefully, in particular the Japanese materials, it became clear that they faced unexpected and potentially serious problems. I will present main summaries of these issues below.

First, it is well known that the Great Fire caused by the 1906 San Francisco earthquake burned down and destroyed San Francisco’s Japantown. Perhaps even more devastating to Japanese American researchers was that the fire also destroyed most of the valuable documents, such as newspaper articles, records, letters, and diaries owned by Japanese residents. Although researchers who categorized the JARP collection at UCLA noticed the paucity of records related to Japanese residents in California from the 1890s, they did not fully recognize how serious the circumstances could be. Research of the JARP collection concluded that the destruction of Japantown in 1906 created a gap in history for Japanese residents in the continental United States that was difficult to restore.

As I will explain in detail later, the destroyed documents were valuable records not only of Japanese residents directly affected in the San Francisco Bay Area, including Alameda and Oakland, but also of Japanese farmworkers based in San Francisco and working in Northern and Central California. Thus, the destruction of those documents in Japantown meant that the records of daily life, working conditions, and the joys and sorrows of Japanese residents that may have been recorded in diaries were permanently erased from history. Although it may sound like an exaggeration, the 1906 Great Fire in San Francisco deprived us of at least one chapter of Japanese American history. I will discuss the details later in this paper.

The destruction of records in 1906 caused another unexpected problem. As the Japanese population on the West Coast grew and formed communities of Japanese migrants after the 1900s, they began work on what is known as Zaibei Nihonjin shi (History of Japanese in America). When this kind of project was conducted in California, the history of early Japanese migrants was divided into two categories; dekasegi shosei (schoolboys), who settled in the Bay Area around 1885 and increased in number yearly, and dekasegi rōdōsha (migrant laborers), who arrived on the West Coast, especially California, after 1890. The history of early Japanese migrants plays an important chapter in Zaibei Nihonjin shi, and it is fine to fill the gap of the lost textual records by interviewing survivors and recording their memories. There is nothing wrong about compiling a history in this way.

Historians can write a unique history and enhance the credibility of the underlying sources if they carefully select the interviewees. The problem stems from editing and, in some cases, revising the original narrations and from the random selection and growing number of interviewees over time. Over the process of compiling multiple histories of Japanese in the United States and other similar publications, this type of oral history was prone to change with each iteration. In some cases, the narration of an old man was edited multiple times and became exaggerated or even developed into a tale far from the original narration.

Worse yet, the survey interviews were not limited to the early gap in history. Issei writers (those in the first generation of Japanese Americans), who edited several regional Japanese histories and other related publications, valued the retrospective stories of their fellow Issei, with whom they shared hardship. As a result, many of their memories were included in the history of Japanese in America without close investigation. In 1940, a year before the Pacific War broke out, the Jiseki Hozonkai (Preservation Committee of Footsteps) established by the Zaibei Nihonjinkai (Japanese Association of America) compiled these locally published Japanese histories and other anniversary publications into its Zaibei Nihonjin shi (History of Japanese in America).¹⁶ Although this Zaibei Nihonjin shi, which offers rich content, has been regarded as one of the most valuable resources for researchers of Japanese American studies, its mosaic inclusion of both historical facts and tales is similar to that of the many other regional publications of Japanese history. Since Zaibei Nihonjin shi covers Japanese residents, namely Japanese immigrants, across the entire continental United States, its [negative] influence would be deeper and more widespread if it was misused or the trustworthiness of its resources was carelessly investigated. Needless to say, I have no intention of criticizing the editors of Zaibei Nihonjin shi or downplaying its value as reference material. Nonetheless, I should emphasize that researchers need to predict where pitfalls might lie.

Second, tragedy appears to repeat itself. Thirty-six years after the 1906 San