Transpacific Convergences: Race, Migration, and Japanese American Film Culture before World War II

Transpacific Convergences

STUDIES IN UNITED STATES CULTURE

Grace Elizabeth Hale, series editor

Series Editorial Board

Sara Blair, University of Michigan

Janet Davis, University of Texas at Austin

Matthew Guterl, Brown University

Franny Nudelman, Carleton University

Leigh Raiford, University of California, Berkeley

Bryant Simon, Temple University

Studies in United States Culture publishes provocative books that explore U.S. culture in its many forms and spheres of influence. Bringing together big ideas, brisk prose, bold storytelling, and sophisticated analysis, books published in the series serve as an intellectual meeting ground where scholars from different disciplinary and methodological perspectives can build common lines of inquiry around matters such as race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, power, and empire in an American context.

Transpacific Convergences

Race, Migration, and Japanese American Film Culture before World War II

Denise Khor

The University of North Carolina Press CHAPEL HILL

© 2022 The University of North Carolina Press

All rights reserved

Set in Merope Basic by Westchester Publishing Services

Manufactured in the United States of America

The University of North Carolina Press has been a member of the Green Press Initiative since 2003.

Complete Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021054804.

ISBN 978-1-4696-6796-6 (cloth: alk. paper)

ISBN 978-1-4696-6797-3 (pbk.: alk. paper)

ISBN 978-1-4696-6798-0 (ebook)

Cover illustration: International Theatre in Los Angeles, 1907. Courtesy of Seaver Center for Western History Research, Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History.

Chapter 4 was previously published in a different form as ‘Filipinos Are the Dandies of the Foreign Colonies’: Race, Labor Struggles, and the Transpacific Routes of Hollywood and Philippine Films, 1924–1948, Pacific Historical Review 81, no. 3 (2012): 371–403.

For my family

Contents

Author’s Note

Introduction

CHAPTER ONE

Owned, Controlled, and Operated by Japanese

Racial Uplift and Japanese American Film Production, 1912–1920

CHAPTER TWO

Moving Screens

Theatrical and Nontheatrical Film Exhibition by Japanese in the United States

CHAPTER THREE

Audible Divides

Japanese Americans and Cinema’s Sound Transition

CHAPTER FOUR

Filipinos Always Welcome

Japanese-Owned Theaters and Working-Class Migrant Culture

Epilogue

Coda

Acknowledgments

Appendix I. Japanese American–Produced Films before World War II

Appendix II. Benshi in the Continental United States before World War II

Notes

Bibliography

Index

Illustrations and Maps

ILLUSTRATIONS

Photograph of Los Angeles’s Fuji Kan in 1939 2

Japanese American protest of The Cheat 28

Advertisement for The Birth of a Nation 29

Photograph of Yamato Graph Motion Picture founder Toyoji Abe, ca. 1909 37

Article featuring producers and cast of The Oath of the Sword 39

Advertisement for The Oath of the Sword 40

Film stills from The Oath of the Sword 42

Film still from The Oath of the Sword 43

Trade press image from The Oath of the Sword 47

Photograph of Bankoku-za in Los Angeles 59

Photograph of Bungoro Tani 60

Advertisement for Iwata Opera House 61

Photograph of Nichibei Kogyo Kaisha 69

Advertisement for Nichibei Kogyo Kaisha featuring benshi 73

Invoice from Nichibei Kogyo Kaisha 74

Show schedule for Takeshi Ban 79

Takeshi Ban’s Japanese Racial Culture lecture 81

Letter from Takeshi Ban to W. E. B. Du Bois, June 30, 1937 82

Advertisement for Asian American actor in the sound era 88

Photograph of Suisei Matsui in Hollywood 90

Publicity spread for Japanese version of Paramount on Parade (1930) 91

Publicity photograph for Eddie Holden (a.k.a. Frank Watanabe) 97

Advertisement for Captain Nakamura 114

Advertisement for Gonnin no sekkohei 115

Advertisement for Filipinos Always Welcome 121

Advertisement for Hayashino’s neighborhood theaters 122

Advertisement of Filipino Show Parade 125

Advertisement of films from Mexico at the Imperial Theatre 125

Advertisement for The Rose of Manila 127

Advertisement promoting Tagalog talkies 129

Advertisement for midnight exhibition of Filipino films 132

Advertisement for Zamboanga 134

Ink portrait of Shigeaki Hayashino 136

Photograph of Nichibei Kinema banner 141

MAPS

Little Tokyo and film industry in Los Angeles, California 7

Film businesses in Little Tokyo, Los Angeles 8

Author’s Note

A substantial part of this book is derived from research conducted in historical archives of Japanese American materials. In direct quotes and as appropriate, this book preserves the conventions in the source materials. Modified Hepburn romanization without macrons is otherwise applied in the book. While the book discusses many individuals who were born in Japan and led transnational lives in the United States, it generally follows the name order convention observed in the English-language archive: given name before surname. Certain Japanese proper nouns do not have uniform English translations in the historical documents. I have adopted the English that appears most commonly in the archive or else the translation closest to the Japanese where the Japanese naming is consistent. While every effort has been made to match Japanese film titles mentioned in the English-language historical documents to titles of known films in Japanese-language databases, some titles have eluded confirmation due to variations that make the films difficult to identify or else because data about the films were not found.

Introduction

A photograph of the Fuji Kan in Los Angeles displays film posters and advertising banners hanging under a whimsical facade of Japan’s iconic Mount Fuji. It is a brightly lit marquee, and the building itself appears nestled between storefronts, restaurants, and a bustling boulevard. Fuji Kan was first built in 1925 at 324 East First Street, in the heart of Los Angeles’s Little Tokyo. It was among at least four theaters operated by Japanese in Los Angeles before World War II. At the Fuji Kan, the latest films from Japan were projected on-screen. Often these films were accompanied by musical instrumentation and a benshi, who provided live narration or commentary. It was the benshi with whom audiences identified and whom they longed for, their names publicized in local papers as prominently as the film titles and stars. Fuji Kan employed a cadre of benshi, each of whom brought his or her own style and performance to a given film show. Such dynamics made the filmic experience contingent, variable, and differentiated. While it was true that audiences in Los Angeles could now view the same films as audiences in Tokyo, the live performative elements at the Fuji Kan presented a view of cinema at once localized and irreproducible.

Operating at a pivotal time for Japanese in the United States, the Fuji Kan was more than a venue for commercial entertainment. When they moved across the cities and towns on the Pacific coast, many Japanese confronted a color line stretching from housing restrictions to the spaces of public accommodation. Against these exclusions, the Fuji Kan was something of a refuge, an untethered space that catered to its audiences. Throughout the decades, Japanese-owned theaters in the United States served a multiplicity of usages. Beyond offering film shows, they served as places of gathering, assembly, and collectivization. In conjunction with film screenings, they often held performances, lectures, sermons, rallies, community gatherings, or fund-raisers. Often located in urban centers, these spaces were even reconfigured at crucial moments to serve the barer necessities of housing and sustenance.

Even the screen at the Fuji Kan projected a plenitude of media across varying format, content, and genre. American feature films were the standard fare in the earliest days. When films from Japan began to be exhibited more regularly in the mid-1920s, they were most often coupled with short features ranging from travelogues, educational or industrial shorts, and, as the Sino-Japanese War escalated, propaganda films. Additionally, the Fuji Kan on several occasions exhibited local films, depicting views of the neighborhood and commercial streets as well as community activities, such as swimming competitions and judo matches. Showing local views and recognizable places, these films appealed to audiences’ desires for self-recognition or seeing oneself on the screen.¹ For Japanese excluded from political participation in the United States (as determined by law until 1952), local films presented the audience with an alternative form of public affirmation and recognition.

Photograph of Los Angeles’s Fuji Kan in 1939. Courtesy of Los Angeles Public Library.

Providing a central gathering place for many Japanese, the Fuji Kan drew together an ever-widening public. Junko Ogihara was among the first to write about the theater and the film culture of Japanese in Los Angeles in the article The Exhibition of Films for Japanese Americans in Los Angeles during the Silent Film Era (1990). The early days of the theater were influenced by the city’s fluctuating population. "

‘[Japanese]

families rolled in from the outlying farms in their Model T’s’ to dine and shop in Little Tokyo," according to one account,

"[and]

ended the night at the Fuji-kan, the local movie house showing Japanese silent films, complete with a silver-tongued benshi with shamisen accompaniment."² Like the city itself, the Fuji Kan was tied to migration and the growing cycles of agricultural fields, its audiences expanding and contracting with the centripetal movements characteristic of the developing Pacific coast of the early twentieth century. Fuji Kan served its multiplicitous audience for decades until its closure during World War II. It would reemerge after the war as the Linda Lea Theatre in 1945 and Kinema Theatre in 1955.

From its earliest years, the Fuji Kan offers us a glimpse of the radical heterogeneity within American film historiography. It tells the story of film circulation moving multidirectionally across the Pacific, of ephemeral exhibition practices during and beyond the silent era, and of alternative film publics and contexts taking shape in the United States throughout the early twentieth century and beyond. Transpacific Convergences explores this multifaceted history by tracing an alternative public sphere of film practice and possibility for Japanese in the United States before World War II. Drawing on original archival research, Transpacific Convergences moves beyond dominant film industries and nationalizing contexts to reenvision the transnational and global dimensions within the historiographies of U.S. film and media. Even in the first decades of the American film industry’s development, films were being made by Japanese in the United States. Their early film production efforts, as well as their independently established production studios, were not entirely without precedent but shared varying traits with the emergent race film industry. Japanese films were also coming to the United States and circulated by U.S.-based benshi and across nontheatrical exhibition sites. Tracing these developments across the shifting technologies of the cinema, I go on to look at the impact of the sound transition as it reshaped Japanese participation in the film industry as well as the context of independent film production and exhibition. From across the Pacific and beyond, the routes of Japanese film culture moved ever expansively as Japanese theater owners also catered to Filipino audiences and their desires to view Filipino films. Taken together, Transpacific Convergences illuminates a plurality of filmmaking and filmgoing practices in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century.

I use the term transpacific convergence not to name or describe a particularized region or even a movement; rather, it is a heuristic for rethinking the terms of film historicism and historiography. As Jennifer M. Bean in Silent Cinema and the Politics of Space (2014) notes, it is the historicist logic of European and North American modernity that shapes early cinema’s discourse of itself. This conceptual legacy not only "artificially bifurcates

[the study of cinema]

into Western and non-Western spheres, but also obfuscates a view of the rest of the world as anything other than a space to be conquered or developed. This lingering historicism has shaped the field’s assumptions about cinema’s technological and industrial modernity and has situated the major film industries of France, Germany, Russia, and especially the United States as the center, presuming all else as periphery. Looking to the formative moments in the New Film History, Bean notes, however paradoxically, a particularly powerful means of forestalling critical interrogation emerged as a somewhat oblique and unintended consequence of revisionist approaches to early film history. The study of early cinema’s orientation toward Euro-American modernity has obfuscated and provincialized the multifarious responses to early cinema’s arrival" across the globe.³ In (dis)orienting this historicist logic, Transpacific Convergences illuminates uneven and disjunctive features of cinema’s relationship to modernity. Beyond widening the historiography, the book follows the routes of film circulation and exchange to trace a counterpublic for national film industries and dominant film cultures.

Transpacific Convergences tells a story of emergence, a cinema by Japanese in the United States during a transformative period. Between the years 1908 and 1917, U.S. film systems of representation, production, and distribution began consolidating into what David Bordwell and Kristin Thompson famously outlined as the classical Hollywood system. Scholarship demarcates these pivotal early years by the changes to film style (particularly the development of continuity editing and narrative storytelling), the shift from single-reel to multiple-reel formats, and the demise of the smaller storefront theaters reliant on changing programs and short films. These were also the years that American film studios began consolidating in southern California and gave rise to the industry we now know as Hollywood. In American Cinema’s Transitional Era: Audiences, Institutions, Practices (2004), Charlie Keil and Shelley Stamp argue that the so-called transitional period did not merely pave the way for rationalization and a major studio system of mass production; rather, the era and the industry were marked by considerable instability and volatility. The sheer diversity of representational, institutional and exhibition practices that coexist at this moment of transition, according to Keil and Stamp, point as much to the eventual shape that Hollywood filmmaking would assume in the classical era as to other possibilities and other models lost in the wake of consolidation and standardization that marked the studio era.⁴ Transpacific Convergences charts the emergence of a cinema within and beyond this formative period. Moving across several major eras in film history, from the earlier nickelodeon period (1905 to the early 1910s) to the introduction of synchronized sound (1927 to 1930) and until the end of World War II and the changes to the studio system, it locates a cinema emerging over and against the rise of the dominating studio system and the assimilative power of its consolidation.

At the same time, Transpacific Convergences also tells an ensuing story of foreclosure. The early film production efforts by Japanese in the United States were short-lived; their films had inadequate channels for circulation and distribution. Companies were often stymied by lack of adequate capital and limited access to technology. These challenges were exacerbated as the sound transition transformed the institution of the cinema. Alongside the devastating effects of World War II and the mass removal of Japanese Americans to concentration camps, the fullest possibilities of this earlier era were not to materialize. Within this view, Transpacific Convergences traces a cinema that would ultimately not come to be. Calling for a film history as media archaeology approach, Thomas Elsaesser looks to contemporary digital media as a mode to rethink film historicism and the idea of historical change itself and what we mean by inclusion and exclusion, horizons and boundaries, emergence and transformation.⁵ This approach means examining the change and continuity of media images, cultures, and practices beyond a teleological conception of film history. Transpacific Convergences charts these divergent and disjunctive trajectories to unsettle a successive and linear conception of film history. It traces a cinema no longer present and illuminates a past made available only across its relics, fragments, and archival traces. In so doing, Transpacific Convergences calls for a reimagining of the U.S. media past, not only of what that history is but also how and by what means it is told.

Reenvisioning Asian American Media Pasts

The years 2019 and 2020 mark a pivotal moment for Asian American film and media as such founding media arts organizations as Visual Communications (VC), Asian CineVision (ACV), and Center for Asian American Media (formerly known as the National Asian American Telecommunications Association

[NAATA])

celebrated key anniversaries alongside the fifty years since Asian American studies centers and departments were established at U.S. universities. To recognize and reflect upon this legacy and its implications for the future, a cluster of projects and productions were organized. The Japanese American National Museum held an exhibition At First Light: The Dawning of Asian Pacific America, featuring an opening plenary with core Visual Communications founders Robert Nakamura, Duane Kubo, Alan Ohashi, and Eddie Wong.⁶ The long-awaited documentary series Asian Americans was also released for public television. Chronicling the history of Asian Americans (including its filmmaking), the five-part docuseries was produced by the documentary filmmaker Renee Tajima-Peña, who herself was a founding member of NAATA.⁷ Other key events included the screening series My Sight Is Lined with Visions: 1990s Asian American Film and Video, featuring the work and contributions of experimental filmmakers.⁸ Importantly adjoining these wide-ranging projects was Film Quarterly’s two-part symposium and special dossier Asian American Film at Fifty. Featuring contributing articles, the issue was guest edited by Brian Hu and B. Ruby Rich. In their introduction, Hu and Rich called attention to the important founding moments and institutions of Asian American cinema, from its genesis in the panethnic political organizing of the Asian American movement to the radical struggles for decolonization and ending the American war in Vietnam. Yet even as these events reflected on and celebrated these founding and originating histories, they also encouraged new lines of inquiry and new objects of study to emerge. For instance, Hu and Rich look to UCLA’s Visual Communication’s initial impetus to produce and circulate visual education materials to highlight the importance of the original multimedia and nontheatrical contexts in Asian American film and media history.⁹ Other contributing scholars like Josslyn Luckett revisit the student productions from Ethno-Communications to elucidate the largely unrecognized filmmaking efforts of Asian American women as well as their interconnections with the LA Rebellion (African American independent filmmaking at UCLA in the 1970s).¹⁰ These new and developing efforts represent a multitude of ways to begin rethinking Asian American media pasts.

By looking to the first half of the twentieth century, Transpacific Convergences aims to reorient Asian American film and media history in several important ways. First, I reveal an earlier, longer, and more expansive history of Asian American independent filmmaking. Well before 1968, Japanese in the United States produced their own films and established what I would describe as an aspirational cinema based in the politics of racial uplift and respectability. Filmmakers also made a range of films during the period when the advent of synchronized sound transformed the institution of the cinema. In refocusing the lens on this earlier filmic era, the very terms Asian American and independent require considerable redefinition. Established long before the usage of this term, the cinema of the early period was neither self-consciously Asian American nor similarly politicized by the radical and revolutionary movements that gave rise to post-1968 filmmaking.¹¹ While these filmmaking endeavors were independent from the dominant film industry in both the United States and Japan, their relationship to major film institutions was not necessarily, or self-avowedly, oppositional. In reorienting the earlier era, I suggest these earlier filmmaking productions and practices may be understood within geographies of proximity and circulation.

The location of Little Tokyo was far closer to the early film colony Edendale (present day Echo Park) than the Hollywood studios. Source: Auto Road Map of Los Angeles and Vicinity (Rand McNally, 1926). Cartography by Erik Steiner.

The earliest film companies established by Japanese were all located in and around the city of Los Angeles. These developments were shaped by the formation of Los Angeles’s Little Tokyo and its geographical relationship to the emerging film industry. Los Angeles had become a particularly vibrant hub for the 130,000 Japanese who arrived in the continental United States and Hawaii by the time the first West Coast film studio was established in Edendale in 1908. The early film colony was in the northwest region of the historic downtown, only a few miles from the burgeoning Japanese district in the East First Street area. This neighborhood grew as many Japanese arrived in Los Angeles from San Francisco. In addition to the great 1906 earthquake, Northern California had become considerably less amenable with the segregation of Japanese students by the San Francisco School Board, an incident that catalyzed the 1908 Gentlemen’s Agreement, and the stronger presence of white trade unions and anti-Japanese nativism. The population of Japanese in Los Angeles was doubled in 1907 and became the largest in the continental United States by the end of World War I. Consequently, Los Angeles’s Little Tokyo emerged as a thriving commercial and residential hub and as a major artery of transit.