The History of the Middle Ages (476-1453)

Victor Duruy

The History of the Middle Ages (476-1453)

EAN 8596547386193

DigiCat, 2022

Contact: [email protected]

Table of Contents

AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

BOOK I. THE GERMANIC INVASION.

CHAPTER I. THE ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS AT THE END OF THE FOURTH CENTURY.

CHAPTER II. FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION (375-476). ALARIC, RADA GAISUS, GAISERIC, AND ATTILA.

CHAPTER III. SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION : THE FRANKS, THE OS-„ TROGOTHS, THE LOMBARDS AND THE ANGLO-SAXONS (455-569).

CHAPTER IV. THE GREEK EMPIRE FROM 408 to 705 ; TEMPORARY REACTION OF THE EMPERORS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AGAINST THE GERMANIC INVADERS.

CHAPTER V. THE RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION BY THE FRANKS. GREATNESS OF THE MEROVINGIANS. THEIR DECADENCE (561-687).

BOOK II. THE ARAB INVASION (622-1058).

CHAPTER VI. MOHAMMED AND THE EMPIRE OF THE ARABS (622-732).

CHAPTER VII. DISMEMBERMENT, DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE (755-1058).

BOOK III. THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE, OR THE ATTEMPT TO ORGANIZE GERMAN AND CHRISTIAN EUROPE (687-814).

CHAPTER VIII. DISMEMBERMENT, DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE (755-1058).

CHAPTER IX. CHARLEMAGNE ; UNITY OF THE GERMANIC WORLD— THE CHURCH IN THE STATE (768-814).

BOOK IV. FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE.— NEW BARBARIAN INVASIONS (814-887).

CHAPTER X. LOUIS THE PIOUS AND THE TREATY OF VERDUN (814-843).

CHAPTER XI. FINAL DESTRUCTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (845-887).

CHAPTER XII. THE THIRD INVASION, IN THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES.

BOOK V. FEUDALISM, OR THE HISTORY OF THE KINGDOMS FORMED FROM THE CARO-LINGIAN EMPIRE, DURING THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTURIES.

CHAPTER XIII. FRANCE AND ENGLAND (888-1108) ; DECLINE OF THE ROYAL POWER IN FRANCE. INCREASE OF THE NATIONAL POWER.—NORMAN CONQUEST OF ENGLAND (1066).

CHAPTER XIV. GERMANY AND ITALY (888-1039)—REVIVAL OF THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE BY THE GERMAN KINGS.

CHAPTER XV. FEUDALISM.

CHAPTER XVI. CIVILIZATION IN THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES.

BOOK VI. THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE EMPIRE (1059-1250).

CHAPTER XVII. THE QUARREL OVER INVESTITURES (1059-1122).

CHAPTER XVIII. STRUGGLE BETWEEN ITALY AND GERMANY (1152-1250).

BOOK VII. THE CRUSADES (1095-1270).

CHAPTER XIX. THE FIRST CRUSADE TO JERUSALEM (1095-1099).

CHAPTER XX. THE LAST CRUSADES IN THE EAST ; THEIR RESULTS. (1147-1270.)

CHAPTER XXI. THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST.

CHAPTER XXII. PROGRESS OF THE CITIES.

CHAPTER XXIII. CIVILIZATION OF THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES.

BOOK VIII. RIVALRY BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. (1066-1453.)

CHAPTER XXIV. FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE ; THE ‘ENGLISH KINGS LOSE HALF OF THEIR FRENCH POSSESSIONS (1066-1217.)

CHAPTER XXV. PROGRESS OF THE ROYAL POWER IN FRANCE FROM PHILIP AUGUSTUS TO PHILIP OF VALOIS.

CHAPTER XXVI. PROGRESS OF ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS FROM THE GRANTING OF THE MAGNA CHARTA UNTIL THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR (1217-1328).

CHAPTER XXVII. THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR.

CHAPTER XXVIII. INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND DURING THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR.

BOOK IX. ITALY, GERMANY AND THE OTHER EUROPEAN STATES TO THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

CHAPTER XXIX. ITALY, FROM 1250 to 1453.

CHAPTER XXX. GERMANY FROM 1250 to 1453.

CHAPTER XXXI . THE SPANISH, SCANDINAVIAN, AND SLAVIC STATES.

BOOK X. CIVILIZATION IN THE LAST CENTURIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES.

CHAPTER XXXII. THE CHURCH FROM 1270 to 1453.

THE NATIONAL LITERATURES.—THE INVENTIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.

AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

Table of Contents

The term Middle Ages is applied to the time which elapsed between the fall of the Roman Empire and the formation of the great modern monarchies, between the first permanent invasion of the Germans, at the beginning of the fifth century of our era and the last invasion, made by the Turks, ten centuries later, in 1453.

During this interval between ancient and modern times the pursuit of learning and of the arts was almost entirely suspended. Instead of the republics of antiquity and the monarchies of the present day, a special political organization was developed which was called feudalism : this consisted in the rule of the lords. Though every country had its king, it was the military leader who was the real ruler. The central power was unable to assert itself and the local powers were without supervision or direction. Hence this epoch was different in every respect from those which preceded and followed it, and it is on account of this difference in character that we give it a special name and place in universal history.

The history of the Middle Ages is generally disliked by those who are obliged to study it, and sometimes even by those who teach it. It seems to them like a great Gothic cathedral, where the eye loses itself in the infinite details of an art which is without either unity or system, or like an immense and confused book which the reader spells out laboriously but never understands. If, however, we are content to confine this history to the significant facts which alone are worth remembering, and to pass over the insignificant men and events, giving prominence and attention to the great men and great events, we shall find this period to be as simple as it is generally considered confusing.

In the first place, we must define its limits. The true history of the Middle Ages does not extend beyond the ancient Roman Empire and the provinces added to it by Charlemagne when he brought the whole of Germany under one common civilization. Outside of these limits all was still barbarism, of which little or nothing can be known, and whose darkness is only occasionally relieved by a gleam from the sword of a savage conqueror, a Tchingis-Khan, or a Timour. The events which interest us and which exerted an active influence on the development of the modern nations took place within these limits. And even among these events we need only remember those which characterize the genera] life of Europe, not the individual, isolated life of the thousand petty States of which the historian as well as the poet can say :

Non ragioniam di lor ; ma guarda, e passa. ¹

The Middle Ages were built on the ancient foundation of pagan and Christian Rome. Hence our first task is to study the Roman world and examine the mortal wounds it had suffered ; to pass in review this empire, with so many laws but no institutions, with so many subjects but no citizens, and with an administration which was so elaborate that it became a crushing burden ; and, finally, to conjure up before us this colossus of sand, which crumbled at the touch of paltry foes, because, though it contained a religious life, eager for heavenly things, it was inspired by no strong political life such as is necessary for the mastery of the earth.

Beyond the Empire lay the barbarians, and in two currents of invasion they rushed upon this rich and unresisting prey. The Germans seized the provinces of the north ; the Arabs those of the south. Between these mighty streams, which flowed from the east and the west, Constantinople, the decrepit daughter of ancient Rome, alone remained standing, and for ten centuries, like a rocky island, defied the fury of the waves.

With one bound the Arabs reached the Pyrenees, with a second the Himalayas, and the crescent ruled supreme over two thousand leagues of country, a territory of great length, but narrow, impossible to defend, and offering many points of attack. The Caliphs had to contend against a mighty force in the geographical position of their conquests, a force which is often fatal to new-born States, and which in this case destroyed their Empire and at the same time brought ruin to their equally brilliant and fragile civilization.

Many chiefs among the Germans also called into being States which were only ephemeral, because they arose in the midst of this Roman world, which was too weak to defend itself but strong enough to communicate to all with whom it came in contact the poison which was working in its own veins. To this fact we may attribute the fall of the kingdoms of Gaiseric, Theodoric, and Aistulf; ‘ of the Vandals, the Heruli, and the eastern and western Goths.

One people alone fell heir to the many invaders who entered the Empire by means of the Rhine and the Danube, namely, the Franks. Like a great oak, whose roots grow deep down in the soil which bears and nourishes it, they kept in constant communication with Germany and drew thence a barbarian vigor which continually renewed their exhausted powers.

Though threatened with an early decline under the last Merovingians, they revived again with the chiefs of the second dynasty, and Charlemagne tried to bring order into chaos and throw light into darkness by organizing his dominions around the throne of the Emperors of the west, and by binding to it Germanic and Christian society. This was a magnificent project and one which has made his name worthy to be placed by the side of the few before which the world bows. But his design, which was incapable of accomplishment, not only because geography was against it, as it was against the permanence of the Arabian Empire, but because all the moral forces of the times, both the instincts and the interests of the people, were opposed to its success. Charlemagne created modern Germany, which was a great thing in itself, but the day when he went to Rome to join the crown of the Emperors to that of the Lombard kings, was a fatal day for Italy. From that time this beautiful country had a foreign master, who lived far away and only visited her accompanied by hordes of greedy and barbarous soldiers, who brought ruin in their train. How much blood was shed during centuries in the attempt to maintain the impossible and ill-conceived plan of Charlemagne. How many of the cities and splendid monuments of the country were reduced to ruins, not to mention the saddest thing of all, the ruin of the people themselves and of Italian patriotism.

After the ninth century the Carolingian Empire tottered and fell through the incompetency of its chiefs, the hatred of the people, and the blows of a new invasion led by the Norsemen, the Hungarians, and the Saracens. It separated into kingdoms, and these kingdoms into seignories. The great political institutions crumbled into dust. The State was reduced to the proportions of a fief. The horizon of the mind was equally limited ; darkness had fallen upon the world ; it was the night of feudalism.

A few great names, however, still survived : France, Germany and Italy; and great titles were still worn by those who were called the kings of these countries. These men were kings in name but not in truth, and were merely the symbols of a territorial unity which existed no longer, and not real, active, and powerful rulers of nations. Even the ancient Roman and Germanic custom of election had been resumed.

Of these three royal powers, one, that of Italy, soon disappeared ; the second, that of France, fell very low ; while the third, that of Germany, flourished vigorously for two centuries after Otto I. had revived the Empire of Charlemagne, though on a small scale. Just as the sons of Pippin had reigned over fewer peoples than Constantine and Theodosius, the Henrys, Fredericks, and Ottos reigned over a smaller territory than Charlemagne and with a less absolute power.

By the side of and below the kingdoms born of invasion there arose a power of quite a different character, and one which did not confine itself to any limits, whether of country or of law. The Church, emerging wounded but triumphant from the catacombs and the Roman amphitheatres, had gone out to meet the barbarians, and at her word the Sicambrian meekly bowed his head. She only sought a spiritual kingdom ; she also gained an earthly one. Power came to her unsought, as it comes to every just and righteous cause which aids the advance of humanity toward a better future. After establishing the unity of her dogma and of her heirarchy, her chiefs attained the highest eminence in the Catholic world, whence they watched, directed, and restrained the spiritual movements inspired by them.

The Church strove to teach mildness to a violent and lawless society, and, opposed to the feudal hierarchy, the equality of all men ; to turbulence, discipline ; to slavery, liberty; and to force, justice. She protected the slave from his arrogant master, and defended the rights of women, children, and the family against the fickle husbands who did not draw back even from divorce and polygamy. The only succession recognized by the States in their public offices was succession by right of inheritance ; the Church set the example of succession by right of intellectual superiority, by the election of her abbots, bishops, and even her pontiff, and serfs succeeded to the chair of St. Peter, thus attaining a dignity higher than that of kings. The barbarians had demolished the civilization of antiquity ; the Church preserved its fragments in the seclusion of her monasteries. She was not only the mother of creeds, but was also the mother of art, science, and learning. Those great scholars who taught the world to think again, those maîtres ès pierres vives, who gave Christianity its most wonderful movements, were sons of the Church.

The feudal princes and lords, when freed from feudal slavery, thought themselves above all law because they had put themselves beyond the reach of resistance ; but the Popes used the weapons of the Church against them. They excommunicated a usurper of the throne of Norway, a king who falsified the coinage in Aragon, the treacherous and foresworn John in England and in France Philip Augustus, when he repudiated his wife the day after his marriage. During the rule of force the Popes had become the sole guardians of the moral law and they recalled these princes, who transgressed against it, to their duty by releasing their people from their oath of fidelity. The pontifical power spoke in the name and place of popular right.

This great moral force, however, was not always mistress of herself. Until 726 the pontiffs had been the subjects of the Emperors of Rome, western or eastern. Charlemagne claimed and wielded the same authority over them. His successors, the German emperors, tried to follow his example. Henry III. deposed three Popes and in 1046 the council of Sutri once again recognized that the election of no sovereign pontiff could be valid without the consent of the emperor.

But after Charlemagne’s death the Church constantly grew in power. Her possession of a large part of the soil of Christian Europe gave her material force ; while the fact that all, both great and small, obediently received her command, gave her great moral force ; these two forces, moreover, were increased tenfold by the addition of a third, namely, unity of power and purpose ; at the time of the Iconoclasts and the last Carolingians, the sole aspiration of the Church had been to escape from the bonds of the State and to live a free life of her own. When she became stronger and, of necessity, more ambitious, she claimed the right, after the manner of all powerful ecclesiastical bodies, to rule the lay part of society and the civil powers.

Two powers, accordingly, stood face to face at the end of the eleventh century, the Pope of Rome and the German emperor, the spiritual and the temporal authorities, both ambitious, as they could not fail to be in the existing state of morals, institutions, and beliefs. The great question of the Middle Ages then came up for solution : Was the heir of St. Peter or the heir of Augustus to remain master of the world ? There lay the quarrel between the priesthood and the empire.

This quarrel was a drama in three acts. In the first act the Pope and the emperor disputed for the supremacy over Christian Europe ; in the Concordat of Worms (1122) they made mutual concessions and a division of powers, which has been confirmed by the opinion of modern times ; in the second act, the main question to be solved was the liberty of Italy, which the Popes protected in the interest of their own liberty; in the third act, the existence of the Holy See was in peril; the death of Frederick II. saved it.

The result of this great struggle and far-reaching ambition was the decline and almost the ruin of the two adverse powers. The papacy fell, shattered, at Avignon, and the Babylonian captivity began, while the German Empire, mortally wounded, was at the point of disappearing during the Great Interregnum, and only escaped destruction to drag out a miserable existence.

During the contest the people, recovering from their stupor, had turned to seek adventure in new directions. Religious belief, the most powerful sentiment of the Middle Ages, had led to its natural result; it had inspired the crusades and had sent millions of men on the road to Jerusalem.

Though the crusade was successful in Europe against the pagans of Prussia and the infidels of Spain, and, accompanied by terrible cruelty, against the Albigenses of France, it failed in its principal object in the East ; the Holy Sepulchre remained in the hands of infidels, and Europe seemed in vain to have poured out her blood and treasure in the conquest of a tomb which she was not able to keep. Nevertheless, she had regained her youth ; she had shaken off a mortal torpor, to begin a new existence, and the roads were now crowded with merchants, the country covered with fruitful fields, and the cities filled with evidences of her growth and power. She created an art, a literature and schools of learning, and it was France which led this movement. The Middle Ages had come to an end when the successors of Charlemagne and of Gregory VII. became powerless, when feudalism tottered to its fall and when the lower classes threw off their yoke ; new ideas and new needs arising proclaimed the advent of Modern times.

These new needs were represented by the two countries, where they were most fully met, namely, France and England. The England of to-day dates from the Magna Charta of King John, just as the royal power of Louis XIV. came directly from Philip Augustus and St. Louis. We find in these two countries three similar elements : the king, the nobles, and the people, but in different combinations. From this difference in combination resulted the difference in their histories.

In England the Conquest had made the king so strong that the nobles were obliged to unite with the commons in order to save their honor, their estates, and their heads. The nobility favored popular franchises, which they found necessary to their cause ; the people were attached to their feudal lords, who fought for them. English liberty, sprung from the aristocracy, has never been unfaithful to its origin, and we have the curious spectacle of a country in which the greatest freedom and the greatest social inequalities exist side by side.

In France, it was the king and the people who were oppressed ; they were the ones to unite in order to overthrow the power of feudalism, their common enemy : but the rewards of victory naturally fell to the share of the leader in battle. This two-fold tendency is evident from the fourteenth century. At the beginning of that century, Philip the Fair leveled the castles with the ground, called peasants to participate in his councils, and made every one, both great and small, equal in the eye of the law ; at the end of it the London parliament overthrew its king and disposed of the crown.

If these two countries had not fallen upon each other in the violent struggle which is called the Hundred Years War, the fourteenth century would have seen them fairly started in their new life. .

Germany and France have a common starting point in their histories : each arose from the ruins of the great Caro-lingian Empire, and each was originally possessed of a powerful feudal system ; consequently their subsequent careers might have been the same. In one, however, the royal power reached its apogee ; in the other it declined, grew dim, and disappeared. There was no mystery in this ; it was a simple physiological fact for which no reason can be given. The Capetian family did not die out. After the lapse of nine centuries it still continued to exist; by this mere fact of continuance alone the custom of election was not suffered to become established, as there was no occasion for its use. The dynasties on the other side of the Rhine, on the contrary, though at first abler and stronger, seemed to be cursed with barrenness. At the end of two or three generations they became extinct; eighteen royal houses can be counted in five centuries ; that is to say, that eighteen times the German people saw the throne left vacant, and were obliged to choose an occupant from a new family. Succession by election, which had been one of the customs of Germany and which the Church had retained, became a regular system. The feudal chiefs were not slow to understand what advantages the system had for them : at each election, to use an expression of the day, they plucked a feather from the imperial eagle, and Germany finally counted a thousand princes; while on the other side of her great river, the heir of Hugh Capet could say with truth, " I am the State.’’

Such were the three great modern nations, as early as the fourteenth century : Great Britain, with its spirit of public liberty and hereditary nobility ; France, with a tendency toward civil equality and an absolute monarchy ; Germany, toward independent principalities and public anarchy. To-day, the one is virtually an aristocratic republic, the other a democratic State, and the third was until lately a confederation of sovereign States ; this difference was the work of the Middle Ages.

In Spain, the Goths who had fled to the Asturias had founded there a Christian kingdom ; Charlemagne had marked out two more, by forcing a passage through the Pyrenees at two points, Navarre and Catalonia. These three States, strongly protected by the mountains at their back, had advanced together toward the south against the Moors; but modern times had already begun on the north of the Pyrenees, while the Spaniards, in the peninsula, had not finished their crusade of eight centuries. They gave as yet no sign of what was to be their subsequent career.

The other Neo-Latin people, the Italians, had not been able to find in the Middle Ages the political unity which alone constitutes the individuality of a great nation. There were three obstacles in the way of this: the configuration of the country, which did not offer a geographical center ; the thousand cities which ancient civilization had scattered over its surface, and which had not yet learned by bitter experience to surrender a part of their municipal independence to save the common liberty; finally, the papacy, which, owning no master, even in temporal affairs, laid down this principle, very just from its point of view and entirely legitimate ² in the Middle Ages, namely, that from the Alps to the Straits of Messina there should never be one sole power, because such a power would certainly desire Rome for its capital. This policy lasted for thirteen centuries. It was the papacy which, as early as the sixth century, prevented the consolidation of the Italian kingdom of the Goths ; and, in the eighth century, the formation of that of the Lombards ; which summoned Pippin against Aistulf, Charlemagne against Desiderius, Charles of Anjou against Manfred ; as well as later the Spaniards, the Swiss, and the Imperialists against the French ; the French against the Spaniards; which finally entered into compacts with all the foreign masters of the peninsula in order to assure, by a balance of influences and forces, the independence of her little domain and her authority.

Italy, having no central power, was covered with republics, most of which, after a time, developed into principalities. The life there was brilliant, but corrupt, and the civic virtues were forgotten. Anarchy dwelt in her midst, an infallible sign that the foreigner would again become her master.

In the North, utter darkness : Prussia and Russia are of yesterday. But in the East there appeared a nation, the Turks, which was formidable since it possessed what Christian Europe no longer had, the conquering spirit of religious proselytism, which had been the spirit of the crusades ; and also what Europe did not yet possess, a strong military organization.

Accordingly this handful of nomad shepherds, which had so suddenly become a people, or rather an army, accomplished without difficulty the last invasion ; Constantinople fell. But at the very moment when the last remaining fragment of the Roman Empire disappeared, the genius of ancient civilization arose, torch in hand, from the midst of the ruins. The Portugese were on the road to the Cape of Good Hope, while the artists and authors were opening the way to the Renaissance : Wycliffe and John Huss had already prepared the road for Luther and Calvin. The changes at work in the States corresponded to the change in thought and belief. Reform was demanded of the Church ; shaken by schism, she refused it; in a century she had to deal with a revolution.

The important facts to be noted are:

The decline of the Roman Empire and the successful accomplishment of two invasions ; the transient brilliancy of the Arabian civilization.

The attempted organization of a new Empire by Charlemagne, and its dissolution.

The rise and prevalence of feudalism.

The successive Crusades.

The contest between the Pope and the Emperor for the sovereignty of the world.

We have here the real Middle Ages, simple in their general outline, and reaching their highest development in the thirteenth century.

But even before this period a new phase of the Middle Ages had appeared in England and France ; which led to a new social organization of the two countries. Soon a few crave voices were heard discussing the merits of obedience, of faith, even, and pleading the cause of those who, until that time, had been of no account, the peasants and the serfs.

Humanity, that tireless traveler, advances unceasingly, over vale and hill, to-day on the heights, in the light of day, to-morrow in the valley, in darkness and danger, but always advancing, and attaining by slow degrees and weary efforts some broad plateau, where he pauses a moment to rest and take breath.

These pauses, during which society assumes a form which suits it for the moment, are organic periods. The intervals which separate them may be called inorganic periods or times of transformation. On these lines we may divide the ten centuries of the Middle Ages into three sections : from the fifth to the tenth century, the destruction of the past and the transition to a new form ; from the tenth to the fourteenth, feudal society with its customs, its institution, its arts, and its literature. This is one of the organic periods in the life of the world. Then the tireless traveler starts again : this time he again descends to depths of misery to reach, on the other side, a country free from brambles and thorns. When the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are crossed we already perceive from afar the glorious forms of Raphael, Copernicus, and Christopher Columbus, in the dawn of the new world.

¹ Dante, Inferno, III., 51.

² Entirely legitimate, for at a time when force alone reigned, the Holy See would certainly have been at the mercy of one of those petty lords who, in feudal monarchies, were the real masters, rather than the king, and who would have renewed the scandals of the time of Marozia. But the great Catholic poet of the Middle Ages, Dante, saw no less the disastrous consequences of this policy :

Ahi Constantin di quanto mal fu matre

Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote

Che da te prese il primo rico patre !

        —Inferno, XIX., 115-117.

BOOK I.

THE GERMANIC INVASION.

Table of Contents

CHAPTER I.

THE ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS AT THE END OF THE FOURTH CENTURY.

Table of Contents

End of Ancient History.

New form of the Roman Empire.

Civil & Military Hierarchy.

Municipal Government.

Imposts.

Condition of Person.

The Army.

Moral and Intellectual Condition.

The Christian Church.

The Barbarians.

The Germanic peoples-customs, government, and religion.

The Slavs and Huns.

End of Ancient History.

Table of Contents

Ancient History ends with the Roman Empire, which first absorbed all the peoples of antiquity and then involved them all in its ruin. Asia, Egypt, Greece, Carthage, Spain and Gaul had all been drawn into the vast embrace of Rome, the Rome which gave to its subjects unity of government, and to its western provinces unity of language.

This unity—the work of conquest—was maintained by a policy which, though liberal at first, ended by becoming oppressive. Then the chill of death crept over the great Roman society, the bonds were loosened, and, at the first shock of the barbarians, the colossal fabric fell to pieces.

New form of the Roman Empire.

Table of Contents

The unity of government, enforced by conquest as early as the time of the Republic, was regulated under the Empire by the organizing work of a wise administration. It was incorporated in one man, who was at first a military chieftain rather than a sovereign, who, after Diocletian and Constantine, became an actual monarch, the head of a vast hierarchy. These two emperors tried to give more stability to the imperial authority by a considerable change in the character of the government. Whereas the fate of the empire had before depended on the rival and capricious desires of the legions or the praetorians, the Emperor was now seen to be suddenly raised to a mysterious height, sheltering his power under the doctrine of divine right and his person behind a pomp oriental in its magnificence and entirely unknown to the first Caesars.

Below him, as if to keep the citizens and soldiers at a distance, grew up an interminable series of civil and military officers—the former held in greater esteem than the latter. At the head of this hierarchy stood, in respect to influence, the seven great officers who formed the ministry of the Emperor in his palace at Constantinople, the new capital of the Empire, which displayed on the banks of the Bosphorus a precocious corruption and a splendor born of yesterday.

Civil & Military Hierarchy.

Table of Contents

The seven great officers of the court (to leave out the consuls, the praetors, and the senate, which still existed, though only for display), regarded less as public magistrates than as servants of the Emperor, were :

(1) The count of the sacred chamber (comes sacri cubiculi), or great chamberlain, often influential because he was in constant attendance on the Prince.

(2) The master of the offices (inagister officioruni), a kind

of minister of state, on whom depended all the household of the Emperor, all the police of the Empire with its 10,000 officers (curiosi), the posts, arsenals, factories and storehouses of arms ; an immense administration that comprised four departments, with directors and sub-directors, and one hundred and forty-eight clerks. .

(3) The quaestor of the palace (qucestor palatii), a kind of chancellor, who was the mouth-piece of the Emperor and who drew up his decrees.

(4) The count of the sacred largesses (comes sacrarum largitiorum), minister of finance, on whom the provincial counts of the largesses and all the financial officers of the Empire depended, and who acted as judge in proceedings of a fiscal nature.

(5) The count of the private estate (comes rei privatce), who administered the estates of the Emperor through agents, called rationales and cæsariani.

(6) The count of the domestic cavalry (comes domesticorum equitum). And finally,

(7) The count of the domestic infantry (domesticorum peditum). These two together had under their command 3500 men, divided into seven schools, fine looking soldiers, for the most pan Armenians, who presented an imposing appearance, as they formed in line in the porticos of the palace.

To these officers must be addedt to give a fair idea of the court of Constantinople, an innumerable herd of doorkeepers, pages (pædagogia), spies, servants of all kinds and eunuchs, more numerous, said Libanius, than the swarming flies in summer.

Leaving the central government, we now pass on to the provinces and find there, at the head of the hierarchy, the four praetorian prefects of the East, of Illyricum, of Italy, and of Gaul. This was the tetrarchy of Diocletian, but it existed without danger to the unity of the Empire or to the Emperor himself. They were no longer, in fact, those praetorian prefects of old times, who overthrew their masters ; their claws and teeth had been drawn by taking away from them all military command. Their office was still a desirable one and their authority so great that its curtailment did not affect their administration. Their powers were : to publish the decrees of the Emperor, to make assessments, to watch over the collection of imposts, without being able, it is true, to add anything to them, to judge civil and criminal proceedings on appeal from the chiefs of the diocese, and to remove and punish the provincial governors at their will.

Their rich appointments, the number of people employed in their bureaus, the luxury of their existence, made them like kings of a second rank.

Each prefecture was divided into dioceses governed by vice-prefects ; ¹ there were sixteen of these : six in the prefecture of the East (the East, Egypt, the vicarship of Asia, the proconsulate of Asia, Pontus and Thrace); two in Illyricum (Dacia and Macedonia); three in Italy (Italy, western Illyricum and western Africa); three in Gaul (Spain, Gaul, and Britain). Rome, whose territory extended a hundred miles from its walls, formed a diocese by itself, as did Constantinople also.

Finally the four prefectures and the sixteen dioceses were divided into one hundred and twenty provinces, governed by consulars, correctors, and presidents, their degrees differing slightly in authority. By the side of this civil hierarchy we see the military hierarchy, and at its head the master of cavalry (magister equitum) and the master of infantry (magister peditum), offices which were increased in number after the division of the Empire. Under them were the military counts and the dukes, in the provinces and on the frontiers, who alone had control over the provincial troops, each in his own department. We have now examined the imperial hierarchy and the whole central government.

Municipal Government.

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The despotism was of recent origin ; it had existed only two centuries and had been preceded by free institutions, institutions which still survived in the municipal government. Rome had scattered copies of herself everywhere. There was no town in the Empire which did not have its little senate, the curia, composed of proprietors or curials owning at least fifteen acres of land, who deliberated as to the affairs of the municipium and chose magistrates from their midst to administer them. The decemvirs recalled the consuls by their title and powers, namely, the presidency of the curia, the general administration of town affairs, and jurisdiction in matters of small importance. An edile, a curator (treasurer of the city), a collector, irenarchs (police commissioners) scribes and notaries complete the list of municipal officers.

The municipal government seemed to prosper, and a new magistrate had recently been added to it—the defensor, a kind of regular tribune chosen by all the municipality, to act in its defense before the Emperor. When the clergy were authorized by Honorius to take part in the election for this new magistracy, it fell under the control of the bishop.²

But the prosperity of the municipal government was more apparent than real, for local liberty lacked the securities which public liberty alone can give. The government, whose greed equaled its infinite needs, had turned for taxes to these municipal magistrates, these proprietors, whose land could be seized, and had ordered them not only to collect but also to guarantee the tax. This obligation became more and more burdensome with the waning prosperity ; the curials could bear it no longer and took refuge in the privileged orders, the clergy and the army. They were arrested and brought back, as the state could not bring itself to lose its taxpayers and the guarantees of its revenues. Then followed a struggle where the individual was easily defeated by the state. The curials were chained down to their service. That they might be within reach, they were not allowed to live in the country ; death itself did not deprive the state of them, for their children were devoted from birth to the same condition. Exemption from torture and from certain ignominious penalties could not secure them from ruin and misery, which are also forms of torture. Despair drove many of these miserable men to a wild life in the forests, or even over to the barbarians. The number of curials showed an astonishing decrease in all the cities.

Imposts.

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Thus the last trace of free institutions had become an instrument of oppression in the hands of a government which exacted rigorous payment of its imposts without caring for the happiness or unhappiness of its subjects—on whom these taxes fell with a crushing weight. There was, first, the indiction, a land tax which did not affect the property of the Imperial domain, and the rate of which the Emperor determined each year for each diocese by an edict signed by his own hand and in purple ink, which was posted up in the principal cities of each diocese in the month of July. The sums exacted were assessed according to the property accredited to each one in the census, which was made every fifteen years. This period of fifteen years, established in 312 by Constantine, is the so-called period of the indiction. To make matters worse, superindictions were often added to the indictions.

The other branches of the public revenue were : the capitation, paid by the country people ; the follis senatorius, exacted from all the senators, the aurum coronarium, paid by the towns under certain circumstances, the chrysargyron (lustralis collatio) levied on industry and commerce, and finally indirect taxes, duties on sales and revenues of toll-gates, mines, race-courses, salt-works, and imperial manufacturers. It was a terrible moment when the swarm of fiscal agents spread over the whole Empire. To understand fully this tyrannical oppression, we must add to the taxes the furnishing of the food ^donations, the duty of harboring soldiers and magistrates in their circuits, and of keeping the posts and public roads in order, etc., etc.Y

Condition of Person.

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These overpowering burdens weigned the more heavily on the poor and the men of moderate means, from the fact that the Empire had created privileged orders, which were necessarily made up, in greater part, of the rich. A hierarchy of titles had been established, often blending with the hierarchy of offices, and comprising numerous degrees : the nobilissimi, the patricii, the illustres, the spectabiles, the clarissimi, perfectissimi, egregii, equites, ducenarii, not to mention the title of count and those of magistrates, acting or non-acting (ex-consul, ex-prefect). In this way the Empire had tried to make a nobility, but even these titles, distributed at the caprice of despotism, were but masks of servitude.

The second class consisted of the curials, whose wretched condition we have already described.

The third class—that of common free men—included those who owned less than fifteen acres, and the merchants and artisans. Free labor was theirs by right, but free labor was already becoming a thing of the past. It had hardly existed in antiquity—the slaves were almost the only men who worked. Different circumstances had assisted to develop it for a time, and then new changes had brought back almost hopeless conditions. The artisans had formed themselves into corporations—especially since the time of Alexander Severus, in order to sustain each other, and to be able better to bear the chrysargyron and the competition of the imperial manufacturers ; but the Empire soon treated them as it had the curials. Alarmed by the decrease in production, it thought to obviate it by forbidding the members of corporations to leave them, and by obliging them to make their children members of the same. After that the corporations were no longer a benefit, but a servitude, very hurtful to industry. In the country, the lower classes of free men were no longer happy. They were despoiled of their little property by the violence or cunning of the great

land-owners, or by barbarian invasions, and were reduced to the necessity of becoming coloni of the rich—a service which held them down to a limited piece of land, and deprived them, if not of the title, at least of most of the rights of a free man. By this subjection and this immobilizing, so to speak, the moral life of the free man was destroyed.

The last class—that of the slaves, had gained a great deal, it is true. Stoic philosophy, and, after that, Christianity, had spread abroad new ideas on slavery, and had profoundly modified the spirit of the law in regard to the slave. He was at last regarded as a man ; he was allowed to dispose of his peculium more freely ; his murderer was treated as a homicide ; he also was " immobilized/' and that which was a loss to the free man was an advantage to the slave, who, engaged in the cultivation of the soil, could not be sold to a distance or separated from his family.

Thus by lowering the free men and raising the slaves, the two classes were brought into an almost common condition. This may be regarded as the beginning of serfdom, and it was the general condition of the country people during the Middle Ages.

There was some good in this, but, also, much that was bad. The free man no longer had the heart to work or to fight. Laborers were lacking everywhere. The population diminished, and as life became more and more miserable, the idea of maintaining a family was given up. The government had recourse to the barbarians, and many of the emperors established colonies of them in the depopulated provinces, in this way making an opening for invasion. '*

The Army.

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It was much the same with the army. As the Empire had introduced there, also, the system of servitude, and of privilege, which prevailed everywhere else, no man who was worth anything cared to enlist in its ranks. We have seen that some,- like the curials, were not allowed to do so. Therefore the army was recruited partly from among the masses of men without occupation, without money, and without work, and partly from the barbarians, who joined the legions in crowds. Probus had said that they ought to be felt but not seen. They were both felt and seen, and that very quickly. The 40,000 Goths of Theodosius were less his servants than his masters : the Frank Arbogast had already made an Emperor ; a barbarous mercenary, Odovakar (Odoacer), was soon to put an end to the Empire itself.

Degraded by the branding of their bodies, and discouraged by the unseasonable distribution of rewards and favors lavished on the idle guards of the prince, the palatins, the comitatenses, and withheld from the soldiers of the frontiers, the Roman legions had no longer anything to excite them to the defense of their country. They were even to a certain extent disarmed ; they had been allowed to give up the shield, the pilum, and the short sword, the powerful arms of ancient Rome, and to take the bow and the light shield, at the same time that their effective strength was reduced to 1500, one-fourth of the former number.³ Thus the Empire was tottering to its fall, in spite of its hundred and thirty-three legions, its arsenals, its storehouses, and its girdle of fortifications along the Rhine, the Main, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Arabian desert.

Moral and Intellectual Condition.

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The moral and intellectual condition of this ancient society had fallen very low. No doubt it was well to see evervthing raised that before had been degraded, slaves, women and children ; but, on the other hand, all that before had been strong and brave was now brought low. There could no longer be courage and genius where there was no longer liberty. As there was a lack of soldiers, there was also a lack of writers and artists. In vain were the schools regulated and improved. In vain did Valentinian determine the number of professors, their appointments and their duties, and place the scholars under strict inspection ; discipline can ‘ regulate but not produce ; impulse may be directed but not forced. Instead of men of letters, there were sophists and rhetoricians like Libanius, and poets like Claudian, and the latter were by far the best—they have harmony and sojne exalted ideas ; but all the others, and with them those rich Romans who cultivated polite letters for a pastime, came to writing trifling verses—epithalamia— the weak literature of a degenerate age ; artists were no longer seen, and for the decoration of Constantinople Constantine was obliged to pillage the cities of the Empire that were rich in monuments of antiquity. Literature and art, in fact, were closely allied in antiquity to paganism, and they had not yet been freed from their dependence. And paganism, a worn-out creed, destroyed by philosophy and by Christianity, driven from the throne, and abandoned by almost all except the country people, who are longer bound by custom, paganism no longer inspired faith and would never again be the source of any great work.

The Christian Church.

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But if the old religion was perishing, and the old order of things growing cold in death, a new religion and a new society were coming into being; guardians of that life which is never entirely extinguished in human communities.

Christianity had developed and established itself, in spite of persecutions. The beauty of its ethical precepts and the courage of its apostles had won for it numberless victories. It had at last ascended the throne with Constantine, and this Emperor loaded the Church with privileges. He authorized the bishops, her chiefs, to constitute themselves arbiters in civil matters, with the consent of the two parties; he exempted the churches from municipal taxes, he yielded to them portions of the imperial domain, and allowed them to receive special legacies, so that the Church added the influence of wealth to that which had already been given her by her young and ardent faith, her spirit of proselytism, and the genius of her chiefs. Even heresy—which under several forms had already shown itself in the midst of the Church—had been but nourishment to her strength, a wholesome combat which kept her energies alive. While the literature derived from paganism hardly drew the breath of life, that which sprang from Christianity was impassioned, active, practical ; it came from the soul and had to do with facts. It is only necessary to call to mind Tertullian, St. Anastasius, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Gregory of Nazianzus, Lactantius, Salvian, and many others. The numerous councils held in the fourth century show the activity of the Church, the communication which she established between the provinces of the Empire, and the part which all her members took in her affairs. To necessity, the best source of all that is to endure, is due the hierarchical organization, which raised the bishops above the presbyters and the metropolitans above the bishops, and in virtue of which the See of Rom? demanded a supremacy due to the ancient capital of the Roman world, and to him who was called the heir of St. Peter.

It was in the new society, or, more property speaking, the religious society, the Church, that life and hope and a future were to be found. Unmoved, she saw everything about her falling to pieces, even the imperial structure in which she had sought temporary shelter ; she survived its destruction ; she was not in the least unsettled by the shock, nor was she even distressed by it, being neither exclusive nor patriotic ; she had no love for the Roman Empire, and was little interested in its safety or its ruin. It was the saving of souls that occupied her thoughts, and her ambition was to lead into her own paths the people encamped about the Empire. She did not hate the barbarians—she loved them as her conquest and her future flock ; as children who would receive her words with greater submissiveness. She was already attracting them ; she went to meet them and converted them. The Goths of Dacia had an Arian bishop, Ulfilas, who had translated the Bible into their dialect, and the Burgundians were in like manner converted.

The barbarians might come, might overturn the worm-eaten barriers, and grind to powder all the structure of the Empire—the only institution that had life, the Church, presented no obstacles, but rose alone, in the midst of ruins, young and strong.

The Barbarians.

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When Rome called herself the Mistress of the World, she knew well enough that it was an exaggeration, and that her bounds were not those of the earth also. Cruel experience had taught her that she had not one frontier that was not threatened by tribes hidden in the depths of the north, the south, or the west.

To the north lay three great peoples, arranged in the following order: the Germans, the Slavs, and the Asiatic nations. To the east dwelt the Persians, who had often made war on the Romans, and were long to continue to do it, for the sake of certain frontier towns—but who had no thought of invasion, not caring to change their abode. To the south the Arabs, who had not as yet inspired fear, wandered over the deserts of their great peninsula ; and in the African deserts dwelt the Moorish tribes, who were numerous enough to alarm the Roman officers and to aid in the dissolution of the Empire, but not numerous enough to make an invasion themselves.

The Germanic peoples-customs, government, and religion.

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At the death of Theodosius (395), serious danger threatened only from the north. Pushed on by the Slavs, who were themselves pushed by Asiatic hordes from the banks of the Volga, the Germans crowded all along the Roman frontier. The Suevi, the Alemanni, and the Bavarians occupied the southern country, between the Main and the Lake of Constance. The Marcomanni, Quadi, Hermunduri, Heruli, and the Goths, at the extremity of the Germanic zone, reached to the banks of the Danube. To the west, along the lower Rhine, lay the confederation of the Franks (Salians, Ripuarians, Sigambri, Bructeri, Chatti, Chamavi, etc.), who had united to resist the Romans in the middle of the third century. To the north dwelt the Frisians between the Lake Flevo and the mouth of the Ems ; farther to the east were the Vandals, the Burgundians; the Rugians, the Longobards or Lombards, and, between the Elbe and the Eider, the Angles and the Saxons ; finally, back of all these peoples, the Jutes, Danes, and Scandinavians, who inhabited Denmark and Sweden, and who, in the ninth century, made the second invasion. The customs, government, and character of these nations formed such a contrast to those of the Roman world that the thought of it is said to have inspired Tacitus’s book on Germany. Discipline and slavery, the principles of government in the Empire, were held in horror among the Germans. Love of individual independence and voluntary devotion were the basis of their character ; war— not disciplined and scientific as among the Romans, but adventurous, carried on afar from home—for glory and booty, was their greatest delight. As soon as a young man had been presented before the public assembly, and had received from the hands of his father or of some famous chief his shield and javelin, he was a soldier and a citizen ; he attached himself immediately to some chief of great renown whom he followed in peace and in war, with other warriors recruited in the same way. They formed the comitatus or gefolge of the chief, and were always ready to sacrifice their lives for his, always bound to him through every danger, but bound by an obligation entirely voluntary, by bonds of honor alone.

It was impossible to establish the despotism of a single man over such people, so the government of the Germans consisted of an assembly (mall) in which all took part, a sacred institution founded, they said, by the Gods themselves. It was held in sacred places and on sacred days, at the new and at the full moon under the open sky, on heights or in groves. There the warriors gathered with their arms, the symbol of military sovereignty. The clashing of shields indicated the applause of the assembly—a loud murmur, their disapprobation. The same assemblies exercised judicial power, sometimes by a gathering of all the free men, sometimes by a delegation (rachimburgi).

Each canton or hundred had its magistrate, and usually the whole nation a king, chosen from among the members of one family, which had the hereditary possession of this title. The warriors themselves chose whom they would follow in battle—what herzog, as he was called.⁴ Thence the saying of Tacitus : Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt.

The Olympus of these people corresponded to their spirit of pride and heroism, bloodthirsty passion and love of glory, but at times a certain charm mingled with their terrible fancies. Besides Woden, who gives victory and who comes down every night from his heavenly palace, whose windows open toward the east, to ride through the air with the dead warriors ; besides Donar, the Hercules of the Germans, to whom lightning-struck trees are dedicated ; besides the wild joys of Walhalla, a strange paradise, where the warriors fight and drink without ceasing—appear the gracious goddesses, who carry everywhere peace and the arts : Freya, the Venus of the North, who had the magic necklace, and Holda, beautiful and chaste like Diana, who flies through the air on wintry nights clothed all in white, and scattering snow upon her path. In this mythology we find again the worship of the stars ; Hertha, the earth, is the first goddess of the Germans ; they also worshiped Sunna, the sun, and her brother Mani, the moon, who is pursued by two wolves. These are not the fancies of Greece, but they, too, are poetry, and sometimes sublime poetry. The Song of the Niebelungen preserves the last reflection of their glory.⁵

The bards were held in great honor among them. Everything dies, said the Germans ; one thing alone does not die, the memory of the famous dead. Such a thought made death easy ; and how they defied it! how rashly and fearlessly did they brave the terrors of the deep ! Who does not know the story of those Franks whom Probus had transported to the shores of the Euxine Sea, and who one day having seized several boats embarked, and sailed over the whole Mediterranean, pillaging as they went the shores of Greece, of Italy, and of Africa, and who returned by way of the ocean, after defying the tempests and the Roman Empire. It was their boast to laugh in the face of death.

The Germans paid little attention to the cultivation of land ; they had no property in their own right, and every year the magistrates distributed to each village, and to each family, the lot it was to cultivate,⁶ in order, as Caesar said, not to divert the men from their taste for fighting, and to maintain an equality of fortune. For this reason their civilization made little progress. They had no towns either, a result perhaps of this same arrangement, but scattered huts of earth separated from each other, each one surrounded by the field which the owner cultivated. Their closely fitting dress formed another contrast to the full robes of the Greeks and Romans.

Purity of life was general among the Germans, polygamy was only allowed to kings and great men. But sobriety was not one of their virtues ; they drank a great deal at their Homeric feasts ; their cup of honor was the skull of a vanquished enemy, and often the feast ended in bloodshed and the death of some one of the guests. They also had a passion for gambling, and staked everything, even their own persons. Whoever lost himself at play became the slave of the winner ; it was a debt of honor, and he would not think of breaking his word. Barbarians have their vices, as well as civilized races, but they are perhaps preferable because they spring from a coarseness that can be refined, and not from corruption and moral exhaustion, for which there is no remedy.

The Slavs and Huns.

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Such were the habits of the great Germanic race that was about to invade, and for some time to occupy, the best part of the Roman Empire. Behind them were two other barbarous nations, pushing them on, differing much more from the ' Roman world than did the Germans. These were the Slavonians and the Huns.

The Slavonians, who are to-day a race of one hundred millions of men in the family of European nations, were then scattered under the name of Venedi and Slovenes, near the Danube, the Borysthenes, and the Black Sea, at the source of the Volga and the Niemen, and along the Baltic as far as the Elbe; where they may have mingled with some of the Germanic tribes. Elsewhere they did not appear till later, and then divided into three branches,⁷— the southern Slavs (Bosnians, Serbs, Croats, modern Dalmatians), between the Danube and the Adriatic Sea ; the western Slavonians (Lekhs or Poles, Czechs or Bohemians, Moravians, Pomeranians, etc.), between the Elbe and the Vistula, the Baltic and the Carpathian mountains ; the northern or settled Slavonians, who joined with the Finns or Tchoudes of the eastern Baltic, formed the primitive Russian nation—among whom are included the Livonians, the Esthonians, the Lithuanians and the Prussians.

The Huns (Hiong-Nu), who belong to the Tartar-Finnish race, were objects of fear and horror to all the western peoples, whether Germans or Romans ; their wandering life spent in huge chariots or in the saddle, their bony faces pierced by little eyes, their broad and flat noses, their great flaring ears, their brown and tattooed skin—were all peculiarities of manners and appearance entirely foreign to Europe. Ammianus Marcellinus called them two-legged beasts, and compared them to those grotesque figures which adorn the parapets of bridges. The Germans accused them of being the offspring of infernal spirits and Scythian sorceresses, from the boundless steppes