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    Narrative of the Riots at Alton
    Narrative of the Riots at Alton
    Narrative of the Riots at Alton
    Ebook152 pages2 hours

    Narrative of the Riots at Alton

    By Edward Beecher

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    "Edward Beecher... describes Lovejoy as the first martyr in America to the great principles of the freedom of speech and of the press...see Edward Beecher, Narrative of Riots at Alton." - Cast Down: Abjection in America, 1700-1850 (2016)

    "An electrifying tremor all across the North...Lovejoy died defending

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherBookcrop
    Release dateSep 13, 2023
    ISBN9781088037300
    Narrative of the Riots at Alton

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      Book preview

      Narrative of the Riots at Alton - Edward Beecher

      Narrative of the

      Riots at Alton

      Edward Beecher

      (1803 –1895)

      Originally published

      1838

      Table of Contents

      Part I.

      Chapter I.

      Chapter II.

      Chapter III.

      Chapter IV.

      Chapter V.

      Chapter VI.

      Chapter VII.

      Chapter VIII.

      Chapter IX.

      Chapter X.

      Chapter XI.

      Chapter XIII.

      Part II.

      Chapter I.

      Chapter II.

      Chapter III.

      Chapter IV.

      Chapter V.

      Chapter VI.

      Chapter VII.

      Chapter VIII.

      Chapter IX.

      Part I.

      Chapter I.

      It often happens that events, in themselves of no great importance, are invested with unusual interest in consequence of their connection with principles of universal application, or with momentous results. Of this kind are the events which preceded and led to the death of the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy: the first martyr in America to the great principles of the freedom of speech and of the press.

      Of these events I propose in the following pages to give an account. The facts are of a nature sufficiently astounding in any age, or at any time. The destruction of four printing presses in succession; the personal abuse of the editor, from time to time by repeated mobs; and his final and premeditated murder!

      Still more astounding are they when we consider the country in which they occurred. Had it been in revolutionary France; or in England, agitated by the consequent convulsion of the nations; there had been less cause for surprise. But it was not. It was in America--the land of free discussion and equal rights.

      Still more are we amazed when we consider the subjects, the discussion of which was thus forcibly arrested. Had it been an effort to debauch and pollute the public mind by obscenity and atheism; or by injurious and disorganizing schemes; the rise of public indignation had at least found a cause; though the friends of truth and righteousness are not the men who employ mobs as their chosen instruments of persuasion. But it was none of these. It was solely the advocacy of the principles of freedom and equal rights.

      Were these principles of recent origin, and the opinions of a sect, it might have caused less surprise. But they are the sacred legacy of ages:-- the doctrines of our nation's birth; of natural justice; and of God.

      All these things are astonishing: but there is one fact that may justly excite amazement still more deep and overwhelming; the opinions and feelings elicited by events like these. Had an earthquake of indignation convulsed the land; had the united voices of every individual of every party rebuked and remedied the wrong; all had been well. But during the progress of the scenes there have been found those in reputation as wise and good, who have been unsparing in their censure on the sufferers; and stimulated the evil doers by sympathy or feeble rebuke. And after the final and dreadful catastrophe, only a faint tribute has been given by them to certain abstract principles of free inquiry as generally good; and a decent regret for their violation has been expressed.--But the full tide of indignation has been reserved for the audacious man, who dared to speak and act as a freeman; and though lawlessly inflicted, his penalty has been declared to be deserved.

      What are we to say of facts like these? They at least open a deep chapter in human nature, and in the condition of our country. They are the result of principles neither superficial nor accidental. They penetrate to the very vitals of society; and indicate a crisis in our national life.

      That as a nation we are radically unsound and lost, they do not to my mind indicate. But that there are in the body politic causes of tremendous power, tending to that result, they do evince. And the question on which all turns, is now before us as a nation; and on its decision, our life or death depends. Have we coolness of thought left sufficient to discern them, and energy of moral feeling enough to react?

      As these events are of a nature to rouse and demand public attention, I hope that an impartial narration of them will be candidly and thoughtfully read: and as I have been an actor in the leading events from the beginning--an eye witness of most that I describe; I feel that no one who speaks only from hearsay, can have so full a knowledge of all the causes of these events as I; and as perhaps no one has been more severely censured by enemies, or regarded in greater error by some sincere and valued friends; I feel that not only a regard to truth and the general good, but decent regard to the opinions of others, requires me to speak.

      It is an event which will be known extensively, and on which a judgment will be formed by the civilized world. And in the correctness of that judgment the highest interests of humanity are involved. In it, too, the welfare of this state and nation are vitally involved. In one portion of the body politic soundness is gone, the laws have given way, the tremendous reign of anarchy has begun, and our only hope for their final restoration to their wonted majesty and power is in the restorative energies of that portion of the body politic which remains yet uncorrupted.

      The question may be considered in two lights:

      1. As one of civil rights.

      2. As one of moral rights.

      The first relates to what the laws of the land allow each citizen to do; and in doing which they guaranty him defense. The other relates to those duties the performance of which no human laws can enforce; but which arise from the obligations resting on every man to use his civil rights wisely and benevolently, from a regard to God and the general good. So far as a claim to civil defense is concerned, nothing is essential except that a man violate no civil right: and in deciding whether it is a duty to give such defense no community has a right to agitate any other question.

      If a man's civil rights are safe only so long as he uses them wisely and prudently, we ought so to be informed in our constitutions: and, still more, we ought to have a civil standard of wisdom and prudence, enacted by law; and courts and judges to try men for imprudence and indiscretion. For if men are to maintain their rights only on such grounds, and there is to be no standard but the opinions of a mob, may God in his mercy evermore deliver me and my children from such rights and such freedom.

      There is no tyranny on earth so execrable as the tyranny of a mob. But indeed the whole idea is ridiculous in the extreme--that the question of wisdom or prudence is to be raised at all, before a prompt defense of rights. It is foreign to the whole genius of our nation. As long as a citizen violates no law, and stands solely on the ground of civil rights, he is to be defended to the uttermost. Nor does crime vacate rights. Even the vilest criminal has a right to a fair and impartial trial; and if condemned, it must be only by law.

      It was because I wished to judge of the soundness of the nation on this point, that I have as yet made no effort to correct the false views so industriously circulated by those who wish to palliate the atrocity of these deeds. These all tend solely to one point: that Mr. Lovejoy and his friends were not wise and prudent; and that on them the whole responsibility rests. And I was anxious to see if the manly sense of the nation was still so unclouded as to detect the base subterfuge; and their moral sense sufficiently sound to abhor it. To a very cheering extent I have not been disappointed on this point. The majority of the nation still seems to be sound; and with manly indignation has repelled the loathsome and guilty excuse. Still this is not true of all.

      There are still those who, if their principles were to prevail, and their feelings infect the nation, would soon plunge us in an ocean of anarchy and blood. And as a citizen of the free states I blush that they have furnished the greatest share of such. Alas, that freemen will sell their principles for popular favor, or for gold. But it is time, now, that the events of Alton, should be tried by another standard; that, on the part of the friends of good order there may be no needless concessions or reserve, and that the last pretexts of enemies may be taken away.

      By the standard of wisdom, benevolence and. prudence, then, let these events be tried; and I care not how high that standard may be. Not that I arrogate to Mr. Lovejoy, or to his friends, entire exception from error in scenes so trying. But I do mean that a correct standard of judgment on those points is one of the last things which they have to fear. Indeed, had not the standard of the community been unusually low, such events could not have transpired: and it was following a better standard that excited their wrath. On many minds, I know that the impression is deep and strong that we were urged on by a blind impulse, next to infatuation, heated by excitement, and without deliberate thought. Indeed to many, any action on the subject of slavery that is designed to remove it, is synonymous with infatuation and insanity. Let all such know, that every step taken was the result of long and patient thought, and of principles fixed in our coolest hours.

      To evince that such was the fact; and to enable the public to know what our principles are, and to judge of our actions by them; I propose to consider what are the principles of wisdom, prudence and benevolence in such a case:--to narrate the events as they transpired:--and to try our actions, and those of our opposers, by this test.

      Chapter II.

      What then are the true principles in this case? As this is a practical question, involving great and all pervading consequences, it is of great moment that our principles of judgment be sound; as an error here must vitiate all our results. Happily for us, we have an unerring standard near at hand; and with this let us begin. The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to depart from evil that is understanding. From this we infer:

      1.That we are first of all to use all possible means to ascertain the purposes of God, as regards the age and nation in which we live; and so lay our plans that they may coincide with his designs: For there is no counsel or knowledge or device against the Lord. His counsel will stand and he will do all his pleasure. And if we regard not the works of the Lord, nor the operation of his hands, he will destroy us and not build us up.

      2. Never hope finally to avert a discussion of the great fundamental principles of human society, which is called for by the course of God's providence and the movements of the age.

      3. Let the movements of God's providence decide as to the time of the discussion. That is, Do not seek prematurely to accelerate it; and do not try to avert it when great events urge it upon us.

      4. Employ the time allowed by Providence in studying the subject, and the structure of human society; thus preparing wisely to meet the discussion when it comes.

      5. Let no errors or imprudencies, real or supposed, of the advocates of truth, indispose the mind to receive it on its own evidence: and let no amount of popular prejudice, and no fear of personal sacrifice deter us from following out our own convictions of duty, in the fear of God.

      The soundness of the principles thus stated none can deny. Nor can it be denied that, in a world opposed to God these ought at all times, and popular opinion never, to be our standard of wisdom in the formation of our plans. As it regards their execution we are bound to regard the laws of holiness and of the human mind. Hence,

      6. Let all discussions

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