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The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and What We Can Do About Them

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In the face of rising inequality in America, Joseph E. Stiglitz charts a path toward real recovery and a more equal society. A singular voice of reason in an era defined by bitter politics and economic uncertainty, Joseph E. Stiglitz has time and again diagnosed America’s greatest economic challenges, from the Great Recession and its feeble recovery to the yawning gap between the rich and the poor. The Great Divide gathers his most provocative reflections to date on the subject of inequality. As Stiglitz ably argues, a healthy economy and a fairer democracy are within our grasp if we can put aside misguided interests and ideologies and abandon failed policies. Opening with the essay that gave the Occupy Movement its slogan, “We are the 99%,” later essays in The Great Divide reveal equality of opportunity as a national myth, show that today’s outsized inequality is a matter of choice, and explain reforms that would spur higher growth, more opportunity, and greater equality.

464 pages, Paperback

First published April 7, 2015

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About the author

Joseph E. Stiglitz

220 books1,714 followers
Joseph Eugene Stiglitz, ForMemRS, FBA, is an American economist and a professor at Columbia University. He is a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (2001) and the John Bates Clark Medal (1979). He is also the former Senior Vice President and Chief Economist of the World Bank. He is known for his critical view of the management of globalization, free-market economists (whom he calls "free market fundamentalists") and some international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

In 2000, Stiglitz founded the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD), a think tank on international development based at Columbia University. Since 2001, he has been a member of the Columbia faculty, and has held the rank of University Professor since 2003. He also chairs the University of Manchester's Brooks World Poverty Institute and is a member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. Professor Stiglitz is also an honorary professor at Tsinghua University School of Public Policy and Management. Stiglitz is one of the most frequently cited economists in the world.

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Displaying 1 - 30 of 151 reviews
Profile Image for Bobbi .
69 reviews10 followers
May 19, 2015
Imagine an economist who doesn't have his head up his butt. That's Stiglitz. This is a collection, so some of the stuff is from the Bush years. Still much of it is classic.
2 reviews
May 29, 2015
Sorry, I cannot recommend this book. First, if you're looking for scholarship, this is not it. Rather it is nearly totally a collection of newspaper columns and of course we cannot expect good references for those. Some of them are many years old and clearly outdated. There is a little additional information some of which is documented but very little.

Another problem I find bothersome is that the book lacks an index. That, for a non-fiction book, is a major offense.

The author assumes, with some but not nearly enough reasoning, that disparity between the top and bottom of the income levels is a major problem. In a country where most of the poor have air conditioning, big-screen TVs, cars, cell phones etc. that is a bit much. Clearly most of us would prefer to see the poor get good jobs and take themselves out of poverty. However his assumption that government can do that for them is questionable at best.

Stiglitz correctly points out the education problem among the poor. However he fails to even mention any possible cause other than money. Broken families (abetted by the war on poverty that subsidized single motherhood), crime, and the ghetto idea that getting an education is "acting white" all go unmentioned.

This is clearly a statist publication, assuming that government should fix all our problems. Stiglitz ignores any non-government ideas that would fix the problem. Worse, the author comes close to outright lying in some cases. For example, he several times refers to the Bush tax cut "for the rich." That was a general tax cut, including a major increase in child credit which primarily benefited the lower and middle classes. He also lists tax cuts in absolute dollars rather than percentages. There is no way to give the middle class a tax cut in dollars as great as for those with more money since they do not pay that much in taxes in the first place. He also claims that the scientists and venture capitalists who support technology advances do not get much money for their contributions. That is completely false, most get stock options or other ownership, many enough to become quite wealthy. I know because I worked in that industry and got some of those options. He also criticizes speculation but venture capital is speculation, and helps the economy a great deal. He fails to discriminate between that type of speculation and the speculation some banks engaged in which did cause problems.
Profile Image for Artem Lukianov.
11 reviews5 followers
March 3, 2018
I bought this book in hope to discover Stiglitz's conjecture on inequality, hoping to do so by reading his latest book. His promotion of it on Bloomberg might have precipitated this choice. If only I knew this would be a mere collection of articles of his (most of which are freely available online) and an interview. Not that the positions he espouses in this book are particularly alien to me; I just felt a bit ripped off to buy a book that only contains lots of surface level discussions of such a plethora of issues.
Profile Image for Naman Garg.
1 review4 followers
May 3, 2017
The book is a collection of Stiglitz's writings in popular media. My low ratings owe mainly to the repetitiveness of the main themes and arguments in various chapters; It gets very boring to read. Sectional introductions are written pretty well and reading just them is sufficient in my opinion; the chapters don't add much value after the sectional introductions
Profile Image for ♥ Sarah.
539 reviews131 followers
September 18, 2017
If you've read one - you've read them all. Stiglitz's: the Price of Inequality did a better job detailing his arguments clearly and succinctly. His solutions were also very reasonable and straightforward. Here, there are more or less very similar arguments and the same repetitive rhetoric thrown in with powerful buzz-words for effect.
Profile Image for Mark.
16 reviews
September 13, 2015
Dr. Stiglitz is a very accomplished economist with a decidedly liberal point of view. His focus on income inequality and the necessity of addressing the issue is very timely. What I don't understand is his insistence on demonizing those who may not agree with him, or believe there are other solutions to the problem. In recent articles I've read, it's clear there are some 1%ers, and even some of those crass and greedy bankers who agree with his conclusions. But Dr. Stiglitz's gratuitous, demeaning descriptions of those who disagree with him will only make it more difficult to resolve the issue, and detracts from the positions he is advocating.
Profile Image for Jorgete Tete.
4 reviews
May 7, 2024
Good book to understand the rise in inequalities with special focus in the US after the global financial crisis. How important these are, mistakes made, and things to change. A bit repetitive tho
Profile Image for Mohammad Sadegh Rasooli.
531 reviews43 followers
June 29, 2018
http://delsharm.blog.ir/1397/04/08/gr...

جوزف استیگلیتز استاد اقتصاد دانشگاه کلمبیا، تحصیل‌کردهٔ دکترای اقتصاد در دانشگاه ام‌آی‌تی تحت نظارت رابرت سولو و پول ساموئلسون دو برندهٔ جایزهٔ نوبل اقتصاد، در سال ۲۰۰۳ جایزهٔ نوبل اقتصاد را از آن خود کرد. به گفتهٔ خودش او متولد شهر گری ایالت ایندیاناست و در دانشگاه امهرست فیزیک نظری خواند ولی با دیدن بی‌عدالتی در جامعهٔ آمریکا و با الهام از صحبت‌های انقلابی مارتین لوتر کینگ روی به رشتهٔ اقتصاد آورد. او چنان مجذوب مارتین لوتر کینگ بود که حتی در آن سخنرانی معروف ۱۹۶۸ در واشنگتن دی‌سی حضور داشت. استیگلیتز سمت مشاوره در جاهای مختلف از جمله دولت بیل کلینتون و بانک جهانی را داشته است و در سال‌های اخیر سفرهای زیادی به نقاط مختلف دنیا کرده. او اصطلاح یک درصد در مقابل نود و نه درصد را ابداع کرد و شاید خودش هم نمی‌توانست فکر کند که اصطلاح نود و نه درصدی تا کوچه‌خیابان‌ها و تظاهرات مردمی آمریکا پس از بحران اقتصادی مخصوصاً در وال‌استریت نفوذ پیدا می‌کند. استیگلیتز منتقد نظام سرمایه‌داری و مخالف نئولیبرالیسم اقتصادی است اما مخالف صددرصد سرمایه‌داری نیست. او تفکراتی متمایل به دموکرات‌ها دارد (دولت تنظیم‌کنندهٔ‌ بازار‌) و مخالف جدی جمهوری‌خواه‌ها، مانند ریگان، بوش پدر و پسر، و البته ترامپ است. علاوه بر این، او نقدهای بسیار جدی به سیاست‌های فرار از بحران دولت اوباما، از جمله کمک با سود کم به بانک‌ها و در عوض نادیده گرفتن قشر فرودست جامعه دارد. در کتاب قبلیِ او، «بهای نابرابری»، که اتفاقاً کتاب بسیار پرفروشی شد و حتی به فارسی نیز ترجمه شد، نقدی صریح به نظام اقتصادی آمریکا مخصوصاً پس از تحولات اقتصادی ریگان (در آمریکا) و تاچر (در انگلیس) می‌کند. در کتاب حاضر نیز به صورت تلمیحی به بحران اجتماعی عمیق در انگلیس و آمریکا اشاره می‌کند. در مصاحبه‌ای که بعد از انتخاب ترامپ و براگزیت از او دیدم، او اشاره به کتاب‌ها و مقالاتش کرد و گفت که چنین بحران‌هایی را پیش‌تر از این گوش‌زد کرده است. کتاب حاضر، مجموع مقالات نویسنده در ستون‌های نیویورک تایمز و چند رسانهٔ اقتصادی دیگر است که عمدتاً در سال‌های ۲۰۰۸ تا ۲۰۱۴ نوشته شده است. به یک مفهوم، این کتاب بسط‌یافتهٔ «بهای نابرابری» است با این تفاوت که چون این مجموع مقالات است، گاهی اطلاعات تکراری در مقالات مختلف دیده می‌شود. یکی از نکات جالب این کتاب، هشدار نویسنده به کشورهای در حال توسعه است که مبادا از الگوی اقتصادی آمریکا تبعیت کنند. در این زمینه البته او مثال از وام‌های بانک جهانی در ازای توسعهٔ اقتصاد بازار آزاد می‌آورد. پیشنهاد می‌کنم کتاب کوتاه زیر را در این زمینه بخوانید:

Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction

در کتاب فوق مثال‌های بسیاری از کشورهایی وجود دارد که تحت عنوان تعامل با قدرت‌های جهان، روی به بانک جهانی آوردند و نتیجه‌ای جز انفجار قیمت ارز، افزایش رکود، تورم نزدیک به پنجاه درصد و مشکلات عدیدهٔ اقتصادی نصیب‌شان نشد. یادم نیست کجا خوانده بودم ولی مثل این که در دولت سازندگی ایران به بهانهٔ ساختن کشور پس از جنگ چنین وامی گرفته شد و در ازای اجرای بخشی از اقتصاد بازارِ آزاد با تورم نزدیک به پنجاه درصدی در انتهای دولت سازندگی مواجه شدیم.

در ادامه، بریده‌هایی از کتاب «شکاف عمیق» را گذاشته‌ام.

چند وقت پیش در مهمانی شامی به میزبانی یکی از اعضای بارز و دغدغه‌مند یک‌درصدی بودم. میزبان مطلع از شکاف بزرگ، میلیاردرها، دانشگاهی‌ها و دیگرانی را که در مورد نابرابری نگران بودند به خانه‌اش دعوت کرده بود. در بحث‌های دورهمی، من از یکی از میلیاردرها، که ثروت اولیه‌اش موروثی بود، شنیدم که در مورد مشکل آمریکایی‌های تنبلی می‌گفت که سربار جامعهٔ آمریکا بودند. خیلی زود، بحث‌شان کشید به بحث در مورد راه‌های دور زدن مالیات. ظاهراً آن‌ها از طنز موجود در این تغییر بحث آگاه نبودند. (ص xii)
یک‌درصد بالای جهان هم‌اکنون تقریباً نیمی از ثروت جهان را صاحب هستند و در پی این هستند که بیشتر از این نیز از سهم نود و نه درصدی‌ها بالا بکشند. (ص xii)
ما دیگر سرزمین فرصت‌هایی که فکر می‌کردیم نیستیم. ما تبدیل به کشور پیشرفته‌ای شدیم که بیشترین سطح نابرابری را در بین کشورهای پیشرفته دارد و کمترین میزان برابری فرصت‌ها را در میان کشورهای پیشرفته. این مشکلات البته با استفاده از قوانین اقتصادْ قابل اجتناب بود. اما این مشکلات [بیشتر] نتیجهٔ سیاست‌گذاری و سیاسی‌بازی بود. (ص xvii)
مدیریت اشتباه در اقتصاد ما و مدیریت نادرست جهانی‌سازی در نهایت مرتبط به نقش منافع خاص در سیاست است، آن هم سیاستی که بیشتر نمایندهٔ یک‌درصدی‌هاست. اما با وجود مشکلاتی که سیاست به وجود آورده است، تنها از راه‌حل‌های سیاسی می‌توان این مشکلات را حل کرد. (ص xix)
من بر این باور بودم و اکنون بر این باور بیشتر تأکید دارم که این بحران اقتصادی ساخته و پرداختهٔ دست انسان است. این بحرانی است که یک‌درصدی‌ها به ما تحمیل کردند. همین واقعیت که این بحران امکان وقوع داشت خود نشان‌دهندهٔ یک شکاف بزرگ است. (ص ۶)
فروپاشی بازارْ نتیجهٔ شکست در مدیریت خطر و تخصیص سرمایه، اشتباهاتِ وام‌دهنده‌ها، بانک‌های سرمایه‌گذاری، و شرکت‌های اعتبارسنجی بود. (ص ۷)
بحرانی که ایالات متحده در سال ۲۰۰۸ با آن مواجه شد یک بحران ساختهٔ دست بشر است. من این صحنه را قبلاً نیز دیده‌ام: ترکیب اندیشه‌های قدرت‌مند (و شاید غلط) و م��افع قدرت‌مند می‌تواند منجر به نتایج ترسناکی شود. زمانی که اقتصاددان ارشد بانک جهانی بودم، از نزدیک دیدم که بعد از پایان استعمار، غرب چگونه اندیشه‌های بنیادگرایانهٔ بازارِ آزاد ر��، که بیشتر در جهت منفعت وال‌استریت بود، بر کشورهای در حال توسعه تحمیل کرد. البته کشورهای در حال توسعه گزینهٔ دیگری نداشتند. قدرت‌های استعماری از قبل این کشورها را ویران کرده بودند، منابع آن‌ها را وحشیانه به تاراج برده بودند، اما کمکی به توسعه‌شان نکرده بودند. آن‌ها نیاز به کمک از سمت کشورهای پیشرفته داشتند و در همین راستا شرایطی که بر آن‌ها تحمیل شد از این قرار بود که بازار خود را به کالاهای خارجی بگشایند و سیل کالاها به سمت این کشورها آمد، حال آن که حتی در کشورهای پیشرفته درِ مرزها را بر ورود اقلام کشاورزی از جنوب می‌بندند… البته ایدئولوژی‌ها بیشتر از شواهدِ [واقعی در تصمیم‌گیری‌ها] مؤثر هستند. اقتصاددانان بازارِ آزادی به ندرت به موفقیت اقتصاد شرقِ آسیا نگاه می‌کنند. آن‌ها ترجیح می‌دهند که در مورد شکست شوروی سابق، که کلاً از بازار اجتناب می‌کرد، حرف بزنند… ایالات متحده بر کشورهای دیگر فشار آورد که بازارهای سرمایه‌شان را لیبرال کنند. نتیجه این شد که آن کشورها یکی پس از دیگری با بحران مواجه شدند، حتی آن‌هایی که قبل از لیبرال شدن وضع خوبی داشتند. (صص ۱۱-۱۳)
مانند بسیاری از دیگر سیاست‌های اقتصادی‌ای که یک‌درصدی‌ها طراحی کردند، این طرح [کمک به بانک‌ها بعد از ورشکستگی] بر مبنای اقتصاد تزریق به بالادست (trickle-down) بود: فکرشان این بود که به اندازهٔ کافی پول به بانک‌ها تزریق شود و در نهایت همه از آن منفعت خواهند برد. این راه، همان طور که انتظار می‌رفت، موفق نبود. من دلیل آوردم که به جای آن کار می‌شد بر عکس کار کرد، یعنی تزریق به پایین‌دست. باید به میانه و پایین جامعه کمک کرد و در نهایت شاهد بهبود اقتصاد کل جامعه بود. (ص ۲۰)
یک مرد جوان سی تا چهل ساله درآمد امروزش را اگر بر اساس تورم تطبیق بدهیم به طور متوسط دوازده درصد کمتر از پدرش در سی سال پیش است. پس از ریاست جمهوری بوش، بیش از پنج میلیون و سیصد هزار آمریکایی به تعداد فقرا در آمریکا افزوده شد. (ص ۳۰)
اگر قرار باشد نرخ سود پایین را برای ایجاد آشفتگی ملامت کنیم، آنگاه باید بپرسیم چه چیزی باعث شد که دولت به دنبال نرخ سود پایین باشد. دلیلی که دولت برای این کار داشت، نگه داشتن قدرت اقتصادی بود که از مجموع تقاضای پایین در نتیجهٔ آشفتگی حباب فناوری رنج می‌برد. بر این اساس، سیاست کم کردن مالیات ثروتمندان در دولت بوش احتمالاً‌ نقش محوری داشته است. این سیاست در جهت تحریک اقتصاد بود ولی در عمل در حد خیلی محدودی موفق به چنین چیزی شد. جنگ عراق که دستاورد بوش بود نیز نقشی اساسی ایفا کرد. بعد از جنگ عراق، قیمت هر بشکه نفت از ۲۰ دلار به ۱۴۰ دلار افزایش پیدا کرد. در نتیجه آمریکایی‌ها صدها میلیارد دلار در سال فقط برای واردات نفت خرج کردند. (صص ۵۵-۵۶)
نظام سیاسی آمریکا و مخصوصاً پویش‌های انتخاباتی آن به کمک‌های مالی نیازمندند. همین مسأله باعث شده که وال‌استریت تأثیر بسیار زیادی بر سیاست آمریکا بگذارد، مثلاً این که مقررات را کم کنند… حتی امروز این تأثیر بر روی کسانی که قرار است بحران اقتصادی را حل کنند وجود دارد. (ص ۵۹)
نابرابری بیشتر از آن که مسألهٔ نظام سرمایه‌داری قرن بیستم باشد، مسألهٔ مردم‌سالاری (دموکراسی) قرن بیستم است. نگرانی اصلی این است که نظام سرمایه‌داریِ دون‌مایه، یا همان همگانی کردن مشکلات ولی خصوصی کردن دستاوردها، و مردم‌سالاری ناکامل ما، که بیشتر بر اساس قاعدهٔ هر دلار یک رأی است تا هر نفر یک رأی، با هم در تعامل قرار بگیرند و تولید ناامیدی در حوزه‌های سیاسی و اقتصادی کنند. (ص ۸۶)
یک‌ درصد بالای جامعهٔ آمریکا یک‌چهارم درآمد کشور را دارند و از نظر ثروت، چهل درصد ثروت از آنِ آن‌هاست. این اعداد بیست و پنج سال پیش بسیار کمتر بود (۱۲ درصد در مقابل ۲۵ درصد و ۳۳ درصد در مقابل چهل درصد)... آمریکا خیلی از کشورهای اروپایی عقب‌تر است و از نظر نابرابری به روسیه و ایران نزدیک است. (ص ۸۸)
روی دیگر افزایش نابرابریْ کاهش فرصت‌هاست. (ص ۸۹)
یک اقتصاد مدرن نیاز به سرمایه‌گذاری در زیرساخت‌ها دارد… ایالات متحده در این زمینه کمبود بسیار دارد؛ کافی است به وضعیت بزرگ‌راه‌ها، پل‌ها، راه‌آهن‌ها، هواپیماها و نظام تحصیلی در همهٔ سطوح آمریکا نگاهی بینداریم. (ص ۹۰)
با وجود نرخ بیکاری بیست درصد جوانان در آمریکا (در برخی نقاط جغرافیایی آمریکا این نرخ تا دو برابر هم می‌شود)، و با وجود این که از هر شش نفر، یک نفر در آرزوی شغل تمام‌وقت است، و با وجود آن که از هر هفت نفر یک نفر محتاج غذاست و به همین تعداد از عدم امنیت غذایی رنج می‌برند، و با وجود همهٔ این‌ها کمک‌های حاصل از سیاست تزریق به بالادست به سمت پایین‌دست نرفته است. (ص ۹۳)
خانوادهٔ والتون را در نظر بگیرید: شش وارث امپراتوری والمارت در مجموع ۹۰ میلیارد دلار ثروت دارند که برابری می‌کند با درآمد مجموع ۳۰٪ جامعهٔ آمریکا. وارِن بافِت [سرمایه‌دار آمریکایی] این مسأله را به گونه‌ای دیگر بیان کرد. او گفت در بیست سال اخیرْ جنگ طبقاتی برقرار بوده که طبقهٔ او [سرمایه‌دارها] برندهٔ‌ این جنگ بودند. (ص ۹۵)
دو قانون ساده در مالیات وجود دارد که اولی‌اش این است که از چیزهای بد بیشتر از چیزهای خوب مالیات باید گرفت و دومی‌اش این است که از موجودی‌های غیرمنعطف، یعنی چیزهایی که اضافه نمی‌شوند، باید بیشتر مالیات گرفت. بنابراین اگر بر آلودگی از هر نوعش مانند آلودگی کربنی مالیات بگیریم، سالانه صدها میلیارد دلار می‌شود و در نتیجه محیط زیست بهتری خواهیم داشت. (ص ۱۱۲)
نابرابری در ابعاد جهانی بسیار بیشتر است. هیچ کسی نمی‌تواند ادعا کند که دنیا یک‌سطح است حال آن که سرمایه‌گذاری معمول در آفریقا برای یک نفر فقط در حد چندصد دلار است اما آمریکایی‌های پولدار از والدینشان هدیهٔ نیم میلیون دلاری می‌گیرند. (ص ۱۱۵)
در بیست و پنج سال اخیر، ما از دنیایی با دو ابرقدرت به دنیایی با یک ابرقدرت رسیدیم. ما اکنون در مورد گروه کشورهای قدرتمند مانند گروه هفت، گروه هشت، یا گروه بیست صحبت می‌کنیم اما بهترین توصیف برای اوضاع کنونی گروهِ صفر است. ما باید یاد بگیریم در چنین دنیایی زندگی کنیم و دوام بیاوریم. (ص ۱۱۷)
مهمترین سؤال ما این نیست که سرمایه‌داری در قرن بیست و یکم چگونه است، بلکه سؤال اصلی در مورد مردم‌سالاری (دموکراسی) در این قرن است. (ص ۱۲۵)
محیط زیست ما یک منبع بسیار محدود است و هر کسی که به آن آسیب می‌رساند باید هزینه‌های جدی‌ای بپردازد. اگر با مالیات زیاد به شرکت‌هایی که تولید آلودگی‌ کربنی زیادی دارند هزینه تحمیل کنیم، هم اقتصاد بهتری خواهیم داشت و هم درآمدزایی می‌کنیم. (ص ۱۳۰)
ما مجبور به انتخاب بین نظام سرمایه‌داری و عدالت نیستیم. ما باید هر دو را بگزینیم. (ص ۱۳۱)
تحقیقات نشان می‌دهد که کسانی که با اسمی که معلوم است سیاه‌پوستند جویای کار باشند، کمتر مورد توجه سازمان‌های استخدامی قرار می‌گیرند. تبعیض شکل‌های جدیدی به خود گرفته است… نرخ زندانیِ ما در دنیا بیشترین است… تقریباً‌ ۴۰ درصد زندانی‌ها سیاه‌پوست هستند. (ص ۱۴۰)
در سال ۲۰۰۹، میانهٔ ثروت سفیدپوست‌ها ۲۰ برابر میانهٔ ثروت سیاهان بود. (ص ۱۴۱)
کشورهای بسیار فقیرتر از ایالات متحده تصمیم گرفتند تحصیلات را رایگان کنند [در آمریکا تحصیلات گران و پولی است]. (ص ۱۵۵)‌
[فقرا] بدون تحصیلات دانشگاهی، محکوم به زندگی فقیرانه خواهند بود؛ با تحصیلات دانشگاهی، تا آخر عمر باید زیر قرض باشند. بدتر آن که اخیراً دیگر تحصیلات دانشگاهی کافی نیست و تحصیلات تکمیلی نیز نیاز است. (ص ۱۶۱)
قبل از ترکیدن حباب مسکن در سال ۲۰۰۷، بانک‌ها قشر کم‌درآمد و میانه را راضی کردند که از آن‌ها وام بگیرند و خانه‌شان را در گرو این بانک‌های خوک‌صفت قرار دهند. بانک‌ها از قصدْ این قشر را مورد هدف قرار دادند و در نهایت میلیون‌ها نفر خانه‌شان را از دست دادند. (ص ۱۶۵)
قرض دانشجوها برای وام شهریه به ۲۶ هزار دلار رسیده است، رقمی که نسبت به هفت سال قبل، چهل درصد رشد داشته است. (ص ۱۶۵)
قانون این است که حتی اگر قسط خانه‌تان عقب افتاده باشد،‌ بانک نمی‌تواند به سادگی خانه را مصادره کند. در هفته‌ها و ماه‌های اخیر [سال ۲۰۱۰] آمریکایی‌ها شاهد آن بودند که خانه‌های بسیاری مصادره شده بودند حتی آن‌هایی که به بانک‌ها مقروض نبودند [به خاطر کلاه‌برداری بانک‌ها و سوءاستفاده از ناآگاهی مردم از قانون]. (ص ۱۷۰)
قانون ورشکستگیْ نظامِ جدیدی را معرفی کرد. اگر کسی مثلاً به اندازهٔ ۱۰۰ درصد درآمدش مقروض باشد، ممکن است مجبور شود که ۲۵ درصد از حقوق ناخالص خود را تا آخر عمرش به بانک بدهد. چرا که هر سال ۳۰ درصد سود به قرض آن شخص اضافه می‌شود. در نهایت، شخصِ مقروض چندین برابر مقدارِ واقعی‌ای که قرض کرده بوده، باید به بانک پس بدهد. (صص ۱۷۱-۱۷۲)
بیش از چهار میلیون آمریکایی در حباب مسکن سال ۲۰۰۸ خانه‌شان را از دست دادند. سه و نیم میلیون نفر دیگر نیز در فرآیند از دست دادن خانه‌هایشان هستند. (ص ۱۷۴)
حدود ۱۴٫۵ درصد از آمریکا فقیر هستند ولی ۱۹٫۹ درصد از کودکان آمریکایی در فقر به سر می‌برند. (ص ۱۷۸)
در دانشگاه‌های سطح اول آمریکا، حدود ۹ درصد از دانشجوها از قشر فرودست هستند، حال آن که ۷۴٪ از چارک بالای اقتصادی جامعه می‌آیند. (ص ۱۸۰)
وارن بافت [سرمایه‌دار معروف آمریکایی] به این مسأله اشاره کرد که خیلی بی‌انصافی است که او حتی از منشی‌اش نرخ مالیات کمتری دارد. [مخصوصاً این که درآمد اصلی سرمایه‌داران از سود سهام است که بعد از مدتی مالیاتی بر آن تعلق نمی‌گیرد] (ص ۱۹۰)
۴۰۰ نفر از پولدارترین مالیات‌دهنده‌ها در آمریکا که درآمدی در حدود ۲۰۰ میلیون دلار در سال دارند، کمتر از ۲۰ درصد از درآمدشان را مالیات می‌دهند در حالی که قشر فرودست جامعه در حدود ۲۵٪ مالیات پرداخت می‌کند. (صص ۱۹۶-۱۹۷)
شرکت‌های بزرگ اصلی‌ترین برندهٔ جهانی‌سازی هستند… آن‌ها یاد گرفته‌اند که چگونه از جهانی‌سازی و از راه‌های فرار مالیاتی استفاده نمایند [مثل ادعای این که درآمد مالیاتی‌شان برای ایرلند، کشوری با نرخ مالیاتی بسیار کم، است حال آن که بیشتر منابع و کارمندان در آمریکا هستند. این کاری است که شرکت‌هایی مثل گوگل و اپل انجام داده‌اند]. (ص ۲۰۵)
پیام مرکزی این کتاب این است که نابرابری تحت تأثیر مستقیم تقریباً همهٔ‌ سیاست‌گذاری‌های دولتی بوده است. (ص ۲۳۳)
چند سال پیش به هند رفته بودم، کشوری که یک میلیارد و دویست میلیون نفر جمعیت دارد و ده‌ها میلیون هر روز در آن با گرسنگی دست و پنجه نرم می‌کنند. وقتی که هندی‌ها از من شنیدند که از هر هفت آمریکایی یک نفر توان تأمین نیازهای اولیهٔ‌ زندگی را ندارد، تعجب کردند. [می‌گفتند] چطور ممکن است در کشور ثروتمندی مثل آمریکا این قدر گرسنگی شایع باشد؟ (ص ۲۵۹)
شرکت میریاد ژنتیکس دو ژن انسانی را کشف کرد که با جهش‌هایی ژنتیکی امکان درمان سرطان سینه را داشتند. این شرکت آن دو ژن را ثبت اختراع کرد. این ثبت اختراع برای شرکت ایجاد مالکیت می‌کرد و مانع از آن می‌شد که دیگران از آن ژن استفاده کنند… این شرکت حتی مانع از آزمایش دو زن مبتلا به سرطان شد چون می‌دانست که حق بیمهٔ آن دو زن توان پرداخت هزینه را ندارد. [پس از این مشکلات قانونی به تصویب رسید که ژن قابلیت ثبت اختراع نداشته باشد]. (صص ۲۷۴-۲۷۵)
در زمان جنگ سرد، آمریکا می‌خواست به جهان نشان دهد که الگوی خوبی برای اقتصاد است. اما بعد از جنگ و بدون داشتن رقیب، دیگر نیازی به نشان دادن این الگو در خود نمی‌دید. (ص ۳۰۱)
یک نتیجهٔ کلی وجود دارد: هر کشوری که از الگوی اقتصادی آمریکا تبعیت کرد، زخمیِ نتایج مشابهی شد. (ص ۳۰۹)
مشکل کشور اسپانیا نتیجهٔ ترکیب ایدئولوژی و منافع گروه‌های خاص است که باعث ایجاد بازار سرمایهٔ لیبرال بدون مقررات تنظیم بازار و دیگر جوانب «بنیادگرایی بازار» تحت تأثیر الگوی آمریکایی است... این «بنیادگرایی بازار» همان چیزی است که از آن به عنوان «نئولیبرالیسم» یاد می‌شود. این‌ها فهم عمیقی از نظریه‌های مدرن اقتصادی ندارند و تنها فهم عوامانه‌ای از اقتصاد دارند که فکر می‌کنند که بازار آزاد منجر به رقابت و بازار بی‌نقص می‌شود. (صص ۳۶۱-۳۶۲)




Profile Image for Angie Boyter.
2,099 reviews74 followers
April 3, 2015
Nice collection for Stiglitz fans
The growing disparity in income and wealth between the richest Americans and “the rest of us” is very much in the news these days, but Nobel-Prize-winning economist Joseph Stigliz has been writing about it for a long time. This book brings together short pieces that appeared in publications such as Vanity Fair and the New York Times warning of the dangers of inequality as long ago as 2007.
The book is in nine sections. The first section he calls a Prelude because it discusses the 2007-2008 recession and the response to it that built the background for the increasing inequality seen today. The middle sections contain articles describing the disparity, personal reflections from Stiglitz’s life, dimensions of inequality such as student debt and health care, causes for inequality such as a tax system that favors the elite, and consequences of the inequality. The later sections elaborate on his argument that such inequality is not inevitable but is a political choice and explore the international picture in countries like Japan, Australia, Spain, China, Singapore, Scotland, and even Mauritius. The final section consists of articles in which Stiglitz outlines the kinds of actions America should take to combat inequality. In an Afterword, Vanity Fair editor Cullen Murphy interviews Stiglitz responding to conservative critics who claim that the rich create jobs. Each of the nine sections of the book is preceded by a lengthy introduction providing an overview of the topic of that section.
This anthology format has strengths and weaknesses. It allows for the presentation of a broad range of topics relating to inequality, and it is interesting to see how the topics develop over the course of the time period in which the articles were written. On the other hand, since the articles are generally short (Many were op-ed pieces.), readers new to a topic may feel they need for more data or a longer explanation. In addition, because they were written at different times for different publications, there was a great deal of repetition, e.g., Thomas Piketty’s book Capitalism in the Twenty-first Century is discussed at length in at least two of the articles as well as the introduction to Part I.
Readers who want in-depth presentation of Stiglitz’s thinking would probably be happier reading one of his other books, such as The Price of Inequality, that contain more data and a more comprehensive exposition of his ideas, but those who want a broad survey or who already admire him and want to hear more from this influential thinker will welcome this book
Profile Image for Ola.
Author 6 books8 followers
August 30, 2016
This is a collection of essays and articles originally written for Politico, NY Times, Project Syndicate etc. As a book, it gets a bit tiresome to read the same argument over and over (as often the case such collections). Sometimes I wish, for instance in the introductions to each section, to have seen a bit more of the calculations behind the claims. Still, this is a book with a political message, and it deserves to be read.

Stiglitz' main claim is that inequality is bad for the over-all economy. By allocating more and more money to the top 1 percent, who uses only a fraction of their wealth, one is in fact taking money out of circulation. It does not trickle down. If more of the worlds money were in the hands of those who use all their income to sustain a living, it wouldn't only be more fair, there would be much more demand and the economy would function better. Stiglitz' message is important and his analyses should be in every policy-maker (and voter)'s book-shelf.
Profile Image for Umair Khan.
40 reviews27 followers
February 11, 2017
Economy might be a boring subject for the majority of readers, however, a number of economists have been trying to popularise important debates on economic issues. Such arguments have caught the imaginations of several citizens concerned with their economic prospects. Joseph E. Stiglitz, Nobel Laureate and former chief economist of the World Bank, has raised serious concerns about the distribution of wealth — in the USA in particular and across the world in general — in his latest book, quite provocatively (yet aptly) titled The Great Divide. It is a compilation of articles written for The New York Times over the past seven years.

The concept of income inequality is not a new one. However, it has long been neglected by mainstream economists and policymakers. Income inequality refers to the uneven distribution of wealth in a society which results in a widening gulf between the rich and the poor. Stiglitz has explained that conservative economists have focused only on increasing the size of the economy (or GDP). The distribution of wealth was considered a question of politics despite having enormous economic implications. This is why, Stiglitz states, that “while GDP was growing, the incomes of most Americans were stagnating.” This stagnating income of the middle class meant stagnant demand, and that resulted in economic slowdown. Therefore, according to Stiglitz, taxing the rich does not cause an economic slowdown, rather, stagnating incomes of the middle class cause economic slowdown. This is how Stiglitz challenges the basic tenet of trickle-down economics.

The failure of market economies to fairly distribute wealth has caused several analysts, particularly those on the left of the politico-economic spectrum, to question the very basis of the system, i.e. capitalism. On the eve of the global financial crisis that started in 2007, Marx’s critique of capitalism was once again analysed thoroughly, in an attempt to find a cure for the ills which haunt our global economic model. Such rethinking also gave rise to political agitations, such as in the form of the Occupy Wall Street movement. The history of capitalism has been marred by successive recessions and a persistent existence of inequality in the distribution of wealth. Stiglitz points out that, “in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis, hundreds of billions went to save the banks, and little went to help homeowners.” What sparked this rebellion on both academic and practical planes were the shocking statistics revealed by economic measures. Hence, the global rallying for ‘capitalism v2.0’ was not as much ideologically motivated as it was grounded in economic data.

Stiglitz has backed his arguments with hard facts. The average wage of male high-school leavers has declined by 12pc in the past 25 years, while CEOs’ salaries have swelled from 30 times the average worker’s wage to 300 times. The concern is not only limited to the historical comparison of the US’s economy, it also extends to the decline of these measures in comparison to other global statistics. The economic and employment prospects of top-performing students from poor families in the US are now lower than those of the weakest-performing students from families in the top economic quartile. A bus with some 85 billionaires has as much wealth as the bottom half of the world’s population, some three billion people.

Comparing the economic performance of USA with China, Stiglitz states that China “moved some 500 million out of poverty over the same period that stagnation seized America’s middle class.” Furthermore, he informs readers that “we [USA] had become the advanced country with the highest level of inequality, and we had among the lowest levels of equality of opportunity.” Keeping in mind the prevailing politico-economic system, it was Stiglitz who, in a Vanity Fair essay in 2011, coined the catchphrase ‘of the 1pc, by the 1pc, for the 1pc’, which aptly encompasses his main contentions.

Stiglitz has argued that successive governments in the US have not only been complicit in worsening the situation but that, through their fiscal and monetary policies, they have actively contributed towards it. Big businesses, large banks, and financial regulators have also collaborated with these administrations.

Stiglitz’s efforts to popularise these economic issues did not begin with this book. In his 2012 book, The Price of Inequality, he introduced concepts such as “the 99pc and the 1pc”. Popular awareness of these issues, in Stiglitz’s opinion, is the first step towards solving them. Following this trend, a number of books on the subject have been penned by other contemporary economists. One such book is Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century, a remarkable treatise which became an unlikely bestseller. Everyone now understands that a large percentage of wealth is amassed by the elite class and that the gap between rich and poor is widening day by day.

Stiglitz is not just a doomsday prophet. He has, along with criticising the current economic policies, suggested remedial measures too. He vehemently states that “widening and deepening inequality is not driven by immutable economic laws, but by laws we have written ourselves.” His central message is that any government can address the issue of inequality by astutely utilising the economic tools on hand — such as finding the right placement for the burden of taxation, effective monitoring and regulation of financial institutions, investing in human resources to gain long-term benefits, providing for the essential needs of its citizens, etc. Moreover, he cites the example of free university education introduced in Mauritius which, according to him, should also be adopted by the US.

The central theme of the book is also relevant to the economic issues and policy-making in Pakistan. Although Pakistan’s GDP has been increasing over the last 25 years, a larger share of income is concentrated in the hands of a few. According to figures released by the government, the reported income of the richest 20pc of households has been almost 7pc higher than the poorest 20pc households over the last 25 years. To improve this situation, important lessons can be learnt from the ideas proposed by Stiglitz. We need to create a fairer economic regime and a political system that treats everyone equally.

The strength of this book is that although it has been written for the layperson, it addresses such issues in a way that can be useful to economists and policymakers as well. Stiglitz weaves his narrative in an easy to comprehend style. The central message of the book is very clear: “the level of inequality in America is not inevitable; it is not the result of inexorable laws of economics. It is a matter of policies and politics.”
Profile Image for Bertie Brady.
64 reviews1 follower
November 20, 2022
The Great Divide consists of a series of newspaper articles from Joseph Stiglitz who was a chief economist at the world bank until 2000 and served in the Clinton administration as a chair in the presidents council of economics. in the book which he discusses primarily issues of wealth inequality in the United states.

What can i say about this book? for starters it wasn't really a book at all just a collection of articles and a short Q&A. i think the biggest issue is just how outdated by now its become. most of the articles revolve around the financial crash of 2008, the most recent articles are only in 2015 and even from then most of the topics he discusses are not nearly as relevent as they used to be. he also often repeats the same points constantly which may have been fine in the way his work was originally printed but becomes tiring in a long-format book.

Being British I hoped he would take a broader view of wealth inequality across the world instead of just focusing on the issues in the United States, especially when there are many countries that are far worse. he does have a chapter devoted to failures and successes in other countries but he looks at this mostly from a perspective of how their example can benefit the US.

His general points were mostly correct and he had a few interesting ideas of how to control markets while continuing growth. he accurately and effectively highlighted the economic and social damage of excessive inequality, especially in regard to democracy and the steps which led to stagnation of median income in the middle class (at the time of his writing) while the top 1% saw exponentially increasing profits. However, I do find that he exaggerates the extent of poverty in the US and takes a simplistic outlook at the role conservatives have played in it.

The Great divide is worth a read no matter what your politics are but you,d probably be better off to simply read a few of his articles online for free where his arguments are generally the same each time.
10 reviews
January 22, 2018

Stiglitz is an important voice in economics, and he is working hard to help non-economists understand that capitalism comes in many different varieties depending on the policy decisions made by the people in power where it is practiced. This collection of material, much of it previously published in a variety of columns and articles in business and policy journals, centers on the way capitalism, as currently practiced in the United States, has moved our economy toward a two tier reality without much room for a benefit to the middle class.

His main point is that we don't have to abandon capitalism to improve the efficiency and essential fairness of our economy.
Profile Image for penny stokes.
4 reviews
December 14, 2022
author is kinda obsessed with himself like he always quotes himself from his previous books
35 reviews1 follower
December 30, 2016
A great read on the subject of inequality and how politics and policies are behind the stagnation in real wages of the middle class and lower. Eye-opening and informative on the central thesis of the book that inequality is not a natural outcome of capitalisms/skill biased technological change, but is an outcome of our politics/policies. The book is convincing in showing that we can reduce inequality without compromising economic growth. Though two caveats -
1. The book is fairly repetitive. The central thesis is set out the first 100 pages or so and then the same ideas are used to analyse the impact of different policies in the US. The book is fairly US centric as well. The inequality in other parts of the world is cursorially addressed.
2. Apparently the effort that goes into a full length book is much higher than compiling ~50 blog posts into a book. And it shows. You are essentially reading one blog post after the other in this book. Maybe The Price of Inequality (the other Stieglitz book on inequality) is better structured and has more depth?
Profile Image for Lukas op de Beke.
159 reviews27 followers
October 10, 2016
Because it is a collection of essays, it does get a tad repetitive, especially towards the penultimate chapter. Still, the last chapter on regional perspectives is very interesting- until now I had not heard of the Mauritius economic miracle- and Stiglitz is a star in dumbing down economic theory. A few key insights that stuck with me are first, the idea that the rich become rich more often than not through rent-seeking- i.e. getting a bigger size of the pie instead of enlarging it for everyone- and that contrary to popular belief, the rich actually are less profligate when it comes to diverting their wealth into the economy than if this same wealth were owned by several people, leading to less overall consumption.
Profile Image for David.
225 reviews12 followers
May 6, 2021
"Wealth begets power which begets more wealth"

"Economic and geographic segregation have immunized those at the top from the problems of those down below. Like the kings of yore, they have come to perceive their privileged positions essentially as a natural right."

"Democracy, we now recognize, involves more than periodic voting. Societies with a high level of economic inequality inevitably wind up with a high level of political inequality. The elites run the political system for their own interests."

Joseph E. Stiglitz
September 15, 2015
Been lazy again and haven't put my read books up here. XD I'm so going to win my challenge but lose because I'm freakin' lazy.

This was interesting. I enjoyed the previous book of his that I'd read. This one is a collection of his articles that have been published in the major magazines and sites. Since I don't follow this articles, they were all new to me but this might not be the case for everyone so you've been warned.
Profile Image for Ailith Twinning.
707 reviews37 followers
April 26, 2018
As with any collection of articles, skip this if you remotely keep up with Stiglitz. If you don't tho, makes one hell of an introduction to moderate economics and politics. Way less hostile than folks like me.

Also, just, in the near-term I'm basically with Stiglitz. I don't want to destroy the world man, I want to strip out, clean, repair and replace every part of society in an endless process of upgrading. Like a computer -- or a car or a house if you have that kind of cash.
Profile Image for Kit.
347 reviews3 followers
November 1, 2020
Be clear that if you've read Stiglitz's other books, the Great Divide is not much different to what he's already written. If you've read his articles in New York Times and other popular publications, then it's more than likely that you've come across at least one of these articles.

The Great Divide is the same old fundamental ideas, compiled, repackaged and redistributed. This is probably the reason I found the book in Book Excess for about $5. I don't feel cheated, but I feel that the book doesn't contribute any new knowledge, and at best, is a cash cow. Some of these articles feel outdated (some were published before the 2007 crisis), and his ideas are quite repetitive in plenty of these articles.

Nonetheless, for a casual reader and for someone who has an interest in economics, this book holds some value.

Key takeaways:

America's Inequality
We all know it, Stiglitz vocalises it in his writings. America is a den of thieves where politics benefit the 1% (especially the 0.1%) at the expense of the bottom 99%. This inequality has reached a point where it is also detrimental for the 1% if nothing is to be done for the 99%. The continued success of the 1% relies on the betterment of the 99%.

Trickle down economy is a myth and the sooner we stop teaching this, the better
The reason the 1% is doing so well while the 99% languish in their own cesspool is because the money gets stuck at the top. The wealthy has more to save, and therefore spends less in proportion of their income than the less wealthy. Economists argued (badly) that the rich will stimulate growth from the top, but wealth begets wealth for the wealthy, and the poor is holding their bowls with both hands a la Oliver Twist, waiting for the porridge. They’ll still end up hungry.

This Inequality has been caused by a lack of regulations starting from good old Reaganism
There are various points of history which happened back in the 80s and 90s that still reverberates and sets the scene for today. During the Reagan era, deregulation became the norm, favouring the rich and ultra rich. Tax cuts for this bracket is commonplace and gave free rein to those in control in financial institutions to do what they like. This ethos became more and more entrenched, leading up to the global financial crisis.

The poor is fucked, more so than before
Bad politics create bad policies, at least for the poor. The American Dream is dead for many years, and everybody is still aloof. The success of an average American depends more than ever in the level of education and income of the parents, more so than any other country. That doesn’t help when the top 1% holds about 30% of the wealth. Education, the traditional get out of jail free card is still a draw, minus the “get out of” part. Students have the choice of taking on these massive loans that will take them decades to repay, or to just settle for something less as there’s no point applying for a decent job without an expensive degree.

In the Great Recession, the banks must be saved, but not the way that it was done
Everybody was in panic mode when GFC hit. In almost a knee-jerk reaction, the US government bailed out banks to stimulate lending again and to save them from going under. Instead, the bailout should be focused on the homebuyers going underwater as opposed to a quasi-blank-cheque to the banks to abuse. As a result, bankers who architected the collapse became the beneficiaries of these bailouts by syphoning them into bonuses to line their own poockets. During this time, monetary policy trumps over fiscal policy, with little benefit for the punters.

Somebody somewhere must do something about how intellectual property is managed
Powerful companies will hold on their patents for as long as they can to keep the competition out. They will evolve the patents slightly for essentially the same product to keep this intellectual property, in a process called evergreening. This is prevalent in pharma which has negative impact on those who need the drugs but have no way to afford them. Stiglitz suggested some ideas in this book (such as a reward system as opposed to a patent) but doesn’t go into the details.

America could learn from how other countries are managed
There are other countries such as Mauritius, Singapore, Japan and China that have struggled in the past but have fared better than how America has evolved. Australia has a great system but have somehow convince themselves that the American way is the way to go. America should shed its cloak of arrogance and look at these countries as case studies.

---
Before I read The Great Divide, I finished F Scott Fitzgerald’s the Beautiful and the Damned where an aristocratic couple live in leisure from the allowance from a rich grandfather, expecting inheritance money to sustain them when the said grandfather is gone. The life was a life fuelled with parties and excess, selling their bonds to fuel this unsustainable way of life. Their friends overtime, see them as a joke and start to avoid them.

The America I see now is no better than the Patches, the couple in Scott’s novel, relying on debt to fuel an unsustainable way of living and along the way, losing the respect and credibility of their peers. America, in effect, has become a raging alcoholic who pick fights they cannot win. For everybody’s sake, I hope that they can get their shit together.
21 reviews
February 7, 2022
This is a collection of essays that the author initially wrote for various online and print magazines. This makes the content repetitive and unorganized. While the arguments are interesting, all of his main points and supporting ideas could fit in less than half of its 400+ pages. The author could have threshed out his analyses instead of simply including all those essays that basically say the same thing over and over.
Profile Image for Will Fuqua.
25 reviews2 followers
June 24, 2018
Even for a compilation of articles, this book is absurdly repetitive. Couple that with some lazily supported arguments and utter nonsense regarding Scottish Independence and you've got a serious disappointment.
Profile Image for Shawn Lee.
1 review
July 4, 2022
Felt like it was quite repetitive. But quite good for my first economics book. Enjoyed and learnt a lot about the economic recession, inflation, housing bubbles in America. Joe made it very clear that America is no longer the land of equal opportunity- something the book has ingrained in me.
Profile Image for Susu.
1,337 reviews18 followers
August 19, 2016
A collection of articles on inequality, the distribution of wealth and how that is affecting our societies. Read and learn.
2,114 reviews48 followers
July 29, 2019
This is a book that was ok because it's a collection of essays - and there's only so much you can convey in one essay. I left knowing how Joseph Stiglitz thinks about equality, but it doesn't feel like there's an in-depth, meaty look at the reasons for inequality. It's also rather American-centric, which is fair enough, but I didn't care for it. So 2.5/5 stars.

I did like the essay on Singapore:

Singapore realised that an economy could not succeed if most of its citizens were not participating in its growth or if large segments lacked adequate housing, access to health care, and retirement security. By insisting that individuals contribute significantly toward their own social welfare accounts, it avoided charges of being a nanny state. But by recognising the different capcities of individuals to meet these needs, it created a more cohesive society. By understanding that children cannot choose their parents - and that all children should have the right to develop their innate capacities - it created a more dynamic society.


I liked some of his ideas, especially about taxes:

The problem of multinational corporate tax avoidance is deeper, and requires more profound reform, including dealing with tax havens that shelter money for tax-evaders and facilitate money-laundering. Google and Apple hire the most talented lawyers, who know how to avoid taxes staying within the law. But there should be no room in our system for countries that are complicitous in tax avoidance. Why should taxpayers in Germany help bail out citizens in a country whose business model was based on tax avoidance and a race to the bottom – and why should citizens in any country allow their companies to take advantage of these predatory countries?

To say that Apple or Google simply took advantage of the current system is to let them off the hook too easily: the system didn't just come into being on its own. It was shaped from the start by lobbyists from large multinationals. Companies like General Electric lobbied for, and got, provisions that enabled them to avoid even more taxes. They lobbied for, and got, amnesty provisions that allowed them to bring their money back to the US at a special low rate, on the promise that the money would be invested in the country; and then they figured out how to comply with the letter of the law, while avoiding the spirit and intention. If Apple and Google stand for the opportunities afforded by globalisation, their attitudes towards tax avoidance have made them emblematic of what can, and is, going wrong with that system.


(In another essay titled Phony Capitalism, he proposes taxing MNCs on their global income.)

But I liked his essays because I generally went in agreeing with the idea. It didn't feel like I was engaging with his arguments - rather, his opinion. That is fair, but I would have preferred something more.

I want to end off with how much I love the May 2012 Vanity Fair article on the 1 Percent Problem:

People were surprised when the financial firm MF Global, headed by Jon Corzine, suddenly collapsed into bankruptcy last year, leaving victims by the thousands as a result of actions that may prove to have been criminal; but given Wall Street’s recent history, I’m not sure people were all that surprised to learn that several MF Global executives would still be getting their bonuses. When corporate C.E.O.’s argue that wages have to be reduced or that there must be layoffs in order for companies to compete—and simultaneously increase their own compensation—workers rightly consider what is happening to be unfair. This in turn affects their efforts on the job, their loyalty to the firm, and their willingness to invest in its future. The widespread sense by workers in the Soviet Union that they were being mistreated in exactly this way—exploited by managers who lived high on the hog—played a major role in the hollowing out of the Soviet economy, and in its ultimate collapse. As the old Soviet joke had it, “They pretend to pay us, and we pretend to work.”

In a society in which inequality is widening, fairness is not just about wages and income, or wealth. It’s a far more generalized perception. Do I seem to have a stake in the direction society is going, or not? Do I share in the benefits of collective action, or not? If the answer is a loud “no,” then brace for a decline in motivation whose repercussions will be felt economically and in all aspects of civic life.
Profile Image for Robert Negut.
227 reviews11 followers
March 2, 2024
[EN: (RO below)]
At least I just borrowed this from the Library, but I still feel cheated, expecting an actual book and getting a collection of essays already published over a span of several years, which isn’t mentioned anywhere on the cover, so you need to get quite a number of pages into the introduction to find out. And those essays are completely unchanged, resulting in content that’s more outdated and far shallower than you’d expect the book to be, plus that plenty of ideas are simply repeated time and time again. Admittedly, this also makes the book particularly easy to read.
The only sections that are written specifically for this book are the introductions for each part, and while they mostly just provide a little context for the essays, some are more notable and interesting, such as the one for part one and the parts about trade agreements and intellectual property from the one for part six. And it was pleasing to see trade agreements and intellectual property being approached in such a critical manner in itself. And I must definitely say the same about describing how capitalism currently works as privatizing the profits while socializing or nationalizing the losses, externalizing the costs, and freeloading on public services and infrastructure and state-supported research. And I could keep nodding along to plenty of other ideas.
The fact that the vast majority of the book is focused on the United States did make me feel rather disconnected, and the essays that are strictly about the 2008 crisis were even worse from that point of view. But, besides that, the problem is that the author remains such a staunch supporter of capitalism, just aiming to limit its worst excesses, when the system itself is the problem and it needs to be replaced with something different. In addition, he continues to push for growth and full employment, states that the major problem is the lack of demand, disagrees with prioritizing fighting inflation and supports the concept of people, businesses and states continuing to live on credit in itself, all of which I firmly oppose.

[RO:]
Macar doar am imprumutat-o de la Biblioteca, dar tot ma simt inselat, asteptandu-ma la o carte propriu-zisa si primind o colectie de eseuri deja publicate de-a lungul mai multor ani, ceea ce nu se mentioneaza nicaieri pe coperta, deci trebuie sa ajungi niste pagini bune in introducere ca sa afli. Si acele eseuri sunt complet neschimbate, rezultand in continut care e mai depasit si mult mai superficial decat te-ai astepta sa fie cartea, plus ca multe idei sunt pur si simplu repetate iar si iar. Sigur, asta face cartea sa fie deosebit de usor de citit.
Singurele sectiuni care sunt scrise special pentru aceasta carte sunt introducerile fiecarei parti, si chiar daca in principal doar ofera putin context pentru eseuri, unele sunt mai notabile si interesante, cum ar fi cea pentru prima parte si partile despre acordurile comerciale si proprietatea intelectuala din cea pentru partea a sasea. Si a fost placut sa vad acordurile comerciale si proprietatea intelectuala abordate intr-o maniera asa de critica in sine. Si cu siguranta trebuie sa spun acelasi lucru despre descrierea modului in care capitalismul functioneaza in prezent ca privatizarea profiturilor in timp ce se socializeaza sau nationalizeaza pierderile, se externalizeaza costurile, si se profita de serviciile si infrastructura publica si de cercetarea sustinuta de stat. Si am putut sa tot aprob multe alte idei.
Faptul ca imensa majoritate a cartii este concentrata pe Statele Unite m-a facut insa sa ma simt destul de deconectat, iar eseurile care sunt strict despre criza din 2008 au fost si mai rele din acel punct de vedere. Dar, pe langa asta, problema este ca autorul ramane un sustinator atat de loial al capitalismului, doar vizand sa-i limiteze cele mai grave excese, cand sistemul in sine este problema si trebuie schimbat cu ceva diferit. In plus, continua sa sustina cresterea si ocuparea deplina, afirma ca problema majora este lipsa cererii, nu este de acord cu prioritizarea luptei impotriva inflatiei si sustine in sine conceptul ca oamenii, agentii economici si statele sa continue sa traiasca pe credit, toate fiind lucruri carora eu ma opun ferm.
Profile Image for Fernando.
90 reviews6 followers
March 8, 2024
Primer título que leo de Stiglitz me ha gustado por su facilidad de lectura para aquellos que no se manejan en la ciencia económica. Es un compendio de sus innumerables artículos escritos para el The New York Times por lo que los temas suelen repetirse en varios de los capítulos. Está centrado especialmente en el crecimiento de la desigualdad en EEUU, la reducción de la clase media, el estancamiento de los salarios medios, la excesiva influencia de los millonarios en la vida política y el rol de la financiarización desregulada en la crisis de 2008. Es un libro que describe grosso modo por qué la desigualdad es un problema para el crecimiento económico en las economías modernas y cómo la ciencia económica está dominada por una corriente ideológica fundamentalista de libre mercado que tiene como defensa la tesis de la economía del goteo, es decir, la desregulación del mercado, la reducción del papel del Estado en la política fiscal, una rebaja generalizada de impuestos en la cúspide de la pirámide social de quienes obtienen los ingresos más elevados en la riqueza nacional, y la idea de que la desigualdad es parte inevitable del desarrollo económico y que los ricos son los más innovadores y quienes crean la mayor parte de las fuentes de trabajo para el resto de la sociedad. Todo esto es más conocido como "neoliberalismo", aunque el autor no utiliza este término. También hay una apología a la izquierda norteamericana porque según el autor es la que mejor entiende el problema de la desigualdad. Me preguntó qué diría ahora al ver que al igual que los conservadores apoyaron la costosa guerra de Irak, los liberales defienden la de Ucrania con cuantiosas ayudas económicas mientras la pobreza, la desigualdad, una disminución en la esperanza de vida, la epidemia de opiáceos, y la desigualdad política y económica no paran de crecer bajo un gobierno de "izquierda" en EEUU, pero eso es otro tema.
La desigualdad económica agudiza las desigualdades políticas y estas a su vez la económica en un círculo vicioso en la que las políticas están diseñadas por y para gente rica, eso es una de las ideas que defiende el autor y que atraviesa todo el libro. A escala local, solo basta ver la composición de quienes conforman los principales partidos que dominan la política nacional acá en Chile como probablemente en muchos de los países en vías de desarrollo o desarrollados, personas muy alejadas de los problemas de la clase media y ni de qué decir de los pobres.
Es un título muy recomendable para quienes se interesen en el problema de la desigualdad y cómo esta debilita la demanda agregada y por tanto es un problema para la economía.
9 reviews
August 5, 2018
About 10 years ago, I first read a book "Making Globalization Work" from Joseph E. Stiglitz, the Nobel Laureate in economics. His book inspired me and changed my view of world economy. It taught me a lot. It was not exaggerating to say that the world looked afresh to me.

Years later, I read this book of his. He kept inspiring me and widened my horizon on the world economy, letting me see what is really going on.

"The Great Divide" is about the growing inequality. His book focuses on US but also talks about various parts of the world.

Inequality inhibits growth of the economy. Over the decades, more and more wealth and income went to the richest people, the middle stagnated and the bottom suffered. The rich spends much smaller proportion of their wealth, even though they live in more luxurious life, than the poor. As a result, when wealth goes to them, the aggregate demand decreases. And the demand, not the rich, is the real creator of jobs (The rich will not do business if there is no demand). A weaker demand leads to unemployment or lower wages, which results in lower demand. The vicious cycle goes.

He debunks the myth of trickle down economics and criticizes the irresponsible deregulation of market players (especially the financial sectors), which contribute to much of the inequality of the world. Inequality is not inevitable. Capitalism is not necessarily coupled with inequality. The models in Nordic countries showed that an egalitarian society and high economic growth can coexist. And the former leads to the latter, in a manner more healthy to the people and environment.

The most valuable assets of a country are its people, and especially the young ones. Inequality deprives the young of the equality of opportunities. Many youngsters cannot access to senior education or better training because of the poverty of their parents. Therefore some cannot fully realize their potentials, and some were even driven to the wrong paths, becoming criminals and ending up in prisons.

All of these happened because of wrong policy, not inevitable law of economics. Joseph E. Stiglitz fearlessly points out the wrongdoers.

This book is full of brilliant articles. But, unlike "Making Globalization Works", this book is a collection of the author's articles published at different times. Hence, there are substantial overlaps between them. However, because of its insights and inspirations, this is still a very good book deserving 5 stars.
Profile Image for Voyt.
252 reviews16 followers
November 24, 2022
From Reagan's 'trickle-down' economy to corpocracy of XXI century.
POSTED AT AMAZON 2015
Have you been since many years, feeling through your skin that something goes wrong with economies of western EU countries and particular in the UK/USA? - then read this book. Joseph Stiglitz (the one who coined expression '1 vs. 99') explains brilliantly the plutonomy tools: 'free trade agreements', 'globalization scheme', and other economic policies that allow rich to get richer almost exponentially (mostly thanks to so called 'rent -seeking' usage, where rent seekers take little enough from all individuals/citizens making them totally not aware of the loss) . We live in the era of 'corpocracy' and laws that suit specifically the elite, while the middle class and poor do not count at all. According to Stiglitz the Nobel Prize winner (who accepts inevitability of certain degree of inequality), too big inequality leads to poorer economic performance, a weakening of democracy and, compromises in other fundamental values, such as the rule of law. Here we have a straightforward lecture that does not preach any 'conspiracy theory'; instead points at scientific indicators for inequality like Palma ratio, Gini coefficient and Human Development Index.
Stiglitz refers few times to the famous book by Thomas Piketty "Capital in the Twenty-First Century," but does not agree with his gloom centered at capitalistic system. Author maintains that nasty, almost stagnated since '2008 Great Recession' ersatz capitalism can be amended/revitalized. It can be achieved if government/politicians will introduce specific changes in the areas of intellectual property regime, fiscal policies, wealth taxation, more open trade agreements ( TPP, TTIP are scrutinized/criticized). Helpful would be removal of subsidies for agriculture and oil industry, increase in spending for health care and education etc. Basically Joseph Stiglitz maintains and teaches that capitalism may become more just and better for those at the far bottom, like for example in Scandinavian countries (he presents with details how it is possible). Maladies of Spain, Japan, Scotland, as well as optimistic cases of Mauritius, Singapore and Medellin are also briefly analyzed.
This book is quite overwhelming in its content, as well as repetitive - many articles dated from different years address the same issues - reader may skip certain parts base on her/his choice. Great read, but will someone listen?
Profile Image for Greg.
450 reviews13 followers
January 17, 2023
The author is a well-known economist and this book is a collection of his writings that have already been published in different newspapers and magazines from 2007 to 2014. They are arranged by theme with an introduction for each theme which binds it all together which is much better than a strictly chronological arrangement.

The author's main theme is the extraordinary growth in inequality in the American society since about 1980 because of poor economic decisions and greed and he discusses the causes and effects and what can be done about it.

He also makes reference to the rest of the world, mainly to compare and contrast their decisions and outcomes and shows how many developed countries around the world have managed their economies more efficiently and equitably than the US, resulting in more equal societies. The USA can learn from some of these countries (and vice versa).

The growth of inequality is slowly killing the American dream. There is now less income mobility in the US than in many other Western countries.

It was good to see a large conclusion with lots of practical ideas for remedying the problems that the author has identified. Many other authors skimp on practical solutions.

I would suggest reading The Price of Inequality by the same author before reading The Great Divide as the two books are on the same theme and The Price of Inequality was published three years before The Great Divide.
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