Questions in English: Sharon Armon Lot em Wh-Questions 1

Questions in English
Yes/no questions are marked only by subject-auxiliary

inversion, i.e., an overt syntactic change in word order in
which the auxiliary is raised into C. Do-support operates
when there is no auxiliary is the declarative.
[Spec, CP] is the target for overt Wh-movement both in
matrix and embedded clauses, with subject-auxiliary
inversion in matrix clauses, but not in embedded clause.
Do-support operates when there is no auxiliary is the
declarative.
a. What did the child see?
b. The teacher wondered what the child saw.
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Wh-Questions
TD Acquisition
Phase I
Children use neither modals nor auxiliaries
Yes/no questions are marked only with rising intonation
Wh-word appears sentence initially in wh-questions
without inversion.
A limited set, what, where and why, ( where NP go?,
what NP doing?)
Children do not seem to understand wh-questions and
their responses are often inappropriate (Radford 1990)
Sharon Armon Lot

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Wh-Questions
Phase II
Auxiliary verbs are used in subject auxiliary
inversion for yes/no questions
Auxiliary verbs are not used for wh-questions.
Wh-questions involve productive use of an
extended set of wh-words, but no inversion.
Phase III
Children make adult use of question formation,
which involves subject-auxiliary inversion.
Sharon Armon Lot
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Wh-Questions
What determines the order in which

questions are acquired?
Wh in-situ hypothesis (WISH) universally wh in-situ
with no overt movement is allowed by UG. Subject
questions can be interpreted as in-situ, while objects
require movement.
Vacuous movement hypothesis (VMH) the whparameter can be either + or movement, but we should
not have both options within one language. In English all
questions involve movement, only it is invisible for
subjects
Proper government hypothesis (PGH) - traces (of
movement) must be properly governed. Object traces
are theta-governed by the verb, while subject (and
adjunct) traces must be antecedent governed (cf.
complements are obligatory, everything else is optional).
Sharon Armon Lot
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Wh-Questions
Predictions:
WISH subject questions first
VMH subject and object questions at the
same time
PGH object questions first
Sharon Armon Lot

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Wh-Questions
Stromswold, K. 1995. The acquisition of

subject and object wh-questions. Language
Acquisition, 4, 5-48
Longitudinal study of 12 children in CHILDES.
Who and what are acquired almost simultaneously,
around age 2;5. Object questions are acquired at the
same age or earlier than subject questions.
All children asked at least one long distance object
question (mean age 2;10), but only one child asked a
long distance subject question (at 5;0).
Sharon Armon Lot

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Wh-Questions
By the age of 2;6

TD children use wh-movement properly
TD children do not show problem with whnon-local dependency
TD children have no problem with thetagovernment
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Wh-Questions
Wh-movement in children with

grammatical SLI: A test of the
RDDR hypothesis
Van der Lely HKJ and Battell J (2003),
Language 79: 153-181
SLI subjects fail to master the syntax of the two
types of movement operation involved in whquestions (preposing a wh-expression and
preposing an auxiliary).
This is the result of difficulties they have in
processing non-local dependencies.
Sharon Armon Lot
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Wh-Questions
Subjects
15 SLI subjects aged from 11;3 to 18;2
12 TD (typically developing) grammarmatched children aged from 5;3 to 7;4
12 TD (typically developing) vocabularymatched children aged from 7;4 to 9;1
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Wh-Questions
Method
Wh-questions containing who, what and
which by getting the subjects to play a
version of the board game Cluedo:
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Findings
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Wh-errors
(a) Who Miss Scarlett saw somebody? (Response to Miss
Scarlet saw someone in the lounge. Ask me who the
target response being Who did Miss Scarlet see in the
lounge?)
(b) Which Reverend Green open a door? (Response to
Reverend Green opened a door. Ask me which one
the target response being Which door did Rev. Green
open?).
(c) What did Colonel Mustard had something in his pocket?
(Response to Something was in Colonel Mustards
pocket. Ask me what the target response being What
was in Colonel Mustards pocket?).
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Wh-Questions
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Summary of findings
SLI subjects have far more problems with the
syntax of wh-questions than language-matched
TD controls.
The pattern of errors made by the SLI subjects
differs from the pattern of errors made by the TD
subjects:
Most SLI subjects have problems with both auxiliaries
and wh-expressions
Most TD subjects have problems with neither, or only
with auxiliary inversion.
Sharon Armon Lot
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Wh-Questions
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Can it account for auxiliary

inversion errors?
1. What cat Mrs White stroked?
2. What did they drank?
3. Who Mrs Brown see?
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Wh-Questions
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Wh-Errors in Leonard Corpus

1 Which one I can do? (C Which one can I do?)
2. What Kents gonna play with? (C Whats Kent gonna play with?)
3. How you knowed? (E How did you know?)
4. What he did? (F What did he do?)
5. What you doing? (E What are you doing?)
6. What this for? (G What is this for?)
7. How much we got to do? (J How much have we got to do?)
8. How you get this out? (A How dyou get this out?)
9. What this do? (A Whats this do?/What does this do)
10. How open it up? (B How dyou open it up?)
11. What say? (B What dyou say?)
12. Where go on? (B Wheres it go on/Where does it go on?)
13. How much long gonna be? (A How much longers it gonna be?)
14. These do? (C What do these do?)
15. What is this is? (H What is this?)
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Wh-Questions
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The Uninterpretable Feature Deficit

Model (Tsimpli and Stavrakaki 1991)
SLI children have problems with movement operations,
because these are driven by uninterpretable features.
Chomsky (2006) argues that wh-movement is driven by
an uninterpretable edge feature on C which (in an
interrogative clause) attracts an interrogative whexpression to move to the edge of CP
Pesetsky and Torrego (2001) argue that auxiliary
inversion is driven by an uninterpretable tense feature on
C which attracts a tensed auxiliary to move from T into
C.
Can UFDM account for why the SLI children in the
Leonard corpus show perfect performance on whmovement but perform much more poorly on auxiliary
inversion.
Sharon Armon Lot

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Wh-Questions
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Controlled naturalistic sample

(Michal Cohen 2008)
A twenty centimeter square box is
presented which contains different objects:
The investigator tells the child that there is
a surprise in the box. If the child wants to
open the box, she has to find out what is
in the box by asking questions.
Once a relevant question regarding the
content of the box is asked, she received
one object from the box.
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Wh-Questions
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Elicited Production
The nurse feeds someone. Burney knows who. Ask
Burney.
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Picture selection task

Subject vs.
Object
Michal Cohen
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Other topics: From Singleton to

Exhaustive: the Acquisition of
WhRoeper, T., Schulz, P., Pearson, B. Z. & Reckling,
I. (2006). From singleton to exhaustive: The
acquisition of wh-. Proceedings of SULA 2005
Conference (Semantics of Understudied
Languages), Buffalo NY.
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Wh-Questions
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Who is eating what?
Double wh-question - Paired answer

Sharon Armon Lot
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Wh-Questions
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Who is wearing a hat?
Exhaustive answer, singleton answer, plural answer

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The [+variable] Feature

Necessary in order to recognize
exhaustivity
Specificity: relating to pre-established
elements in the discourse
+Specific = - variable = singleton,
-Specific = +variable = exhaustive/paired.
Childs initial default assumption:

Questions are specific in nature
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Results
All children pass through a singleton stage around age 4-5.
Singleton readings in four-year-olds:
English 79%, German 52%
Exhaustive responses
Age 5: German 80%, English 27%
Plural responses: 6%
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Questions in English: Sharon Armon Lot em Wh-Questions 1

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Questions in English: Sharon Armon Lot em Wh-Questions 1

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Questions in English

Yes/no questions are marked only by subject-auxiliary

Sharon Armon Lot

What determines the order in which

Sharon Armon Lot

Stromswold, K. 1995. The acquisition of

Sharon Armon Lot

By the age of 2;6

Wh-movement in children with

Sharon Armon Lot

Sharon Armon Lot

Sharon Armon Lot

Can it account for auxiliary

Sharon Armon Lot

Wh-Errors in Leonard Corpus

The Uninterpretable Feature Deficit

Sharon Armon Lot

Controlled naturalistic sample

Sharon Armon Lot

Picture selection task

Other topics: From Singleton to

Sharon Armon Lot

Who is eating what?

Double wh-question - Paired answer

Who is wearing a hat?

Exhaustive answer, singleton answer, plural answer

The [+variable] Feature

Childs initial default assumption:

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