AK JANG IN THE CONTEXT OF ALTAI RELIGIOUS

TRADITION

A Thesis submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research

In partial fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Master’s Degree

In the Department of Religious Studies and Anthropology

University of Saskatchewan

By

Andrei Vinogradov

© Copyright Andrei Vinogradov, November 2003. All rights reserved.

 PERMISSION TO USE

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Postgraduate

degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University
may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying
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Request for permission to copy or to make other use of the material in this thesis in whole
or in part should be addressed to:

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University of Saskatchewan

i
 ABSTRACT

In 1904, a Native religious movement, Ak Jang, formed in Gorny Altai in Southwestern

Siberia. It strongly opposed itself to Shamanism, which was considered to be the “core”

tradition of Altaians. The initial persecution of the movement by the Russian colonial

administration did not stop its spread and development. It was widely practiced in Altai

until 1930 when it was eradicated by the Soviet regime.

During the period when Ak Jang was still practiced, it was observed by a number

of witnesses, some of whom were ethnographers while others were not. Those who

investigated Ak Jang, produced a number of diverse and often contradictory

interpretations of it.

From the 1930 until the post-Soviet period, Ak Jang was not studied due to an

imposition of the Communist Party “verdict” regarding its (counterrevolutionary)

character.

In the 1980, the practice of Ak Jang has resumed. However, there is no agreement

in academic publications regarding its nature and character.

The Thesis research has had two principal objectives: the analysis and

clarification of certain misconceptions about the nature and character of Ak Jang, and the

formulation of a view, according to which Ak Jang is the manifestation of the continuity

between the old religious and cultural tradition of Turks and Mongols and the modern

tradition of Altaians and their cultural “siblings” – the heirs of the ancient Turkic-

Mongolian culture.

ii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I gratefully acknowledge help and guidance I have received from my academic

supervisor, Dr.James Mullens, Department of Religious Studies and
Anthropology, University of Saskatchewan

I thank the members of the Advisory Committee:

Dr. Thomas Selover, Department of Religious Studies and Anthropology,
University of Saskatchewan
Dr. Myroslaw Tataryn, Department of Religious Studies, St.Thomas More
College
Dr. John McCannon, Department of History, University of Saskatchewan

I also thank Altai scholars who provided me with unique and indispensable help
during and after my visit to Altai:

Dr. S.Tioukhteneva
Dr. V.Oinoshev
Dr. N.Ekeev

And other members of the staff of the Institute of Altaic Studies, Gorno-Altaisk,
Altai Republic, Russia.

I also thank Dr.V.P. Diakonova (the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography,

St.Petersburg) and my friend and a kaichi, Nogon Shumarov (Gorno-Altaisk).

iii
 DEDICATION

I dedicate this thesis to my family. Without their patience and support I

would have never been able to complete my work.

iv
 Table of Contents

Permission to use……………………………………………………………………...i

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….ii

Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………... iii

Dedication……………………………………………………………………………..iv

Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………...v

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………1

Chapter 1. A young nation with ancient history……………………………………12

Chapter 2. Beginning and the formative years (1904-1920s) of Ak Jang ……….. 27

Chapter 3. Ak Jang and its interpretations: a critical review of the sources……..43

Chapter 4. The background and sources of Ak Jang: The religion

of Turks and Mongols and its continuity in Altai tradition……………………….67

4.1. Elements of Turkic religious tradition: an overview………………………………68

4.2 The problem of interpretation of Siberian traditions as Shamanism……………….84
4.3. The structure of Altai religious tradition…………………………………………..89

Chapter 5. The Structure of Ak Jang………………………………………………118

5.1. The pantheon of Ak Jang ……………………………………………………….. 118

5.2. The origin of Ak Jang ritual ……………………………………………….. 131
5.3. The conclusions ……………………………………………………………….. 136

Chapter 6. Ak Jang in post-Soviet period………………………………………… 139

Chapter 7. Conclusion………………………………………………………………156

Glossary ……………………………………………………………………………..171

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………175

Appendices…………………………………………………………………………..182

v
 Introduction

Overview

This thesis presents a description and analysis of Ak Jang, or White Faith, called

“Burkhanism” in popular and ethnographic literature by the name of its most

prominent deity, White Burkhan. Ak Jang is a religious movement, which originated

in Altai (Southwestern Siberia), in the beginning of the 20th century. The main goal of

the thesis is presenting Ak Jang in the context of the traditional religion of Altaians

and, more generally, of Turkic-Mongolian groups of Siberia.

Ak Jang emerged in 1904, after an Altai shepard, Chot Chelpanov and his step

daughter, Chugul, had several encounters-visions of a White Rider who they called

Ak Burkhan. The rider delivered a number of commandments and prophecies, which

determined and defined the formation of the new movement. The onset of Ak Jang

was extremely active and rapid – in a few weeks, many1 Altaians accepted the tenets

of the new faith with enthusiasm. The movement had a strong eschatological and

charismatic character – Altaians began anxiously await the arrival of a hero-king-

messiah, Oirot-khan, and radical changes in their lives. Another characteristic of the

movement was its extremely negative attitude towards shamans, who, prior to the

emergence of Ak Jang, were the chief religious specialists in Altai culture.

Russian administration of Altai persecuted the followers of Ak Jang and arrested

most of its leaders within a few weeks after its beginning, but it did not stop Ak Jang

from further spread. Those arrested were released in about a year, and Ak Jang

continued gaining influence among the Altaians – by the 1913, most of them became
1
In a little more than a month from the first vision of the White Rider, the single prayer meeting, which
was dispersed by a mob, involved more than 4000 people.

1
 its followers.2 As Ak Jang was spreading and becoming more universal among the

Altaians, its structure was steadily becoming more sophisticated – it developed a

standard complex of rituals, priesthood, and a rich narrative. The active practice of

Ak Jang continued into the 1930s. Within approximately 10 years after its emergence,

Ak Jang lost much of its eschatological character as well as the negative attitude

towards shamans: it acquired a shape of the “everyday,” common religion,3

incorporating most of the traditional rituals, deities, etc., which existed prior to its

formation. In the 1930s, Communists forcefully eliminated the movement and

executed all of its activists.4 At the same time, all academic research of Ak Jang,

which was conducted for a short period in the 1920s and the early 1930s, was de-

facto prohibited as well, and did not resume until the mid-late 1980s.

Information on Ak Jang, available to the general public and specialists, was very

limited until recently. Most publications on Ak Jang during its development in 1904-

1930s, were based on anecdotal evidence, often on information, biased or simply

falsified for a variety of reasons. The emergence and existence of Ak Jang was

extremely “inconvenient” for both the Tsarist administration of Altai, and for its

Communist successors: the emergence of a vigorous religious movement, which

absolutely did not fit into a colonial-“civilizing” scenario of both the Russian Tsarist

2
According to Sokolov, quoted in Danilin (Danilin p126), less than 10% of the Altaians remained not Ak
Jang followers by the 1913. This gives us an approximate figure of about 50,000 Ak Jang followers at the
time.
3
The term “everyday religion” means approximately what M.Weber calls the “routinization of charisma.”
In this case, it is the shift in the message and character of the religion from the stress on the personal and
social change, prompted by eschatological expectations, etc. to the structuring and support of the
“ordinary” personal and social stability and homeostasis.
4
There is no statistics on the number of the executed and/or imprisoned Ak Jang followers. Thousands of
Altaians were imprisoned during the Stalin’s purges, and the membership in Ak Jang (which, as we will see
later, “meant” being a Japanese spy,” was the most popular choice of the criminal charges in Altai. All of
the prominent Ak Jang figures (famous yarlykchi, Altai intellectuals) were executed. A.Znamenski is
currently working on the book, dedicated to the details of these purges.

2
 ideology and of its Communist successor, was perceived as a threat to the Russian,

and, later, Soviet, influence in the region. Thus, most of the early observers of Ak

Jang used in their presentations very few facts, and heavily interpreted the movement

– usually, attempting to present it as “evil” and anti-Russian and falsifying its nature.

Sometimes, as it happened in the case of Shvetsov, who was the defense lawyer of the

Ak Jang activists, the interpretations of it pursued the opposite goal, producing biased

characterizations of the movement solely for a purpose of defending it.5

Thus, until the 1990s, all available published factual information on Ak Jang

would have probably fitted into two pages, but the interpretations of it were plentiful

and diverse. In various sources, it was characterized as: a political movement with

religious overtones, either liberationist, or subversive – inspired either by Chinese or

even by Japanese “agents”6 or as a purely religious movement, which imitated, or was

heavily influenced by either Buddhism, or Christianity. In either case, it was seen as a

movement, essentially alien to Altai tradition at its core, and a) transient and not

having any roots in Altai tradition, and b) syncretistic, mainly based on “imported,”

Christian and/or Buddhist, ideas, with an admixture of Shamanism, which was what

was portrayed as “Altai religion.” In the popular literature, reference materials and

even web pages today, this particular interpretation is still the only one existing.

Before the 1990s, those few scholars7 who attempted to reconstruct Ak Jang

outside the interpretation, offered by the Communist ideology, were not able to move

5
It is important to mention that all of the people who presented the descriptions-interpretations of Ak Jang
in this period, were Russians.
6
The notion of Ak Jang being mainly political and subversive movement, concocted by the Japanese spies,
was initially invented by Altai Mission in 1904 and soon (at the court) proven to be false. However, this
notion was “picked up” by Soviet ideology in the 1930s and became the only allowed, official point of
view, resulting in total extermination of Ak Jang and execution of its followers.
7
Namely, Krader and Sagalaev in his early work.

3
beyond the view, described above – not because they had any specific biases, but

simply due to the lack of data. The structure and known to that date (until the mid-

1990s) content of Ak Jang were very different from the assumed “shamanic”

substrate of Altai tradition. The deities of Ak Jang – Uch Kurbustan, Ak Burkhan and

others, had, as it seemed, not been known in the ethnographic data before its

emergence and could not be located within Altai tradition prior to the emergence of

Ak Jang; the “hero-messiah-king,” Oirot khan (and other similar Ak Jang personae)

also, as it seemed from the previous research, had no prior place in Altai tradition;

finally, the anti-shamanic attitude, characteristic to Ak Jang in its beginning, could

not be explained with the reference to the pre-Ak Jang indigenous religious culture of

Altai alone, because the amount of the innovation, brought by Ak Jang compared

with “shamanism,” which was perceived as the indigenous religion of Altaians was so

great that the latter simply could not be “responsible” for it. Thus, the early attempts

at the reconstruction of Ak Jang had to postulate its syncretistic nature, vaguely

referring to Christianity and Buddhism as its constituent parts.

From the late 1980s on, the situation began to change. First of all, the open

practice of Ak Jang resumed in Altai. This fact alone has proven that the view of Ak

Jang as “transient” and as a movement, which was based on foreign influence, or

some sort of “crisis-reaction,” was wrong.

Also, in the 1990s, a number of works, which fundamentally changed the view of

Ak Jang, were published. The most important publication was the monograph of

Danilin, an ethnographer who studied Ak Jang in the 1920s and 1930s, but whose

work was banned from publication (which was attempted in 1937) for ideological

4
 reasons. This work is the only monograph on Ak Jang and the only published source,

where the content of Ak Jang – its deities, rituals, beliefs, and priesthood, are

described in detail. The information provided in this work shows the complexity of

Ak Jang as a religion as well as its indigenous, rather than syncretistic8 (or imported),

nature.

Also, a number of papers, published by Altaian and several Russian researchers

since the late 1980s, provide very important information, which has a direct relation

to Ak Jang on various aspects of Altai and on Turkic and Mongolian religious

tradition, in general. Specifically, this information reveals the origin of the

“mysterious” elements of Ak Jang, such as its messianic character, “hero-king” idea,

its deities, and others, placing them within Altaian and, more generally, Central Asian

religious tradition.

As a result of these developments, the picture of Ak Jang and its context – the

traditional religious culture of Altai, emerging from the sum of data, presented by the

above-mentioned publications, is very different from the one that was accepted in the

earlier Soviet ethnographic scholarship.

First of all, it presents the indigenous traditions of Altai and other Turkic and

Mongolian groups not as shamanism – that is, a religion whose sole sacred office was

a shaman, and whose deities were “shamanic,” but as a diverse complex of narratives,

religious offices, and “spirit-figures,” co-existing in a form of a pattern with “many

centers” rather than with one (a shaman).

8
In this paper, the term “syncretistic” refers to the idea that Ak Jang was formed on a basis of recent (19th
– 20th centuries) and substantial borrowings from Christianity and Buddhism, which the author aims at
disproving. At a deeper level, Ak Jang and Altai tradition (as any other religion) are indeed syncretistic –
for example, Altai tradition might have been profoundly influenced by Manichean religion and Buddhism
in the middle ages. For a detailed discussion of the issue see Chapter 3, pp. 62-66.

5
 Also, the fact that all of the “unique” elements of Ak Jang can be located within

indigenous Altai and/or Turkic-Mongolian narrative, in Epic and other traditions,

shows that Ak Jang has not had a single significant “imported” element within it and,

thus, cannot be considered syncretistic.

Finally, it turns out (especially from the work by Danilin and a manuscript by

Anokhin9) that Ak Jang, from its very beginning, readily appropriated and included

most of the traditional Altai and Turkic deities and religious procedures, associated

with them, with the only major exception of the “underworld” shamanism, its

pantheon and office. The very fast appropriation of spirit-characters, religious offices

and other elements of the pre-Ak Jang tradition by Ak Jang, again characterizes it as

an organic element of Altai religious culture rather than an alien element in it.

The “macro”- historical analysis of the religion and culture of Inner Asian Turks

and Mongols as well as modern cross-cultural research allow the placing of Ak Jang

within Altai tradition as well as the understanding of the causes for its emergence.

The key element for this understanding is the dynamic and multi-layered structure of

Turkic (and Altai) religion, which intimately follows the (changing) structure of the

social organization.

The traditional Turkic-Mongolian religion has three interdependent, but, at the

same time, autonomous levels, reflecting the three-level social structure among Turks

and Mongols. At each of these layers, a semi-independent group of deities and spirits

9
Anokhin, A.V. Manuscript (property of the Institute of Altaic Studies, Gorno-Altaisk)
Part1. Burkhanizm v Zapadnom Altae (Burkhanism in the Western Altai), 1910
Part 2. Burkhanizm na Yugo-zapadnom Altae (Burkhanism in the Southwestern
Altai), 1924
Part 3. Kratkiy Analiz Shamanstva Altaiskih Plemen (A Brief analysis of the
Shamanic practices of the Altai tribes), 1930

6
 is addressed by a particular sacred office. These layers complement one another and

do not conflict. These levels are: the household-family level, the clan level, and

finally, the “large”10 – overarching ethnic, or supra-ethnic, level.

Scholarly works on the history of Turkic culture and religion showed a recurrent

phenomenon, characteristic of nomadic cultures of Central Asia – the quick

consolidation into “empires,” followed by dispersion and functioning at a clan level.

During the former, a “royal” religion, featuring “universal gods” with a persona of

“hero-king” as a focal point, was practiced along with the clan deities and sub-clan

“professional” shamans. During the latter, only the worship of clan-deities and the

shamanic activities remained practiced. However, the “universal” deities of the high,

or “imperial” religion, while losing the ceremonial complex associated with the king

(kagan), remained popular at the household level, entering into a sort of “latency”

until the re-emergence of the next supra-ethnic entity.

It will be shown that Ak Jang has been exactly such a re-emergence - an attempt

to “regenerate” the Altai religion and society to its “higher” level, namely – to a

traditional consolidated empire-federation. While Ak Jang initially emerged as a

national religion of Altaians, which seems to contradict its attempt at re-emergence of

the “imperial” stratum, the repeated attempts at its internationalization among the

ethnic and cultural siblings of Altaians, both in the beginning of the twentieth century

and now, clearly show the supra-ethnic pattern, with a focal point as a real or

“virtual” figure of a kagan, manifested in Ak Jang by the figures of divine-royal-

messianic heroes. Thus, the emergence of Ak Jang can be seen not as a unique and

“odd” phenomenon, but rather as a traditional manifestation of a recurrent process

10
According to the terminology of J.-P.Roux, “Imperial” level.

7
 within religious and cultural dynamic among Turkic-Mongolian ethnic groups. As it

seems, the modern developments in Ak Jang as well as recent publications, dedicated

to the cross-cultural analysis of the similar phenomena among various Turkic and

Mongolian ethnic groups, support this point of view.

The uniqueness of Ak Jang can be seen only in one of the major elements. While

the typical “resurrection” of the supra-ethnic dimension of Turkic-Mongolian religion

was a step from the clan-based religion to a “overarching” worship of the “universal”

deities, in the case of Ak Jang the regeneration went from the community level to clan

level and universal, or “supra-ethnic” level, simultaneously. The reason for this was

the extreme social and demographic crisis, which deeply damaged Altai clan structure

and associated forms of worship that happened in 1756 at the destruction of the

Dzungarian Empire.11

The structure of the Thesis

This thesis attempts at pointing at a several key markers within Altai and Turkic-

Mongolian tradition, which would reveal the pattern of its structure and dynamic, as

well as the role and place of Ak Jang within it. This is needed to establish the

background for a much more detailed research of these traditions. This thesis is by no

means a detailed analysis of the mentioned phenomena – there is neither enough data

nor space to provide it.

Chapter 1 of the thesis provides a historical – contextual background for the

description and analysis of Ak Jang, stressing the recurrent “consolidation-diffusion”

pattern of Turkic society due to its importance for further discussion.

11
Discussed in more detail in Chapter 1 (History).

8
 Chapter 2 describes the emergence of Ak Jang and its development prior to its

eradication in the 1930s. Most of the description is based on the narrative from the

work of Danilin. Chapter 3 discusses the sources of information on Ak Jang, and the

versions of this phenomenon, presented by them, tracing their origins. While the

discussion of the academic and ideological misinterpretations of Ak Jang has no

direct relation to the description of the movement, presented in the Thesis, it has to be

dealt with due to the fact that most of the published sources on Ak Jang involve such

misinterpretations. Indirectly, this discussion points at a general problem,

characterized by A.Znamenski as “anthropology of anthropologists,” that is, the

political, ideological and other biases that make anthropologists interpret their field of

study in a certain way. In the Soviet scholarship, this problem is very severe.

Chapter 4 begins with the description of Turkic-Mongolian pre-modern12

religious tradition, its main deities, offices, etc., based on its reconstructions made by

modern scholars. The tradition of Turks and Mongols, being the predecessor of the

religions of the modern Turkic and Mongolian groups of Siberia, created the cultural

template for the latter, both in specifically religious aspects and the social ones. Thus,

its main markers are highlighted in the Chapter with a purpose of comparing them

with the structure of the contemporary Altai tradition.

The second part of the Chapter is dedicated to the scholarly debate about the core

character of the pre-modern Turkic and Mongolian tradition, namely to its possible

interpretation as Shamanism. This issue is extremely important for the discussion in

12
From beginning of the Common Era to 18th century, the beginning of the Russian and Chinese colonial
period.

9
this Thesis, because this debate involves the modern traditions, including the tradition

of Altai.

In the last part of Chapter 4, the structure of the contemporary (20th century) Altai

tradition is analysed. The template of the analysis follows the descriptive template of

the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian religion to provide a basis for the comparison with

the latter and to show the continuity of the tradition.

Chapter 5 describes Ak Jang and its key elements – deities, religious offices and

ceremonies, placing them in the context of the Turkic-Mongolian and Altai traditions.

Chapter 6 describes the post-Soviet re-emergence of Ak Jang and its current

interpretation by Altaians. It discusses several different trends within Ak Jang, which

emerged since the late 1980s.

Chapter 7 (Conclusion) provides a reconstruction of Ak Jang within the context of

Altai and Turkic-Mongolian history and culture. Summing up the picture of the socio-

religious patterns, presented in the previous chapters, it argues that the Ak Jang is an

integral part of the Altai tradition and a manifestation of the continuous and recurrent

socio-religious processes, characteristic for the cultural history of Turks and Mongols.

Sources and Methods

The thesis is based on diverse secondary sources: works on history, ethnography,

comparative religion and culture. While the aim of the thesis has been the description

and analysis of Ak Jang and its place in the Altai and Turkic-Mongolian tradition, a

problem, the discussion of which became inevitable, quickly arose after the search

through the materials. This problem was the fact of ideologically motivated biases,

present in the most of the sources on Ak Jang and Altai tradition. Thus, along with

10
dealing with the main theme of the thesis, it became necessary to critically analyze

the biases in the Soviet scholarly works, which is done in Chapter 3.

Due to the limited amount of the materials on Ak Jang, the author had to travel to

Altai Republic in the Summer of 2001 and use the help of the staff of the Institute of

Altaic Studies in Gorno-Altaisk: S.Tiuokhteneva, PhD, V.Oinoshev, PhD,

Ye.Yamaeva, PhD, and others, who kindly ran a series of seminars, helping author

with the interpretation, organization and structuring of the available material. Also,

they pointed at many relatively obscure sources, published only recently and locally

and unavailable through the libraries’ network both in Russia and in the West. Many

of these sources became the key materials for both understanding and reconstruction

of the Ak Jang and Altai tradition. After returning to Canada, author had numerous

telephone consultations with the Altai scholars. Without their careful guidance, author

would not be able not only to reconstruct, but also to understand the tradition of Altai.

11
Chapter One. A young nation with ancient history.
Who is an Altaian?

Altaians are an indigenous people who populate the Republic of Altai within Russian

Federation, in Southwestern Siberia, and who are officially (for census and “nationality”

entry in passports) are called “Altaians.”1 While not being entirely artificial,2 this

nationality designation is not a result of Altaians’ self-description, but rather was created

by the “other” – namely, by the Soviet state, in 20th century.3

An Altaian would describe him- or herself as “Altaian” only to a “remote

stranger” – a Russian, French, etc. The self-description within Altai would consist of seok

membership and, possibly, a tribe. The self-description for a culturally-proximate

stranger (Tuvan, Western Mongolian, or a Turk) would likely consist of seok-

membership and a location (“from Altai”). Seok is the most fundamental unit of self-

definition and self-identity for the Turks and Mongols.4 Thus, for example, the members

of a given Altaian seok would never marry Tuvan members of the same seok: here,

nationality, or ethnicity (Tuvan and Altaian) is considered secondary and almost

accidental compared to the fundamental nature of the seok. Seok is a patrilineal,

exogamous clan. It is a very conservative and stable structure among the Turks and

1
Their number is about 75,000.
2
Altaians are the majority in the Altai Republic, distinct from Russians as well as non-Turkic indigenous
groups.
3
Until mid-20th century, the name for the inhabitants of Altai who are now called “Altaians,” often
changed: They were called White Kalmyks, Forest Kalmyks, Altai Tatars, Oirots, Sayans, Telengits, and so
on. Altaians attempted to create a different self-definition in the beginning of 20th century, but it was
gradually (finalized in 1948) changed into the present one.
4
According to Potapov (Potapov, L.P. Etnicheskii sostav i proiskhozhdenie Altaitsev. (The Ethnic makeup
and the origin of Altaians). Leningrad: “Nauka,” 1969) there are approximately 30 to 40 seoks among
Altaians. Practically all of the seoks are “duplicated” among the Altaian “tribes” – Telengit, Teleut, Teles
and Altai kizhi. About 70% or more of Altai seoks are also found in Tuva (where they are Tuvan clans),
and about 50% - among the Western Mongols.

12
Mongols: the names of many Altai seoks5 can be traced to the early middle ages. This

difference in the characteristics of self-identity depending on the audience reflects its

polymorphous nature, which runs much deeper and is more fundamental than, for

example, self-definition in the cases of “simple” multicultural state.6

The present indigenous demographic of Altai formed at the end of 18th century,

after the fall of Dzungarian Khanate (1756), when a large number of various ethnic

groups (including indigenous Altaians – Telengits and Teleuts) escaped from Dzungaria,

which was being brutally destroyed by the Ch’ing Empire. These immigrants, among

whom were Teleuts, Telengits, Mongolians, and many others, settled in Altai and formed

a new group – Altai kizhi (“Altai people”). At the time, Southern Altai was already

populated by Telengits, Teles, and Teleuts – the relatives of the repatriates, who never

departed from Altai region. Gorny Altai,7 being a mountainous area, impenetrable by the

enemy, became their “stable” dwelling place. To the East, were their close relatives

(Tuvans), occupied by Ch’ing forces, to the West – their old enemies, Moslem Kazakhs,

to the North – Russians, and to the South – Ch’ing Empire.8

The “common” format of historical narrative is based on tracing the development

of a nation-state, or a nation, or tribe, which remains stable and thus can be “pointed at.”

Such an approach is impossible when one has to deal with the history of Turkic and

Mongolian nomads, because they, until recently, never “conceptualized” themselves as

5
Henceforth, the terms seok and clan will be used interchangeably: when Altaians are discussed, the
specific Altaian term seok will be used. In the discussion of Turks and Mongols in general, the term clan
will be used instead.
6
E.g., “Ukranian Canadian.” For example, a Russian whose ancestors lived in Altai for many generations,
is not an Altaian.
7
Gorny Altai means “Altai Highlands,” or “Mountains of Altai.”
8
This set the stage for the formation of Altai ethnicity. Despite the statement by L.P.Potapov, “Before the
Great October Revolution Altaians did not constitute a united nation and didn’t have a common self-title,”
which implies that now (1968) they did, the process of formation of Altai self-identity is still going on.

13
nations, or nation-states.9 While the history of Turks and Mongols is rich with state, or

even empire formation, those states and empires were never based on a nation-state

principle and usually were very short-lived entities, albeit large and powerful during their

existence. Rather, they were federations of clans, brought together and united under the

supremacy of a kagan (khan) – a “divinely elected” leader. The main reasons for such a

clan consolidation were, as it seems, the threat of the invasion and the climactic

conditions, which required a massive move.10 Such states, or empires included clans of

diverse origin11 and, usually, lasted only for as long as it was necessary to accomplish a

particular task, such as finding new pastures or repelling/attacking the enemy, after which

the empires “dissipated” to the basic pattern of nomadic society – the clans. In other

9
With the exception of those Turkic groups that settled and acquired the “western-style” statehood
relatively early – usually, by borrowing its template and offices from the states that they conquered, as in
the case of Turkey, which occupied “the matrix” of Byzantine Empire.
10
L.Gumilev sees the latter as the main cause of the repeated invasions of the West by the Eastern nomads
– beginning with Huns and including the armies of Genghis Khan (Gumilev, L.N. Drevniaia Rus’ i
Velikaia Step’ (The Ancient Rus’ and the Great Steppe).Moscow: ACT, 2001). It is important to mention
that on a lesser scale, at the level of a single clan or a small group of clans, the consolidation happens for
the same reasons and according to the same model, but instead of a khan, a zaisan (a chieftain) makes the
decision. This is not to say that this system always operated in some ideal way – smoothly and without
conflict. The history of Turks and Mongols is full of inter-group warfare and usurping the “divinely
elected” positions by various ambitious leaders. However, this pattern of “divinely sanctified” leadership
remained the same throughout the Turkic-Mongolian history.
A short note on the role and place of L.N.Gumilev and his work is necessary. Gumilev has been
very popular among the intellectuals of the USSR and later, of Russia, but his work is often considered as
too speculative to be admitted, even as a reference, into academic publications. In many cases, it is
necessary to agree that information, presented and promoted by Gumilev in his works, cannot be verified
and looks like fantasy. However, at the same time, Gumilev must be credited for his unique role in
dispelling of many myths and stereotypes of Soviet historiography. For this work, his importance lies in the
fact that he presents an “antidote” to the Marxist-Leninist “stadial theory” which has been dominating
Soviet history, ethnography and sociology. According to this theory (see also Hutton, p.49), a given
culture/ethnic group can develop a statehood only after the complete or nearly-complete disintegration of
its clan structures. Using material from the medieval history of the Central Asian cultures, Gumilev has
convincingly shown that this is not so. To the author’s knowledge, no other Soviet or Russian scholar has
done this.
11
For example, clans of different linguistic background – Turkic and Mongolian, in Genghis Empire.

14
words, the “ruling dynasties” – the kernel of the nation-state formation, were not being

formed, except for a very short time, usually one or two generations.12

Thus, most of the history of the “Altaians” can be presented only in the context of

the whole Turkic-Mongolian world, because the clans, which now constitute the

population of Altai, have existed as basic units of self-identification for a very long time

and across a vast space – at the height of Turkic influence in the 6th to 8th centuries, they

spread from the Pacific ocean to Danube.13 Throughout centuries, the homogenous “clan

pool” that constituted the nomadic states, remained essentially the same. While some

regions on the Western edge of the Turkic-Mongolian domain that were dominated by

Turkic-Mongolian nomads as well as some of the Turkic and Mongolian population, was

“lost” to the gradual formation of the separated and sedentary Turkic nations,14 especially

after the Islamization of the part of Turks, which began in the 9th century and actively

continued into the 18th century, the general pattern of Turkic and Mongolian self-identity

remained the same until recently. Some 200 years ago or so, this formerly homogenous

or nearly homogenous regional, cultural and ethnic continuity was split by external

influences – specifically, by colonialism on the part of Russia and China into a number of

nation-state-like fragments, which now constitute the “national regions” and/or republics

in Russia, China, and Mongolia.15

12
The about 300-hundred-year long exception from this rule was the dynasty of Genghis and his
descendants (from 12th to 15th centuries).
13
Klyashtorny, S.G., Sultanov, T.I. Gosudarstva i Narody Evraziiskih Stepei: Drevnost’ i
Srednevekov’e. (The States and Peoples of the Eurasian Steppes: Ancient and medieval periods).
St.Petersburg: Institute of Oriental Studies, 2000. pp.78-85
14
E.g. modern Turkey, Azeibarjan, Uzbekistan, etc.
15
Istoriia Sibiri. (The History of Siberia). Leningrad: “Nauka,” 1968, v. 1 and 2.

15
 The main markers for tracing the ethno-history of Altaians are ethnonyms – the

titles of the seoks and, especially, the name Tele – a cognate of the modern titles of the

Altai tribal units, Teles, Telengit, and Teleut.16

Ancient and medieval history

The history of the clans and tribes in question can be traced as far back as the Hun

Federation, which formed in the last centuries B.C.E. The Huns were not an ethnicity.17

They were a large, multi-ethnic political confederation, which included, among others,

Indo-Europeans as well ancient Turks. There are several pieces of evidence to prove this

– primarily the indications of Chinese authors of the linguistic and genealogical

continuity from Huns to Turks,18 and also – the formation in 4th-5th centuries C.E. that is,

before the earliest documented mentioning of ethnonym “Turks” (Tyurk, or Tyurkut) of

the Bulgar and Ogur19 ethno-political entities (nomadic “kingdoms”) near Volga. While

the Bulgars arrived on the Volga with the Huns, their language is a very archaic Turkic

language. From the 6th century on, the “Turks proper” began dominating Central Asia.

This domination continued uninterrupted until the rise of Genghis Khan and Mongols in

13th century.

Turks trace their genealogy to Ashina – a grandson of the couple of legendary

ancestors, a man and a she-wolf, who married a Turfan , an Indo-European woman from

16
This work has been done in the two-volume work, Istoriia Sibiri, and in the work by Klyashtorny and
Sultanov. This presentation is based on these works.
17
Gumilev, L.N. Istoriia Naroda Hunnu (The History of the Hunnu People). Moscow: “Di-
Dik,” 1998, pp.11-28
18
Ibid., p.71, and Potapov, L.P. Etnicheskii sostav i proiskhozhdenie Altaitsev. (The Ethnic makeup and
the origin of Altaians). Leningrad: “Nauka,” 1969, p.11
19
“Ogur” is a cognate of two later prominent Turk self-names – “Uighur” and “Oguz.” This ethnonym
survived in the names of the following groups: Uighur, Guz (small group in Caucasus), Gagauz (a Turkic
group in Moldova and Romania), Hungary, and ethnographic title for a linguistic group (Ugro-).

16
Tien Shan area. This legend, resembling a typical clan-origin totemic myth,20 laid the

foundation of the “supra-ethnic” recognition and consolidation of Turkic clans.

After the 6th century and until the Mongol domination, which began in 13th

century, the Turks formed a number of large “Empires of the Steppe,”21 which, due to the

pattern described above, were mostly short-lived: First Turk Kaganate (530-551),

Western Turk Kaganate (619-630), Second Turk Kaganate (682-742), Uighur Kaganate

(742-840), and, finally, Kyphchak “federation,” which lasted until 1207, after which it

was assimilated into a new, Mongolian Empire -federation. These were the largest state-

like formations of the nomadic Turks – between the 6th and 13th centuries. There were

many more brief “states” formed by them, which dissipated back into the clan-based

homogenous nomadic society, just as the larger empires did. The size of the largest

Turkic states was formidable – the First and second Turk Kaganates included much of

Central Asia and reached as far as Europe.22

Almost all of the clans that constitute the modern Altaians as well as their

neighbours – Tuvans, Sakha, and others, can be traced back to this period.23 Some of

them were mentioned in various chronicles and other documents as clans, while others

were mentioned as larger units – tribes,24 which, as time went on, “shrunk” into clans.

The consistent and frequently repeated process of expansion of clans into multi-clan

tribes as well as the contraction of tribes back into clans is well-documented, but the

20
Which it most likely was. Every clan of Altaians has its own unique myth of origin. However, this
particular story laid the (still existing) foundation of all-Turk “collective ancestry,” thus constituting a
deeper (“higher”?) and more universal “image of unity” among the Turks. A sudden resurfacing of this
myth, as Altai scholars testify, is the prominence of the “divine hero,” Shunu (Shunu – Ashina) in Ak Jang
21
Grousset (Grousset, R. L’Empire des Steppes. Paris: Payot, 1976) discusses them in detail.
22
Hungarians are partially the descendants of the ancient Turks of the Great Kaganates period.
23
Potapov, Etnicheskii…, p.29
24
For example, once large Naiman tribe is now represented by Naiman clans of Mongolians, Tuvans, and
Altaians.

17
dynamic of this process is almost completely obscure.25 The most likely hypothesis is that

the ambitious (or worthy) beks, or zaisans (chieftains) of certain numerous and powerful

clans formed “mini-empires,” uniting the groups of neighboring clans under their clan’s

name, and thus forming a small federation –“tribe,” which bore all the features of social

structure of an empire, often including the title of its leader, kagan. After some time, the

dissipative processes reduced this “tribe” back to a number of clans. The mechanism and

character of this dynamic is essentially identical to and reflect the processes that were

occurring at a “higher” level of the Turkic-Mongolian kingdoms and empires.

The rise to prominence of the Mongols under Genghis Khan and their assimilation

of the Turkic groups, which happened in the 13th century, essentially followed the

pattern, established in ancient times: the “federal” unity of clans under the divinely

elected leader. 26 The main templates of the social structuring of the nomadic society,

namely clan and empire-federation, remained unchanged. Due to the most fundamental

rule of the Turkic-Mongolian clan-based society – the patrilineal exogamy of the clans,

the “cultural transparency” and continuity of the “clan-pool” was kept stable.27

A major challenge to this “fluid stability” of the Turkic-Mongolian society came

with the gradual Islamization of parts of the Mongolian Empire. This process began as

early as the 12th century, but by the14th century, a large number of the subjects of the

descendants of Genghis Khan, Turks and Mongolians, had become Muslim, and were, in

a manner of speaking, “falling away” from the previously homogenous Turkic-

Mongolian society and forming various new nation-states. This process, which began in

25
Potapov, Etnicheskii… p.62 and further.
26
The ancient Turk ritual of the “divine ordination” of a kagan, described by Klyashtorny and Sultanov (p.
163), remained unchanged throughout Mongolian period.
27
Gumilev, L.N. Drevniaia Rus’ i Velikaia Step’ (The Ancient Rus’ and the Great Steppe).
Moscow: ACT, 2001, pp.302, 418 and further.

18
the Western part of the Mongolian Empire, (now, the modern Muslim states of Central

Asia and the former USSR – Turkey, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and others), steadily

continued eastwards. By the 17th century, most of the Turkic groups of the Mongolian

Empire were Muslim and formed independent state-like entities, which later became

nations. While clan structure continued to be important among these groups to varying

degrees, the traditional pattern of the vast “pool of clans,” which were interrelated

through sophisticated “macro-family structure” by exogamy, was reduced. By the 17th

century, the last large remnants of the traditional Turkic-Mongolian society were Eastern

(Khalkha) Mongolia, then a vassal of China, and the Dzungarian Empire, which included

the ancestors of the modern Altaians.

The Dzungarian state.

At the end of the 13th and beginning of 14th centuries, “Juchi Ulus” – the Western

“branch” of Mongolian domain assigned to Genghis’ son Juchi and his descendants, lost

its integrity and divided into the White Horde and the Golden Horde. At that time, the

latter was already in the process of Islamization, and soon became entirely Muslim. The

left wing of the White Horde, the Dzungars, further separated from the Horde and

became a state. Dzungars were inclined towards Buddhism, rather than Islam. While

“Dzungar” was an inherited name for a military-political unit in the Horde (“left wing”),

the self-name of the Dzungars was “Oirats,” or “Oirots,” meaning “allies.”28

There is a considerable difference of opinion among researchers concerning the

status of Altaians within the Dzungar/Oirot state and the legacy of the “Oirot period” in

Altai history. While L.P.Potapov (and Soviet historiography in general) consistently

28
Sherstova, L. Taina Doliny Tereng (The Mystery of Tereng Valley). Gorno-Altaisk: Ak
Chechek, 1997, p. 64

19
states that the Oirots were the colonizers, and that they forcefully moved a large segment

of the Altai population to the Southwest (modern Sinkiang region),29 Altai scholars insist

that Altai tribes were as equal partners- “oirots” with Dzungars. In fact, it is asserted that

they were Turkic Dzungars, as distinct from Mongolian ones in all respects, including

political power:

Terms “oirot” and “dzungar” were political rather than ethnic… … Altai zaisans,
equally with the representatives of aristocracy of other ethnic groups of Oirot
alliance, participated in the functioning of Eke Jyrga – the supreme legislative and
executive governing body of Oirots. 30

The Dzungars rose to the dominant position in Central Asia twice. First time,

Dzungars became dominant in the period between 1368 (the end of Yuan – Mongolian

dynasty of China) and 1456, the death of the kagan Esen,’ during whose reign Dzungaria

spread as far south as Tibet, and Peking was taken by Dzungars.31 The second rise to

power of the Dzungars happened at the beginning of 17th century, when kagan Khara

Khula united the Oirot tribes. During the reign of his successors, Galdan (1653-1697) and

Tsevan-Rabtan (1697-1750s) Dzungaria dominated a large part of Central Asia (modern

Eastern Turkestan in China), Tibet and Mongolia, including Altai, Khakassia (Kyrgyz)

and Tuva. At this stage, the ancestors of the Altaians - Tele, who were the vassals of

Dzungarians even during the first period of their domination, joined the Oirat federation

completely.32 During the reign of the latter two kagans, a large part of Tele and Kyrgyz

29
From this opinion it follows that Russian colonization of Altai was, in fact, liberation.
30
Transl. A.V. from Samaev, G.P. “Znachenie Dzhungarskogo perioda v istorii Altaiskogo naroda” (The
meaning of Dzungarian period in the history of the people of Altai). In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia:
Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk: 1999, pp. 127-133. (p.129)
* The Russian originals of this and other translated citations are presented in the Appendix 2. For the
original of the citation above, see Appendix 2, entry 1.
31
Istoriia Sibiri, vol.1, pp.267,379.
32
Samaev, p.128

20
tribes migrated (according to L.P. Potapov, were forcefully taken to) to Turfan area

(Tele) and modern Kyrgyzstan (Kyrgyz).

In 1756, the Ch’ing (Manchu) Empire army destroyed Dzungaria and literally

decimated its population.33 For several years, Oirot leaders, the most famous among

whom was Amyrsana34 tried to resist Chinese destruction, but in vain. Tele tribes

together with the fragments of other Oirot groups escaped back to the region of Altai,

which being a natural fortress partially protected them from the Chinese raids. Another

part of the Oirots, the modern Kalmyks, migrated to theVolga region in the European part

of Russia.35

During this period, the Russians exercised limited influence on Altai. However,

after 1756, parts of it became Russian protectorates and the border of Russian Altai

(vs.Chinese) began moving southward. In 1863, all of the modern Altai Republic became

Russian territory.36

Altai as a part of Russia

After their escape from the Ch’ing army to Altai, Tele tribes, together with the new

immigrants – the Dzungarian escapees from the Ch’ing army who did not belong to Tele

tribes or were not even Turks, did not get “assimilated back” into tribal units of which

they were parts just a hundred years ago. Instead, they formed a new group, Altai kizhi,37

which became one of the tribes along with the Telengits, Teleuts, and Teles.

33
According to various sources (e.g. Sherstova, pp.88-93), almost 9 out of ten “Oirots” (Kalmyks, Altaians,
and others) were killed during the Ching invasion.
34
Who later became prominent epic heroes of Altai, Tuva, and Western Mongolia, and Ak Jang “deity.”
Also, there is monument to Amyrsana in Western Mongolia.
35
Sherstova, p.186.
36
Istoriia Sibiri, vol.2, pp.25-41.
37
The Tele tribes that did not leave Dzungaria are now called Uriankhais (in Mongolian this means
“people who don’t speak our language” and live in N-W Mongolia (approx 30 000) and in NW China. The
Kyrgyz who didn’t return now constitute the core ethnicity of Kyrgyzstan (and are Muslim). The returned

21
 The period from 1756 until the last decades of the19th century was one of severe

crisis for the Altaians. After suffering demographic shock of massive slaughter by the

Ch’ing army in 1756, the Altaians faced Russian settlement and transformation of their

best pasturelands into the tilled (and owned by Russians) fields, the high prices that

Russian traders charged for the basic necessities, high taxes, forced settlement into the

locations designated by Russians, which broke down the nomadic social structure.38 Also,

they were exposed to the Orthodox Church proselytizing, which began rather

benevolently in 1820,39 but soon became socially and economically coercive.

By the end of 19th century, however, the Altaians had managed to stabilize and

even improve their economic and demographic situation. In the beginning of 20th century,

the Altaians even produced several zaisans-oligarchs, who directly traded with European

markets and took an active part in the cultural and economic empowering of the Altai

society.40 However, although they were increasing in numbers and becoming overall

wealthier, the Altaians were still experiencing a significant social disruption, because the

social catastrophe of the Ch’ing invasion and later Russian colonization distorted the

network of clan-identity. One of the most significant indications of this distortion is

recorded by Verbitsky, namely that few clans had zaisans (chieftains), which in

Kyrgyz (and those who never left) are modern Khakass. Some Tele became parts of the population of
modern Tuva, which became part of the USSR only in the 1940s.
38
One of the most fundamental disintegrating factors was the “mixing up” of different seoks in the same
settlement, which destroyed traditional system of governing authority (elder, or zaisan).
39
Exemplified by the most famous missionary, M.Gluharev who had a very limited success with baptisms
(for which he was fired and punished by the Church administration), but developed a rudimentary hospital
system, orphanage, and literacy programs for Altaians. M.Glukharev even defended Altaians against
Russian state authorities. He is still highly respected among Altaians. (For the details of the interactions
between the Altaians and Russians, see Znamenski, A. Shamanism and Christianity: Native Encounters
with Russian Orthodox Missions in Siberia and Alaska, 1820-1917. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1999, pp.193-253
40
Most notable among them were brothers, A. and M. Kul’jin, who were also very important figures in the
development of Ak Jang. See A. Znamenski, pp. 216-217.

22
traditional Turkic society meant that relatively few Altaians recognized their clan identity

as the fundamental marker of their culture. 41

After the death of the Russian tsar, Alexander the 3rd (1894), liberal and populist

movements gradually gained strength all over the Russian Empire. The first decade of the

20th century witnessed the formation of many nationalist and other movements, aimed at

the empowerment of the oppressed people. In Altai, the weakening of the Russian

Imperial “grip” allowed the formation of Ak Jang (1904), which was actively practiced

until the 1930s. Simultaneously with the emergence of Ak Jang (and in direct relation to

it), the Altaians took a step forward in either electing zaisans, or simply making known to

Russians their existence.42

After the Communist revolution of 1917, the Russian imperial structures

disintegrated very quickly. During the Civil war (1918-1922), many regions of the former

empire went through a brief, but very dramatic period of numerous attempts to create

various state-like entities, based on various consolidating factors, including political and

ethnic ones. In Altai, this period produced a very interesting manifestation – the so-called

Karakorum Executive Committee.43 Very little is known about the functioning of this

Committee, because Soviet historiography regarded it as thoroughly reactionary and

counterrevolutionary. 44 However, it is evident that the pattern of the Karakorum

41
Verbitsky, Altaiskie Inorodtsy, pp. 19-23.
42
Danilin, A.G. Burkhanizm (iz istorii natsional’no-osvoboditelnogo dvizheniia v Gornom
Altae). (Burkhanism (from the history of a national liberation movement in Gorny Altai). Gorno-Altaisk:
Ak Chechek, 1993, pp.36-51 .
43
Karakorumkaia Okruzhnaia Uprava
44
The following is the most complete (albeit very biased) description of it, done by L.P.Potapov:
After the Communist revolution,
[b]ourgeois-nationalistic intelligentsia of Altaians, bais, zaisans and other counterrevolutionaries
continued their counterrevolutionary activity, which was aiming at separation of Altai from the
Soviet State. In February of 1918 they organized in the village of Ulala Gorno-Altai legislative
meeting with 133 delegates to proclaim their own bourgeois “state.” The delegates were chosen in

23
Committee organization and function exactly followed the traditional Turk-Mongolian

pattern of “state-consolidation” in that the delegates to the Committee belonged to the

ethnic groups, which earlier, in the Dzungarian period, were the “oirots” – a federation of

allies, led by a kagan. The Karakorum Executive Committee even elected a kagan at the

opening meeting. The delegates represented the clans – most of them were the zaisans

(chieftains), which also exactly reflects the traditional pattern. Very significantly, the

function and authority of the “imperial religion,” which traditionally sanctified such

consolidations and especially validated the election of a kagan, was taken over by Ak

Jang at the meeting of the Karakorum Committee.

Until 1921, the legacy of this meeting continued in the form of “Karakorum

government” under control of general Kolchak (White army). In 1921, Communists took

power in Altai. With the strengthening of the Communist power in Altai, the Committee

was disbanded and its members were executed by Communists in the period of the next

15 years. The importance of the short history of the Karakorum Committee for this

such a manner as to provide the meeting with counterrevolutionary agenda... ...The meeting was
inaugurated by the artist, Ch.Gurkin. … on February, 22, the meeting voted for separation of Altai
into a separate administrative region. The meeting was accompanied by religious ceremonies
(collective prayer, blessing of the banner) …
The same evening, Anuchin at one of the sessions made a presentation concerning the need of
uniting of all the lands of former “Oirot state” in an autonomous republic. Anuchin stated ”It is
not difficult to do, and this is why. The population of Altai Highlands, Mongolian Altai, Khakass,
Uriankhais, Soyots (i.e. Tuvans – L.P.) and population of Dzungaria are the same tribe, same clan;
language, customs – they all have the same ones, they all are “kizhi.” Once they were all a great
people, Oirot. It is necessary to unite them in one family, in one state, because they are abandoned
and yearn for the unification. They will form a great Asian republic…
….he was praising ancient “Oirot” state, i.e. the feudal Dzungaria, where, as shown above, cruel
exploitation and submission of the peoples – subjects of Dzungars, were rampant…
… Following this report by Anuchin, the meeting voted for the organization of the Oirot republic.
For the inauguration of republic, a Kurultai (meeting of delegates) was in Kosh-Agach, a
settlement at the Mongolian border, was scheduled. It was accepted that:
“For organization of calling and opening of the legislative Kurultai of peoples who were parts of Oirot
state, and for all negotiations that may be necessary in this matter, a special commission is formed: a
delegate with special authority (kagan) and two deputies…
Potapov, L.P. Ocherki po Istorii Altaitsev (Studies in Altaian History), Moscow-
Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1953, pp.384-385.
* See the original Russian text in Appendix 2, entry 2.

24
research lies in the fact that the ideology of this attempt to create a state was based on two

factors and two legacies: The Oirot Federation – as the traditional template of Turkic-

Mongolian consolidation and the Ak Jang – White Faith, as its ideology.45

Needless to say, the tendency toward the formation of an internationalstate-like

entity that was not loyal to the newly-forming Soviet Empire, as seen in the quote from

Potapov in the footnote 43, was seen by the latter as a threat – more so, because this

formation followed a “natural,” well-established traditional pattern .46 Therefore, Soviet

ideologists had to take measures to erase all positive references to the “Oirot state,” both

in its Dzungarian and “Karakorum government” manifestations, and of Ak Jang as its

background ideology, from the Altaians’ collective memory. One of these measures was

the total elimination of the Ak Jang practice, followed by the imposition of a complete

taboo upon any academic study of it.47 This was accomplished by the beginning of 1930s.

Another measure was the campaign to re-create the history of the Altaians in such a way

that it would not include any positive reference to the “Oirot period.” Until 1948, Altai

was called “the Oirot Republic” and the “Oirot autonomous region,” but in the 1940s,

L.P.Potapov, the foremost specialist in Altai culture and Soviet “ethnographer Number 1”

who, unfortunately, by choice or due to the pressure, also became the most active

promoter of the Communist, especially Stalinist, ideology in Siberia, filed a number of

reports to the central and local Communist organizations. In these reports he argued that

45
The presence of Ak Jang at the Karakorum Committee’s meetings will be discussed below.
46
This does not necessarily mean that this entity was aggressively opposing the Russian, or Soviet
presence. Rather, it did not see it as relevant. However, the formations (political, cultural, ethnic, or
religious) that did not acknowledge Soviet ideology as important, irritated the Communists even more than
those that opposed it.
47
Sherstova, p. 174-180, and Diakonova, V.P., Foreword in: Danilin, A.G. Burkhanizm (iz istorii
natsional’no-osvoboditelnogo dvizheniia v Gornom Altae). (Burkhanism (from the history of a national
liberation movement in Gorny Altai). Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek, 1993.

25
the Altaians were mere slaves when they constituted a part of Oirot – Dzungarian

Federation and, therefore, all positive traces of “oirot” should be erased from Altaians’

cultural memory, beginning with the name of Altai. After 1948, “Oirot autonomous

region” was transformed into “Gorno-Altai Autonomous Region.” In 1991, Altai

Highlands received the status of republic. Now, it is Altai Republic within the Russian

federation.

26
Chapter 2. Beginning and the formative years (1904-1920s) of Ak Jang.1

The emergence of Ak Jang in 1904 was a dramatic event. While large number of

Altaians2 accepted it and consolidated around its leaders and practices in mere weeks, it

was a complete surprise for the Russian colonial administration of Altai, which reacted to

its emergence with persecution and creation of many false rumors about it, which will be

analyzed in the Chapter 3. This chapter is built on the selection of sources that were

relatively unaffected by the ideological interpretations and especially, from the interviews

with the activists of Ak Jang – Chot and others. It presents the picture of the development

of Ak Jang from its onset in 1904 to the period when it was suppressed by the

Communists in the late 1920s and 1930s. During this time, Ak Jang underwent

development, which may be divided into two stages: the onset (1904-1906), which was

characterized by the strong eschatological element in Ak Jang, its vigorous harassment of

shamans and its ceremonial simplicity, and the “routinization” period, which gradually

developed from 1906 on. It was characterized by the almost complete disappearance from

Ak Jang of the eschatological sentiment, its development of the priesthood and of the

elaborate system of rituals and beliefs, which integrated much of the pre-Ak Jang

tradition of Altaians.

1
It is necessary to remember that despite the recent origin of Ak Jang, very little reliable information
concerning the details of the first years of its formation is available. All information about the first years
(1904- approximately to 1910s) presented here, is the reconstruction, made by Danilin, Anokhin and
Krader, based on diverse and unreliable information such as reports of Russian colonial administration,
court materials, newspaper articles (based largely on rumors) and so on.
2
At the prayer meeting, which took place in about two months after the first vision of the White Rider, and
which was dispersed by the Russian mob, there were between 3000 and 4000 people.

27
The onset: 1904-1906.

In April of 1904, Chugul-Sarok-Chandyk, a 12-year-old stepdaughter of a shepard, Chot

Chelpan, met an old man, dressed in white and riding a white horse. This happened at the

highland pasture, where Chugul was working. This is what Chugul later reported to the

state persecutor at the interrogation:

Once in the spring, near to the yurt of Chot Chelpanov, when I was tending sheep,
I was approached by some old kalmyk3 dressed in white, and on the white
stallion, and said: “God and king, Kudai-kan, has arrived. Go to the yurt at which
you will see a white banner. If you do not obey, you’ll be punished.” I
immediately went to Chet’s yurt. Chet did not tell me anything. After that,
kalmyks began gathering in Chet’s yurt. The mentioned old man I have never
seen either before or after, and where he came from, I don’t know”4

Chot Chelpanov said in his testimony the following:

“I myself haven’t seen god. Chugul-Sarok, according to her words, saw in the
spring a white old man on a white stallion. This old man prohibited kalmyks to
worship kormos and ordered the worship Russian god, moon, sun and White Tsar
(Ak-kan), told me to wear [on my headgear] four silk ribbons. This rumor spread
among kalmyks and they began gathering to pray at my yurt. Chugul, the girl,
herself told kalmyks who lived nearby that god told them all to pray, to abandon
old faith, stop butchering herds for old gods, and promised happiness to those
who would obey him. I haven’t taught kalmyks the new way – the girl taught
everything.”5

Other Altaian witnesses of the events told that

“Chelpanov, who began to wear white overcoat and ride a white stallion, was
telling them that god personally appeared before him on a white stallion, ordered
kalmyks, under a threat of being killed by heavenly fire, to burn the drums and
chalu, to gather in the Tereng valley and wait for fifteen days. The prayer was as
follows: one had to ascend a mountain, spread a white felt, take a cup with mare’s
milk, turn towards the sun, sprinkle milk upwards, and say: “God, sun, white tsar,
give help.”6

3
“White Kalmyks” was the name by which Russians called Altaians at the time.
4
Danilin, pp.89-90. For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 3.
5
Danilin, p.90 For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 4.
6
Danilin, p.90 For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 5.

28
 There were other rumors, surrounding the “first events” in the onset of Ak Jang,

for example, the appearance of two maidens, who ordered the destruction of the shamanic

attributes and who [miraculously] burned these attributes themselves. They descended

from two miraculous rainbows. Those who did not want to destroy their drums and

kormozhoks7 were burnt by the lightning.”8 Apparently, an important part of the messages

of the White Rider was a list of commandments, presented by Anokhin in his paper,

Burkhanism v Zapadnom Altae.9

The most extensive coherent narrative of the communication with the White Rider

and the foundational precepts of Ak Jang, presented in 1911 to A Semenov (a Russian

journalist) by Chot Chelpanov himself and published by Semenov in an article,

“Religioznyi perelom na Altae”10, gives a glimpse of both the structure of the newly

emerged movement, and its dynamic and earliest developments.11

7
literally – “little demons”: small figures of shamanic guardian spirits where spirits dwell between the
sessions and which are fed and venerated. Also, a title that the adherents of Ak Jang use for the figures of
family ancestors, emegender (which they do not have). Emegender (plural) means “little grandparents.”
Kormozhok is obviously a pejorative name. It is unclear here, if only the shamanic guardians-ancestors or
the figures of the family ancestor cult as well had to be destroyed.
8
Danilin, p.91
9
While this list of commandments became one of the hinges on which the interpretation of Ak Jang was
based by the later scholars (e.g., Krader, L. “A Nativistic Movement in Western Siberia.” In: American
Anthropologist, #58, 1956, pp. 282-292), its authenticity is questionable. Altai scholars dismiss it as an
invention, and neither Anokhin in his later writings nor any other researcher of Ak Jnag in its formative
period , mention it.
The commandments are cited from Krader. See Appendix 2, entry 6.
10
“Dramatic Religious Change in Altai” Sibirskii Arhiv, 1913, #9-11, pp.388-397. Again, the original was
impossible to retrieve.
11
“I did not believe my daughter (Chugul), but I happened to meet this man myself. At the time, I
was in Tulaita (the branch of river Charysh) and went home from there. At the crest of the mountain range I
met with him (the Rider). And he told me… we need to burn demons and abandon kams (shamans – A.V.)
… [I] must leave the old faith and tell about this to the whole of Altai, so that everybody would burn. Also,
he said that everybody should pray to sun and moon, Ai-Burkhan, Kun-Burkhan, Ot-Burkhan, Uch-
Kurbustan Burkhan… Then he began to pray in a new way. There is a tree archyn (juniper – A.V.) in the
mountains, I put it in the fire and prayed. We put archyn in the fire even before that… I myself was born in
Yabogan… moved to Tereng… I have seen no foreigners. After the vision, three months later, Altaians
began coming to Tereng… They set up the birches, burnt the fire, put archyn there, milked the mares and
sprinkled milk on the birches and on fire, and tied ribbons to the birches. Birches and archyn are taken from
the old faith, when we prayed to good god. In such a way [they] prayed by my yurt, and went into the
mountains not far away and also prayed there. Besides this prayer, there were no other prayers. These

29
 The message of the White Rider and the beginning of the new movement were

rather simple, but they radically went against the religious status quo of Altaians at the

time. First of all, the new gods Ak-Burkhan and Uch Kurbustan were introduced. Also,

a new religious ritual has been established.12 The shamans and shamanic practices, which

had been extremely important in Altai culture, had to be and were abolished.

The consistent anti-shamanic attitude of the message of Ak Jang has been its

characteristic trait from the beginning:

Bloody sacrifices offend God! Drums and hysterical screaming during the
shamanic sessions upset God’s honor; shamanic gods are greedy. You must pray
at certain times in the open places. Stick in the ground birches and decorate them
with white ribbons. Instead of bloody sacrifices, burn juniper and sprinkle milk
and milk moonshine (araka). Why did the Kalmyks become poor? Why are we
harassed by everybody? It is because the Kalmyks pray to devils instead of one
all-powerful God from Above. The day is coming, and those who do not
recognize Burkhan will perish.13

Here, the “devil” in question is the patron-god of shamans, the god of Underworld, Erlik.

However, it will be shown that not all of the “Shamanic” gods have been abandoned by

Ak Jang.

words are said either aloud, or whispering, or in one’s mind – and meanwhile, one thinks about health for
all of Altai. We prayed standing… We did not dig the knives into the ground, when prayed. It is wrong
what they said – that we dug the knives into the ground. However, maybe somebody did it that way. The
word Burkhan means god. He lives in heaven. He is Ak (white). He is good. I don’t know if he pushes
anybody ever, or not. In the court, I was accused of these new prayers. There was a record that we
mentioned Japanese in them. This is wrong. I have never heard about Japanese – found out about who they
were only while in prison. About 2-3 thousand people participated in the prayer meetings, maybe,
somebody made it up… …I don’t know where yarlykchi came from… The new faith is better: we do not
butcher horses, and do not pay to kam… (Danilin, pp.24-25)
For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 7.
12
Below, it will be shown that neither gods nor ritual were entirely new for the Altai tradition, but none of
the observers of Ak Jang at the time was aware of this.
13
Chot Chelpanov’s statement. From Maidurova, N.A. and Tadina, N.A. Burkhanism: Dokumenty i
Materialy. (Burkhanism: Documents and Materials). Gorno-Altaisk, 1994, p.298 Cited from translation by
Znamenski, Shamanism and Christianity, p. 237

30
 The second most prominent feature of the Ak Jang message14 was its strong

eschatological character, based on several legendary or semi-legendary heroic figures:

Oirot-khan, Shunu, Amyrsana, and Galdan. Especially important, practically messianic

figure, was Oirot-khan:

Galdan-Oirot (if) comes-

The Black ones (shamans) will disappear!
The Black ones will fall into the earth!
The Black Chests will go to sunset15!
Golden Oirot, our tsar, will come –
The Black Chests will go to the moonset –
We’ll go to live in Ak-Chechek and Kok-Chechek16 Altai!
The Black Chests will live at the moonset!17

The pathos of the eschatological message (or rather of its most manifested layer) of Ak

Jang was very transparent: all of the “heroic” figures – Galdan, Oirot and others were

related to and symbolized the Dzungarian period in the life of the Altai tribes, which,

while somewhat idealized in Altai mind, was nonetheless a period when Altai tribes were

admitted as equals into a federation (Oirats – “allies”).18

14
It is unclear whether it was delivered by White Rider or not.
15
West in Altai culture is associated with the Land of the Dead.
16
Danilin links Ak Chechek and Kok Chechek to some (rather mysterious) geographic locations. According
to Altai scholars, both terms are adjectives-metaphors: “white-pure (clean)” and “blue-pure”
17
Ak Jang prayer, from Danilin, 99.
For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 8.
Also, for the prayer that summarizes the eschatological expectations of Ak Jang (From Danilin, pp. 94-95),
see Appendix 2, entry 9 (for both Russian and English texts).
18
While Dzungaria, as a state, was destroyed in 1754, the message, according to L.Sherstova (Taina…,
p.127-135 and also Sherstova, L. Altai-kizhi v kontse XIX – nachale XX v.(Istoriia formirovaniia
etnokonfessional’noi obshnosti) (Altai-kizhi at the end of 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries: A history
of formation of an ethno-confessional unity). PhD Dissertation. Leningrad, 1985), was an attempt to create
an “ethno-confessional unity” from its remnants – Altaians, Soyots (Tuvans), and other former remaining
“Oirots,” using the figures from the past as the symbols of such a unity.
While it is very likely that the hypothesis of L.Sherstova is correct, the “messianic project” of Ak Jang was
not fulfilled, as its adherents hoped, in the beginning.

31
 As the news of the White Rider spread over Altai, more and more people began

visiting Chot Chelpanov who moved to Tereng valley. While he explained to the Altaians

the new message, his step-daughter became a semi-worshipped figure as the main

recipient of the message. At this time, Ak Jang still did not develop “priesthood” – the

only exponents of the Ak Jang were Chot and Chugul, who implemented a number of

simple rituals and prayers.19 As both prayers and commandments, and the witnesses’

accounts testify, shamans and active adherents of Shamanic practices were thoroughly

harassed by the followers of Ak Jang. Their drums and costumes were burnt, and they

were ridiculed and abused.20

In 1904, all of Russia was in a state of unrest. The Tsarist Empire was steadily

losing its integrity and control and was coming close to the Revolution of 1905.

Government administration, both in large centers and periphery, was extremely paranoid,

constantly awaiting mutinies and often provoking (and then – violently suppressing)

them. In addition, Russia was fighting an extremely unpopular Japanese war (1904-

1906), which it eventually lost.

19
At first, the prayer meetings were very simple. People gathered around yurts, smudged with juniper and
sprinkled milk in the direction of the mountains that surrounded Terem valley. Meanwhile, [they] sang
ancient songs, praising Altai; also, sang the songs ridiculing Russians, called curses upon them, etc. There
were no established canons; the texts of prayers and songs were diverse. Only later the ritual became
standard… (Danilin, 94). For the Russian text of the quote, see Appendix 2, entry 10.

Those who gathered for the prayers gave Chot a new name – Abaya, his wife – Kudeim, and Chugul – Aky
Shulengi (“father, ””divine,” and “white purity,” respectively – A.V.)… … messengers were sent to collect
white felt for building a yurt for Chot… …this yurt was solemnly called “orgo” (the palace)… … Chot
prayed with the few elected separately, while other Altaians settled on the slopes of surrounding hills and in
the valleys and prayed in big groups. For feeding this massive amount of pilgrims, 30-40 horses were
butchered daily… Soon, Chot was saying, a boy without a navel cord will be born. His name will be Kaan-
Mergen (a name of epic deity-hero “khan the Archer” – A.V.)… … The prayers went on from April to mid-
June. Those who came to Chot with gifts or to pray patiently waited for the sign on the sun – the sign of the
imminent coming of Oirot. (Danilin, 94-99). For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 11.
20
Danilin (p.99-100) presents examples of torturing shamans by “Burkhanists.” According to L.Sherstova,
this data is a sort of exaggeration, generated by… Christians (and later uncritically accepted by academics)
who alleged the abuse of their traditional enemies, Shamans, by the adherents of Ak Jang because they saw
Ak Jang as a bigger threat. The reasons for the anti-shamanic trend in Ak Jang ar analyzed below.

32
 The mood of the Tsarist administration in Altai was no exception to the general

rule. As soon as the change in behavior of Altaians was noticed, local government

suspected the worst – a mutiny. However, the first group to stir panic both among

Russian settlers and government, were the Orthodox missionaries, who noticed a massive

retreat of baptized Altaians into a new faith:

It seems that the missionaries first noticed the meaning of what was happening
and realized its danger for their mission. Indeed, not only the pagans, but also
baptized Altaians, who renounced Christianity and adopted “their own” faith,
went to pray to Tereng…21

Missionaries and local Orthodox authorities, especially, the Bishop of Biysk and

the head of Altai Mission, Makarii, tried to alert police and other civil authorities to the

fact of “unrest among Kalmyks.” Interestingly, the authorities22 did not notice any

“politics” in the movement:

At the place in question (Tereng – L.Sh) we saw 4000 people, who were praying.
There were no strangers or suspicious individuals. The gathering was strictly
religious. These people fancied that Chet Chelpan, Chugul and Kul received from
the Sun God the directions to make a prayer meeting.23

On May 30, the Biysk Police Deputy and several policemen visited the meeting

again. They produced a different report – one that changed the fate of Ak Jang for a long

time to come:

Chelpanov who stood in the center of the crowd, with his hand raised up,
repeating “Oh, tsar Burkhan-Oirot-Yapon24” and did not answer the questions of
the deputy… …By this faith once kalmyks prayed with their tsar Oirot who went

21
L.Sherstova, 59. For the Russian original see Appendix 2, entry 12.
22
As evident from their reports in Maidurova, N.A. and Tadina, N.A. Burkhanism: Dokumenty i
Materialy, pp.227-230.
23
The report of May, 26 by the Head of the Biysk County Precinct, in L.Sherstova, p.25. For the Russian
original see Appendix 2, entry 13
24
Japan in Russian sounds “Yaponiia”.

33
 beyond the sea into the land where now is tsar of Japan,25 became Burkhan and
soon [he] will return to Altai… 26

Except for the Deputy himself, nobody, as it turned out two years later in the court, heard

any reference to anything “Japanese,” but the statement of the Deputy set wheels in

motion at once. On June 5, Russian Telegraph Agency published a panic-stricken column

about the “Japanese sabotage” in Siberia.27 Soon, rumors of a “Japanese presence” and

alleged Altai collaborationism reached Russian settlers who began alternating between

panic and evacuation and brutal harassment of Altaians which occasionally ended with

casualties (only among Altaians).28 Soon, the Altai Orthodox Mission produced a

“confirmation” of the “Japanese involvement”: In the prayer (presented above), “Bulun-

Tokoi” (the capital of Dzungarian alliance) transformed into “Tokio,” and other prayers

also suddenly acquired “Japanese references”29 and vehement anti-Russian passages.

These rumors and the commotion created by them, soon resulted in dramatic

events. On June, 21, 1904, a mob of “pious Russians” – about two thousand peasants,

armed with clubs, pitchforks, whips and a few guns, mobilized by Mission30 and police

25
it.mine (A.V.)
26
Danilin, p. 100. For the Russian original see Appendix 2, entry 14.
27
Sherstova, p. 27.
28
Danilin, p. 87.
29
Burkhanism: Dokumenty i Materialy, pp. 275-287. Document # 36, The report of Altai Mission. It seems
that Burkhanist prayers presented by Danilin come from the same source, which makes their authenticity
doubtful. L.Sherstova plainly states that not only “Japanese” passages, but also anti-Russian ones were
fabricated. While I agree with her evaluation, unfortunately there is no proof, because the above-mentioned
missionary reports are the only source of the prayers.
While L.Sherstova considers “Yapon-khan” to be a pure fabrication made either by the Police Deputy or by
the missionaries, an Altai scholars B.Bedyurov and N.Ekeev, who wrote Afterword and comments for the
work of Sherstova (Sherstova, pp.183-191), think that “Yapon-khan” is actually a misunderstood name,
Rigden Gyapo (Japo) – the title of the Shambala King, and/or Maitreya. It is important to mention, however
that both scholars belong to the “Buddhist” party in modern Ak Jang and, especially, were influenced by
the ideas of N.Roerich .
30
Before the departure of the mob, bishop Makarii organized a collective “blessing prayer” and addressed
the crowd with the following words: “You are going to disperse unlawfully gathering kalmyks, who are
preaching false doctrine and disobeying the authorities” (Sherstova, p.31)

34
authorities and accompanied by about a hundred policemen,31 attacked the prayer

meeting in Tereng, where more than 3000 Altaians were present at that moment.32 The

Altaians, who had no weapons, did not put up any resistance. Several Altaians were

beaten to death, and many wounded. Thirty three persons, including Chot and Chugul33,

were arrested. The mob looted both the camps in Tereng and neighboring Altaian

villages. The next two years all of the arrested Ak Jang activists spent in jail. On May,

26, 1906, a long court session began in Tomsk, the central Siberian city at the time. The

activists of Ak Jang were defended by lawyers who belonged to the anti-Tsarist

“Populist” movement.34

After the Revolution of 1905, Populist and other leftist movements acquired

strength and popularity. What was absolutely impossible in 1904 happened in 1906 – all

of the arrested and accused activists of Ak Jang were acquitted and released. The defense

proved that there was no sufficient evidence of any “Japanese connections” of Ak Jang –

it turned out that nobody could remember the occasion of the alleged mentioning of

“Yapon-khan” and “Tokio.”35

One of the issues on which the defense attorneys, Klements and others, built their

case was proving that Ak Jang was, essentially, loyal to the Russian Imperial order. Thus,

Klements built his account of Ak Jang in such a way that it presented the movement as a

step from Shamanism to Christianity – a “naïve attempt” to create a religion, essentially

31
the mobilization began on June, 18, by Police Deputy (Sherstova, p.31).
32
Danilin, p. 87-89
33
Who was nearly raped and saved by a physician Barsov, who later produced the most (or the only)
unbiased account of the events, preceding the pogrom and the pogrom itself.
34
The Head of the Defence, D.A.Klements, was a famous Populist. He was given an assignment to
investigate the nature of Ak Jang/Burkhanism by the Court and, having done so, he produced the first
coherent account of it (Burkhanism: Dokumenty…., pp.30-40.)
35
Burkhanizm: Dokumenty… pp.287-289 and Sherstova. L.Sherstova thoroughly analyses the court
proceedings (two Chapters in her work, pp.24-54 and pp.152-181 are dedicated to this) and sums up the
case.

35
inspired by Christian ideals and having numerous elements of the latter. While the

motivations for creation of such a story were admirable, the consequence of it, being the

first account of Ak Jang, was a creation of long-lasting36 “academic myth” of alleged

Christian-Shamanic syncretism of Ak Jang.

The “enemies” of Ak Jang, namely Mission, pursued another myth – of a

“Lamaist – Mongolian – Chinese” plot behind the Ak Jang’s origin. The failure with

proving the “Japanese influence” at the court did not entirely stop the missionaries in

their attempts to perpetuate this myth. As late as 1911, Mission was still presenting the

reports with the prayers mentioning “Yapon” and “Tokio”.37 However, after 1906 (and

the end of the Russian-Japanese war, after which the “Japanese connection” became less

sensational) the strategy of presentation of Ak Jang by Mission changed. Now, the

connection with the Chinese-Mongolian Lamas as the “agents” behind Ak Jang came to

the fore. While there had been some connections between Ak Jang and Lamas,38 they

were superficial. However, the “Lamaist connection,” just like the previously mentioned

“Christian influence,” created another academic myth. The story of “Japanese influence”

was forgotten for the next 20 years, after which it suddenly surfaced in a very sinister

form during the Stalinist purges. It cost the lives of almost all of the Ak Jang activists and

many of its lay followers in the 1920s and 1930s.

Further developments of Ak Jang: “routinization” and emergence of the priesthood.

The arrest of the Ak Jang activists did not eliminate Ak Jang, but for two years, until all

the arrested were released, there had been no information on its development. After the

return of the activists to Altai, Ak Jang continued its spread, but changed its shape:

36
In the contemporary scholarship, presented in Znamenski, pp.238-239.
37
Burkhanizm: Dokumenty… p.287.
38
Again, L.Sherstova analyses it in detail ( Sherstova, pp. 27, 154-155, 160-161).

36
 …[t]he trial of Burkhanists, unexpectedly for the government, turned, in fact, into
the demonstration of colonial oppression of Altaians. This factor especially
stimulated the continuation of the movement on its new (second) stage…
… This verdict of the Tsarist court the leaders of Burkhanists used as a de-facto
legalization of “white faith”…39

Thus, Ak jang continued developing and spreading throughout Altai. However, as

it was developing, it had gradually undergone significant changes. First of all, it seems

that it lost its character of “eschatological immediacy” – the expectations of the imminent

and immediate “new world to come.” While Oirot, Shunu and other messianic figures

remained prominent in the prayers and other practices of Ak Jang, their arrival was not

expected as immediate anymore. As we will see, they became divine figures not unlike

the Shamanic guardian spirits.40

Secondly, a very important change that happened to Ak Jang was the

development of its own priesthood, yarlykchi (“messengers”) and of a set of prayers and

standardized rituals.41 While Chugul remained an important, nearly worshipped figure,42

for many years, Chot practically disappeared from the Ak Jang “scene” after his arrest

and release. When ethnographers and other travelers met him in 1910s, he was no

different from any other Altaian.

The background of the members of the new priesthood, yarlykchi, was diverse.

Some of them clearly belonged to the Altaian aristocracy, either wealthy householders or

zaisans, the leaders of the seoks, while others were “ordained” because of their personal

charisma, or status as elders in their community. Still others were the white shamans who

39
Danilin, 111. For the Russian original see Appendix 2, entry 15
40
In general, at a closer look at the first phase (1904-1905) of Ak Jang, we see that most of the information
on the “radical eschatology” of the initial Ak Jang message came not from the Altaians, but from their
adversaries, who used it to stir the situation leading to the attack and arrest. Thus, we cannot even be sure if
the “radical eschatology” of Ak Jang ever existed. In any case, after 1906 it never manifested. The only
“radical” and well-recorded activity of the Ak Jang adherents was their continuous harassment of shamans.
41
Danilin (p.112) dates the emergence of yarlykchi as early as 1905.
42
Danilin, p. 111. Chugul was “employed” as a person with charisma of blessing and a healer.

37
converted to Ak Jang after having recognized its similarity with their practices.43 Both

women and men were becoming yarlykchi. Some were joining the Ak Jang priesthood

after having experienced a state similar to “shamanic calling.” After 1906, Ak Jang

continued gaining popularity among Altaians. In 1914, according to the account of

M.Sokolov, who traveled around Altai for three years, only 10% of Altaians remained

faithful to shamanic practices.44 As Ak Jang developed its practices, it also began to

change and develop “sects.”

The “main yarlykchi” who came to prominence during the arrest of Chot

Chelpanov, Tyryi Agemchi, organized and standardized the ritual. He implemented a

special “order,” shaby, young men and women who assisted the yarlykchi at his/her

services. Before becoming a yarlykchi, Tyryi Agemchi worked as a translator for the

Russian government agent in Mongolia and frequently visited Mongolian Buddhist

monasteries. He brought to Ak Jang a peculiar “fad” – the use of Buddhist artifacts at the

Ak Jang services.45

Others changed the practice as well. While the key deities and semi-divine figures

specific exclusively to Ak Jang – Ak Burkhan, Uch Kurbustan, Oirot and others,

remained the focal figures of the religion, it quickly began to appropriate older,

traditional deities of Altaians, especially the Jajyk - a shapeless deity which served as the

messenger between Sky Gods and humans, including shamans.46 Jajyk, as the

43
Danilin, pp. 119 – 125.
44
Danilin, 126 and Burkhanizm… pp. 291-306
45
This is one of the reasons for seeing “Buddhist influences” in Ak Jang. As we will see later, the
borrowing of the Buddhist artifacts was not, in fact, an influence over the content of the religion (in the
sense that it became more “Buddhist”). These artifacts were used in a manner very similar to the use of
“foreign objects” in cargo movements.
46
Jajyk is a deity whose presence in the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition is not documented.
However, a deity with this or different name and exactly the same functions (of a messenger) is present

38
intermediary – a “living connection”47 between Ak Burkhan - Uch-Kurbustan and people,

gained enormous prominence. Different “sects” addressed different Jajyks – kerel48-jajyk,

many-jajyk, or koyon-jajyk:

The setting sun, golden kerel,

Almighty, the guardian of the house.
With the golden rainbow four guardians
Guard us from the evil spirit.
From the dark mind of evil aza49 they protect,
The front corner [of the yurt] is guarded
By almighty White Burkhan.50

However, despite all regional “mutations,” Ak Jang kept on developing as a coherent

unity. It experienced some setbacks in 1915 when many yarlykchi died from the typhoid

during the epidemic. Since they had no “powers” to save their flock from the same

disease, some Ak Jang followers returned to shamanic help or got baptized.51 Ak Jang

proved to be unifying force for Altaians, and manifested itself as such on several

occasions in the 1910s and 1920s. In 1914-1916, yarlykchi and other followers of Ak

Jang protested against the draft of Altaians to the Russian Army (1st World War). Again,

eschatological motifs of Ak Jang came to prominence.

Finally, in 1918, already after the Communist Revolution and during Civil War, a

unique event happened in Altai: Altai intellectuals, among them the famous Altai artist

Choros-Gurkin and physician Tiber-Petrov and other influential people attempted to

organize “Karakorum-Altai Executive Committee” – an independent government of Altai

and neighboring territories: Tuva and Khakassia. While all published information about

among all contemporary Turkic and Mongolian traditions and is very important, which may indicate its
ancient character.
47
Maybe, somewhat similar to the Holy Ghost in Pentecostal Movements.
48
“shining”
49
General title of evil spirits – Erlik’s demons, ghosts, etc.
50
The prayer to kerel-jajyk by Tyryi Agemchi. Danilin, p.122. For the Russian original, see Appendix 2,
entry 16.
51
Danilin, p. 125.

39
this government does not tell much about its ideology, except for pointing at “capitalist-

nationalistic counterrevolutionary elements” that constituted the government,52 A.M.

Sagalaev, on the basis of carefully studying photographs of the session of the office, finds

the unmistakable presence of elements of Ak Jang religion at the stage during sessions.53

At the same time, the character of the address to the opening session of the Office by its

chairman, V.I.Anuchin, shows the clearly recognizable pathos of Turkic-Mongolian

supra-ethnic, or “imperial” consolidation under the leadership of a kagan, traditional for

the pre-modern Turks and Mongols:

“We aim at unification of the lands of the former “Oirot state” in an autonomous
republic. This is not difficult to do, and this is why. The population of Altai
Highlands, Mongolian Altai, Khakass, Uriankhais, Soyots (i.e.Tuvans – L.P.) and
the population of Dzungaria are the same tribe, same clan; language, customs –
they all have the same ones, they all are “kizhi.”54 Once they were all a great
people, Oirot. It is necessary to unite them in one family, in one state, because
they are abandoned, and yearn for the unification. They will form a great Asian
republic.”55

and:

Aiming at exciting the nationalistic sentiment among the participants of the

session, Anuchin… …was praising the ancient “Oirot” state, i.e. the feudal
Dzungaria… …Following this report by Anuchin, the meeting voted for the
organization of the Oirot Republic…56

In the following years, approximately until the first half of the 1930s, Ak Jang

continued to be practiced by the majority of the Altaians. However, one after another, the

waves of persecution, now by Communists, came upon it. Many yarlykchi allied

52
Potapov, Ocherki… pp.383-385. The Karakorum Office was eliminated by Communists a year later, and
all of its delegates were either executed or eventually died in the camps.
53
Sagalaev, A.M. Altai v Zerkale Mifa. (Altai in the Mirror of Myth). Novosibirsk:
“Nauka,” 1992, p.167
54
“people”
55
from Potapov, 385 (see Appendix 2, entry 2)
56
Potapov, 385. (see Appendix 2, entry 2)

40
themselves with the White Army,57 the anti-Communist force during the Civil War, and

fought against the Red Guards (Communists), which, after the Communist power was

secured in Altai in the late 1920s, had tragic consequences for them. After the Civil War

was over, the followers of Ak Jang tried to continue practicing the religion, but now they

were facing the anti-religious campaigns of the 1920s-1930s.58

During Stalin’s purges, millions of people were arrested and executed on the basis

of their alleged “contacts with capitalist saboteurs.” In the beginning of 1930, the bizarre

rumor about connections between Ak Jang and Japanese spies, invented by missionaries,

was resurrected.59 As a result, most of the active Ak Jang followers, both yarlykchi and

lay people, were imprisoned and executed during 1930s and 1940s. The religion

seemingly ceased to exist, and no interpretation of it besides the one offered by official

Soviet propaganda, was allowed until the 1990s.

To eliminate all the notions of Oirot from the collective Altai mind, even the title

of the Altai, Oirot Autonomous Region, which, according to L.P.Potapov, “received the

name Oirot not without influence of the local bourgeois nationalists”60 was changed to

“Gorno-Altai Autonomous Region” in 1948. Thus, as we see, the history of the first

period of the development of Ak Jang ends in the 1930s, with the persecution and

seemingly total elimination of this religion. However, in the late 1980s, as soon as the

practice of religion in the USSR was no longer a criminal offense, Ak Jang re-emerged

and continued vigorous development. As we will see in the Chapter 5, its second

57
Danilin, p. 146.
58
Still, in 1927-34, Danilin found many practicing yarlykchi.
59
It is hard to say whether the famous Russian Anthropologist, the Director of the Institute of
Anthropology and Ethnography, L.P.Potapov, was personally responsible for re-creating this allegation, or
just publicized it in his works (L.P. Potapov, Ocherki… ). He even reproduced the falsified Ak Jang
prayers mentioning “Yapon,” “Tokio,” etc. in his monographs. Until his death in 2001 he had not changed
his views.
60
Potapov, L.P. Ocherki…p. 392

41
emergence brought out more diversity in its vision and interpretation by its adherents

than in the formative period.

Most of the sources on Ak Jang, academic or otherwise, were either created

during this first period of its existence, or dealt only with it. In the next chapter, these

sources and the interpretations of Ak Jang are going to be analyzed.

42
Chapter 3. Ak Jang and its interpretations: a critical review of the
sources.

The records of Ak Jang are scarce. However, the scarcity of the sources is not the main

problem. The main problem is that all records of Ak Jang, published or not, can be used

as a case study of the influence of ideology on research. Most of the sources on Ak Jang

that were published before the mid- to late 1980s, pursued in their descriptions and

interpretations of Ak Jang goals, which were very far from objective academic research –

they “tailored” their interpretations according to the demands of the ruling ideology, be it

pre-communist ideology of the Russian Empire or later Soviet ideology.1 Thus, while

these sources presented very few verifiable facts on Ak Jang, a number of ideological

and academic myths about Ak Jang were generated by them.

As a result, this chapter, the review of the sources, is dedicated mostly to the

analysis and deconstruction of the biased interpretations of Ak Jang which resulted in the

creation of the main academic-ideological myth, namely that of the syncretistic character

of Ak Jang. In other words, the goal of this chapter is to show that Ak Jang is an

indigenous rather than imported, Altai tradition.

There is a number of short accounts of Ak Jang, made by a variety of eye-

witnesses of the movement – missionaries, police, journalists, travelers, and others. These

accounts, being the earliest descriptions of the movement, are important, although not

1
Ideally, to “prepare the stage” for the reconstruction and interpretation of Ak Jang in this paper, one
would have to “deconstruct” and trace the biases and “ideological contaminations” of every single source.
However, this topic (academic research in Anthropology and religion and the Soviet ideological influence)
alone, whether only about the “case” of Ak Jang or more generally, can easily occupy several large
volumes. To some degree, L.Sherstova did the source analysis for Ak Jang in her work, Taina Doliny
Tereng. R.Hutton, in his work, Shamans: Siberian Spirituality and the Western Imagination. New York:
Hambledon And London, 2001 traced some of more general trends of interference between Communist
ideology and the study of indigenous religious traditions in Russia.

43
always trustworthy. While the academic research of Ak Jang has been very limited, it is

possible to name five persons who have played the most significant role in it. They are:

A.V.Anokhin, A.Danilin, L.Potapov, A.Sagalaev, and L.Sherstova.

A.V.Anokhin (d.1931) lived in Altai from the 1910 until 1931. While working as

a music teacher in Ulala (Gorno-Altaisk), he actively studied folklore, music, and religion

of the Altaians. His work, Materialy po Shamanstvu u Altaitsev ,2 published in Leningrad

in 1924, remains the most complete and detailed account of Altai Shamanism up to date.

Anokhin studied Ak Jang from the 1910 to 1930, and was able to observe its

developments. While in his initial account3 he interprets Ak Jang as a syncretistic

movement, later he radically changed his views. However, none of Anokhin’s data on Ak

Jang, with an exception of the mentioned short article, has been published. His large

archive is the property of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography in St.Petersburg,

and the access to it is very limited.

Another person who extensively studied Ak Jang “in the field” (in 1927-29 and 1934-35)

was A.Danilin (1896-1942). His PhD Dissertation was dedicated to Ak Jang. Published

in 1993, it remains the only published source with detailed description of Ak Jang as a

religion.

The role of L.P.Potapov in the study of Ak Jang was different. L.P.Potapov (1905-2001)

was born in Altai and began his academic career as a protégé of Anokhin in the 1924. By

the late 1930s, he became one of the most influential figures in Soviet Anthropology and

Ethnography. His area of expertise was Siberia, especially the Turkic groups of the

2
Anokhin, A.V. Materialy po Shamanstvu u Altaitsev (Materials on Altai Shamanic
Practices), Leningrad: 1924 and Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek, 1994
3
Anokhin A.V. “Burkhanizm na Zapadnom Altae” (Burkhanism in the Western Altai).
Sibirskie Ogni, 1927, #5, pp.162-167

44
Southern Siberia, including the Altaians. From 1948 on, he was a Director of the

Leningrad Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography, and de-facto – the “Soviet

Anthropologist #1.” Almost all currently active ethnographers and anthropologists who

specialize in the study of Siberia were his students. While being a foremost specialist in

the study of Siberian cultures and religion, L.Potapov also played a crucial role in the

construction of the Soviet ideological paradigm as applied to the aboriginal cultures as

well as to scholarship.

In the case of Ak Jang – both its practice by Altaians and academic study of it, the

influence of Potapov was crucial. In the late 1930s, he produced a verdict on Ak Jang,

interpreting it as a result of the Japanese subversive activity, which, due to his authority,

effectively terminated both the practice of Ak Jang and its study for the next fifty years.

A.M. Sagalaev, a professor of History at Tomsk State University, has been the first

scholar who resumed the study of Ak Jang in the mid-1980s. Bypassing Potapov’s

ideological interpretation of the movement, he has been attempting to describe it in the

context of Altai culture. His views on Ak Jang underwent evolution, similar to

Anokhin’s: While in his early works he sees it a syncretistic movement, in his later

publications he acknowledges its indigenous character and origin.4

Finally, L.Sherstova is a historian, currently working in Novosibirsk. He has

defended a PhD Dissertation on Ak Jang in Leningrad in 1985. Her dissertation and the

book, Taina Doliny Tereng,5 published in 1997, while important in their own right,

signaled the end of the Soviet ideological legacy in the interpretation of the movement.

4
This change in Sagalaev’s views has been the result of the release of new information on Ak Jang,
namely, the publication of works by Danilin and Sherstova as well as the easier access to the archives in the
post-Soviet Russia.
5
The Mystery of Tereng Valley, Gorno-Altaisk, Ak Chechek, 1997

45
 The order of the sources’ presentation is not going to follow the chronological

order of their creation. The fact of the matter is that all of the seminal sources – namely,

the works of Danilin and Anokhin, which contain detailed descriptions of Ak Jang and

were written in the 1920s and 1930s, have not been available to either general public or

specialists until 1990s. The work of Danilin, Burkhanism, the only monograph on Ak

Jang and the only source of detailed information on its theology and practice, was written

in 1930s, but was published only in 1994. Another, very important source, the papers of

Anokhin, has not been yet published. Also, the collection of primary sources made by

Maidurova and Tadina,6 was published only in 1997. This means that the late Soviet and

post-Soviet researchers7 who tried to reconstruct the nature of Ak Jang in their works,

had to rely on a very little information, which, in addition, often was incorrect. While all

of the sources, published in the 1910s and later in the Soviet period, consistently tried to

interpret Ak Jang while having very few reliable facts about the nature of this movement,

a number of “myths” about it, which persist to this day, have been created.

Ak Jang is presented as a) a transient, haphazardly formed movement, resulting

from the Russian colonial oppression and the crisis that ensued, or b) as a syncretistic

movement, which borrowed much of its ideology and practices either from Christianity,

or from Buddhism, and the rest – from Shamanism, or finally, c) as a political movement,

inspired by foreign influence.8

6
Maidurova, N.A. and Tadina, N.A. Burkhanism: Dokumenty i Materialy. (Burkhanism:
Documents and Materials). Gorno-Altaisk, 1994
7
E.g., A.M. Sagalaev in his earliest work, Mifologiia i Verovaniia Altaitsev: Tsentral’no-aziatskie
Vliianiia. (The Mythology and Beliefs of Altaians: Central Asian Influences). Novosibirsk: “Nauka,” 1984
8
This last interpretation, belonging to the Orthodox Mission and later “picked up” by L.Potapov, is
acknowledged by all post-Soviet students of Ak Jang as a blatant lie, typical for the Stalinist era and not
based on any fats whatsoever. However, it is necessary to remember that this was the only published and
accessible information on Ak Jang for fifty years!

46
The first reports

The earliest cluster of sources on Ak Jang belongs to its early formative period, 1904-

1913. Danilin (in 1937) counts about twenty records.9 Maidurova and Tadina10 collected

39 documents, both published (articles in newspapers, etc) and unpublished (telegrams,

protocols of the court, missionary reports and others).

Many of these documents are unreliable – they are either superficial, or biased.

However, all information on the first years of Ak Jang is based on them. These

documents served as the source in the reconstruction of the first years of Ak Jang

(especially, the first months, until the arrest of its activists) in Danilin’s work as well as in

the book by Sherstova and the reconstruction above.

Generally, the documents in question can be divided into three categories: The

testimonies of the missionaries and police authorities, the research of the court defense

(for the purpose of building the defense case for Chot Chelpanov and others) and the

records of various, more or less random, witnesses of the events. As was mentioned

above, Mission and police documents give almost no objective information on the

development of Ak Jang. From its very beginning, the Mission began interpreting the

movement as a “Japanese subversive action” (later changed to “Chinese-Mongolian

Lamaist”) and saw the movement as “pure politics” – among other things, falsifying

“first-hand” information on Burkhanist claims, prayers, and practices.11 As L.Sherstova

9
Danilin, pp.4-9.
10
Burkhanizm: Dokumenty…
11
It is important to mention that, while police records see Ak Jang as “unrest among the Kalmyks” and are,
as a rule, negative about it, they are much milder than the Mission reports. For example, in his report,
police deputy, Buchinskiy sees “no politics” in the movement and, unexpectedly, provides a very brief, but
valuable account of the practices of Ak Jang. (Sherstova, p.25)

47
reported in her book, they repeatedly tried to connect various accidental travelers from

Mongolia, both Lamas and lay people, to the “subversive character” of Ak Jang.12

The reports of the defendants of the Ak Jang activists – Klements, Sokolov,

Shvetsov and others, some of which13 were published after the trial, provide more

information both on the “first events” of the development of Ak Jang and on its practices.

However, their presentations are also very abbreviated and heavily “interpret” the

movement. The objective of these presentations was not academic research; the lawyers

were aiming at creating a picture of Ak Jang that would lead to the acquittal of their

clients in court. The general pattern of these presentations can be summed up as follows:

Ak Jang is a transient movement, created, in part, by a socio-economic crisis resulting

from the abuse of Altaians by the Russian colonial administration and Orthodox Mission

– especially, by the depriving of the Altaians of their traditional pastures.

Nonetheless, in this view the movement has absolutely no political agenda – it is a

desperate and naive14 attempt of Altaians to create a “religious hope” and consolidation:

D.Klements deliberately diminishes political side of the story both in his articles
and his trial speeches: old Siberian Populist, known as a fighter for the rights of
the “aboriginals,” naturally was trying to soften the sentence.15

In some reports Ak Jang was compared to the first Christians and other “movements of

the oppressed” – apparently, to address the liberal sensibilities of the jury.

Another strong tendency in this category of reports is their constant comparison of Ak

Jang with a form of Christianity. While Ak Jang is never called a “Christian” movement,

12
Sherstova, pp. 27, 31-32 and further.
13
See Burkhanizm: Dokumenty…, entries 2 (pp. 30-35), 3 (pp.35-40), 5 (pp.42-52) and 39 (pp. 291-307)
14
The “naïve” character of the movement is strongly and repeatedly highlighted in these reports. It is likely
that this was a tactical maneuver on the part of Klements and others, helping them to represent the “lack of
danger” in Ak Jang contra “sinister” interpretation by the missionaries.
15
Danilin, p. 27. For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 17

48
it is frequently implied that many of the patterns such as dualism, anti-shamanic

tendencies and rejection of bloody sacrifices, consolidation, alleged monotheism,

messianic expectations and others were, in fact, an imitation of Christianity and,

therefore, a step towards it. In more “academically sound” works of the same period16 Ak

Jang is not linked to “Christian influence” as directly as in Klements’ reports. Anokhin

presented Ak Jang as a “progressive” movement from “polytheistic Shamanism” towards

monotheism.

The field study of Ak Jang: Anokhin, Danilin, and others.

After the Communist Revolution of 1917 and the end of Civil War, there was a short

period, from 1917 to approximately the end of 1920s, when Ak Jang was still widely

practiced, the “hard” Imperial form of Stalinist ideology was not yet imposed either on

religious practitioners or academics, and some opportunity for the academic research of

Ak Jang was available.

While the massive purges of Stalin’s period had not yet begun, this did not mean

that ethnographers who worked in Altai were entirely free of Communist ideology, either

imposed or sincerely believed in. However, at this point, the scholarly interpretation of

the movement continued the “populist” trend of the 1910s, according to which various

sectarian, especially ethnic, revitalisation movements were the expression of the masses’

tendencies to liberation from Tsarist Imperial (and Christian Orthodox, as its religious

representative) oppression.

16
E.g., in the work by A.V.Anokhin, written in 1910 (Anokhin, A.V. Manuscript (property of the Institute
of Altaic Studies, Gorno-Altaisk), Part1. Burkhanizm v Zapadnom Altae (Burkhanism in the Western
Altai), 1910) but published (in abridged version) only in 1927( Anokhin A.V. “Burkhanizm na Zapadnom
Altae” (Burkhanism in the Western Altai). Sibirskie Ogni, 1927, #5, pp.162-167). Krader presents Ak Jang
on the basis of this publication. Anokhin’s first (and only) publication on Ak Jang belongs to the discussed
category of reports in its attempts to represent Ak Jang as an “innocent oddity.” Later (in 1924 and 1931),
he returned to the analysis of Ak Jang (Manuscript of the Institute of Altaic Studies, Parts 2 and 3) and
radically changed his views on it.

49
 During this brief period, two ethnographers worked in Altai – Anokhin (1910-

1931 (d.1931)) and Danilin (1927-29 and 1934-35). They remain the only people who

produced detailed accounts of Ak Jang practices. While they belonged to the “second”

wave of study of Ak Jang, their work was not published at the time, and thus, did not

enter the “evolution” of the academic discourse on Ak Jang until very recently.17

However, one early and short paper by Anokhin, namely “Burkhanizm v Zapadnom

Altae,” must be discussed due to the fact that information on Ak Jang presented in it, laid

the foundation for all attempts to reconstruct the movement, both by Russian and Western

scholars. Anokhin wrote this paper in 1910, during his first year in Altai. The paper was

based, as it seems, on rumors and some brief written reports. This paper was published

much later, in 1927, in a local Siberian journal, Sibirskie Ogni, and, for a long time to

come, remained the only published and hence, accessible description of Ak Jang -

Burkhanism. All of the researchers who attempted to present Ak Jang as a reconstruction

and bypass the Communist falsifications of it, had to rely on this paper as their main

source.18 Anokhin is a very well-respected researcher, and his genuine love for Altai and

Altaians is acknowledged by Altaians themselves. It is unlikely that his presentation of

Ak Jang in the above-mentioned paper was dictated by any ideological biases – he simply

used the material that he could access at the time. The picture of Ak Jang that emerges

from his description, based on fairly unreliable and “secondary” sources, as well as on

some analysis of Altai “Buddhist” legends (which later were proven to be false19), is as

17
Danilin’s book: Danilin, A.G. Burkhanizm (iz istorii natsional’no-osvoboditelnogo dvizheniia v Gornom
Altae). (Burkhanism (from the history of a national liberation movement in Gorny Altai). Gorno-Altaisk:
Ak Chechek, 1993, Gorno-Altaisk Publishing House, and Anokhin’s still remains in manuscript – although
many researchers “privately,” without reference to it, seem to have consulted it.
18
Among these researchers – Krader and Sagalaev (in his early works).
19
Muitueva, Commentaries in: Verbitsky, pp. 257-269.

50
follows: Ak Jang is a syncretistic movement, a hybrid, as it were, between Shamanism

and Buddhism, with a strong prominence of the latter. This paper profoundly influenced

both Anokhin’s contemporaries and later researchers. Later on, Anokhin, having gained

first-hand experience with religious practices of Altai, including those of Ak Jang,

completely changed his opinion, but his later, much deeper and more detailed

interpretations of Ak Jang, still remains unpublished.

A few more semi-professional researchers produced descriptions of Ak Jang in

this period. The most articulate are the works by Bakai and Mamet.20 Both are

interpreting Ak Jang as a liberation movement with religious overtones. It is presented

movement, which was an example of “class-struggle” of the poor Altaians against their

oppressors – local aristocrats and Russians. The religious character of the movement is

essentially likened to the medieval European peasants’ revolts.

Soon, however, the rise of Stalinism changed the approach to Ak Jang. The first

“academic” victim of the purges, in 1931, was L.P.Mamet who was accused in the central

Communist Russian newspaper, “Pravda,” of “considering of the national question

ignoring the classes and class struggle.”21 Mamet had to repent in the same newspaper.

He wrote:

In the book “Oirotiia” I made numerous mistakes of anti-Leninist nature, which

objectively serve as support to both imperialistic chauvinism and local
nationalism and make the book malevolent… …I promise to struggle to correct
these mistakes…”22

20
Bakai’s work is not available (Danilin refers to it in his article, Bakai N. “Legendarnyi Oirot-Khan (iz
istorii natsional’no-osvoboditel’nogo dvizheniia na Altae.”(Legendary Oirot-Khan (from the history of the
national liberation movement in Altai)) Sibirskie Ogni, 1926, #4
L.P. Mamet worked in 1920s as a lecturer of the Communist University of the Workers of the East. He
dedicated a chapter to Ak Jang-Burkhanism in his book of essays, Mamet, L.P. Oirotiia Moscow: 1930 and
Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek, 1994.
21
Sherstova, 176
22
Sherstova, 176. For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 17.

51
According to Sherstova, later, as a consequence of the “mistake,” Mamet was executed.23

The 1930s: The myth of “Japanese subversive activities” resurfaced

The direction, or rather directive, concerning both “general” and academic

treatment of Ak Jang, which was accepted from 1930s on, was the resurrection of the

patently false, promoted in 1904 by the missionaries “Japanese subversive activity”

interpretation of it. The remaining active followers of Ak Jang were imprisoned and

executed,24 and the academic study of Ak Jang was terminated.

The “Japanese” version of Ak Jang was presented by L.P.Potapov – a classic of

Russian Ethnography and Anthropology, laureate of many high awards, and the former

(d. 2001) director of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography in Leningrad. Also,

for more than 40 years, he held a “monopoly” on the study of Altai and neighboring

regions (Tuva, Khakassia). Essentially, he has been the determining influence in the

interpretation of the South Siberian religious traditions practically until now.

In his monumental monograph, Ocherki po Istorii Altaitsev,25 for which

L.P.Potapov received the Stalin’s Award,26 he dedicated a chapter to Burkhanism (Ak

Jang).27 There, he presented some elementary features of Ak Jang practices (about two

pages), having dedicated the rest of the essay to the “unveiling” of the “conspiracy

23
The career of Danilin was ruined by his academic supervisor, Potapov. In 1932, he published a paper,
“Altai Burkhanism and its counterrevolutionary character” in the central Ethnographic journal of USSR –
apparently, to protect himself and his main work, the monograph. However, his monograph was not
published (until 1993, in abridged version), and he later died from hunger (in 1942) in Leningrad.
24
Andrei Znamenski, the author of the book, Shamanism and Christianity, where one of the chapters is
dedicated to Burkhanism-Ak Jang, in the last 3-4 years has been working in the Russian archives (in
particular, KGB archives) where he found many records of interrogations and torture of the Ak Jang
followers. In personal communication, he told me that he was planning to publish a paper, dedicated to the
whole subject of their persecution.
25
Potapov, L.P. Ocherki po Istorii Altaitsev (Studies in Altaian History), Moscow-
Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1953.
26
The highest acknowledgment of the academic achievement in USSR in Stalin period.
27
Ocherki…, pp. 343-394.

52
between the exploiters’ classes and Japanese espionage” in the formation of Ak Jang.28

All falsified prayers mentioning “Tokio” and “Yapon-khan,” collected by the

missionaries, are presented in the book as “legitimate” Ak Jang materials.29 L.P.Potapov

sums up his lengthy verdict on the nature of Ak Jang with the following statement:

It is wrong to consider burkhanism as a national liberation movement, and as such

– as a progressive element in the history of the Altaians. Burkhanism is absolutely
not a movement aimed at national freedom and independence of Altaians,
allegedly directed against tsarist colonial oppression. On the contrary, burkhanism
was a reactionary nationalistic movement, fabricated by the Japanese
imperialists… …Orientation towards separation of Altai from Russia, the
movement of Altaians under the protectorate of Japan, which was the interest of
the Japanese imperialistic circles, was also profitable to the oligarch-nationalistic
top of the Altai society, which aimed at monopoly in the exploitation of their
compatriots… 30

The rest of Potapov’s presentation of Ak Jang is a delirious and morbid construct

of a “conspiracy” in the best traditions of Stalinist spy-mania. While it is difficult to

condemn Potapov for this and other similar presentations of Ak Jang made during

Stalin’s period, it is worth mentioning that he has never changed his opinion on Ak Jang,

and as late as late the 1980s was vehemently opposing to any study of it.

Late Soviet and post-Soviet reconstructions of Ak Jang.

It was only since the late 1980s that the first attempts to reconsider Ak Jang-

Burkhanism have been made. In 1985, L.Sherstova defended a PhD dissertation: “Altai-

28
In his evaluation of Ak Jang as a political movement aiming at the separation of Altai from
Russia/USSR, L.P. Potapov continues an old Russian tradition of “securing the Eastern periphery,” which
was actively promoted by Yekaterina the 2nd in the 18th century and continued throughout 19th century in
such activities as the expeditions of Przheval’sky, the network of Cossack garrisons in Siberia and so on.
The Russian Empire as well as its Soviet heir have always seen Native movements in Siberia, religious or
others, as a threat to the Russian influence and as separatist. It is difficult to say, to what extent Potapov
saw his interpretation of Ak Jang as “geopolitically justified.” However, the fact of falsification of
information on Ak Jang and the promotion by Potapov of the falsified data, remains and is relevant to this
paper.
29
E.g., pp.348-349. Also, a number of “Japanese” prayers that I was not able to find among the
missionaries’ forgeries, have been added.
30
Ocherki, 350. For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 19.

53
kizhi v kontse XIX- nachale XX v.: Istoriia formirovaniia etnokonfessional’noi

obshnosti.”31 Her work was based on the “primary” documents on Ak Jang, the reports

mentioned above. Thus, the information on the content of Ak Jang, available to her at the

time, was very sparse. Using these sources, she postulated two defining characteristics of

Ak Jang. The first one was similar to the early Soviet views: Ak Jang was a reaction of

the indigenous population to the crisis brought about by Russian colonialism.

The second, very important observation she made was that Ak Jang was the

“transcendence” of the previously seok-based (and seok-limited) self-identity of Altaians,

which was, among other things, represented by the shamans, and, as such, was an attempt

to create an ethno-confessional unity – a religion, which would address all of the Altaians

and culturally consolidate them. In her dissertation, L.Sherstova did not speculate about

the origins of Ak Jang such as whether or not it derived from Shamanism, etc. Also, she

limited her research to the formative years of the movement. Though she knew that Ak

Jang was still (or rather, again) being practiced,32 admitting to this in 1985 was still

dangerous for both practitioners of Ak Jang and scholars.

Another person who attempted a re-interpretation of Ak Jang was

A.M.Sagalaev,33 a Siberian scholar specializing in the analysis of Siberian mythology,

who uses in his work concepts similar to Structuralism and the theories of V. Propp. In

his earliest work where he briefly touches the mystery of Ak Jang, drawing his

information from the paper by Anokhin and (false) Altai “Buddhist” legends, Sagalaev

31
Sherstova, L. Altai-kizhi v kontse XIX – nachale XX v.(Istoriia formirovaniia
etnokonfessional’noi obshnosti) (Altai-kizhi at the end of 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries: A history
of formation of an ethno-confessional unity). PhD Dissertation. Leningrad, 1985.
32
As she mentions in Taina Doliny Tereng (p.180-181 ).
33
Sagalaev, A.M. Mifologiia i Verovaniia Altaitsev: Tsentral’no-aziatskie Vliianiia. (The
Mythology and Beliefs of Altaians: Central Asian Influences). Novosibirsk: “Nauka,” 1984, p.38-65

54
interprets it as a form of folk-Buddhism.34 Later, however, he completely changes his

views – to a large degree, having been influenced by the dissertation of L.Sherstova. In

his later work, 35 he approaches Ak Jang as a religion, which draws its tenets mostly from

the indigenous culture rather than from “imported,” Buddhist or Christian, elements.36

The post-Soviet publications of works on Ak Jang

In 1993, the Gorno-Altaisk publishing house, Ak Chechek, published the work by

A.G.Danilin, Burkhanism (iz istorii natsional’no-osvoboditel’nogo dvizheniya na Altae.37

In the foreword to the book, its editor, V.P.Diakonova, tells the story of Danilin’s work in

Altai and, later, the end of his career due to the “disagreement” with his supervisor,

L.P.Potapov.38

34
ibid., pp.140- 178.
35
Sagalaev, A.M., Oktiabr’skaia, I.V. Traditsionnoe Mirovozzrenie Tyurkov Iuzhnoi Sibiri:
Znak i Ritual. (The traditional Views of Turks of Southern Siberia: Sign and Ritual). Novosibirsk:
“Nauka,” 1990 and Sagalaev, A.M. Altai v Zerkale Mifa, pp.138-165 (“The legend of the White Rider”)
36
…[t]here is no ground to see Burkhanism as an Altaian version of Buddhism. From Buddhism, Altaians
only borrowed some elements of the cult, often without any idea about their use in the host religion. Some
elements were copied from the external elements of Buddhist rituals, but randomly and haphazardly.
Burkhan of Altai hymns is not at all Buddha, but simply a convenient – due to its vagueness – denotation of
some superior power. Burkhanism, which begun from the rejection of shamanism, limited its anti-shamanic
activities to harassing the shamans themselves. Burkhanists left unaltered many elements of the [shamanic]
rituals. The representatives of the good and evil, Ul’gen’ and Erlik, have disappeared, being replaced by
the universal “burkhan,” identical to Ul’gen,’ and the rejection of Erlik became one of the main tasks of
Burkhanism. Strictly speaking, the teaching did not create anything “new”: a “revival” of the characters of
the historical folklore took place, and their names acquired different meaning in the changed historic-
cultural context. The Eternal themes and images of Altai: milk, mountain, birch, homeland, good khan
acquired a new life in Burkhanism. The main mythological source of Burkhanism was, at the last account,
the local spiritual culture.(Sagalaev, Altai v Zerkale Mifa, p. 164)
For the Russian original see Appendix 2, entry 20.
37
Burkhanism (from the history of the national liberation movement in Altai).
38
The reason for the postponing of the publication of the manuscript were the differences of opinion
between the author and the chief editor, L.P.Potapov. The latter saw the monograph as giving too brief and
vague characteristic of the social-economic reasons of the emergence of Burkhanism. Danilin was accused
of not putting stress on political causes of Burkhanisms’ emergence in 1904-1905… … [t]he editor
especially regarded as a dangerous mistake the fact that A.G.Danilin did not notice the Japanophile nature
of Burkhanism… … A.G.Danilin provided an extant and substantiated response to this criticism of the
chief editor. In his opinion, there were no documental facts that would have confirmed any Japanophile
nature of Burkhanism. In his response he wrote:

55
This is what L.Sherstova says about Danilin’s work:

In the beginning of 1930s the situation was becoming more difficult, and Danilin
could not help noticing, how it was affecting the life of the population of Gorny
Altai. He collected enormous amount of materials on burkhanism. However, he
could not honestly and directly express it anymore. Thus he, as he thought,
reached a compromise: in his paper (the paper, Burkhanism and its
counterrevolutionary nature, mentioned above – A.V.), he abandons the point of
view of the scholars of the 1920s and writes that burkhanism is a national
liberation movement, but, catering to the political climate, says that it has
counterrevolutionary character. The idiocy of this combination is clear to
everyone. It seems that Danilin clearly understood the incompatibility of these
evaluations. It also seems that he deliberately avoided analysis the development of
burkhanism in the later years and its changes that followed the changes of the
general political climate. This was his only chance to say at least something about
this unique movement… …In out times, after the merciless extermination of
burkhanism and its followers, the materials, collected by A.G.Danilin are the only
body of relatively complete information about it.39

The work by A.G. Danilin remains the only published source that deals with both

theology and practices of Ak Jang in detail. Danilin’s book, published from the set of

manuscripts that were, as it seems, still in the process of editing, looks like it was written

by three different persons with three different opinions on what Ak Jang was. Apparently,

this “disconnectedness” of the work reflects the desperate attempts by Danilin to tailor

and re-edit his work in such a way that it could be published despite the worsening

ideological climate in the USSR.

These miasmatic ideas were created and promoted by the government and missionaries.
Burkhanists were oriented towards the Lamaist Mongolia… …they spoke of common pre-
shamanic faith, “white faith,” which they had during Oirot-Shunu and Amyr-Sana. They spoke of
the need of uniting on the old territory (hence – Bulan Tokoi). Thus, in this question, it is
impossible, basing oneself on facts, postulate that the Altai oligarchs promoted any Japanophile
program. (Diakonova, V.P. Foreword to Danilin, pp.10-11)
For the original Russian text, see Appendix 2, entry 21.

Even in 1993, after the fall of Communist ideology, the work by Danilin was published not in
Moscow or St.Petersburg, but in Gorno-Altaisk. The influence of L.P.Potapov was still very strong…
39
Sherstova, 178-179. For the original Russian text, see Appendix 2, entry 22.

56
 Some chapters (or parts of chapters) represent Ak Jang as a political – either

liberation, or “counterrevolutionary,” movement – almost without reference to its

religious aspects. Other chapters of the book see it as a religious movement, inspired to a

large degree by Lamaism. Still other chapters (especially, Chapter 8 – “Burkhanist

Cult”40) present a thorough analysis of the religious structure and content of Ak Jang,

according to which the religion is neither a political movement, nor is it inspired or

influenced by Buddhism (Lamaism).41

In 1994, a compendium of all early documents – police and trial reports, essays,

the statements of the missionaries, real and falsified prayers, etc., a total of 38 records,

collected by N.A.Maidurova and N.A.Tadina,42 was published by the Gorno-Altaisk State

University Press.43 In the foreword, the authors acknowledge the work of L.Sherstova

and A.Sagalaev in providing the “seeds” of an adequate interpretation of Ak Jang. Also,

they trace the origins of many political, (e.g. “Japanese”) and religious, (e.g. “Lamaist”)

myths-interpretations of Ak Jang.44 In their opinion, Ak Jang is definitely not a political

movement – it is a religion which, in 1994, was still being practiced and was developing:

40
Danilin, pp.153-199
41
Chapter 8 (the last chapter) of Danilin’s work is the unique source of information on Ak Jang theology
and practices. The original manuscript of Danilin’s book had more chapters on the religious structure and
content of Ak Jang:
Chapter 9: Religious spots and places of prayer in Ust’-Kan region;
Chapter 10: Ongudai region;
Chapter 11: Shebalino region;
Chapter 12: Annual prayer cycle;
Chapter 13: Weddings and other community rituals among Burkhanists;
Chapter 14: Burkhanism among Teleuts;
Chapter 15: Biographies and genealogy of yarlykchi.
Thus, out of 7 chapters dedicated to the analysis of Ak Jang as a religion, only one (Chapter 8) is available
in the published book. The chapters 1 to 7 of the published material are dealing mostly with historical and
political aspects of Ak Jang’s emergence. We can only hope that the rest of the book will be found and
published.
42
they work at Institute of Altaic Studies (Gorno-Altaisk).
43
Maidurova, N.A. and Tadina, N.A. Burkhanism: Dokumenty i Materialy. (Burkhanism:
Documents and Materials). Gorno-Altaisk, 1994
44
Burkhanizm, pp.11-17.

57
 Now, a deep and diverse analysis and evaluation of Burkhanism is required – not
so much the analysis of its external, ritualistic form, but rather of its religious
dogmatics and content; the search and analysis of prayers and songs of
burkhanists should be a priority of such an analysis… …it seems necessary that
the history of “white faith” must become a subject of a separate research.45

In 1994, a book, Taina Doliny Tereng46 by L.Sherstova was published in Ak

Chechek Publishing House in Gorno-Altaisk. This work was the substantially re-worked

PhD Dissertation of L.Sherstova. While the “core” idea of the dissertation – the view of

Ak Jang as the formation of an ethno-confessional unity, remained in the book as well,

most of the book is dedicated to the analysis of the formative period of Ak Jang, and

special attention is paid to the analysis of the “ideological abuse” of Ak Jang in the

publications of the time as well as in the Soviet academic-ideological view of it including

the stories of repression of Danilin, Bakai and others who “misinterpreted” Ak Jang in

the eyes of Soviet ideology. To create a glimpse into the absurdity and brutality of the

ideological atmosphere of that period, L.Sherstova ends her discussion with the following

passage:

…I remember well the story of one man, maybe – the only one who let his pain
out. The story, from which it is clear that Altai has forgotten neither Tereng nor
what happened already in the Soviet times:
He was arrested and got eight years in Kolyma camp. He did not know any
Russian, so he did not understand what he was accused of… Three years later,
already in the camp, having learned the language, he asked the guard to tell him
what was he charged for. He laughed, “Don’t you know? You’re a Japanese spy!”
For as long as historical science and the real past exist as if they were in the
parallel worlds, it is difficult for them to reach one another across the sea of lies
and falsifications…47

L.Sherstova acknowledges the contemporary existence of Ak Jang:

45
Burkhanizm… p.10. For the original Russian text, see Appendix 2, entry 23.
46
Sherstova, L. Taina Doliny Tereng (The Mystery of Tereng Valley). Gorno-Altaisk: Ak
Chechek, 1997
47
Sherstova, 180. For the original Russian text, see Appendix 2, entry 24

58
 And what about burkhanism? “Ak jang” is alive. Just be careful and
attentive, and especially – respectful. Signs and traces of this faith are scattered all
over Altai. Here, at the mountain pass, the wind is playing with the white ribbons
on the larches’ branches. Near the sacred spring we see offerings… In ail we
smell juniper, and a granny is telling her grandson a story about the “times of
Oirot-khan.”48

The manuscript of Anokhin’s papers.

There is still another seminal source for the study of the content of Ak Jang. This

source is an unpublished manuscript of ethnographer and musicologist A.V.Anokhin,

who spent more than twenty years in Altai and was the most thorough researcher of

Altai religious traditions.49 The manuscript is the property of the Archive of the

Institute of Altaic Studies in Gorno-Altaisk. It is certain that Danilin used materials

from it for the Chapter 8 in his work.50

Anokhin’s manuscript consists, in fact, of three separate works written in different

periods: 1910, 1924, and 1931. The first part of the manuscript is called “Burkhanizm v

Zapadnom Altae”51 and is a larger version of his paper published much later, in 1927.

The first part of the manuscript is a type-written essay, written by Anokhin during his

first year in Altai (1910).

The second part is called “Burkhanizm na Yugo-Zapadnom Altae”52 and was

written in 1924. In the second paper of the manuscript, Anokhin substantially changes his

views. This part of the manuscript is, essentially, a detailed description of Ak Jang

48
Sherstova, 181. –“— entry 25
49
Most of the works on Altai Shamanism by L.P.Potapov, for example, are based on Anokhin’s materials.
50
Danilin mentions the manuscript by A.V.Anokhin:
51
Anokhin, A.V. Manuscript (property of the Institute of Altaic Studies, Gorno-Altaisk)
Part1. Burkhanizm v Zapadnom Altae (Burkhanism in the Western Altai), 1910.
52
Part 2. Burkhanizm na Yugo-zapadnom Altae (Burkhanism in the Southwestern
Altai), 1924.

59
theology.53 Suming up his description of Ak Jang deities, Anokhin admits that the

Buddhist influences in Ak Jang are very few, if any.

Finally, the third part (1931) is called “Kratkii Analiz Shamanstva Altaiskih

plemen.”54 Finally, the third part of the manuscript is, despite its title, not about

Shamanism. In it, Anokhin attempts to present Ak Jang (Burkhanism) and Shamanism as

a complex system, of which two traditions in question serve as complementary aspects.

Throughout the paper, Anokhin remains undecided regarding the question whether Ak

Jang has emerged to replace Shamanism, or to complement it. He tries to connect both

traditions to the Sun worship according to various “grand” evolutionary theories of

Religious Studies of the 19th century. While Anokhin’s evolutionary speculations are

somewhat simplistic, in this manuscript he makes two unique (and from my point of

view, true) statements regarding the nature of Ak Jang: its deeply indigenous (as contrary

to imported) nature and its structurally integral place in the mosaic of Altai indigenous

spirituality, and its structural complementarities with “Shamanism.”55

One of the great values of the manuscript is the possibility to trace the changes of

Anokhin’s perception and interpretation of Ak Jang through the years.

Altai publications

Another category of sources on Ak Jang is papers, published by Altai scholars in 1990s.56

While Altai indigenous scholars have not yet produced a concise description or

reconstruction of Ak Jang, their papers solve many mysteries regarding the sources of

53
In my opinion, this manuscript can be regarded as the key source on Ak Jang content. Most of the
“theological” materials of Ak Jang presented by Danilin is obviously borrowed from it (with some being
omitted). The great value of Anokhin’s materials lies in the fact that they are not censored.
54
Part 3. Kratkiy Analiz Shamanstva Altaiskih Plemen (A Brief analysis of the
Shamanic practices of the Altai tribes), 1930.
55
Manuscript, part 3.
56
That is, since the time when it became safe to talk about it. There are about 10-15 papers. Unfortunately,
not all of them are easily available.

60
various practices, elements of belief and sacred personae of the movement. Some papers

are dedicated specifically to Ak Jang,57 while others deal with its aspects in the context of

the totality of Altai religious tradition(s).58 While these papers are usually very short, they

are extremely significant in the study of Altai tradition. Without entering into a polemic

with the Russian Anthropologists and their interpretations of Altai traditions, Altai

scholars present the facts that very often undermine the constructs of the Soviet

scholarship and create entirely new picture of Altai religion. Thus, for example,

T.Sadalova described the Messianic tradition of Altaians, providing an alternative to the

“Christian” interpretation of Ak Jang’s eschatology. Another Altai scholar, Muitueva,

traced the alleged “Buddhist” folklore of Ak Jang to its origin, which turned out to be a

mistake of the collector of the data, Verbitsky, and so on.

Works on Ak Jang in English

There are two publications on Ak Jang in English. The first one is the short paper by

L.Krader, “A Nativistic Movement in Western Siberia,”59 based primarily on the paper by

Anokhin. The second one is a chapter in the recent book by Andrei Znamenski,

Shamanism and Christianity.60 Both Krader and Znamenski interpret Burkhanism as

revitalization movement, initialized by the socio-cultural crisis in Altai, with a

“syncretistic-synthetic” religious base. While Krader sees in it a combination of elements

of Shamanism, Lamaism, and Christianity, A.Znamenski notes primarily elements of

57
e.g., Sadalova, T.M. K voprosu ob arhaichnyh osnovah syuzhetov o Shunu. (On the archaic roots of the
Shunu narrative). In: Problemy Izucheniia Kul’turno-Istoricheskogo Naslediia Altaia. Gorno-Altaisk, 1994,
pp. 97-99
58
These papers are even more valuable, because they place Ak Jang in the context of the Altai tradition as
its organic part.
59
American Anthropologist, 1958, #56, pp.282-292
60
Znamenski, A. Shamanism and Christianity: Native Encounters with Russian Orthodox
Missions in Siberia and Alaska, 1820-1917. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1999, pp.228-251

61
Christianity in the movement. For example, A.Znamenski relates the early Ak Jang

eschatology – the expectation of Oirot-khan – to the Christian eschatology, and Oirot-

khan – to Christ.61

The interpretations of Ak Jang – summary and analysis

Thus, the sources on Ak Jang, while having very little information on the details of its

belief and practice, have vastly different interpretations of its nature and character. Post-

Soviet Russian reference publications, e.g. Encyclopedias, etc. as well as various popular

presentations of the Altai culture, have formed the following image of Ak-Jang:

It is a political and religious revitalization movement, triggered by the crisis of

Altai culture. The interpretations of the crisis vary from colonial-political to economic or

religious ones (“the crisis of Shamanism”62). Ak Jang-Burkhanism is a syncretistic

religious movement, based on Shamanism, Mongolian Buddhism,63 and (mentioned less

often) Christianity. The first statement has much truth in it. Indeed, Ak Jang has been a

revitalization movement triggered primarily by socio-economic crisis. However, two

factors show that Ak Jang cannot be limited to the “crisis reaction.” First of all, it

continued to exist, spread and develop far beyond the “crisis period.” Its vigorous

reappearance in the post-Soviet period confirms this. Also, as Anokhin observes in his

work,64 Ak Jang, as it developed, lost its eschatological character (which was an

indication of the “crisis-reaction” according to most interpretations) and was later

practiced as a “regular” religion fitting day-to-day life of Altaians.

61
Znamenski, 239
62
e.g, in reports by Klements (Burkhanizm: Dokumenty… pp.30-40)
63
Some sources even call it the “Altai form of Buddhism”
64
Anokhin, Manuscript, parts 2 and 3.

62
 The second factor is that, despite the scarcity of information on theology of Ak

Jang, we can clearly observe a development of a coherent and detailed theology and ritual

content in it. Again, if the tradition in question were a mere “crisis-reaction”

phenomenon, it would have neither need nor resources to develop such a content.

Some early observers of Ak Jang, L.Krader, and, finally, A Znamenski, saw

Christian syncretistic elements in Ak Jang. As was mentioned before, those early

observers of Ak Jang who wanted to give it a “Christian” interpretation, pursued other

than academic goals in doing so. In fact, the reports of Klements (for the trial) and, later,

Sokolov, built their “Christian” interpretations of Ak Jang on the following set of

phenomena:

1) The prayer meetings of the Ak Jang followers were massive, which was very different

from the shamanic pattern, and included prostrations…

2) Ak Jang was allegedly a monotheistic religion and, thus, “a movement from

Shamanism to Christianity”

3) The eschatological message of Ak Jang;

As it will be shown, all of these elements of Ak Jang can be readily explained not by its

“syncretism,” but by the fact that they have been present in the indigenous tradition of

Altai and Turkic-Mongolian world as their integral part. While the prayer meetings of Ak

Jang have been indeed massive, their origin lies in an indigenous Altai ritual, which has

nothing to do with Christianity. Ak Jang, as it turned out, has never been a monotheistic

religion. Eschatological message of Ak Jang, as we will see later, has not been based on

Christian eschatology.

63
 While the early reports on Ak Jang as well as Krader’s paper can be excused for

alleging Christian influences in it because of very limited information, available at the

time, the case with the work of A.Znamenski is far stranger:

On the whole, Orthodoxy, Lamaism, and especially Shamanism became building

blocks of a new spiritual culture that was represented by Burkhanism…
…The most important adoption was the idea of a second coming of Christ,
personified in the image of Oirot Khan.65

Frankly, it is difficult to fathom why, having access to all contemporary materials, such

as works by Danilin and Anokhin as well as the works by Altai scholars,66 dedicated

specifically to the question of Ak Jang messianism, did A.Znamenski make this

statement. As will be shown, the image of Oirot Khan does not come from a Christian

source at all.

The question of Buddhist influences in/on Ak Jang is more complicated. All of

the reports on Ak Jang, including Danilin and Anokhin, mention some Buddhist elements

in it. The first reports about the “Lamaist impact” on Ak Jang came from the

missionaries. L.Sherstova in her work traces the occasions on which such reports were

created.67

65
Znamenski, 238-39
66
e.g., Sadalova, T.M. “Tradistsiia messianstva u tsentral’no-aziatskih narodov.” (The tradition
of Messianism among the peoples of Central Asia). In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia: Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia
preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk: 1999, pp.47-54
67
Brunnov (police chief – A.V.) honestly admitted to Makarii that he “did not succeed in finding direct
positive evidence” that “the source of Chot’s teaching was Buddhist Lamas from neighboring Mongolia.”
Probably, at this point Makarii came up with a new plan, but for its execution he needed… a Lama. Here,
he was in luck: there was a Lama already sitting in Biysk prison… …He was arrested on the territory of the
Russian Empire. Where could he be going? The answer was simple: of course, to the rebels! For what? To
seduce them with his preaching into an allegiance to the “Son of Heaven.” And, of course, to inspire them
against the power of the Russian Empire. Such a turn did not leave any chance for Chot’s acquittal… …
But the plan did not work out. Lama was arrested hundreds of kilometers away from Tereng, at Chuya
river. He was very upset and immediately told Makarii that he did not understand the cause of the arrest. He
has poor sight, and Russian merchants advised him to travel to Biysk to buy glasses…… the poor short-
sighted Lama was soon released.

64
 However, there were some real contacts between Mongolian Buddhists and the

activists of Ak Jang. Especially when Tyryi Akemchi became the head yarlykchi of Ak

Jang, some elements (or rather, artifacts) of Buddhism became parts of Ak Jang ritualistic

paraphernalia.68

While the followers of Ak Jang used various religious objects of Mongolian

Buddhism and highly valued them, their use was by no means “Buddhist.” Here, a

peculiar tendency can be seen, similar to the “cargo” use of foreign objects in cargo cults:

the objects in question are used not because they constitute an integral part of the

tradition’s belief and practice, consciously borrowed (imported) together with the content

of such a practice from some other tradition, but because these objects are foreign.

Interestingly, in Altai folklore, Lamas and Buddhism in general are seen as respected, but

However, the episode with the lama had an unexpected continuation. Several decades later, Soviet
historians would write that a Mongolian Lama was arrested in Tereng, and that it was he who set up the
prayer meetings… (Sherstova, 154 –155)
For the original Russian text, see App.2, entry 26.
68
In the solemn silence, jakshilars – respected people, or elders – sat in a circle. Kurdan took a book
(sudur) wrapped in silk, unwrapped it and put it on the top of his head, against his forehead and his chest.
After some time, he quickly shuffled the pages and repeated his movement… … then, he wrapped the book
back and hid it behind the curtain of his altar.
After a long pause he began to tell what was “written” in that book and what Burkhan “sent him in
his mind.” Altaians… …were surprised to see how quickly he shuffled the book and still was able
to “absorb” its content: obviously, his thoughts and words were inspired by Uch Kurbustan.
Loudly “reading” the book, Kurdan told the version of the common beliefs of yarlyks and the
signs of the prompt arrival of Oirot…(Danilin, 141)
Behind jajyk they sometimes hang the pieces of white cloth, which Altaians call “icons” –
burkhans, 50x70 cm, on the front face of which there are prints of Avalokiteshvara (Aryabola) in
squares… (Danilin, 173)
An entirely new object, not known from the shamanic rituals, is mandal. This is small, 12.5 cm in
diameter, metal plate, or, rather, a disc with low raised edges and convex depiction of the Mount
Sumeru in the middle and the world elements around the perimeter… … [t]he change in the
functions of this object in Burkhanist milieu is very typical [for all such objects]: we were told that
yarlyk took mandal to the prayer meetings, where from time to time he would beat the mandal
with a copper ochir, which also was obtained from some lama. (Danilin, 175)
For the original Russian text, see App.2, entry 27

65
emphatically alien.69 Another reason why Ak Jang was linked to Buddhism by some

researchers,70 was the presence of various Buddhist personae: Mangdy-shir (Manjusri),

Shige-mine (Shakyamuni) and others in Altai, not specifically Ak Jang, folklore, which

implied some interpenetration of Mongolian Buddhist and Altai cultures. As it turned out,

the folklore in question turned out to be… a fake. The single source of the folk stories

where these personae are present, is the book by a missionary-ethnographer Verbitsky,

Altaiskie Inorodtsy.71 As the author of a very large and informative Afterword to the new

edition of the book, Altai scholar V.A.Muitueva states,

The “Verbitsky text” of the myths is used by contemporary students uncritically,

without acknowledging the fact that in the religious mythology of Gorny Altai
there are no Buddhist characters… 72

The matter was that Verbitsky collected “Buddhist Altai myths” from a single

informant, a certain Yefim Korta. This person, while being an Altai native, was a trader

in close contact with the Mongolian, including Buddhist, community, and simply

presented to Verbitsky Mongolian folklore as Altaian.73 These myths resulted in many

voluminous discussions about the “estimated Buddhist elements” in Altai culture.

Having somewhat cleared the fog created by various misinterpretations of Ak

Jang, it is possible to see that the element of syncretism in it has been minimal. In other

words, Ak Jang derives from the indigenous Altai tradition, carrying practically no

elements of Buddhism or any other “imported” religion.

69
E.g.Verbitsky, pp.11-158; also, Anosskii Sbornik, pp.218-232. It is also interesting to mention that the
same ambivalent attitude is common among Altaians towards the Dzungarian Khanate. Symbiosis of
Altaians and Dzungars in it did not mean the assimilation of the former, and Altaians’ cultural
independence had to be constantly emphasized.
70
E.g., Zhukovskaya, N.L. Lamaizm na Altae. (Lamaism in Altai) In: Buddizm: Slovar’ (The
Dictionary of Buddhism). Moscow: “Respublika,” 1992, p. 168.
71
Verbitsky, V.I. Altaiskie Inorodtsy (Altai Natives). Moscow: 1893, facsimile reprint with
the commentaries by Muitueva, V.A. Gorno-Altaisk: 1993.
72
Altaiskie Inorodtsy, 258. For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 28
73
Altaiskie Inorodtsy, 257-259

66
Chapter 4. The background and sources of Ak Jang: The religion of
Turks and Mongols and its continuity in Altai tradition.
In the previous chapter, it was shown that Ak Jang cannot be regarded as a syncretistic, or

imported tradition. Therefore, its roots and sources must be sought in the indigenous

tradition of Altaians. However, the analysis of only the late pre-modern (19th century) and

contemporary (20th century) Altai tradition will be insufficient for creating the context of

Ak Jang. There are two main reasons for this. First of all, as argued further, Ak Jang has

been an attempt at “regenerating” the complex and multi-layered tradition of Turks and

Mongols, which was reduced to its most elementary level in the post-Dzungarian period

(from mid-18th century on) due to cultural and societal disruption, aggravated by Russian

colonial influence. By the beginning of the 20th century, this reduced form of Altai

tradition could not satisfy the religious and social needs of the Altaians and thus Ak Jang

emerged. Ak Jang can be seen as an effort of linking Altaians to their past, the ancient

tradition of Turks and Mongols of which Altaians have been a part, and to a wider “cross-

cultural” context – that is, to the whole of Turkic-Mongolian culture, from which

Altaians were split in the 18th century. Therefore, it is necessary to look at the tradition of

the Turks and Mongols that existed prior to their division into the ethnic-based, colonial

“provines” by the dominating colonial powers (Chinese or Russian). The first part of this

chapter provides a brief analysis of this tradition.

The second reason for the need to consider the old tradition of Turks and Mongols

lies in certain misinterpretations of the modern Altai tradition by the scholars, especially

by the Soviet ethnography. While the tradition of Altaians in the 19th and 20th centuries

was much “simpler” than its Turkic-Mongolian prototype, it still carried most of the

elements of its ancient architecture, albeit in a latent form. These latent elements, upon

67
their “activation” in the beginning of the 20th century, constituted the core of Ak Jang.

However, Soviet scholarship largely ignored the inner diversity of the Altai tradition,

repeatedly interpreting it as “shamanism” and downplaying the continuity between the

old tradition of Turks and Mongols and the contemporary Altai tradition. While the

misinterpretation of Altai tradition as shamanism is analyzed in the second part of the

chapter, the demonstration of its continuity again requires the presentation of the main

elements of both the old Turkic-Mongolian tradition and the contemporary Altaian one.

Here, the Turkic-Mongolian tradition is meant to serve as a template, which provides

both the author and the reader with the “blueprint” upon which the presentation of the

modern Altai tradition, alternative to the view of the Soviet scholarship, can be

constructed.

4.1. Elements of Turkic religious tradition: an overview.

There is no argument among scholars about the fact that contemporary Altai

religious tradition is the heir of the religion of the pre-modern Turks and Mongols. The

deities, recognized by Altaians as well as by other successors of the Turkic-Mongolian

culture, are the same as the ancient deities of Turks. The ceremonies and rituals of the

pre-modern Turks and Mongols are also largely traceable into modern times.

However, there is an obscure area in the analysis of the continuity between the

pre-modern Turkic and Mongolian tradition and its modern successors. All of the

scholars who studied the pre-modern tradition and attempted to reconstruct it,1 pointed at

an extremely important factor, crucial for the understanding of the architecture of it: the

existence of semi-autonomous religious complexes, which corresponded with the

existence of the very similar, also semi-autonomous, levels of social organization of the
1
J.-P.Roux, S.G.Klyashtorny, L.N.Gumilev and others.

68
Turkic-Mongolian society. The religious complex and the social structure were reciprocal

in their support and validation of one another. The most pronounced religious strata,

identified for the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition, were the high, or “imperial”

religious complex, and the popular one.2 According to the opinion of J.-P.Roux, the two

complexes were, at times, mutually complementary, while at other times they were

conflicting. The “imperial” complex was related to the supra-ethnic formation and the

figure of kagan, discussed in the previous section. The popular one was related to the

lower levels of the social organization, which were either subordinate to the imperial one,

or existed on their own during the periods of “dissipation,” discussed above.

Since none of the contemporary Turkic and Mongolian ethnic groups has the

explicit social representation which would correspond to the “imperial” level and the

figure of a kagan, the observation of the historians regarding the pre-modern tradition has

never been applied to its modern successors.

The absence of such an analysis in the case of the contemporary Turkic and

Mongolian societies prompted the scholars who studied contemporary religious traditions

of the Turks and Mongols to create an extremely reductionistic view of their religion,

limiting it to “shamanism,” which, as will be argued later in the thesis, is the

representation not of the whole of the tradition, but only of one of its institutions, which

addressed the lowest stratum of the social organization of Turks and Mongols. This

reductionistic picture was created intentionally, with ideological purposes – to “prove”

the primitive and archaic nature of both religion and social organization, or stratification

among contemporary “tribal” Turks and Mongols. Moreover, this reductionistic view

2
Roux, J.-P. Turkic Religions. In: Eliade, Mircea (Editor in chief). The Encyclopedia of
Religion. New York: MacMillan Publishing Company, Vol.14, pp. 89-90

69
was also “projected” by some scholars3 into the past, which brought up the debate on

whether or not the pre-modern tradition of Turks and Mongols can be called4

“shamanism.” This issue will be approached further in this chapter.

However, the gods and religious institutions that according to the historical

analysis belong to the “imperial” level, are still prominent among the modern Turks and

Mongols. Further in the thesis, it will be argued that Ak Jang has been an attempt to

reconstruct, or regenerate this “high” level of social and religious structuring among the

Altaians. However, to provide the background for the analysis of the structure of the

modern Altai tradition, it is necessary to analyze the main elements of the pre-modern

tradition of the Turks and Mongols, which is the purpose of the following section.

The section is based on the reconstructions of the historical tradition of Turks and

Mongols, provided in the works of two scholars, S.Klyashtorny and J.-P.Roux. While

Klyashtorny analyses only the ancient and medieval tradition, J.-P. Roux’s analysis

includes the late pre-modernity (18th century), until the time of Russian and Chinese

colonization of the Turkic-Mongolian oikumene. Both researchers used as their primary

sources a variety of materials: archeological data, ancient Turkic inscriptions made upon

the kagans’ orders on stone stelae, Chinese chronicles, a few written Turkic sources, such

as Irq Bitiq, “The Book of Divination” written in the 10th century and found at Dunhuang,

and the accounts of foreign visitors to the Turkic and Mongolian states.

3
In the case of Altai tradition, by Potapov.
4
Or, expressing it more directly, reduced to shamanism.

70
Creation and Cosmography in Turkic-Mongolian tradition.

The records Creation myth of the Turks and Mongols are fragmentary – Runic

inscriptions say that “In the beginning there were Blue Sky and Brown Earth, and then,

between them, “the sons of men emerged.”

And:

“Time, when Sky was pressing from above, Earth parted below… …above was
darkness, below was dust… …beasts, birds and men were lost in their ways…
…this continued for three years and came to an end.”5

However, fragmentary as it is, it provides a basic setting for the structure of the religious

universe, and even the figures of the two chief gods – the Sky (Tengri) and the Earth

(Yduk Jer-sub)

The universe of ancient, medieval and modern Turk and Mongolian religion

consisted of three levels: the Lower World, the Middle World, and the Upper World. This

universe is populated and maintained by several main gods together with a large number

of minor deities and spirits. While the minor deities were not mentioned in royal Turk

inscriptions,6 the main ones were listed and addressed in them. The fact that they were

uniformly worshipped in Middle Ages over a huge geographic area, from Manchuria to

Danube, is proven by geographic distribution of the inscriptions.7

J.-P. Roux considers two “universal” Turkic-Mongolian deities, mentioned in the

inscriptions and other documents, as the main deities of the near-monotheistic “imperial”

cult.8 These deities are Tengri and Umai.

5
Turkoyazychnyh narodov mifologiia, (The Mythology of Turkic peoples) In: Mify
Narodov Mira. Moscow: Rossiiskaia Entsiklopediia, 2nd Edition, 1994, Vol.2 p.537
For the original Russian text, see App.2, entry 29
6
This fact (of omission of minor, “Shamanic” deities), formed the base of the theory of J.-P.Roux – that is
that Imperial Cult was opposing Shamanism and oppressing it. My view on this is different, see p. .
7
Klyashtornyi and Sultanov, pp.156-159.
8
Roux, Turkic religions

71
Tengri (Tengeri, Tangra, Tangri)

Tengri is the god that is most consistently and frequently mentioned on the inscriptions

and in other accounts:

Obvious prominence of Tengri and universalism of his functions incline some

scholars towards defining the religion of ancient Turks as a distinctive, close to
monotheism, faith, which can be termed as “Tengriizm,” however,
acknowledging the presence in it of the more ancient strata.9

The name “Tengri” as “Tangra” is mentioned in nearly all runic inscriptions from the

Danube Bulgar kingdom (6th century) to Caucasus and Tajikistan to Eastern Mongolia.

Tengri is a male god, apparently – a creator. Essentially, it is impossible to say whether

Tengri is a creator, or an “emanation” of some sort of a spontaneous process, as the

fragment of the creation myth, quoted above, states. 10 However, being Sky, or Heaven,

Tengri is the lord of the Upper World. 11

The worship of Tengri is documented among Huns, the predecessors of ancient

Turks, in the first centuries C.E.12 Some scholars13 relate the theonym “tengri” with the

Ancient Chinese “t’ien li” (meaning “heaven” as well),14 which hypothetically stretches

the “genealogy” of the god down to 1st-2nd millennia B.C.E. The reconstruction provided

by Roux presents Tengri as the heavenly analogue of a kagan, who validates (by the

“mandate”) kagan’s power. This explains the prominence of the texts, dedicated to
9
Klyashtorny and Sultanov, p.157.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 30
10
Sogdian inscription of Buguts, an epitaph to Taspar-kagan (+581), mentioned constant questions that
kagan asked god(s?) concerning various state affairs. Tengri is vaguely anthropomorphic – he possesses
human senses; he expresses his will verbally, but his decisions he executes not directly, but rather through
human and natural agents. ibid., p.158
11
It is Tengri, who, sometimes together with other deities, is in charge of everything that happens in the
world, especially – of the humans’ destinies: Tengri “determines the [life]spans,” but the births “of the sons
of men” is the authority of the goddess Umai, and their death – of Erklig.
ibid., p.158
12
Source: Bishop Israel (682). In: ibid., pp. 160-161.
13
Pulleyblanc in Potapov, L.P. Etnicheskii sostav i proiskhozhdenie Altaitsev. (The Ethnic makeup and
the origin of Altaians). Leningrad: “Nauka,” 1969, p.11
14
It is unclear, which one of the two theonyms “Turk” or Chinese, is considered “original.”

72
Tengri, on the Runic inscriptions. The inscriptions were produced specifically by kagans,

and, in a manner of speaking, served as “manifestoes” to their divine election:

Tengri bestows upon the kagans wisdom and power, gives kagans to the people,
punishes those who sinned against kagans and even ”gives orders” to kagans in
the matters of war and state.15

Umai (Ymai)

Another deity of the Upper World was Umai: the goddess of fertility and of the

newborns, who represented femininity. Together with Tengri she was the patron of

warriors. In the same manner as the kagan is identified as an image of Tengri, so his wife,

the queen, is Umai: “my mother-queen, who is like Umai.” Here we have a clear

indication of the myth of the divine couple – Tengri and Umai, the representation of

which in the world is the royal couple.16 Umai is also frequently mentioned on the stelae

– always, in conjunction with Tengri (and vice versa).

Umai is depicted as a formidable woman wearing a three-horned tiara.17

Among the scholars, a debate concerning the nature and character of Umai and her

worship is going on. Some scholars see her as an ancient, pre-patriarchal goddess.

Indeed, the petroglyphs, showing the “mother-goddess” with the tiara, are found

throughout Eurasia and belong to a much earlier date, than the rise of Turks to

prominence.18 Another factor, which points at the “matriarchal” and ancient nature of

Umai, is her prominence as the goddess of childbirth not among all modern Turks and

Mongols, but also among the groups that belong to the Samodian family.19 However, by

15
Klyashtornyand Sultanov, p.158.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 31.
16
ibid., p.158.
17
Turkoyazychnyh narodov mifologiia, p.538
18
In Siberia, Turks gradually replaced Indo-Europeans around 3rd to 1st centuries B.C.E.
19
So-called “Northern nations” – Nentsy, Khanty and others.

73
the time of the formation of the first Turkic states, Umai firmly occupied a place in the

“imperial” pantheon alongside with Tengri.

The two deities described above constitute, according to the views of both J.-P.

Roux and S.Klyashtorny, the “core” of the religious complex, associated with the kagan’s

power and the largest, super-ethic level of the consolidation of the Turks and Mongols.

However, there are two more “universal” deities, whose names are often found in a

variety of ancient and medieval sources. They are not, as J.-P.Roux states, explicitly

related to the “imperial” religious and ceremonial stratum, but their importance is

acknowledged by their frequent mentioning on the kagans’ stelae.

Yduk Yer-Sub

The main deity of the Middle World was “Holy Earth-Water.” In the inscriptions

on Orkhon stelae it is never mentioned separately, but rather, together with Tengri and

Umai or only with Tengri as the patron of Turks who punishes the sinners. According to

the accounts of visitors to the Turks, the Earth deity was an object of a special cult. Thus,

Theophilact Simokatta20 writes, the Turks “sing hymns to the Mountain.” 21 In Chinese

sources, the sacred mountain, venerated by Turks (6th century) is called “the Earth god.”

The Cult of the Sacred mountains was the part of the general cult of Earth-Water among

ancient Turk tribes.

While Tengri and Umai are definitely personified, the representation of Yer-Sub is more

complicated. While Klyashtornyi sees Yer-Sub as a person, other scholars22 see it as a

“collective deity” – a large group of deities of variable “scale” and importance who,

20
A Byzantine envoy to Turks (8th century), mentioned in Klyashtorny and Sultanov, pp.155-160.
21
ibid., p.159.
22
e.g., J.-P.Roux, in La Religion… , and Basilov, V.N. Yer-Su. In: Mify Narodov Mira. Moscow:
Rossiykaia Entsiklopediia, 2nd Edition, 1994. Vol.1, p. 599.

74
essentially, are the “masters of the place,” be it a whole of the known world, or just a

single mountain range or summit.23 J.-P.Roux does not specify whether or not the ritual

complex, related to Yduk Jer-Sub belonged to the “imperial” type. However, Klyashtorny

mentions the annual sacrifices, related to Yduk Jer-sub in which kagan not only

participated but also acted as the high priest.24

Perhaps, some modern materials on the ceremonial complex, related to the Middle

World and Jer-sub, might help to place it within the vertical hierarchy of the Turkic

tradition. Among modern Turks and Mongols, the deities of the Middle World are

addressed by the clans and are the “divine representatives” of particular clans. Thus, we

can explain the participation of the kagan in the Middle World worship not by the fact

that he was a kagan, but by his membership in a clan, which he represented, among other

clan leaders, at the ceremony.

Erlik (Erklig)

Finally, it is necessary to consider Erlik, or Erklig, who later became a very important

and controversial deity in Altai religion: the Lord of the Dead, Lower World, and

misfortune. Erlik is the Ancient Turk-Mongolian god with the most developed

iconography and persona among the gods of Ancient Turks and Mongolians:

The proof of the existence in ancient Turk mythology of the complete three-level
model of the Universe was the recent discovery in the runic texts of Yenisei and
Eastern Turkestan of the most important and colorful character of the Lower
World – its lord, Erklig-khan, who “parts” people and sends them “the
messengers of death.”25

23
Tioukhteneva, S. “Ob evolyutsii kul’ta gor u altaitsev” (On evolution of the cult of
mountains among Altaians) In: Shamanizm i rannie religioznye predstavleniia (Shamanizm and the early
religious views), Vol.1, Moscow: 1995, pp.173-180
24
Klyashtorny and Sultanov, p. 163
25
ibid., p.158
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 32

75
His name comes from the ancient Uighur Erklig Kagan (“the mighty sovereign”).26

Usually, the kingdom of Erlik is situated beneath the earth’s surface. However,

sometimes the “other world” is placed somewhere to the side of the world of the living

(e.g., among Kalmyks and Altaians – in the West), or infinitely far away, or “in a

different dimension,” so to speak. Erlik is represented as a mighty old man of huge

proportions, who has divided beard that reaches his knees, who hangs his moustache over

his ears, has black eyebrows and eyes.27 While none of the three “universal” deities (at

least, in its ancient form) is known to be related to shamanic practices, Erlik is the patron

of the shamans par excellence.28

Now, given his universal nature, is Erlik a part of the “imperial” complex or not?

Definitely, his importance is recognized even at the “imperial” level, which is testified by

the texts on the inscriptions. Again, modern data suggests that he was not worshipped

along with Tengri and Umai – in other words, was not a part of a ceremonial complex,

related to them. The office, which addressed Erlik and the Underworld, the Kingdom of

the Dead, was that of the professional shamans, different, according to J-P. Roux, from

the “imperial” priesthood.29 This issue will be considered further on, because it is

extremely important for the reconstruction and analysis of the Altai tradition.

Other deities.

In addition to the four main deities mentioned in ancient and medieval texts, Turks and

Mongols acknowledged and venerated a vast number of secondary deities and spirits –

26
Neklyudov, S.Yu. Erlik, In: Mify Narodov Mira.
Moscow: Rossiykaia Entsiklopediia, 2nd Edition, 1994 Vol.2, p.667
27
ibid., p.668.
28
ibid., also Heissig, W. The Religions of Mongolia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980, pp.
54, 79
29
Roux, La Religion… , pp.203-247

76
some related to the four deities (or being their “constituent parts,” as it is in the case of

Yer-Sub), or completely independent.30 In his book, La Religion des Turcs et des

Mongols, J.-P. Roux attempts a general reconstruction of the Turk-Mongolian ancient

and medieval pantheon. Among other spiritual forces, he includes in it animal totems,

astral deities, heroes such as Geser-khan, and ancestors (all of them attributed to the

“popular religion”), using both historical and contemporary data.31

S.G.Klyashtornyi mentions the veneration of the Sun, Moon, “Heavenly

thunders,” specific tall trees, and ancestors among the data in the ancient and medieval

documents. Interestingly, the word “sun” – “Kuar” among the Huns of the Caucasus has

Iranian origin.32 Klyashtorny quotes bishop Israel, an Albanian missionary of the 10th

century, who interprets the astral and nature deities as dependent on and subordinate to

Tengri. The role of the ancestors in the cult practice is important, but obscure.

The practices and “theology” of ancient and Medieval Turks.

Due to the limited data on the practices of the Ancient and Medieval Turks and Mongols,

only limited reconstruction of their practices is possible. In the chronicles and other

documents, two types of sacred sites, where the ceremonies, honoring Tengri-khan were

conducted, are mentioned. First one is the “pagan temples,” where “idols”, probably, the

depictions of Tengri, were placed.33 Another one were the sacred groves, where the tallest

30
The interaction of the modern specialists with many of these “independent” spirits do not have a
“religious” character (which implies prayer, or “looking up” at the object of worship) – it is very “down-to-
earth” negotiation, or even threatening, or exorcism on the part of the practitioner – a “subtle politics” of
sorts.
31
Roux, J.-P. La Religion des Turcs et des Mongols. Paris: Payot, 1984
32
“In the name Kuar, as it was already mentioned by V.Henning, we can obviously see the Middle-Persian
khwar, “sun.” The worship of sun-god in Scythian-Sarmatian and Sarmato-Alanian cultures is well-
known… and in the pantheon of Huns his image merged with Tengri-khan” (Klyasht., p.162).
In Altai sun is called “kun.”
33
The terms, “pagan temples” and “idols” come from the Christian sources, quoted by Klyashtorny. We
can only guess what these sites of worship looked like.

77
trees represented Tengri-khan. While the structure of the ceremony of Tengri is

unknown, historical accounts mention that horses were sacrificed at these ceremonies.

Then, their blood was sprinkled on the ground in front of trees, heads and hides were

hung on the branches, and bodies were burnt on the sacrificial fire. Sacrifices were

accompanied by prayers, addressed to the image of Tengri-khan. Also, a variety of

accounts mention the special type of “sorcerers” who “summoned” the Earth.34

Klyashtorny mentions the following trend in the Turkic inscriptions:

Orkhon inscriptions constantly declare the heavenly origin of the kagan’s

ancestry. Together with the ideas of Tengri and Umai as a divine couple – the
patrons of the dynasty, this late mythological cycle carried a visible imprint of its
birth within the class society and was an undeniable part of the state cult of Turk
kaganate.35

This statement characterizes the most important trend, or function of the “high religion”

of Turks and Mongols.The prominence of the accounts of Tengri worship, compared with

the scarcity of data on any other ceremonies, brought J-P. Roux to suggest that the “near-

monotheistic” religion of Tengri and Umai was in the conflict with the “vigorous

polytheism” of the popular cults.36 L.P. Potapov, in his last large work, Altaiskii

Shamanism, partially abandons his usual position of reducing Turk (ancient or modern)

religion to Shamanism and describes modern traces of the Sky worship among Turks of

Altai and Sayan, comparing it with ancient and medieval data. Potapov relates the

practice of prayer to the Sky with the institute of White Shamans who “… usually did not

34
Klyasht., 162
35
Ibid., 163
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 33.
36
Roux, J.-P. Turkic Religions. In: Eliade, Mircea (Editor in chief). The Encyclopedia of
Religion. New York: MacMillan Publishing Company, Vol.14, pp.88

78
go into ecstasy and performed kamlanie37 with a fan instead of a drum…”38 This is an

extremely important statement – especially, if we take into account the fact that it comes

from the person who consistently tried to present both the old tradition of Turks and the

modern Altai tradition as shamanism. Throughout his career, Potapov has been avoiding

mentioning the “white shamans” who, according to many other scholars,39 are not

shamans at all.

The question, “Can the religion of Ancient and medieval Turks and Mongols be

qualified as Shamanism?” created a polemic between J.-P.Roux and L.P. Potapov, the

main interpreters of the Turkic religion.40 This question is extremely important, because

the characterization of the pre-Modern Turkic-Mongolian religion affects the

characterizations of its modern successors, including the tradition of the Altai. It is likely

that the opinion of L.Potapov on the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition, which he

characterizes as shamanism, is motivated by his interpretation the modern Altai

tradition.41

In the opinion of J.-P. Roux, Shamanism was present in the ancient-medieval

period among Turks and Mongols, but it constituted a part of a “popular religion” which,

essentially, was in conflict with the Tengri “imperial” cult described above. In addition to

shamans, J.-P. Roux mentions other “specialists” of popular religion: yadadji (rain-

37
Shamanic performance, which implies the state of trance, etc.
38
Potapov, L.P. “K voprosu o drevnetyurkskoi osnove i datirovke altaiskogo shamanizma.”
(On the ancient Turk origin and dating of Altai shamanism) In.: Etnografiia Narodov Altaia i Zapadnoi
Sibiri. Novosibirsk: “Nauka,” 1978, p. 34
ibid., p.64.
39
E.g., Dugarov.
40
Klyashtorny is not a part in this polemic, because his reconstruction a) barely acknowledges the presence
of the shamans among the Turkic-Mongolian “priesthood,” but it takes into account mostly the ancient and
medieval tradition, while J.-P.Roux has attempted to reconstruct the tradition of Turks and Mongols to its
near-modern (18th century) manifestations, which, in the view of Potapov, was “dangerously close” to the
contemporary tradition of Altai and, thus, required a response.
41
The views of L.P.Potapov on contemporary Altai tradition will be discussed further in the chapter.

79
maker), and “all kinds of sorcerers, diviners, and prophesiers…”42 In addition to

shamanism, he mentions a number of family, genii loci and other sub-cults – still within

what he calls “popular religion.”43

Shamans and their practices are not mentioned in any of the ancient Turk runic

inscriptions. This fact is interpreted by J.-P. Roux as evidence of the struggle between the

“imperial cult” and “popular religion” (including Shamanism) where the former took care

of excluding any mentioning of the latter on the monuments.44 However, the numerous

medieval travelers’ accounts mention figures who are undeniably recognizable as

shamans, practicing even at the kagans’-khans’ courts,45 which hardly indicates the

struggle between the “popular” and “imperial” religions.

L.P.Potapov, on the other hand, consistently tries to prove that all of the religion

of Ancient Turks and Mongols was Shamanism.46 He presents a large number of

medieval accounts of “court shamans,” thus disproving the point of view of his opponent.

Also, he traces a Turk name for shaman, kam, to an ancient date. However, he counts as

“shamanic” such practices as oboo sacrifice (which are not performed by shamans)47, and

as shamans – such practitioners as yrymchi (a diviner, not a shaman), yadachi ( or

yadadji - rain-maker), and so on. However, proving that shamanism is an ancient

phenomenon and reducing all of the Turkic-Mongolian religion to Shamanism, are two

different tasks. While Potapov succeeds in the former task,48 he fails in the latter.

42
Roux, Turkic… p.90
43
Roux, La Religion…, pp.99-155
44
Roux, Turkic…p.90.
45
Potapov, “ K voprosu…”, pp.4-11
46
Potapov,L.P. Altaiskii Shamanizm (Altai Shamanism). Leningrad: “Nauka,”, 1991, pp.1-4.
47
See Appendix 3, Fig 4.
48
It is necessary to say that neither Roux nor Klyashtorny have doubts that shamanism is ancient.

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 The approach of J.-P.Roux in his division of the Turkic-Mogolian tradition into

different strata is essentially correct, and is corroborated by other scholars.49 However,

some of its features, particularly, the idea of the conflict between the “higher” and

“lower” religious strata, represent projection of Western “socio-religious” assumptions

onto a culture that has a structure, different from “pyramid-type” (or center-periphery)

organization, characteristic for Western centralized states and religious institutions.50 In

the approach of L.P.Potapov, one encounters the desire to reduce all the religious

phenomena within the culture in question, motivated by Soviet ideology.

While there is merit in both views of the Ancient Turk-Mongolian religion and

their modern heirs, it would be, perhaps, more balanced to look for the truth somewhere

between the two. While Tengri cult and practices related to it, as well as other practices

such as oboo cult, are distinct from Shamanism, this distinction is not necessarily an

evidence of opposition. Shamans and the Tengri cult simply performed different

functions, and addressed society not at fundamentally different and “irreconcilable”

levels (“court vs. masses”), but at different scale – at the family/household scale, clan

scale, and, finally, at the supra-ethnic, or “imperial” scale. For example, a kagan could

and would participate in a complex of ceremonies, addressing one set of deities, as a

householder (along with other families), another one – as a clan representative, and still

other one, as a kagan.51 Thus, the reference to shamans and/or shamanic deities is absent

from the runic descriptions not because of the “censorship” imposed by the imperial cult,

49
Klyashtorny, Heissig, Dugarov, Diakonova.
50
The approach of J-P.Roux resembles the view which, probably, would be appropriate for the Roman
Catholic Church in the 13th century – with a center in Vatican, and a number of peripheral “village”
phenomena, laden with superstitions and heresies, or to the Roman view on the “high” religion of the State
and “religio paganorum” of he periphery.
51
This is illustrated, for example, by the relation between Genghis Khan and a shaman, who by no means
represented the “imperial level.” See: Vladimirtsov, B.Ya. Chingiskhan (Chingis Khan). Gorno-Altaisk: Ak
Chechek, 1992

81
as Roux tends to believe, but due to the fact that the practitioners and deities in question

were prominent at the clan, or family, “vernacular” level. These gods and practices had

no place in the royal inscriptions simply because they were functioning at a different

social scale, which did not oppose the “imperial” one, but rather was complementary to

it, following the “two-tier” traditional structure of the Turkic society, with clan as a basis,

and the “royal” level as a periodically overarching and consolidating superstructure.

The Shamanic deities and spirits of Turks and Mongols that are currently

recognized, except for the main one, Erlik, are absent from the ancient and medieval

records, and thus will not be a part of this discussion. However, it is necessary to mention

that the wide geographic distribution of some of them, for example Ul’gen, whose name

can be found as far from Inner Asia as Caucasus, Turkey, and Volga area, attests to their

antiquity among the Turks and also among Mongolians and Tungus-Manchus.

The fact of the wide presence of deities, which are related to specific clans,

among the pre-modern Turks and Mongols, as evidenced by the wide distribution of their

theonyms among their descendants, suggests one more level within the Turkic-

Mongolian tradition, in addition to the “two-tier” hierarchy proposed by J.-P.Roux. In

between what he calls the “popular” stratum and the “imperial” one, there is the clan

level of the religion. At this level, the deities different from both “universal,” or

“imperial” gods, such as Tengri and Umai, and the “shamanic” god, Erlik, are addressed.

The deities specific of the clan level complex are clan ancestors or patrons. The data on

the pre-modern Turkic and Mongolian tradition is insufficient to postulate the existence

of this level for the ancient, or medieval cultures. However, the presence of this distinct

82
level among all of the contemporary Turks and Mongols is well documented, which

suggests that it existed in the pre-modern cultures as well.

Little is known about the “theology” of ancient and medieval Turks and Mongols.

From Runic inscriptions, it follows that a kagan and his wife enjoyed some sort of a

“heavenly mandate,” being analogies of Tengri and Umai on Earth. Another fundamental

belief of Turks and Mongolians, summed up by J.-P.Roux,52 is the belief in the clan’s

origin from a certain totemic, often animorphic, deity or creature. Thus, all of the Turks

trace their origin to a she-wolf through the Ashina clan – the first and the most respected

royal family of the Turks who is seen as the common ancestor. However, the origin from

Ashina, acknowledged by all Turks, does not “cancel” other totemic-ancestral myths,

specific for every clan. Many of these ancestral myths are interconnected through

sophisticated narratives of the relations between the clan deities represented in them. It is

likely that these ancestral myths reflect historical realities of the clans’ origins.53

Another fundamental belief of Turks and Mongols is “qualified animism,” which

does not imply possession of the vital force-spirit by any object, but rather perceives

universe as a hierarchy of horizontal “domains,” distinct from “vertical” ones, but

corresponding to them in such a way that the “sum total” of the horizontal domains

constitutes one “vertical stratum.” In other words, for example, a yurt has spirits of fire

and ancestors, the location where it is placed – spirits-masters of the place (a mountain, a

valley, a spring), which, in turn, are under the “stewardship” of the master of general

location (e.g. Altai eezi – “Master of Altai”), which, in the form of Jer-su, is the

representation of the Middle World. The accounts of human destiny are fragmentary and

52
Roux, La Religion…, pp.177-203
53
Potapov, Etnicheskii sostav…

83
do not provide more detail than the basic information, such as the statement above on

Tengri, Umai, and Erklig.

It is necessary to mention that modern Turk and Mongolian mythology has a

wealth of Creation myths, clan origin myths, and some eschatological accounts. More

often than not, these accounts (within the same culture, e.g.Altai) radically contradict one

another (that is, one culture has more than one Creation, or soteriological account), which

indicates that many of them were imported from the numerous religious traditions to

which Turks and Mongols have been exposed during their rich history.

4.2 The problem of interpretation of Siberian traditions as Shamanism.

Before moving on to describe the contemporary tradition of Altaians, it is

necessary to address an extremely important issue, regarding its interpretation in the

Soviet academic literature. This issue is its consistent interpretation as Shamanism.54 In

the previous section of this chapter, it was shown that the “shamanic reductionism” was

projected even onto the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition, as is evident from the

polemic between L.P.Potapov and J.-P.Roux. While such an interpretation looks innocent

enough, it effectively served as a convenient academic-ideological cliché in the Soviet

Anthropology, which was not unlike the “Social Darwinism” in the Western

Anthropology in the first half of the 20th century. Thus, to “deconstruct” the

“shamanocentric” view on Altai tradition, or at least suggest its erroneous character, it is

necessary to look at the reasons for its construction in the Soviet scholarship.

In addition to the ideological influences on the interpretation of Ak Jang, which

we have discussed above, there is one significant reason to the continuous attempts of

54
This “shamanocentrism” in the interpretation of aboriginal traditions of the former USSR is not limited to
Altai. In a manner of speaking, it was a “backbone” of Soviet scholarship and of the ideology that
determined its character.

84
Russian scholars to define this religion as syncretistic. The matter is that the “substrate”

religious tradition of Altai is defined as “Shamanism” and described55 as an integrated

and homogenous religion. If such a description is correct, then, indeed, there is “no space

left” for the emergence of any substantial and distinct tradition within Altai religion.

Therefore, Ak Jang ought to be an “imported and syncretistic” movement. However –

can Altai religious tradition be called “Shamanism”? Is it as homogenous and shaman-

centered as Russian scholarship of the 20th century states?

Shamanism and traditions of Siberia

The term “shamanism” has become a major scholarly and popular metaphor, used for the

description of variety of phenomena – healing, conjuring of the spirits and other magical,

healing and religious practices. The essence of the most “wide” definition of

Shaman/shamanism is expressed by G.Samuel:

The regulation and transformation of human life and human society through the
use (or purported use) of alternate states of consciousness by means of which
specialist practitioners are held to communicate with a mode of reality alternative
to, and more fundamental than, the world of everyday experience.56

Such a definition would include as “shamans” a huge variety of “specialists of the

sacred” – mediums, diviners, healers, and so on.57 While such a definition has “heuristic”

value as a metaphor for major cross-cultural comparisons, it can hardly be used for

analysis of particular cultures that actually have shamans. The reason for this is very

55
E.G., by Potapov, Altaiskii Shamanizm
56
Samuel, Geoffrey. Civilized Shamans. Washington-London: Smithsonian Institution
Press, 1993, p. 8
57
In fact, even the priesthood from the Christian denominations (Orthodox and Roman Catholic) that put
much importance on the continuity of Ordination (beginning from the Pentecost) and, therefore, imply the
reproduction of the Pentecost experience in the liturgy, fit the definition above.

85
simple: at a close look, every culture that has identifiable shamans,58 also has a number of

specialists of the sacred that are distinguished from the former.59

Therefore, the definition of a shaman and, consequently, of the practices and

beliefs that shamans employ (“Shamanism”) that we are going to use, is based on who is

recognized as shaman, and what is recognized as Shamanic practices and beliefs within

the tradition of Altai.

Shamanism as a scholarly construct.

One major problem that is faced when trying to define Shamanism and place it in the

context of Altai tradition is that in Russian scholarship of the 20th century and,

consequently, in the Western scholarship due to its use of both Russian data and

interpretations, Shamanism is usually defined as a religion of aboriginal Siberians and

vice versa: their religion is defined as Shamanism.60

The “deconstruction” of this erroneous notion is a monumental task, for which we

have neither space nor sufficient data. However, in the last 10 years, a number of works

that approach this problem from different angles and aim either at exposing the scholarly

biases, or at the reconstruction of the diverse picture of Siberian traditions, have been

published.61 Even in Russia, where the inertia of the Soviet methodology lasted longer,62

some work on the re-evaluation of the structure of Siberian aboriginal traditions has been

going on.

58
Here, we mean the cultures of Siberia, whence the term “shaman” came in the first place. “Identifying
the shaman” in, for example, South America, is a much more difficult and less certain task.
59
For particular examples, see R.Hutton.
60
This is not specific for Altai; most of the aboriginal religions of Siberia have been defined as
“Shamanism.”
61
E.g., Humprhey, C. and Onon, U. Shamans and Elders: Experience, Knowledge, and Power
among the Daur Mongols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996., and
Hutton, R. Shamans: Siberian Spirituality and the Western Imagination. New York:
Hambledon And London, 2001
62
See Hutton, p.116

86
 In the case of Altai tradition, the creation of the notion of Shamanism being the

religion of Altains, consisted of two chronological parts.63As the first travelers, traders,

missionaries and students penetrated into Siberia,64 they encountered religious practices

of Aboriginals. The most spectacular and noticeable of these was, indeed, a shamanic

performance. Missionaries defined shamans as their main enemies and, therefore, as their

own “analogues” – that is, the “priests” of the aboriginal religion. At this point, nobody

was interested in or attempted a systematic study of Aboriginal traditions:

From the very beginning of the ethnographic study of Siberia, the attention of the
students and other observers was primarily captivated by the “exotic” cultural
phenomena. In Northern Asia such a phenomenon was Shamanism, and it is no
surprise that the figure of a shaman overshadowed other sacred specialists… …
Such an approach still exists, but it is necessary to acknowledge that the “lonely
leader” image does not agree with the whole structure of the traditional view of
reality, which is oriented towards the types and typical. As more data is being
collected, we are facing the problem of correspondence between the shaman and
other sacred specialists. However, this problem is still far from being solved.65

It is necessary to mention that the ethnographers of the late 19th century, including the

missionaries,66 while concentrating their attention on the description of (or struggle

against) shamans, never made any “final” pronouncements regarding the nature of Altai

tradition and the place of Shamanism in it. The same applies to the ethnographers of the

early 20th century. Anokhin, the most important student of Shamanism, studies it not as

the “religion” of Altaians, but as a phenomenon within its context.

63
As Hutton demonstrates, the “case” of Altai is typical for most aboriginal traditions of Siberia (and
former USSR in general).
64
The first accounts of the religious practices of Siberians that have descriptive value, date from 18th
century (Hutton, pp. 29-30)
65
Sagalaev, A.M., Oktiabr’skaia, I.V. Traditsionnoe Mirovozzrenie Tyurkov Iuzhnoi Sibiri:
Znak i Ritual. (The traditional Views of Turks of Southern Siberia: Sign and Ritual). Novosibirsk:
“Nauka,” 1990, p.88
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 34
66
E.g., Verbitsky.

87
 The “solidification” of the notion of Shamanism as the religion of Altaians and

other aboriginal Siberians came with the Soviet period. Part of this process depended on

the interpretation of religious phenomena according to Marx and Engels theories of

social and religious evolution, where shaman and shamanism conveniently fit in the

“evolutionary ladder” as a primitive and archaic form of religion.

Another trend was coming from the ideological and political demand – to define,

search and destroy the focal religious personae of various traditions. For the aboriginal

traditions of Siberia, including Altai, such personae were conveniently defined in/as

shamans, and, reciprocally, the tradition (“religion”) they represented – as Shamanism.67

Thus, for example, L.P.Potapov in his book, Altaiskii Shamanism 68 defines the religion

of Altai as Shamanism and lumps a diverse variety of shamanic and non-shamanic

deities, spirits, and practices in a bewildering mix, trying hard to prove their shamanic

nature.69

However, having stated that traditional set of Altai religious beliefs and practices

cannot be reduced to Shamanism, we will have to begin the description of Altai tradition

from Shamanic practices. The reason for this is twofold. First of all, shamans and

shamanic practices are by far the most researched religious phenomena of Altai tradition

67
R.Hutton describes this trend in detail, pp. 47-129, esp. pp. 113-129
68
Potapov, Altai Shamanism, 1991
69
Some older students of Siberian Shamanism have identified with this notion that Shamanism is the
religion of Siberia, so well that the fact that Siberian religions are still being practiced in the absence of the
shamans, comes to them as a genuine surprise. A veteran student of Tuvan Shamanism, S.I.Vainstein,
shared this sense of surprise in his paper, Batianova, Ye.P., Vainstein, S.I. “Shamanisty bez shamanov
(istoriko-etnograficheskiiaspect problemy na sisbirskih materialah)” (Shamanists without Shamans
(historical-ethnographic aspect of a problem on a basis of Siberian data)), In: Proceedings of the
International Interdisciplinary Scientific and Practical Symposium, “Ecology and Traditional Religious and
Magical Knowledge,” Moscow-Abakan-Kyzyl, 2001, pp.300-305
The topic of the history of the “construction” of Shamanism in academic discourse in the Soviet period
cannot be dealt with here in detail. Until now, it has not been discussed by Russian scholars. However, a
book by R.Hutton, Shamans: Siberian Spirituality and Western Imagination,69 which is dedicated to this
question, has been published in 2001. It is a truly groundbreaking work, and is highly recommended.

88
and, in general, of the traditions of Siberia. Even pursuing the goal of the

“deconstruction” of the reductionistic notion of equating the tradition of Altai with

Shamanism, Shamanism has to be considered.

The second reason is that, just prior to the emergence of Ak Jang, shamans and

shamanic practices were, in fact, the central figures of Altai tradition. As mentioned

before, and as will be discussed below, this state of affairs was a result of certain socio-

cultural conditions in Altai in the late 18th- early 20th centuries, namely the destruction of

the traditional cultural, economic, and. especially, kinship patterns (the near-elimination

of the clan structures due to a demographic crisis and Russian colonization). These

conditions were “friendly” towards the (over)-development of one particular religious

office of Altai tradition – namely, manjaktu kam - the “shamans with the costumes” who

were not bound to particular clans and addressed in their ceremonies the “universal” God

of Underworld – Erlik.

As the social and demographic situation among Altaians gradually improved

throughout the 19th century, other traditional religious offices as well as “their” deities,

began coming to the fore (simultaneously with the regenerating social strata) from the

latent state they were in since the1750s. The following section is going to look at the

diversity of the practices and sacred personae of Altai tradition.

4.3. The structure of Altai religious tradition.

This section is dedicated to the description of the context from which Ak Jang emerged –

the Altai tradition, both in its manifested and “latent” aspects, as it existed in the

beginning of the 20th century.

89
 The descriptions of the structure of the core Altai tradition may look like an

expanded version of the description of the Turkic-Mongolian tradition in the beginning of

this chapter, and thus as repetitive. However, the similarity between the two descriptions

is deliberate. It is aimed at the demonstration of the similarity of the structures, or rather

of the continuity of the structure of the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition and it

heir, the tradition of Altai, including Ak Jang.

The two-level model of the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian tradition, provided by

J.-P.Roux and S.Klyahstorny, to which one “middle” level, namely the clan (seok) level,

is added, serves as a template for the description of the Altai tradition in this chapter. The

description of Altai tradition below and of Ak Jang, presented in the next chapter, are

intended to demonstrate the main arguments of this thesis: namely that Altai tradition

continues the socio-religious trend established for the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian

tradition, and that Ak Jang is part of this continuity.

The constituent elements for the reconstruction and analysis of the Altai tradition

and Ak Jang in their complete form are available from publications concerning such

issues as the presence of the “high” deities of Turks and Mongols in Altai tradition, the

role of Epics in the religious tradition, the diversity of Altai sacred offices, and others.

However, due to the fact that Altai tradition has been interpreted for more than 60 years

of Soviet scholarship as “shamanism,” and its practices as limited to the professional

shamans (manjaktu kam), the publications that presented its diversity and complexity

remained marginal. Even in post-Soviet times, nobody has yet attempted to “deconstruct”

the reductionistic interpretation of the Altai tradition and to present a synopsis of the

available data, which would lay the foundation for the more integral view of it.

90
 While the description below cannot be regarded as a complete and detailed

presentation of such a view, it aims at the demonstration of the crucial elements-markers,

upon which this view may be constructed. Based, as mentioned before, on the

hierarchical model-template of the Turkic-Mongolian tradition, this section is constructed

as a “jigsaw puzzle,” the elements of which are taken from a variety of sources and

combined to fill the template. Thus, the chapter develops, filling the “slots” in the

template of the tripartite hierarchical structure of the Altai tradition, beginning with the

pre-Ak Jang Altai tradition and continuing with Ak Jang. It begins with description of a

place and role of the historical Turkic-Mongolian deities in the contemporary Altai

tradition, and continues with the overview of the Altai “sacred offices” – again, matching

the contemporary sacred vocations with the pre-modern ones.

The religious tradition of Altai is a version of the old tradition of the Turkic-

Mongolian nomads, both in its content (the pantheon) and its structure (the sacred

offices). The deities and spirits of Altai tradition are numerous, so only the main ones are

going to be considered. The pantheon of Altai tradition can be approached following

different “grids”, such as, for example, placing the deities from more “particular,”

appeased as “their own” only by certain seoks or even persons (as it is in the case of

“shamanic ancestors”) to more “universal,” or by placing them within an hierarchy that

follows the social levels at which they are addressed (i.e. household, seok level, etc.). The

most natural way, however, would be to consider the deities of Altai tradition according

to their location within the vertical structure of the sacred universe. Incidentally, the

deities’ vertical distribution through the Altai sacred Universe to a large degree (but not

entirely) reflects the levels of social organization (undifferentiated community to

91
household to seok-level to supra-ethnic, consolidated, or “imperial” level) at which the

offices competent to address the respective deities are located. The Altai sacred Universe

consists of three levels: Underworld or Lower World, Middle World, and Upper World –

Heavens and “Astral realm.” As in many other traditions, the Lower World and its deities

is the realm of death, Middle World – of everyday individual and community’s life, and

the Upper World – of mythic and benevolent ancestors and benefactors.

The description will begin with the Lower World and gradually move up.

Erlik and kara tos.

The plethora of gods and spirits of the Lower World is united and ruled by the “chief,”

the god of Death and Underworld, Erlik. This god has been universally recognized by all

Turks and Mongols from the ancient times and, as it seems has always carried the same

function. Being the god of death and misfortune, Erlik naturally has a very important role

within the traditional pantheon – he has to be appeased and negotiated with in the case of

an individual or community’s crisis.

Erlik’s retinue and “executives,” the kara tos ( “impure, or black ancestors”)

consists of several categories: Erliks’ numerous sons and daughters, various demonic

spirits and, finally of a very important category – the souls, or ghosts of the dead shamans

(usually, historical personae). These ghosts are responsible for the formation of new

shamans, “pressing” them (by disease or misfortune) into accepting their vocation.

A special order of shamans, manjaktu kam, is the only category of people

responsible and authorized to deal with the Underworld.70

70
More on manjaktu kam below.

92
The Middle World.

The Middle World is the most “densely populated” spirit realm of Altai tradition. The

spirits of the Middle world are literally uncountable - they include numerous local

spirits, Masters of the game, and so on. They are united, either as a “collective entity,” or

as subordinates, to a god (goddess?) Yduk Jer-su (“The Holy Earth-Water”) – again, an

ancient Turkic-Mongolian deity. In Altai tradition, this deity is often called Altai eezi

(“The Master of Altai”).71

Within the realm of Altai eezi, or Jer-su, there is a very ”socially” important

category of sprits – taika eezi (“The master of the mountain”). Their worship among

Turks and Mongols is documented since the Middle Ages. They are addressed on a seok

level, being a sort of “earthly protectors” of the seoks. Each seok has its own mountain

with a taika eezi. Shamans of the Lower World (manjaktu kam) do not have authority to

perform relevant ceremonies, which are reserved for a different sacred office – ak kam or

jelbichi. Also, these spirits can be addressed privately or via mediation of a variety of

seers.

In addition to the spirits, subordinate to Yduk Jer-su, there are two “universal”

and ancient Turkic-Mongolian goddesses, which are not exactly “heavenly.” While they

are usually not “localized” in the modern Altai tradition, they are addressed as if they

were Middle world deities. These goddesses are Ot-ene (The Mother of Fire) and Umai,

the patroness of childbirth and child-rearing. It is important to mention that Umai is

presented in medieval records as the spouse of the supreme heavenly deity, Tengri.

71
Anokhin, A.V. Materialy po Shamanstvu u Altaitsev (Materials on Altai Shamanic
Practices), Leningrad: 1924 and Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek, 1994

93
However, in Altai tradition she is not associated with him.72 Ot-ene is addressed at all

ceremonies and on all levels, by private individuals, households, seoks and shamans

alike. Apparently, the competence of performing the appropriate rituals depends on one’s

reputation (as wise and righteous) rather than on specific vocation (such as shamanic).

Thus, the most authoritative people to address and propitiate her are the elders of both

sexes.73

Umai is the goddess, addressed mostly (if not only) by women. During the

medieval period, ceremonies dedicated to her were, as noted in the first section of this

chapter, part of the “imperial” ceremonial complex, where she was addressed as a part of

a “dyad” – Tengri-Umai. Currently, she is addressed mostly at the household level.

Again, as in the case with Ot-ene, the main determining factor in efficacy and

competence in addressing her is one’s qualification as an elder (in this case, it is a female

elder, often “professionally” related to childbirth). Shamans (manjaktu kam)do not

address Umai – in fact, their “professional link” to the misfortune, death, and

Underworld makes them the least likely to address her.

The Upper World: aru tos and the seok worship.

Before moving on to the description of the main “inhabitants” of Altai Upper World, the

aru tos, it is necessary to make a few comments regarding their representation in the bulk

of Soviet Ethnographic literature. Almost all sources on Altai religion74 state that the

(“shamanistic”) Altaians worshipped Ul’gen as the supreme heavenly creator-god.75 As

the recent works by Altai scholars as well as work by the most competent Russian student

72
Potapov, Altaiskii… pp.285-297
73
Diakonova, V.P. Altaitsy. (Altaians). Gorno-Altaisk, “Uch-Sumer,” 2001, pp.140, 183
74
Note that almost all sources on Altai religion are the works of L.P.Potapov.
75
This view was transferred to the Western sources.

94
of Altai, A.V. Anokhin,76 show, U’lgen is by no means a creator and is neither

“universal” for all Altaians nor, strictly speaking, a god. Anokhin considers the term

“ul’gen’” to be a generic term, denoting (with a proper name added – Anokhin listed

about a dozen of them in his work) a spirit called aru tos (“pure ancestor,” literally –

“pure base”) of a given seok. Altai scholar Muitueva states:

Ul’gen’ is not a god, or a deity, but a tos (spiritual ancestor) of a number of Altai
clans. They addressed him… Other Altai clans did not address Ul’gen’ – they
had their own clan tos-ancestors of the same rank… …Here comes the question:
why did tos-ancestor of a few Altai clans became a “god-creator of the world” in
the academic literature? Most likely, because of the sloppy collection of the later
published data by some scholars, and uncritical acceptance of this information by
others…77

Essentially, aru tos play the same “heavenly” role as taika eezi – in the Middle

World, being a form of a totemic spirit-ancestor of the seok. In some sources, it is

indicated that aru tos are interconnected as a family, which probably reflects the origin of

the human Altai seoks and their relations – a very important marker due to very strict and

elaborate set of traditional inter-seok kinship (exogamous marriages in particular) among

the Turks and Mongols.78 Thus, aru tos and the worship associated with them is the key

religious function, performed exclusively at the seok level – a manifestation of seok

identity.79

76
A.V.Anokhin, Manuscript, parts 2 and 3.
77
Muitueva, V.A. “O Kosmogonicheskih predstavleniiah Altaitsev.” (On Altaian views on
Cosmogony). In: Problemy Izucheniia Kul’turno-Istoricheskogo Naslediia Altaia. Gorno-Altaisk, 1994,
p.90
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 35
78
Sagalaev, in Sagalaev, A.M., Oktiabr’skaia, I.V. Traditsionnoe Mirovozzrenie Tyurkov Iuzhnoi Sibiri:
Znak i Ritual. (The traditional Views of Turks of Southern Siberia: Sign and Ritual). Novosibirsk:
“Nauka,” 1990, approaches the question of importance of aru tos’ religious complex and its relation to the
clan level in detail.
79
While the mentioning of aru tos’ names has not been found in medieval records, their wide distribution
among modern Turkic and Mongolian cultures testifies to their conservative nature and ancient origin, tied
to the origin of the clans.

95
 With regard to the question of who was the authority to address the aru tos, the

available information is somewhat unclear. While manjaktu kam (the Lower World

shamans) could not address them “in the role” of manjaktu kam that is, wearing the attire

and instruments of a “classical shaman,” they could address the aru tos by “changing

their personae” into a different ritual pattern (including clothing, etc.).80 Also, there was a

different “order” of shamans,81 ak kam (the “white shamans”), which had little in

common with manjaktu kam. These were the most common ritual personae to address the

aru tos. In addition, it seems that aru tos could be addressed by designated elders and by

jelbichi (“fanner” - a special type of priest which may or may not have been the same as

ak kam). How interchangeable these persons were, is impossible to say at the moment.82

Another very important spirit that belongs both to the Upper and Middle Worlds

is Jajyk. This entity is entirely shapeless, thus being similar to the view of “spirit” in the

Western religions. Its role is extremely important at all kinds of ceremonies, especially at

those addressed to the spirits on high. All types of ritual performers as well as laity

address jajyk as a messenger, connecting the Middle and Upper Worlds. While this spirit,

unlike other spirit beings of Altai tradition, does not require an elaborate sacrifice, it is a

vehicle that carries messages (including prayers) to their respective destinations. It is

important to mention that in the case when the Lower World is addressed, jajyk is not

80
Anokhin, Maniscript, Part 3. Kratkiy Analiz Shamanstva Altaiskih Plemen (A Brief analysis of the
Shamanic practices of the Altai tribes), 1930,and Sagalaev and Oktiabr’skaia, pp.75-78.
81
Dugarov, who studied similar patterns in Buryatia, doubts that this order can be called
“shamans.”(Dugarov, D.S. Istoricheskie Korni Belogo Shamanstva. (The Historic Roots of White
Shamanizm). Moscow: “Nauka,” 1991, pp.19-30)
82
Potapov, “K voprosu…”

96
“functional”: its place is taken over by the soul-spirit of the sacrificed animal (pura, or

bura).83

Tengri

Finally, it is necessary to consider the Turkic-Mongolain “chief god proper,”

Tengri, or Sky. The figure of Tengri, as was shown in Chapter One, was very prominent

in ancient and medieval religion of Turks and Mongols. He was the main addressee of the

“high” ceremonies, thus being closely connected with the figure of a kagan and the

largest scale, or highest level of the Turkic social architecture – the federation, or empire.

Tengri is widely mentioned in all sorts of Altai sacred narrative – Epic, legends

and myths. Every Altaian knows about him. However, this god is mostly latent, being

practically a “retired deity.”84 The degree to which Tengri is “retired into the

background” is difficult to estimate, because there is very little published data related to

the role of this deity in Altai tradition. Apparently, Tengri is never addressed at a private

level. Also, the worship of Tengri is absolutely beyond the competence and authority of

the shamans85 - to the point of total banning of shamans from attending the ceremonies

dedicated to Tengri. There are several records of the ceremony dedicated to Tengri

among Altaians and their close relatives, Khakass. The “office” of this ceremony is not

easy to define, but it is likely that the modern Altai culture it largely coincides to the

office of aru tos’ worship.86

83
Anokhin, A.V. Materialy po Shamanstvu u Altaitsev (Materials on Altai Shamanic
Practices), Leningrad: 1924 and Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek, 1994, pp.12-17
84
Among the “cultural siblings” of Altaians, Tuvans and Buryats, Tengri is very “active” and is indeed the
chief god, linked to the (potentially royal) leadership.
85
Taking into account the fact that most of the scholarship on Altai religion was limited to the study of
Shamanism (and limited Altai religion to Shamanism as well), it is probable, that the very little
information on Tengri is due to the fact that he was, in a manner of speaking, “beyond the scope of
observation” of Soviet ethnographers.
86
See the description of the Tengri ceremony in Appendix 1.

97
 Having considered the main spirit figures of Altai tradition, it is necessary to look

in more detail at the sacred offices, or specialists. While there is a certain correspondence

between deities and specialists that address them, this correspondence is not “linear”

where a given office is strictly linked to a particular deity, or a group of deities. The

sacred offices of the Altai tradition differ not only with respect to their “object” (i.e., a

deity), but also in their function, thus creating an intricate system of “religious

specializations.” Moreover, some sacred specialists such as kaichi do not seem to be

linked to a particular deity and/or ceremonial complex at all while at the same time they

carry very important religious function.

The diversity of religious offices.

As in the case with the Altai pantheon, the religious specialists of Altai tradition will be

considered from the “bottom up” – that is, beginning with those who address the Lower

World. The correspondence of the Altai sacred offices and the religious strata, again,

partially coincides with the hierarchy of the realms, addressed by these offices: The

Lower World professional shamans, manjaktu kam, do not embody, or represent a

particular social stratum, being a sort of “free radicals” within the community. The

specialists of the “minor” religious offices do not explicitly represent seoks, but are more

integrated into the seok structure than the manjaktu kam. The ak kam, the “white

shamans,” represent the seok identity and its particular religious stratum. Finally, the

jelbichi and/or elders, who officiate at the ceremonies of the Tengri worship and whose

function and role overlaps with the one of ak kam, represent the social stratum that

overarches seoks and is analogous to what J.-P.Roux calls the “imperial level.”87

87
Roux, Turkic…, p.89-90

98
The Lower World and Manjaktu kam.

Manjaktu kam is the Altai title for a shaman who addresses the Lower World – Erlik and

his retinue.88 Manjak is the “trademark” and the essential instrument of the manjaktu

kam, enabling him or her to travel to the Lower World. It is a very heavy and elaborate

costume, depicting the map of Lower World, spirit-helpers of the shaman, and his or her

shamanic genealogy. Essentially, the costume is the representation of the totality of the

narrative of a manjaktu kam. Another key instrument (and also, an important part of

shamanic lore) of manjaktu kam was his or her drum, used exclusively for the travels to

the Lower World.

A new kam was forced to become a kam through the “pressure” of the kara tos

(the “impure ancestors”) who made him or her very sick until he or she surrendered into

becoming a kam. In Altai, such a situation has been seen more as a curse than a blessing

with special spiritual powers: there are many known instances when a “called” person

preferred to kill him- or herself just to avoid becoming a shaman.89 The kara tos were

chiefly the ghosts of the deceased shamans (either famous and well-known shamans of

the past, or the direct genetic ancestors of a given person – shamanic vocation usually ran

within a family), who needed the formation of a new shaman to feed them. In exchange,

they served as spirit helpers in the manjaktu kam’s journeys into Lower World and

negotiations with its denizens:

The cult of ancestor-shamans constituted among Altaians the basis of shamanic

lineage…90

88
It is important to mention that Soviet scholarship presented manjaktu kam as practically the only
religious office/specialist of Altai tradition (and hence, Altai tradition itself –as “shamanism”)
89
Anokhin, Materialy…, pp.32 and further, Potapov, Altaiskii Shamanizm, p.130 and further
90
Altaiskii Shamanizm, 66

99
 Manjaktu kam were not tied to, or represented seoks. In fact, when certain

communities “hired” such a shaman, it was commonly preferable to hire a foreign one,

for the simple reason that such a shaman would not have any personal preferences and

antipathies within a given community and would not perform black magic (soul-stealing)

because of them.91 While being very important due to their expertise in the matters of

negotiation with the Lower World in the cases of personal or community’s crisis, such as

disease, bad weather, hexes, revenge and so on, manjaktu kam were seen with great

ambiguity due to their alien nature, “impurity” and the absence of “community ethic” –

that is, they were not restricted by their membership (which they did not have) in the

community in the choice of beneficial or negative actions.

Every shaman (manjaktu kam) had a close relation with the God of the

Underworld, Erlik. It seems that, having accepted the calling (of the ancestor-shamans), a

shaman also “automatically” connected him- or herself with Erlik and his (non-human)

spirits. This connection has been the defining one in the emergence of the manjaktu

kam.92 Such a shaman could perform healings, soul-returns and other “trouble-shooting”

procedures, which were the main function of a shaman, due to the connection with Erlik.

Since all the troubles, according to Altai beliefs, were, essentially, coming from Erlik and

his spirits, having him as a patron, and his domain – accessible, enabled a shaman to deal

with the crises efficiently. In other words, manjaktu kam were professionals, functioning

independently from the seok structure.93

91
S. Tioukhteneva, Seminar, Gorno-Altaisk, August 2001.
92
Much of the manjak sophisticated and highly symbolic ornamentation serves as a map, or guide
specifically through Erlik’s domain (Underworld).
93
Potapov, Altaiskii, p.130

100
 The “sacred narrative” of manjaktu kam was limited to their respective

genealogies, spirit travel itineraries, and “case studies” – stories of exploits or losses,

either their own, or these of their colleagues. Also, the segment of the Altai pantheon

specifically “within the realm of competence” of a manjaktu kam, was the Lower World

alone. The main functions of every manjaktu kam were the negotiations with the spirits

(primarily, Erlik) in the case of a personal or community crisis.

The spectacular shamanic sessions, when a shaman performed an ecstatic dance

and communication with the spirits, dressed in manjak and beating a drum, observed by

many ethnographers, were examples of the former – of the “troubleshooting,” intimately

tied with the main source of trouble – Erlik’s realm. This is not to say that Erlik and his

spirits were always the cause of the trouble – more often than not, an individual or a

community in crisis were the initial cause of it, due to an instance of misbehavior or

carelessness. Erlik in such cases served as a vigorous and somewhat corrupt

“policeman,”94 never letting the “culprit” escape unpunished. The function of the shaman

was to negotiate a ransom for such a person. This ransom always was in the form of a

sacrifice – often, a very large one (several horses), which was delivered to Erlik during

the shamanic session.

The Middle World: “minor” sacred vocations.

While in scholarly research, the “non-shamanic” sacred personae of Altai were

overshadowed by the prominent figure of a shaman, and almost no research has been

94
Erlik’s role comparison with a policemen was recorded by Anokhin from an explanation of a shaman,
who called him “a police ….” (oshkoshlo stanoboi pristap) (Anokhin, Materialy… p. 7)

101
dedicated to them, it is known that Altai tradition has had many “sacred personae,” some

of whose functions overlapped with the shaman’s, while others did not.95

The question whether the diverse sacred personae, or sacred offices, are simply

fragments of a shamanic vocation - somehow “underdeveloped” shamans, or represent

the “primary” and underlying diverse and diffused network of sacred functions with

Turkic-Mongolian tradition, is a point of a major argument among scholars. Some

scholars, such as W.Heissig, J.-P.Roux and, to a degree, A.Sagalaev, see these offices and

functions as a testimony to the diversity of religious functions among Turks and

Mongols, while others, primarily Soviet scholars, see all the sacred figures as either

“appendices” to a shamanic vocation, or simply (and without explanation), call all the

figures in question “shamans,” as did L.P.Potapov in his work.

Drawing the data from the variety of Medieval accounts, J.-P.Roux notes the

following “minor offices” of the Turk-Mongolian religious practice in addition to the

Shamans and the “high priesthood” of Tengri and other universal gods:

1) (non-Shamanic) healers;

2) Diviners (4 different types – a diviner on the sheep’s shoulder blade, a dream-

seer, a diviner with a book, and a diviner with the stones)

3) Mediums
95
The traditions of the Mongols and Buryats, which are almost identical with the Altaian tradition, have
been reconstructed in detail by W.Heissig and Dugarov, respectively. These reconstructions indicate a great
diversity of sacred offices, ceremonial complexes, etc., entirely independent from the “Lower World
shamanism” and often opposite to it:
Alongside these forms of ecstatic shamanism there was, however, a large group of manifestations
of religious life which did not involve the shamans as performers, but were the concern of
individuals or of the social group involved, the clan or the family. These too (like shamanism
itself) reached back into the mists of antiquity; and they too were supposed to summon the
protection of the gods. The cult of the eternal blue sky, the veneration of fire, the invocation of
Geser Khan and the veneration of the Ancestor of the princely family, Chingggis Khan, incense
offerings in general to the tngri (heavenly beings) as well as prayers to the hills and mountains and
to the powers which dwelt within them, all these belonged in this class of religious activities, as
did blessings and curses. (Heissig, 3)

102
 4) The owner of the “weather-stone”96

While this list partially differs from the accounts of later observers of Altai

tradition, is has an important value: a substantial number of sacred personae and their

functions, mentioned by Roux, are identical to the later Altai “sacred offices.” This points

at the conservative and stable nature of these functions.Verbitsky97 mentions the

following sacred vocations of Altai tradition:

1) Rymchi – a medium

2) Tel’gochi – diviner

3) Yarynchi – diviner, who uses the shoulder blade of a sheep

4) Kol-kureechi – chiromancer

5) Jadachi – the possessor of the “weather-stone”

Sagalaev (speaking of the modern or near-modern period) mentions more than 30

different terms for the specialists – possessors of the arcane knowledge, have been known

in Altai-Sayan region alone. Among them – diviners on a burnt sheep shoulder blade

(arynchi – yrynchi), the “whisperers” (from alt. arbysh – “charm, whisper,” those who

performed, fanning with the piece of cloth or a birch branch (jelbegchi, chilbegchi), those

who affected the weather with the use of a magic stone jada (jadachi), and others.98

S.Tioukhteneva99 distinguishes many diverse categories of the sacred personae.100

96
Roux, Turkic… 90
97
Verbitsky, p.64
98
Sagalaev, Oktiabr’skaia, Traditsionnoe… p. 99.
99
Tioukhteneva, S.“Neo-shamanstvo na Altae v 1980-1990h godah: yasnovidenie i snovidenie v praktike
shamanstvuyushih” (“Neo-shamanism in Altai in 1980s-1990s: clairvoyance and dreaming in the practice
of the shamanizing”)
100
1) Alkyshchy – a person with charisma of blessing;
2) Archyn koror – a person, who heals and divines by the use of the juniper (archyn) smudging
3) Arzhanga ulus bashkarar – a person, entitled to take people to the Sacred (healing) springs and
competent in the relevant rituals;
4) Kara kostu – a person with an “evil eye”

103
 As the comparison of these lists, based on information from different periods:

ancient-medieval (Roux), 19th century (Verbitsky), and 20th century (Sagalaev and

Tioukhteneva), shows, the “minor” sacred offices tend to manifest their conservative

nature and exist along with the shamans.

All of these figures, as well as the functions associated with them, belong to the

Altai tradition in both its pre-Ak Jang and later, Ak Jang manifestations. Just as the

professional manjaktu kam, they are usually not linked to a given seok. Some of their

functions (e.g., the clairvoyance of kospokchi, or a “hexing gift”) are shared with the

shamans,’ while others (mediumism, or the “blessing gift”) are not. However, unlike the

manjaktu kam, who always occupy an important but ambiguous and ambivalent place in

the community, the “minor” specialists of the sacred (called in Altai “biler kizhi” – “the

people of knowledge”), especially those whose charisma is benevolent (e.g. algyshchi, or

arzhanga ulus bashkarar) are well-respected and liked, often being elders in addition to

their specific gift or ability. Unlike manjaktu kam, they are not professionals and are the

dedicated members of the seoks they belong to and serve.

All of these “minor” specialists of the sacred are “of” the Middle World that is,

those of them who have some affinity (in their function) to a deity or a spirit, have it with

a spirit of the Middle World. Thus, a kospokchi ( a claivoyant) may have a particular

1) Kara tyldu – a person, who knows hexes

2) Kargyshchi – another hexer
3) Koru tush koror – a person, who sees the premonitory dreams
4) Kospokchi – a “spirit-seer,” clairvoyant
5) Ugaachy – a spirit-hearer, a “psychic”
6) Kabakchy – a person, who sees with the forehead (eyebrows)
7) Tarmychi – still another hexer
8) Jadachy – a possessor of the weather-stone
9) Yrymchi – a medium

104
relation to a taika-eezi (the Master of a Mountain) who “provides” a hunting party, of

which kospokchi is a member as an “expert,” with game; or an arzhanga ulus bashkarar

– a guide to the sacred springs (and the ceremonial authority at such pilgrimages) might

have a special relation with a spirit of a spring. It is possible that such vocations as

algyshchi and archyn koror,101 as well as yrymchi, have connections with the “spirits on

high,” but it is not certain.

However, while these sacred personae of Altai tradition testify to the diversity of

its offices and functions, they, in a manner of speaking, are “inert,” or neutral with regard

to the religious activities directly aimed at upholding or consolidating the seok structure.

In other words, they function below the seok level. However, other specialists of Altai

tradition, whose spiritual “addressees” belong to both Middle and Upper Worlds, are, in a

manner of speaking, the hinges of the seok-level religious representation, the aru tos.

Middle and Upper Worlds: the “socially marked” sacred offices.

Ak kam: the “different” shamans.

All works dedicated to Altai tradition mention an important sacred figure,

different from the manjaktu kam, the ak kam (the “white shaman”). However, despite this

mentioning, not much is known about the specific functions of this figure, compared and

contrasted with the much more thoroughly researched and described functions of

manjaktu kam. Another problem with the analysis of this figure, or office, lies in the fact

that some manjaktu kam also functioned as ak kam. These two functions never mixed in

101
The reason for this assumption is the fact that these two vocations are linked to the performance of the
Upper World ceremonies, which will be discussed below.

105
the same ritual: to act as ak kam, manjaktu kam had to change his102 “ritual persona” by

entirely changing the ritual attire – costume, ritual instruments, etc.However, most of the

kam (shamans) of Altai belonged to only one of these categories.

While Potapov sees the institute of ak kam as secondary and a “weak” derivative

of what he calls “classical shamanism” (seeing the latter in the drum- and manjak-armed

manjaktu kam, or the shamans of Lower World), other scholars see it as an entirely

independent phenomenon, different in its role and functions from the manjaktu kam. In

addition, Sagalaev and Dugarov state that ak kam were actually considered as “stronger”

and much more respected personae than the manjaktu kam. The two-fold division of the

Lower World shamans and ak kam has been well-documented throughout Southern

Siberia, among all Turkic and Mongolian groups as well as Tungus.103 Even the Tungus

term, saman, which later became the generic name for all “shamans,” was first introduced

into academic literature by Shirokogorov as designating specifically ak kam.104

Interestingly, Shirokogorov did not regard the saman, whom he called the “priest,” as

having the same, or similar role as the drum- and manjak-geared “shamans of Lower

World,” or classical shamans.105 However, ironically, the term became the generic

academic title for the latter. 106 Unlike manjaktu kam, ak kam did not address the spirits

of the Lower World and Erlik. Thus, they did not function as the “troubleshooters” or

crisis managers. These very important and highly demanded functions were reserved to

102
While manjaktu kam were both female and male, ak kam were only male.
103
… Black shaman is the evil-doer, while the white shaman is a shaman, who makes sacrifices to
different spirit-patrons (oron khangaida) and asks for various material and other blessings for the people.
This Buryat views are similar to Tuvan ideas… shamans who served the spirits of the Dark world and
Erlik, were called “black” (kara-kham), and the rest – “white” (ak-kham). The white shamans were afraid
of the black ones, believing that the latter may harm or even kill them. (Dugarov, 21)
104
In: Hutton, p. 116.
105
Many recent publications (e.g., Dugarov), discuss the same question – whether or not ak kam can be
regarded as a shaman (in the common academic understanding of this phenomenon).
106
Hutton describes this mistake in detail, p.113 and further.

106
the manjaktu kam and, to some degree, to the specialists with the “minor” vocations,

described above.

Ak kam addressed primarily the aru tos, the heavenly patrons-ancestors of the

seoks. Also, they held the authority in performing the ceremonies dedicated to the taika-

eezi (the Master of the Mountain, who is the patron of a given seok, by analogy with the

heavenly aru tos) and the spirits of the Jer-su complex (the Middle World) - namely, to

those who were connected as the Middle World patrons of the seoks or larger social

structures. They were the key ceremonial figures at the large seasonal seok rituals. Unlike

the manjaktu kam, the ak kam were not “professional.”107 Their function was entirely

related to a seok and, in a manner of speaking, they were the embodiments of the seok

religious identity. According to Anokhin, ak kam were also involved in the ceremonial

complex related to the “universal” Turkic-Mongolian gods, inherited by Altaians: Ot-ene,

Umai, and others. However, Anokhin does not provide any detail about this practice.

Unlike the manjaktu kam, ak kam did not have the spirits of deceased shamans as

their guardian, or helper-spirits. Instead, they had “heavenly patrons” - the aru tos, who,

obviously, were the patrons of the seok they belonged to and represented. The aru tos

were not the “guardian spirits” in the sense as the guardian spirits of the manjaktu kam,

with whom he or she conversed and traveled to the other realms: rather, ak kam were

“inspired” by the aru tos, which made them being chosen, due to this charisma, to

become the authorities at the aru tos’ propitiation.108

107
Anokhin, Materialy… and Dugarov, pp.19-30 and Afterword.
108
Compare to Sakha (Yakut) materials:
…Among Yakuts, the priests of the almost extinct clan cult were, as it seems, the “white shamans” aiyy
oiyuuna who had very little in common with the shamans proper – abaasy oiyuuna… (Tokarev, S.A.
Rannie Formy Religii. (The Early Forms of Religion) Moscow: “Nauka,” 1964, p.289)

107
 Another, extremely significant feature that distinguished ak kam from the

manjaktu kam was the absence of “traveling” among the former. The chief characteristic

of the “shamans proper,” (in this case, manjaktu kam), which became their defining

“trademark” in the cross-cultural studies of shamanism, was their “traveling” to the spirit

world during their trance sessions. While this traveling was, indeed, the key feature in the

manjaktu kam function, ak kam did not travel, and either did not enter a trance, or entered

it in a very light form.109

The ceremonies performed by ak kam and manjaktu kam were very different in

their character. While the center of the manjaktu kam performance was the trance and

communication with the spirits, aimed at alleviating a personal or community crisis

through negotiation and struggle with the spirits, and was, essentially, a private ceremony

involving only those who were directly linked to a crisis in question – the “clients,” ak

kam acted more as seok priests, performing sacrificial rituals attended by the whole seok,

where the social (vs. private) nature of the ceremony was stressed.110

This ceremony was performed, according to different sources, either once in

several years or several times a year, at the seasonal gatherings.111 Another very

important occasion, on which an aru tos was addressed, was asking for kut.112 Often,113

no animal was sacrificed at the ceremony, but instead milk or alcohol were sprinkled

109
Potapov, “K Voprosu…p.32-34.
110
Anokhin, Materialy… pp.33-34
111
Tioukhteneva, S. “Ob evolyutsii kul’ta gor u altaitsev” (On evolution of the cult of
mountains among Altaians) In: Shamanizm i rannie religioznye predstavleniia (Shamanizm and the early
religious views), Vol.1, Moscow: 1995, pp.173-180
112
Literally, “life-soul.” The request for progeny (human or of herds).
113
Anokhin, Materialy, p.11

108
around. During such a ceremony, an ak kam used neither drum nor manjak: he was

dressed in a white robe and a hat with ribbons (chalu).114

As was mentioned above, the ethnographic information on ak kam in Altai has

been very limited compared to the wealth of materials on manjaktu kam. In addition to

some possible biases of the “shaman-centered” (i.e., manjaktu kam-centered) approach to

the study of Altai tradition that gave the study of manjaktu kam priority over other sacred

offices, which were discussed above, there may have been another reason for the scarcity

of the data. The issue is that the performances of manjaktu kam, being private, were

neutral with respect to the integrity of the structured Altai community (seoks) and, as a

result of it, were deemed less sacred, and therefore less concealed from strangers. Altai

manjaktu kam even performed at the theater in the city of Tomsk to entertain a Russian

audience!115 On the other hand, the seok ceremonies, directed by ak kam, have been

regarded as extremely important and sensitive in the religious life of the seoks and, as a

result, their attendees were “screened” much more carefully. Usually, only the members

of a given seok were admitted to them, while the Russian researchers, obviously, were

not.116

Jelbichi, elder, and the Tengri worship.

The figure of ak kam, and the ceremonies dedicated to aru tos and the seoks, are linked to

the Tengri, or Heaven, ceremonies and the figures which officiated at them – the jelbichi

and the elder. The difference between the ak kam, the elder and the jelibichi – and, in

some cases, between the aru tos-seok ceremonies and the worship of Tengri, is unclear.

114
This characteristic features of the ceremony make it very similar to the “core” Ak Jang worship.
115
Hutton, p.93. This is a very important note, because the kam mentioned by Hutton (Mampyi) was one of
the greatest manjaktu kam of Altai and Tuva. Even he, however, considered his skill sufficiently “exoteric”
to be presented for an audience of skeptical strangers.
116
This opinion is shared by the Altai ethnographers – S.Tioukhteneva and others.

109
While the two types of ceremony were very similar in their structure,117 the aru tos –seok

ceremony was performed, as all sources state, by ak kam (that is, somebody who is still

called “kam” – a shaman), while the Tengri worship was absolutely off-limits for the

shamans (unfortunately, the sources do not specify, whether the shamans in question

were only manjaktu kam or ak kam as well) – they were considered impure and went into

seizures if they tried to attend the ceremony:

When the mutton is ready, “an elder, respected by everyone and who knows the
old tradition and the words of the prayer, having in his hand a spoon and dipping
it in the birch-bark, made right at the spot, plate, sprinkles in turns kumys, milk,
airan, and broth to the sky, then – at the birch, meanwhile circumambulating
clockwise the birches, reading special prayers… The ritual end with feast, when
the mutton is eaten and the sacrificial araka (moonshine) is drank. All the
leftovers and bones are put in the fire. This prayer to “sky and dear sun” is
considered being beyond the sphere of the evil spirits, and, therefore, the
presence of a shaman at tigir taikh is not required; according to the Natives, if a
shaman tries to attend the taikh, or, especially, to perform a prayer, goes mad and
has a seizure. 118

The Tengri ceremony was officiated by an elder, who wore a special ceremonial

dress – white robe and a woman’s hat.119 This dress, however, resembles the ak kam’s

attire very closely. Moreover, both ak kam and the elder performing the Tengri ceremony,

used, as their main ritual implement, a fan – sometimes a piece of cloth or a birch branch,

“fanning the spirit” with it. Therefore, both specialists were called jelbichi – “the fanner.”

Are, then, ak kam and “elder” – the performer of the Tengri ceremony, the same

figure, or two different offices, united only by the name, pointing at their ritual tool,

jelbichi? In the case of Altai tradition, this is not known for certain at this stage of

research. However, Dugarov, who did a cross-cultural study on ak kam, the “white

117
Potapov treats them as essentially identical (Altaiskii Shamanizm, pp.260-274)
118
Yakovlev, cited from Sagalaev and Oktiabr’skaia, p. 84
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 36
119
Ibid, p.83.

110
shamanism” among Turkic and Mongolian groups of Siberia (Sakha, Buryats and others)

states that these figures are, indeed, the same. Furthermore, as the office of “heaven

worship,” since aru tos are “heavenly,” and, as such, may be seen as subordinate to

Tengri, they are clearly distinct from, or opposing, the office of the manjaktu kam, the

shamans of the Lower World.120 Thus, it can be assumed that the shamans who were

banned from Tengri worship, were the manjaktu kam.121

Even though the ceremonies dedicated to aru tos and Tengri, were nearly

identical in their structure and, perhaps, performed by the same specialists, they were still

distinct with respect to the social scale at which they were performed. While the aru tos

ceremonies were performed for the particular seoks, and their attendance was reserved to

the seok members, the Tengri worship “transcended” the seok level, being addressed to

the largest sample of the community possible – to the representatives of the several seoks,

or to a whole ethnic group, or even, as Sagalaev notes, to an international participation

among those Turks and Mongols who consider Tengri as a supreme god. This fact

corroborates the historical data, presented by Roux and others, concerning the universal

and consolidating aspect of the “overarching” Tengri cult.

Kaichi

The last, and very important, sacred office of Altai tradition to be considered is kaichi,

the Epic singer.

Kaichi, the singer of Epics, is a very significant person in Altai culture. In the

Soviet period, when all forms of religion were thoroughly weeded out, kaichi were

120
This view is supported by several Altai legends, collected in Verbitsky. In these legends, the practice of
manjaktu kam and the “Tengeri” cult are presented as fundamentally opposing (the manjaktu kam are
“impure” vs. “pure” Tengeri cult, etc.)
121
Which, again, brings back the question, discussed by Dugarov – whether or not ak kam can be called a
“shaman.”

111
neither persecuted nor “marked” as religious, or sacred, figures. Their narrative, Altai

Epics, was considered a purely secular, “cultural” vocation. It was extensively studied by

both Altai and Russian scholars, who carefully avoided any religious interpretation of it.

However, in the last 10 years, the kaichi were presented in many publications as

extremely important sacred personae122 (both in Altai and other Turkic and Mongolian

groups), and their acknowledgement as significant contributors to and upholders of

religious tradition has been steadily growing.123

While not being part of the core ceremonial – “liturgical” aspect of Altai tradition,

kaichi function as its embodied “holy writ” – the keepers and reproducers of the (epic)

narrative, which, as will be shown, constitutes a unique pool for the Ak Jang mytho-

theology. This narrative has very little in common with Shamanic lore and frequently

manifests as its antithesis.

During the performance of the epic, which is a very important and massive sacred

event, surrounded by numerous prescriptions for its participants, kaichi “summons” the

heroes of the Epic narrative. Some of these spirit-figures, such as aru tos, Tengri and

others, are well-known in pre-Ak Jang Altai tradition. However, a number of key

characters of the Epics – the heroes and divine figures such as Ak Burkhan or Oirot,

constitute a sacred pattern, which was explicated by and in Ak Jang, although it was

present in the Epic long before the emergence of the White Faith. Thus, kaichi and his

122
E.g., Yamaeva, Ye. E. Altaiskii Geroicheskii Epos (Sviazi s mifologiei, predstavleniiami,
sotsial’no-bytovymi institutami). (Altai Heroic Epic (Relations with mythology, views and social
institutions). PhD Dissertation. Leningrad, 1986, and
Funk, D.A. “Epicheskii pevets i shaman v traditsionnom obshestve: Perspektivy
issledovaniia.” (Epic singer and shaman in a traditional society: some perspectives of studying), In:
Proceedings of the International Interdisciplinary Scientific and Practical Symposium, “Ecology and
Traditional Religious and Magical Knowledge,” Moscow-Abakan-Kyzyl, 2001, pp.280-282.
123
On many occasions, they are compared to shamans, healers and so on.

112
narrative can be seen as a focal point, which both separates and unites the “pre-Ak Jang”

Altai tradition and Ak Jang as a new, but still organic, part of it.

The sources of the mythic-religious narrative of Altai

While a number of assorted myths, legends, blessings and other folklore has been

collected in Altai over the years, almost no work of linking these narratives with the

religious practice and their place in it has been done. Probably, A.Sagalaev has been the

only person who has tried to link the narrative to sacred personae of Altai and their

functions. It seems that the main “streams” or categories of Altai sacred narrative are: the

shamanic (manjaktu kam) narrative, the “general” mythology – the Creation myths,

myths about aru tos and the origin of the seoks, and the Epic narrative.124

Shamanic narrative, interestingly enough, is very limited.125 While Anokhin,126

using manjaktu kam or their relatives as informants, received from them very specific and

124
Of course, there are many more types of religious or para-religious narrative in Altai: for example,
blessings, formulae for the household rituals, hexes, etc. However, while, probably, these “smaller”
narratives, just like the “smaller” spirits and “smaller” sacred figure constitute the bulk of the religious and
cultural structuring of Altai tradition, they are “inert,” or indifferent to the relation between Ak Jang and the
rest of the Altai traditional context – therefore, they will not be discussed.
125
In her paper, “Tipologiia Syuzhetov o Shamanah.” (The Typology of Narrative on
Shamans). In: Problemy Izucheniia Istorii i Kultury Altaia i Sopredel’nyh Territoriy. Gorno-Altaisk, 1992,
pp. 141-146 Ye.Yamaeva gives the list of such themes:
1)Emergence of the first shamans
2) Receiving of shamanic vocation
3) The struggles of the great shamans with the deities and spirits;
4) The trials and persecution of the shamans
5) The stories of false shamans
6) The miracles, performed by shamans
7) Shamans and their relations with their spirits;
8) Return of the stolen souls;
9) Shaman’s marriage to a daughter of his patient ( as a payoff for his service)
10) Fights among shamans;
11) Fights between shamans and Russian sorcerers and healers;
12) Shamans and kospokchi (clairvoyants)
It is clear that, while shamanic narratives are diverse and fascinating, they are strongly “professional” and,
thus, very narrow. A comparison that comes to mind is Psychoanalytical “narrative” rather than the one of a
religious tradition.
126
Materialy…, pp. 65-148

113
particular (to each shaman) stories about the parts of the universe and spirits each given

shaman had to travel through, or deal with, he was able to collect very little material on

the “general” cosmology, cosmogony, and “theology” of the Altai sacred cosmos. For the

shamans, such information did not seem relevant, because both their competence and

interest were tightly linked to their particular vocation, including the particular spirits and

procedures, unique for each shaman. Those shamans (ak kam) who had among their

patrons aru tos (the “pure ancestor” – a heavenly ancestor-patron of the seok) also

“possessed” the seok narrative, which included the story of the seok’s origin and the

complex of the lore, related to the aru tos.127

The bulk of the traditional lore, related to the mythological history of seoks, or

general cosmology and cosmogony, or to household rituals and spirits, was “diffused”

within the community among the neme biler kizhi, “the people of knowledge.” While this

title also applies to the persons with more definite “sacred vocations,”128 the carriers of

the lore did not constitute any specific “sacred guild.” A.Sagalaev links them to the elders

(or, more generally, people of certain age), but S Tioukhteneva insists that in modern

Altai tradition, age of such a person has little relevance to his or her competence.129

Finally, the Epic narrative is the prerogative of kaichi, the bards. Kaichi and the

Epic they perform represent both seok and wider Altai (and even Turkic-Mongolian in

general) lore. As it has been mentioned above, until recently they were presented in

127
It is important to mention that among the manjaktu kam, i.e. those, who had an authrority to address/deal
with Erlik, only few had aru tos as well. In most cases, as seen from the data of Anokhin (Anokhin ), the
division between those shamans who address Erlik and Underworld and those who addressed aru tos, was
well-defined. The former ones were functioning strictly as “troubleshooters” and were not tied to a clan, or
clan lore, while the latter were prime representatives of the clans.
128
See the list above.
129
S.Tioukhteneva, seminar, July 2001.

114
academic work as purely secular “professionals.” However, the research130 of the last ten

to fifteen years has been gradually revealing that their vocation is profoundly spiritually

marked.131 Altai Epic tradition is very rich – according to the review by S.Surazakov, the

more or less full collection of Altai Epic narrative would occupy some 4000 pages.132 Of

course, not every kaichi knows all of it, but the main “all-Altai” Epics such as “Altai-

Buchai,” “Maadai-kara” and others, are known and performed by every kaichi. Since

Epic narrative is at the base of the Ak Jang theology, it is important to discuss it in more

detail.

Unlike the “common” myths and shamanic lore, the former of which is not

concerned with history, and the latter is concerned only with the history of a particular

shamanic lineage, Epic stories deal with history, or mythological quasi-history of Altai

and Altaians. It is important to mention that Epic is rarely related to a particular seok,

addressing the “collective memory” of all of Altaians, and even more – of all Turkic-

Mongolian world.

In the center of every major Epic is a hero (usually male, but, as in the legend

“Ochi-bala” – female), who is born under miraculous circumstances.133 The hero goes on

a journey (a hunt, for example), returning from which he/she sees the destruction of Altai.

The culprit in this destruction is either a foreign invader, or Erlik, who acts either with the

help of his non-human retinue, or, more often, through a shaman who, as the story

130
Both Russian (Funk) and Altai (Surazakov, S.S. Altaiskii Geroicheskii Epos (Altai Heroic Epics).
Moscow: “Nauka,” 1985)
131
Thus, they undergo a “calling,” similar to shaman’s (but much milder and seen positively) and other
“people of knowledge.”
132
Surazakov, Altaiskii, p.6
133
The classic of the study of Siberian and Mongolian folklore, G.Potanin links all Altai and other Central
Asian Epics to the story of Gesar, which served them as a sort of a typological archetype (from his point of
view, the miraculous birth of the hero and other elements point at this): Anosskii Sbornik, pp.218-232.

115
develops, becomes the main adversary of the hero. In the case of a foreign invasion, the

invader134 is likened to, or identified with, a character from Erlik’s Underworld kingdom.

The heroes themselves possess miraculous powers: they can shape-shift, have a

number of miraculous tools135 and animals (a horse, dogs, etc.). The hero can be seen

(and has been seen by scholars136) as a “kind of shaman,” but is different from the

manjaktu kam, who is personified in the Epic by the hero’s adversary, the servant of

Erlik. While in some Epics the hero is related to Ul’gen’, Koko-mongko and other aru tos

of Altai seoks, in the main, most important “all-Altai” epics his, or her patrons,

benefactors, and, occasionally, relatives137 are the gods, unknown to the “shamanic” part

of Altai tradition: they are Uch Kurbustan and Ak Burkhan. The climax of the epic is,

typically, a monumental battle between the hero and invader, or the Erlik’s shaman, or

the Erlik himself. At the end, Altai is restored, and a great ritual-feast is celebrated.

During the feast, an old man in the white coat either descends from the sky, or rides in

from somewhere. He presents himself as Ak Burkhan and blesses the hero, who becomes

his and Uch Kurbustan’s steward of Altai.

In such an epic, it is easy to recognize an actual pattern of the aspirations and

expectations of Altaians at the onset of Ak Jang: massive prayers-celebrations,

persecution of the manjaktu kams (the shamans, who addressed Erlik) and, especially,

the hero himself – the “messiah” cultural hero, not linked or reduced to be the “property”

134
E.g. Kara-gula in Maadai-Kara (Maadai-Kara. Gorno-Altaisk, Ak Chechek, 1995)
135
Which resonates with the neme biler kizhi, whose vocation is often based on possession of a tool (e.g.,
the “weather-stone”)
136
e.g., in Funk, “Epicheskii pevets i shaman…”
137
I have not found a clear statement that would assert the fact that a hero is a child of Uch Kurbustan or
Ak Burkhan. However, many Altai scholars draw this conclusion (Sadalova, T.M. K voprosu ob
arhaichnyh osnovah syuzhetov o Shunu. (On the archaic roots of the Shunu narrative). In:
Problemy Izucheniia Kul’turno-Istoricheskogo Naslediia Altaia. Gorno-Altaisk, 1994, pp. 98)

116
of any particular seok, but the enlightener of the whole of Altai. While the hero-pattern in

Epic is ancient, and most of the epic heroes are “fully legendary” – that is, they do not

have any known historical prototypes, the historical and, at the same time, legendary

messianic personae of Ak Jang – Shunu, Oirot, and Amyrsana, are also present in the

epics as heroes. It is important to mention that the collection of epic material, where the

key personae of Ak Jang are mentioned, first happened long before the emergence of Ak

Jang.138 Therefore, any “contamination” of the epic by later Ak Jang interpolations

cannot be suspected.

Epic and, as was mentioned above, its performer, kaichi, may be seen as the

“connectors” between the core Altai tradition and its newer offshoot, Ak Jang. Now, the

place of Ak Jang within Altai tradition can be discussed.

138
By Verbitsky in 1860s

117
Chapter 5. The Structure of Ak Jang
Introduction

As the materials of Danilin and Anokhin show, most of the deities and practices of Ak

Jang have been readily appropriated by it from the “core” Altai tradition that preceded its

emergence. Essentially, all of the Altai tradition with the exception of the manjaktu kam

and the worship of the representatives of the Lower World has become a part of it.

However, Ak Jang introduced a series of divine figures (heroes, Uch Kurbustan, and

others), which were not explicitly present in the Altai tradition of the 19th century, when

it was first described. Yet, all of these figures have been present in the Epics, from which

they were brought out as the objects of worship in Ak Jang. Also, as will be shown, these

figures are recognized as religious personae among the cultural “siblings” of Altaians:

Mongols, Buryats, and Kalmyks, which attests their traditional, rather than “invented,”

character. This section is dedicated to the analysis of the origin of these “new” figures.

5.1. The pantheon of Ak Jang

While at its very beginning, Ak Jang rejected all the aru tos (“pure ancestors” – the

heavenly seok spirits of Altai tradition), soon (approximately, by the 1910s) they were

“admitted back” into the cycle of ceremonies. As Anokhin states:

Ul’gen’1 among Burkhanists is an old figure that was inherited from shamanism.
However, this divine figure is treated by burkhanists differently: He is not offered
bloody sacrifices, and shamans do not address him in ecstatic sessions. He is
venerated only by sprinkling milk and the dedication of horses of light color. Such
a horse is called kyira-mal and, after the ceremony, at which its mane is braided, it
is released back into a flock… …Ul’gen’s (Bai Ul’gan, Karshit, Baktygan) are
considered among burkhanists as clan deities…2

1
Further in this quote, Anokhin uses the plural, because, according to his data, Ul’gen’ is not the proper
name of aru tos, but a generic name.
2
Anokhin, Manuscript, part 2, p.4-5
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 37

118
 …Having acquired a new religion, burkhanists did not lose the principle of the
clan worship of regional spirits of the mountains and passes. Every clan of
burkhanists has its own venerated taika [the mountain], where this spirit dwells.
In the head of a burkhanist, in agreement there is faith in two Altai spirits: one of
them is universal – Kobo-Altai, and another – personal, Alu Altai. The latter
receives short prayers… …The Spirit of Altai gives to a burkhanist kut3 or sus.4

Ot-ene, the spirit of Fire, was also adapted to the Ak Jang pantheon. Moreover, the

ceremony ot takyr, dedicated to Ot-ene, inherited by Ak Jang from the pre-Ak Jang Altai

tradition, became one of the three main ceremonies of Ak Jang, as mentioned by

Danilin.5

Jajyk, the spirit –mediator between a shaman (or any person) and an aru tos, was

not only adopted by Ak Jang, but acquired in it great importance, now having become the

intermediary between the yarlykchi and Uch Kurbustan during the Ak Jang prayer

meetings. The followers of Ak Jang distinguished two Jajyks: the Ak Jajyk (White Jajyk)

– the mediator between the human and the heavenly Uch Kurbustan (or aru tos), and

Sary-Jajyk (Yellow Jajyk), related to the hearth and the mediator between humans and

the spirits of the Middle World (Altai and others).

All the “old” spirits, appropriated by Ak Jang, were seen by the followers of Ak

Jang as the “fragments” of Uch Kurbustan, and, as such, were now called “burkhans .”6

Thus, all of the aru tos, the spirits of the Middle World, and the old, “universal” gods of

Turks and Mongols, as well as the practices associated with them, were adapted by Ak

Jang without significant alterations in their form and function. In particular, all the

“smaller” spirits of the Middle World – Masters of the places, spirits of the sacred springs

3
Life-soul, progeny and prosperity.
4
Anokhin, Manustript, part 2
For the Russian original, see App. 2, entry 38
5
Danilin, p. 182
6
Anokhin, Manuscript, part 2, pp.9-10.

119
(Arzhans), Masters of the game, and others – the spirits, with which every Altaian had to

deal in his, or her everyday life, were unquestionably adapted, or rather assimilated, by

Ak Jang. The sacred sites, the groves with ribbons or oboo (the stone piles, built to

propitiate a spirit of the crossroad or a mountain pass), continued to be tended by the

followers of Ak Jang without any change.7

The radical departure from the substrate tradition made by Ak Jang, consisted of

two aspects. The first one was the complete rejection of Erlik, the god of death and the

Lord of the Underworld, or of any spirit-force of the Underworld, as the object of any

worship or “communication.”8 Consequently, all the specialists ( manjaktu kam ) as well

as the practices associated with Underworld were banned from Ak Jang.

The second aspect was the introduction of the “new” gods and divine heroes: Uch

Kurbustan, Ak Burkhan, Oirot, Shunu, and Amyrsana. The analysis will begin with the

Ak Jang “messiahs” – Oirot, Shunu and Amyrsana. Danilin emphasizes their central role

in the Ak Jang belief:

In the hero Epic of Altaians, in their folktales, the central figures are miraculous
heroes, gifted with superhuman qualities who, by force, cunning, and wisdom
embody the leaders-liberators. Such are the legends of Amyr-sana, Shunu, or
Oirot-khan… …In the folklore of Altaians who accepted the “white faith” one
could encounter many divinized heroes. For example, in the common prayer,
addressed to all “spirit-knights (heroes),” such names can be encountered: Shunu,
Altyn-Tunter, Geser-khan, Khan-Tolpytte, Bakshi-burkhan, Altyn-kerel, Altyn-
topchy, Ak-Anchilei and others. But especially important among others are three
heroes – Oirot-khan or Kaldan-Oirot, Shunu and Amyr-sana. It is necessary to
mention that they are so thematically close that often they either can be replaced
by one another in a story, or act interchangeably together. 9

7
See Appendix 3, Fig. 4 and 5.
8
Even the “ambivalent” communication, with a purpose of paying ransom for a soul, etc. as manjaktu kam
did.
9
Danilin, p. 59
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 39

120
On the surface, all three heroes are linked to the Dzungarian period (17-century –1756) of

Altaian culture. Among the three heroes, Amyrsana is the most “real,” historical figure:

The historicity of the figure of Amyr-sana is beyond doubt. This Dzungarian

(Oirot) prince, the chieftain of the Hoit tribe in Tarbagatai, started a rebellion
against Manchu-Chinese domination. The rebellion was brutally crushed, and
Amyr-sana escaped to Russia in 1756, where he died in Tobol’sk from the
smallpox…10
…Galdan-Oirot is also a historical figure. This is Galdan-Tseren from the Choros
tribe/clan, who assumed the position of Dzungarian khan in 1677…11

The historical character of last figure of the “triple-hero,” Shunu, is undetermined.

While Danilin attempts to place him in a historical context, he has to admit that it is

impossible.12 While some of the quasi-historic Altai lore places Shunu into 18th century

(he has children with the Russian Empress, Ekaterina the 2nd),13 most of the folklore,

related to Shunu, presents him as a typical culture hero, who is acting using his

miraculous powers against equally miraculous adversaries.

The “tri-une” image of Shunu-Oirot-Amyrsana is extremely rich with symbolic

weight in Altai culture and, more narrowly, in Ak Jang. While Amyrsana and Oirot create

a historical context for the Ak Jang eschatological aspirations (the Dzungarian – Oirot

kingdom), the figure of Shunu, as it seems, places it into a mythological matrix, linking

Ak Jang with the religious-epic lore and thought of Altai and generally, Turkic-

Mongolian cultural realm.14

The role and functions of the Shunu-Oirot-Amyrsana in Ak Jang.

10
Danilin, p. 75-76
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 40
11
During his reign, Dzungaria grew in size and power like never before or after. In this period, Altai and
Altaians became “oirots” – the part of the Dzungarian Alliance.
12
Danilin, p. 75-80
13
A number of fragments of legends about Shunu is presented in Danilin, 70-78.
14
Danilin (pp.60-63) presents evidence of the popularity (in 19th century, i.e. before Ak Jang) of the
“triple-hero” among Kalmyks, Tuvans, Uriankhais (Chinese Turks), and Mongolians.

121
Shunu-Oirot-Amyrsana – Genghis – Gesar: A culture hero-messiah-king.

The study of “hero-logy,” inside or outside the context of Ak Jang, has been growing in

popularity among Altai scholars in the last 10-15 years. Several papers have analyzed the

role, function and cultural links of Oirot-Shunu-Amyrsana. The first, most obvious

function of the “tri-une” hero is the eschatological-messianic one:

Apart from the religious understanding of messianism when god in a human form
descends upon the lowly world, more popular is the idea of the divine
predestination of a selected person for the supreme power. The messianic idea of
Turk-Mongolian people exists in this latter form, which has had a colossal
influence on ideological, political, and ethno-psychological formation of the
nomadic social mind.15

T.M.Sadalova traces the formation of the messianic mind of the Turk-Mongolian

cultures to the ancient Turkic Kaganates (7th-8th centuries C.E.) and to the name-title

Ashina (wolf), who is a legendary first Turkic kagan, born from a she-wolf. She connects

the name Ashina (known to all Turks and Mongols) with a name Shunu – the Ak Jang

hero-messiah. Also, such figures as Genghis khan and Geser are, from the point of view

of Altai scholars, clearly visible in the epics, dedicated to Amyrsana-Oirot-Shunu. There

are several important markers that show these connections.

The linking of the Amyrsana-Oirot-Shunu to Genghis (not so much as a historical

figure, but more as a cultural prototype) is explicit in the folklore and epic, dedicated to

Shunu.16 On the other hand, “Oirot” has been regarded by both Altaians and other former

15
Sadalova, T.M. “Tradistsiia messianstva u tsentral’no-aziatskih narodov.” (The tradition
of Messianism among the peoples of Central Asia). In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia: Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia
preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk: 1999, p.47
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 41
16
Sadalova, T.M. “K voprosu ob arhaichnyh osnovah syuzhetov o Shunu.” (On the archaic roots of the
Shunu narrative). In: Problemy Izucheniia Kul’turno-Istoricheskogo Naslediia Altaia. Gorno-Altaisk, 1994,
p. 98, and Tolbina, M.A. “O nekotoryh osobennostiakh obraza Shunu v altaiskom pesennom
folklore.” (Some features of the image of Shunu in Altai folklore songs) In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia:
Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk: 1999, pp.71-74

122
members of Oirat (Dzungarian) alliance as the legitimate, “archetypal” heir to Genghis,

and, as such, the manifestation of an “ideal khan.”A number of epic tales show similarity,

close to identity, of the stories of the Altai hero(es), legends of Genghis, and, finally,

Mongolian and Buryat version of the Geser Epic.17

T.M.Sadalova sums up the question of the “messianic kinship”:

The genealogies of the Turk-Mongolian “first tribes” were fused in an integral

whole into the genealogies of the “later tribes” through the genealogy of Genghis
khan… … From our point of view, Genghisism is not a new, but a transformed
religion, which undergoes change as the new period presents new conditions; this
religious-ideological system is known from ancient times among the Turks… …
The cult of the leader among Central Asian people is peculiar in two ways. First
of all, among the nomads, the figure of a khan – is an earthly, albeit supernormal,
human. Secondly, among Turks and Mongols, the key significance was given to
the faith in reincarnation of the royal ancestor in a new, concrete personality…
…It is likely that the great upheavals of the Eurasian steppes always, or almost
always were accompanied by the phenomena, similar to the mergence of
Genghisism… As strange as it is, Genghisism, as a historical phenomenon,
continues to manifest itself.”18

However, the most important marker of the genetic relationship of the Ak Jang

and other epic heroes of Altai, which pertains specifically to the spiritual-religious

sphere, is the “heavenly kinship,” which is common for Oirot-Shunu-Amyrsana and their

earlier and more universal prototypes, Genghis Khan and Geser. All of the mentioned

figures (among the tri-une Altai hero, most explicitly, Shunu) are the direct relatives of

Uch Kurbustan – the supreme deity of a number of Turk-Mongolian cultures:

The third cycle of the songs about Shunu constitute the songs, in which a realistic,
earthly picture is interwoven with a profoundly idealistic one, where he is called a
son, or a nephew of Kurbustan – the supreme deity.19

17
Anosskii Sbornik, pp. 218-228 and further, especially p. 260 (link between Geser, Genghis, and Oirot-
Choros, the Kalmyk name of “Oirot-khan”).
18
Sadalova, “Traditsiia messianstva…” pp.49-51
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 42
19
M.A.Tolbina, p.73
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 43

123
 And:

Khormusta-tengri is seen as the father (or creator) of Genghis khan. Khormusta is

the heavenly father of Geser… …According to the Buryat version of the Geser
Epic, Khormusta has three sons20 who either belong to the book version of the
Geseriad, or borrowed from the historical lore and belong to Genghis khan and his
brothers… … In Buryat Geser Epic, Khormusta send to Earth his son (in his
earthly incarnation – Abai Geser Bogdo), who fights against evil forces that
appeared from the body of the fallen [demon] Ata Ulan.21

In Ak Jang, the “tri-une” hero, especially its Shunu persona, quickly becomes divinized,

and is treated in songs as a “royal deity”:

Sincere, honest kaan Shunutu

Has a palace in heaven.
It is surrounded by the white rainbow,
Washed by the white hail.22

Thus, in Ak Jang, the main function of the “tri-une” hero, Oirot-Shunu-Amyrsana,

is the one of the expected (and/or remembered) divine culture-hero. Does this mean that

he/they is/are purely eschatological figures, not “participating” in the present?

A brief but extremely informative comment by Anokhin, worthy of being

presented in its entirety, answers this question:

Hero Gods
To this category of the divine figures belong: a) Mythological king Oirot-kaan,
and also the historical figures of Dzungarian kingdom b)Amyr-sana, c) Tamir-
sana,23 d)Shunu, and e) Galdan-Charu.24
In religious mind, these figures have received the status of divinities after the
emergence of burkhanism, in the last few years. They are acknowledged to be
possessing the supernatural might, using which they repel the evil spirits. Their
role among other spirits of burkhanism is unimportant. When burkhanists perform
the ritual of exorcism of the evil spirits, called “soilodu,” the representative of the
cult, yarlykchi, calls them to assist along with other gods. Addressing the hero-

20
Here, in the image of three sons, is another link to the Altai “tri-une” hero.
21
Neklyudov, Zhukovskaya. Khormusta…, р. 596
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 44
22
Tolbina, p.73
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 45
23
Not mentioned in any other source.
24
Probably, a “split-off” of Galdan-Oirot.

124
 gods, yarlykchi asks them to take a bow and arrows, put on a helmet and armor
and go to the battle with the exorcised evil force.
Burkhanists think that the mentioned strongmen-gods and their acts have a
decisive importance at the exorcism of the evil spirits.25

This statement has extremely important implications. Let us consider the structure of

religious and cultural identity of Altaians prior to the emergence of Ak Jang. Altaians had

two “lineages” of spirit-ancestors: the aru tos, the heavenly seok patrons, and the

shamanic ancestors, which, strictly speaking, did not take part in the “identity pool”

within Altai tradition, being monopolized by the shamans’ (manjaktu kam) authority and

being ambiguous due to their relation to Erlik.

The only active “universal” spirit-figure of Altai, not depending on one’s seok

affiliation, was Erlik and the Underworld – essentially, a universal, but negative force. In

plain language, Altaians were “positively separated” (by the aru tos), while negatively

united (by the “common trouble,” represented by Erlik, the Underworld, and the

shamanic ancestors). The “hero-gods” of Ak Jang, therefore, created a universal and

positive religious identity for all Altaians (followers of Ak Jang). The creation of the

collective ancestor in religiously manifested (in Ak Jang figures of worship) epic has

been completed, as Anokhin’s remark testifies, by the expansion of the function of the

epic hero-god personae to the previously monopolized by the manjaktu kam “spirit

competence,” empowering Altaians to become, in a sense, as competent (ideally) as

manjaktu kam without the ambiguity of catering either to a kam, or to a much feared

plethora of the Underworld forces. Such a change was extremely significant – it almost

entirely restructured religious-existential priorities of Altai tradition, bringing it back, as

25
Manuscript, part 3, p.43.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 46

125
argued, to the pattern of the historical tradition of Turks and Mongols as well as initiating

the social re-structuring, or regeneration.

Uch Kurbustan

Uch Kurbustan is a supreme god of Ak Jang. In addition to being on top of the hierarchy

of the divine and other spirit-beings of Ak Jang, he26 serves as a “unifying” element in

religion and in universe: all the burkhans are his “parts.” This aspect makes him very

similar to Tengri – the “Blue Sky” god of both ancient and modern Turk-Mongolian

culture:

Khormusta, Khormusta-tengri, Khurmast (buryat.), Uch Kurbustan (alt.) in

mythology of Mongolian peoples is a supreme heavenly deity. The name is traced
to the Sogdian Khurmazta… …In medieval period, Khormusta obviously was
quickly contaminated with the central uranic deity of the state Shamanistic cult –
the Eternal Sky, Tengri, down to the complete identification with the latter
(Khormusta-tengri sometimes is seen as “sky”).27

Uch Kurbustan is a shapeless deity, and the functions of it are unclear. While in

some parts of the Turk-Mongolian world it is seen as a single deity, the Altai title, Uch

Kurbustan, indicates its triple character. The attempts to interpret the “trinity” of Uch

Kurbustan in scholarship range from presenting the “trinity” as a linguistic mistake, made

by Altaians as the deity “migrated” from Dzungaria (or Mongolia, or Sogdiana) to Altai,

which later was reified into actual three figures,28 to the Christian (Nestorian)

influences.29 Still, there is no answer to this question. However, it seems that the trinity of

26
Uch Kurbustan is a “tri-une” deity, sometimes referred to as three (male) persons, while other times – as
one. Below, Uch Kurbustan will be called “he.”
27
Neklyudov, S.Yu., Zhukovskaya, N.L. Khormusta. In: Mify Narodov Mira. Moscow: Rossiykaia
Entsiklopediia, 2nd Edition, 1994
Vol.2, pp.595-596
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 47
28
Ibid. p.596
29
reference to Shvetsov in Sagalaev, Mifologiia… p. 52

126
Khormusta-Kurbustan is not an accident, because in the cultures where Khormusta is a

definitely single deity, he is the father of three sons.30

The origin of the term, Kurbustan, is Ahura Mazda, an Iranian (shapeless) deity,

which somehow – via Sogdian Buddhists, or not – penetrated into the rest of Central

Asia, from Manchuria to Kazakhstan to Tibet31 - in most cases, remaining important, or

even supreme, but consistently inactive. In a few narratives, Khormusta (or three

Kurbustan) act as culture heroes.32 Otherwise, he/they do not communicate with humans

directly. In Ak Jang, Uch Kurbustan is seen as a Creator (Jajachy – “Source”), or rather,

emanator33 of everything, including other deities and spirits:

All spirits depend on Uch Kurbustan and, as Altaians put it, “separate” or “carve
away” from it.34
Uch Kurbustan is the god that gives the followers of Ak Jang kut and sus.35

Ceremonially, Uch Kurbustan is regarded very highly. During the group prayers, he is the

recipient of the “central sacrifice” – the sprinkling of the mare’s milk. Uch Kurbustan

communicates with the humans (and the rest of the Middle World) through his

messengers: hero-gods, jajyk, and, most importantly, Ak Burkhan.

Ak Burkhan

Ak Burkhan is another enigmatic divine figure of Ak Jang. His image is well known from

the Epics and the first records of Ak Jang: He is an old man, with snow-white hair,

dressed in a white coat and white headgear who rides a white stallion.

30
heroes, discussed above.
31
Ibid., pp. 51-56
32
In Altai folklore, one folktale (not an Epic) about Uch Kurbustan – three brothers who fight demons, etc.,
was collected by Potanin (Anosskii Sbornik, p.243)
33
Which, again, connects him/them to the image of Tengri in Central Asian cultures.
34
Anokhin, Manuscript, part 2., p. 21
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 48
35
Life force – progeny, herds, and wealth. Earlier, aru tos and Umai were mentioned as the givers of kut.
Apparently, there is either no clear data on who, actually, gives them, or multiple deities are addressed.

127
 However, strangely, none of the main researchers of Ak Jang – Danilin and

Anokhin, mentions Ak Burkhan in the list of the deities addressed by the followers of Ak

Jang. Danilin limits the White Rider’s role to that of the “announcer of the messiah,”36

and Anokhin simply does not mention him, noting that “burkhan” is simply a generic

name for the deities of Ak Jang. At the same time, Ak Burkhan apparently plays an

important role in Ak Jang. Many algysh (blessings) mention him, and he is a figure that

“shows up” in visions and dreams of Ak Jang followers.37 While Danilin does not

mention Ak Burkhan as a person, he presents Ak Jang prayers, mentioning him:

We will ride a brown-gray horse

If White Burkhan blesses us –
- we will reach the white flower!38
And,
Bless, White Burkhan,
Six-branched white juniper
That gives the white blessing!
Seven-branched white juniper,
The blue blessing giving,
White Burkhan gives help!39

In Anokhin, there is another reference to Ak Burkhan:

My Altai with white flowers,

My Burkhan with Sun and Moon,
I meet with white milk.
Evil spirit will not separate me from my Sun,
My white destiny
Is made by White Burkhan.40

36
Danilin, 153.
37
Modern vernacular folklore of Altai is very rich with the allusions to Ak Burkhan – seminar with
N.Ekeev, S.Tioukhteneva and V.Oinoshev, August 2001. Also: See Tioukhteneva, S. “Ob evolyutsii kul’ta
gor u altaitsev” (On evolution of the cult of mountains among Altaians) In: Shamanizm i rannie
religioznye predstavleniia (Shamanizm and the early religious views), Vol.1, Moscow: 1995, p.175
38
Danilin, 184
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 49
39
Danilin, 193. Blessing a woman in labor.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 50
40
Anokhin, Manuscript, part 2, p.5.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 51

128
However, the Ak Burkhan is not mentioned at the collective prayers – in any case, neither

published sources nor the Altai scholars inform of addressing him.

Is Ak Burkhan a heavenly deity? A Middle World deity? What is his origin – and

why is he, being so prominent, as it seems, in the collective mind of Ak Jang followers

and in the Epic, not prayed to? A.M.Sagalaev provides an opinion which, from my point

of view, is likely correct:

The position of yarlykchi was usually given by election. Thus, another step
towards the formation of the professional priestly group was being made. The
dress of yarlykchi emphasized the differentiation of the “white faith” from the
“black” shamanism. Yarlykchi put on the “milk-white” coat – a robe made of
white cloth with a large collar. Along the back and the sleeves descended white
and yellow ribbons… …Yarlykchi always wore a braid as a sign of adherence to
the old customs… …In the songs of burkhanists, such detail as the ribbons on the
hat of yarlykchi, is stressed. There are compared with the braids of the deity:
You, who are beyond the white clouds
Beyond the blue skies,
Three Kurbustans!
You, who wears four braids,
White Burkhan!
Thus, the whiteness of the yarlykchi’s dress and the ribbons on his hat make him
identical with the white deity. Moreover, to the prayer meetings yarlykchi
arrived on a white horse, manifesting to the assembly as the White Rider…41

Ak Burkhan is addressed by the yarlykchi not as an external deity. The peculiarity

of the figure of Ak Burkhan is that at the prayer meetings, he exists, embodied, rather

than addressed, by the yarlykchi. While such a view on worship is not quite common for

the Western culture, the aboriginal cultures of Siberia (and others) often apply the mode

of identification with a spirit-deity in question. A.M.Sagalaev sees Ak Burkhan as a

rather abstract, albeit embodied by yarlykchi, image-concept of the “higher power.”42

41
Sagalaev, Altai v Zerkale Mifa, p. 158
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 52
42
Ibid., p. 164

129
 While I agree with his opinion on “embodiment,” I think that there is a concrete

prototype for the figure of Ak Burkhan. In the Turkic-Mongolian world, from ancient

times up to the present day, there has been a very important, probably the most popular

spirit figure – the White Old Man (Mong. Tsagan Ebugen).43 Tsagan Ebugen is admitted

in Mongolian Buddhist Canon due to his importance as the Spirit of the Land. All of the

former “Oirots” – Kalmyks, Western Mongols, Buryats, and others, venerate Tsagan

Ebugen either in Buddhist or aboriginal traditional context. While there is no space to

analyze his image in detail, it is important to note its following features:

Tsagan Ebugen is an Old Man, dressed in white, riding either a white doe, or a
white horse;
He is a connecting link between the Heavenly deities and the Middle World;
He is a manifestation-embodiment of the Middle world and, as such is a Master of
Earth, the patron of happiness, long life, and family.44

While there is no direct evidence that Tsagan Ebugen and Ak Burkhan are the same

figure, some features of Ak Burkhan corroborate his relation to Tsagan Ebugen. First of

all, a number of prayers of Ak Jang either connect, or even equate Ak Burkhan with the

spirit of Altai (Altai eezi):

You, the spirit of Altai, White Burkhan!

You, who place your people in gold and silver,
White Altai!
Cold water of Altai –
Burkhan is like rainbow,
Warm arzhans of Altai –
Burkhan is like white flame!
Oh, my Altai – with cold water!
Oh, my Burkhan – with the rainbow!
Oh, my Altai – with arzhans!

43
For the detailed description of the role of Tsagan Ebugen among Mongols, see Heissig, pp.76-81
44
Bicheev, B.A. “Sutra “Belogo Startsa” (K probleme adaptatsii kul’tovogo personazha
“Chernoi Very”)” (The Sutra of White Old Man (On the problem of adaptation of the cult character of
“Black Faith”)). In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia: Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk:
1999, pp. 268-274
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 53

130
 Oh, my Burkhan – with the white flame!45

Anokhin shows a close interrelatedness between Ak Burkhan, the Spirit of Altai

and Jajyk.46 In his view, Jajyk is the “sibling” spirit with Ak Burkhan (the latter merges

with the Spirit of Altai). In a manner of speaking, Jajyk is the messenger “upwards” –

from the worshippers, or yarlykchi, to Uch Kurbustan and/or aru tos, while Ak Burkhan

and/or the Spirit of Altai are the “recipients” of the will of heavenly spirits and, as such,

the Middle World mediators between them and the humans. This assumption explains

the peculiarity of yarlykchi’s identification with Ak Burkhan instead of addressing him.

D.S. Dugarov, in his work Historical Roots of White Shamanism, 47 draws

parallels from many Turkic-Mongolian cultures (Buryat, Sakha, Altai and others).

According to his evaluation, the White Deity48 is one of the fundamental “divine

archetypes” of the Central Asia, “theologically located” in the Middle World, but

genetically related (either as an “offspring,” or a messenger) to the Upper World, being

its messenger and a steward.

5.2. The Origin of the Ak Jang ritual

In his list of the prayer cycle of Burkhanists, Danilin49 mentions three distinct rituals that

have more or less group character:50

The most universal prayer meeting happens in the Fall: it is dedicated to the
Spirit-Master of the World (Ak Altaidyn eezi51), or to Uch Kurbustan. It is called
shuten. It is connected with a request of prosperity and good life…

45
Sagalaev, Altai v Zerka1e…, p.163
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 54
46
Anokhin, Manuscript, part 3, pp. 12-13.
47
Istoricheskie Korni Belogo Shamanstva, pp. 19-141, 257-270
48
Usually – a White Old Man, but can also be a woman. Here an interesting parallel with a very obscure
Altai deity, Ak-ene (White Mother) who was a co-creator (together with Kurbustan) of the world, can be
seen (Verbitsky, 111).
49
Danilin, p. 182.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 55
50
That is, they are not private, household rituals.

131
 The second in importance is Chok (Jajyk choktor) – the prayer to jajyks, which
belong to particular households…
Third in its importance is Taky (Ot takyr) – the prayer to the Spirit of Fire (Ot
ene).
In addition to these rituals, which are always conducted in the Fall, there are
common and simple rituals, which can be performed at any time: Urus –
sprinkling of milk with a prayer, kyira – the prayer when the ribbons are tied52
and, finally, the archyn prayer, related to the burning of juniper.

All of the key Ak Jang rituals, whether private or community ones, as well as the deities

and spirits that have been addressed, have been explicitly inherited from the pre-Ak Jang

Altai tradition – except one, the shuten (also called murgul) ceremony, the first one on

Danilin’s list and the central ceremony of Ak Jang.53

Does this ritual have a prototype – and if it does, what is it? If the descriptions of

Heaven Worship, presented by Potapov and shuten are compared, their near-identity

becomes evident – both with respect to their structure and content. The cross-cultural

study of the central ritual of “white Shamanism” and/or Heaven Worship, done by

Dugarov, also clearly shows its unity with the shuten, on one hand, and its sharp

distinction from the manjaktu kam session, on the other. In addition to the similarities of

the rituals themselves, it is clear that the ritual “shape” of their respective performers is

the same (and, as Danilin states, was borrowed by Ak Jang yarlykchi from the ak kam,

the white shamans):

Kams, whose ancestors did not have a cult dress, “manjak,” also could not wear
it; addressing the good deities, they put on a white coat, with white and red
ribbons at the back and the feathers on the shoulders…54

51
In this figure – “The White Master of Altai,” the phenomenon of merging of Ak Burkhan and Altai eezi,
is evident.
52
On the trees in holy places. Also, this type of prayer/ritual is a dedication to oboo. (see Appendix 3, Fig.
4 and 5)
53
See the description of the ceremony in Appendix 1.
For the pictures of the kure, Ak Jang altars for the shuten ceremony, see Appendix 3, Fig. 2, 3 and 6.
54
Danilin, p. 175.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 56
For the picture of the yarlykchi’s dress, see Appendix 3, fig.1.

132
 Compare to the dress of yarlykchi:
The robe was made out of white cloth, with the left side trimmed with yellow
ribbon. The hat was similar to the headgear of kams: made from the white cloth
and elongated, descending almost to the middle of the back, it is trimmed with a
yellow ribbons instead of shells as kams had. To its top two ribbons, descending
almost to the ground, are attached…55

The Worship of Heaven is not the only possible prototype for shuten. The description of

the ak kam’s dress above is taken not from the material on it – it comes from materials,

describing the propitiation of the aru tos, the “pure ancestors” – a seok ceremony.

Unfortunately, all of the published materials on Altai tradition tend to mix the two

rituals, the Tengri and the aru tos ceremonies, and use their descriptions interchangeably

without any comments. Even the earliest student of Altai tradition, Verbitsky, who gives

a very short description of two elements of this ceremony (or ceremonies?), considers it

(or them) to be the same:

Men and women, having washed their hands and faces, before beginning
any business, mothers, before breast-feeding their children, stood facing East;
men, kneeling and keeping their hands behind the back, bowed and pronounced
“Puodomine burkhanym!” and women, kneeling on the left knee and holding the
right braid with right hand, bowed, saying “Teedimine Kutaim!”
Before the ceremony, they put juniper in the fire or in a copper incense- burner,
put on a four-legged post three feet high… … The ritual was done only by the
elders, and not in every yurt; nowadays, it is performed only among the southern
Altaians and only once a year, at the gathering of a whole community, after the
first spring thunderstorm, at some high mountain – they gather, sprinkle milk in
all directions, and bow… 56

And:

The sacrifices to Ul’gen’ are rare, because he is good anyway. However, every
man, before marriage, has to make a sacrifice (iik) – a horse of fair color. The
sacrificial horse enjoys everybody’s respect: a ribbon is tied to its mane, and the
women cannot ride it. The time of the sacrifice is the spring, when moonshine is
made. The place of the sacrifice is the birch grove. Only men can participate in

55
Danilin, p. 176.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 57
56
Verbitsky, 112
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 58

133
 this celebration. A Shaman also has to be male. The sacrificial horse can be
consumed by everyone, provided that women do not come to the place of sacrifice
closer than 50 yards…57

Here, in the second description there is a clear reference to Ul’gen’, the aru tos,

while in the first one, there is mentioning only of “kudai” and “burkhan” – the “god.”

Whether reference in this case is made to aru tos, or to Tengri, is unclear.

There may be two explanations for this confusion and mixing of the ceremonies

in the scholarly literature. The first one is the sloppiness of the research, when the

students focused mainly on the activities of manjaktu kam and dealt with other religious

phenomena in a very superficial manner. The quote from the work of Altai scholar

Muitueva, referring to the gods, “underrepresented” in academic literature, points at this

possibility:

Mythological pantheon of the deities and the view of the universe were different
from the shamanic lore and its pantheon of spirits. The main figures [in the
former] were the deities, who were acknowledged as universal by the general
population. These were Uch Kurbustan, Kudai, Erlik and Teneri.58

Another possibility (which does not exclude the first one) is that the ceremony, addressed

to aru tos, and the ceremony of the Tengri worship are, in fact, the same ceremony, or

rather, its variations: at a seok level, only aru tos were addressed, but at a larger level,

both the aru tos and Tengri were the aim of the worship. This view agrees with the cross-

cultural material, presented by Dugarov, and also – with the view of contemporary Altai

scholars.59 If this is true, it means that the aru tos ceremony is the “missing link” between

the “low” (shamanic) views and practices, and “high,” or “imperial” religion of Tengri,
57
Ibid., p. 62
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 59
58
Muitueva, V.A. “O Kosmogonicheskih predstavleniiah Altaitsev.” (On Altaian views on
Cosmogony). In: Problemy Izucheniia Kul’turno-Istoricheskogo Naslediia Altaia. Gorno-Altaisk, 1994, pp.
90-91
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 60
59
N.Ekeev and S Tioukhteneva, Seminar, August 2001, Gorno-Altaisk

134
discussed by Roux. Indeed, the seok level and its specific form of religious practice,

provides a link between the “sub-seok” level of manjaktu kam and the “super-seok,” or

even supra-ethnic level, of the Tengri cult, following, or reflecting the fundamental three-

level social organization among Turks and Mongols, discussed above. The possibility of

complementary character of the aru tos and Tengri worship also creates a logical view of

the “heavenly hierarchy,” reflecting the earthly, social one: thus, the aru tos, the heavenly

seok deities and ancestors, are seen not as independent and isolated from the supreme

heavenly deity, the Tengri, but as subordinated to him and united by him – just as the

spirits of the Middle world are united in, or by Jer-su or Altai eezi, or its Ak Jang

representation, Ak Burkhan, and the kara tos, the spirits of the Lower World, by Erlik.

Again, the theology and cosmology of Altaians’ siblings – Sakha and Buryats, analyzed

by Dugarov, clearly and explicitly follows this pattern, which suggests its applicability to

Altai tradition as well. In any case, the Ak Jang central ceremony, shuten, accommodated

both ceremonies, as evident from the character of deities addressed during shuten, the

outfit and ritual behavior of the yarlykchi, and its general structure.

In addition, there are other commonalities between the pre-Ak Jang tradition and

Ak Jang, which reflect the transmission of the ritual and its performers from the pre-Ak

Jang tradition to Ak Jang. Danilin briefly mentions the origin of yarlykchi, the Ak Jang

priests.60 Prior to becoming yarlykchi, most of them were either shamans (not the

manjaktu) or pashtyks – the elders.61 Also, Danilin presents an interesting case of a

shaman-turning-yarlykchi (a female yarlykchi) due to the seizures she experienced at the

60
In the manuscript of his book, a whole chapter was dedicated to this. Unfortunately, it is not available.
61
Danilin, p. 113-125.

135
Ak Jang rituals – here, the connection between the seizures of a shaman attempting to

attend the Tengri worship, and the Ak Jang shuten, is clear.62

5.3. The conclusions

Bringing together the description of Altai tradition and Ak Jang, it is possible to see that

none of its significant elements is borrowed from Buddhism or Christianity. Thus, it is

not syncretistic. On the other hand, it is evident that Ak Jang appropriated all of the

offices, ritual functions, and sacred personae of the core Altai tradition, with the

exception of manjaktu kam and the Lower World worship complex. The place and

function of the “guardian spirits” (kara tos) of manjaktu kam was taken over by the

“Hero Gods,” and the functions of manjaktu kam, altered to a degree, were distributed

among the neme biler kizhi – the “minor” sacred offices, and the yarlykchi who

performed exorcisms.

The ritual complex and the ritual specialists of Ak Jang, yarlykchi, have been

either entirely appropriated from the pre-Ak Jang Altai tradition without any changes,

e.g. the household rituals and the Ot-ene ceremonies, or based on the pre-Ak Jang

ceremonial complexes, such as Tengri worship and aru tos (seok) ceremonies, which

were slightly altered.

The deities introduced by Ak Jang were not new. The presence of all of them in

an implicit form, namely in the Epics, has been documented in the 19th century.63 Also,

the specifically Ak Jang sacred personae have existed in cultures closely related to the

Altaian in more explicit form, being addressed in the specific ceremonial context.64

62
Danilin, p.170
63
in Verbitsky: Oirot-khan p. 117, Shunu, Amyrsana, p. 120, Ak Khan (Ak Burkhan), Uch Kurbustan
(“Kubustan”), p.111, etc.
64
Heissig, pp.53 and 76-90

136
 Summing up the description of Altai tradition and Ak Jang, as a part of it, it is

possible make the following conclusions:

Ak Jang is an indigenous, rather than imported or syncretistic, tradition. All of its

significant elements – from deities to ritual specialists to the ceremonies, have their

prototypes in the pre-Ak Jang Altai tradition, rather than being “new” or foreign. In

addition, Ak Jang incorporated all of the Altai deities and practices related to them, with

the exception of the manjaktu kam and the gods and spirits of the Lower World. Actually,

even the latter have been recognized in Ak Jang, but not as objects of worship.

The pattern of Ak Jang as a part of Altai tradition shows close resemblance to the

traditional religious and social hierarchy of Turkic-Mongolian culture. The ceremonies,

gods, and narrative, “resurrected” in and by Ak Jang, existed as latencies in the pre-Ak

Jang period and, as latencies, reflected and corresponded to the latent social structures,

which re-emerged (at least, partially) with the emergence of Ak Jang.

Tengri and Uch Kurbustan: an obscure area

There is one obvious problem remaining in the interpretation of Ak Jang as an

integral part of Altai tradition. So far, the worship complex of Uch Kurbustan and other,

specifically Ak Jang sacred personae, has been shown to be linked to the Tengri

ceremonial of the pre-Ak Jang Altai tradition. The question is: If the emergence of Ak

Jang has been the “resurrection” of the complete three-level religious complex of the pre-

Modern Turks and Mongols, why then did Altaians replace Tengri with Uch Kurbustan?

This question is very difficult to answer. Uch Kurbustan and other Ak Jang deities

have not been mentioned by either Roux or Klyahstorny as a part of Turkic-Mongolian

tradition. However, it appears that in the late medieval period, the “Uch Kurbustan

137
complex” was introduced to Turks and Mongols65 and soon began to merge with the

“Tengri complex,” or the “imperial religion.” According to W.Heissig, the

“hybridization” of the image of the Supreme Heavenly Deity of Mongols, Tengri, with

the Khormusta (analogous to Uch Kurbustan) has begun in Mongolia as early as in times

of Genghis Khan,66 and the two deities, Khormusta and Tengri, either became

“interchangeable,” or merged into one, Qormusta Tngri.67 The religious narrative,

dedicated to the heroes’ and kagans’ genetic relations with Khormusta68 appears to have

been appropriated from the similar narrative regarding Tengri and his relations to the

kagans. In Altai, such an explicit hybridization between Uch Kurbustan and Tengri has

not been documented.69 Nonetheless, it is likely that the creation of the Ak Jang

ceremonial from the Tengri ceremony as its prototype is an evidence of such a

hybridization of the two deities and complexes in Altai tradition even prior to the

emergence of Ak Jang. However, it cannot be stated as a fact.

In the following chapter, the trends in the post-Soviet re-emergence of Ak Jang

will be considered.

65
Nobody can point exactly at its origin. Heissig speculates about it Manichean roots, while Sagalaev
points at its Indian origin via Sogdiana. In any case, by the 13th century Khormusta was widely recognized
as a deity in Inner Asia (Heissig, p.5).
66
Heissig, pp. 5, 53-65
67
Heissig, 53. Also, Neklyudov, S.Yu., Zhukovskaya, N.L. Khormusta. In: Mify Narodov Mira Moscow:
Rossiykaia Entsiklopediia, 2nd Edition, 1994 Vol.2, pp.595-596
68
e.g., Geser (Hessig, 93) or Genghis Khan (Heissig, 65) being his sons.
69
However, it is important to notice that in the 19th century, when the study of Altai tradition began, many
other important elements of Altai tradition have not been noticed.

138
Chapter 6. Ak Jang in post-Soviet period.

The persecution of all forms of religious practice by the Communists, which began in

1930 and continued, in various degrees of severity, until the1980s, was thorough. With

regard to the aboriginal traditions, the Communist Party directives aimed at the

“elimination of the religious superstitions without a trace.” This task was considered as

accomplished in the late 1930s.1 As a result, the anthropologists and ethnographers who

worked in the field in and after the 1930s, could not admit any information on the current

religious practices among the aboriginal peoples of the USSR. When they published

works, dedicated to the analysis of these practices, they carefully referenced them by the

materials, coming from the early researchers – those of the pre-Soviet period, and the

early Soviet ones. Thus, there is practically no academic information on the religious

practices among the aboriginal peoples of Siberia, including Altai, coming from the

period between the 1930s and the late 1980s. Those few researchers who encountered

presence of the religious practices among the Altaians, were not mentioning them in their

publications to avoid the risk of persecution.2 While some information on the religious

practices of Altaians during the Soviet period has begun to be presented in recent

publications, it is still very limited.3 However, it is clear that the Altaians, just like other

1
See, for example, Potapov, Altaiskii Shamanizm, p.12
2
The most distinguished and respected scholar of Altai whose views are “alternative” to Potapov’s,
V.P.Diakonova and who did the field research among Altaians for more than 10 years, never published any
material regarding the religious practices of the Altaians during the Soviet period. In personal conversation
with the author, she explained in detail the risk involved in mentioning of the contemporary practices and
beliefs (even their existence). However, she and other researchers, such as A.Sagalaev, began presenting
their field data from the Soviet period in their new, post-Soviet, publications.
3
E.g., Chanchibaeva, L. “O sovremennyh religioznyh perezhitkah u Altaitsev.” (On the contemporary
rudiments of religion among Altaians). In.: Etnografiia Narodov Altaia i Zapadnoi Sibiri. Novosibirsk:
“Nauka,” 1978, pp.90-103

139
Native peoples of Siberia and other regions of USSR, practiced some form of religion

during the sixty years of persecution – but very discreetly.

When the author of this thesis lived in Altai in 1988-89, he observed a number of

rituals, performed at a household level (e.g., feeding the fire and smudging with juniper),

or at weddings and other local community events. This meant that Altai tradition, despite

the persecution, was still alive. However, all of the rituals I have seen did not bear any

characteristic features of being, or not being, parts of Ak Jang. As both shamans and

yarlykchi were seemingly entirely eliminated by the Communists in 1930s – 1950s, the

rituals that are focal for both Ak Jang and shamanic practices, were most likely not

performed: there were neither shamanic taiylga nor kure, or murgul4 of Ak Jang

anywhere in Altai. While the absence of the permanent ritual constructions in Altai in

1980s was, probably, due to the prudence of Altaians – then, religion was still persecuted,

and nobody knew what tomorrow would bring, it is impossible to say, whether any

distinct Ak Jang practices were taking place in the1980s.

However, beginning in the mid-late 1980s, especially after 1988, the situation

began to change very quickly. Communist ideology began to fade and soon disappeared

altogether, leaving the people with freedom of expression, including the freedom of

religious affiliations and practices, but also – creating an ideological vacuum. In many

parts of Russia, various ethnic groups were now facing the exciting, but also challenging

task of reconstructing and redefining their cultures, political identities, and among other

things, their religious identity. Altai was not an exception from this tendency. Altaians

4
tayilga is a permanent location of shamanic ceremonies and sacrifice. Murgul, or kuree is an Ak Jang
“altar,” also – a permanent construction. According to the information of N.Ekeev, V.Oinoshev and
S.Tioukhteneva (members of staff of the Institute of Altaic Studies in Gorno-Altaisk), the first tayilga(s)
were built in the late 1980s, and the first kure (see Appendix 3, fig. 3 and 6) – in the 1990s.

140
both wanted and needed to formulate, or to resurrect, their religious identity, and this

creation of a religious identity vigorously began in the late 1980s and 1990s:

By the 1990s, the situation changed radically. Official atheism, together with the
rest of the dominant ideology, quickly lost its position without state support.
Ideological vacuum, only in a minor way filled with democratic pathos, has
formed. The reality of our days is universal resurrection of the traditional
ritualism and “new” myth-creation. So far, we can see only the process, and it is
too early to speculate about its possible results. However, it is obvious that a new
edition of the national ideology of Altai is being formed. What are its possible
origins? To what extent is it real, and to what – mythological? Can we speak of a
new stage in the history of the traditional beliefs of Altai Turks? 5

The resurrected, or reformulated tradition of the Altaians, which emerged in the

post-Soviet period, was called Ak Jang. However, it was not the same as the Ak Jang of

the 1904-1930s. There is no data on the practice of Ak Jang – that is, of a set of religious

activities termed “Ak Jang” by their practitioners in rural areas before mid-1990s.

However, from the 1988 on, a variety of new formulations of Ak Jang, made by Altai

intelligentsia, have emerged. The picture of the varieties of the “educated” Ak Jang,

which is going to be considered below, looks like a sequence of “experiments” – the

Altaians’ attempts to find the core of Altai religious identity. Some of these experiments

failed very quickly, while others persisted. In this chapter, these attempts at the

reformulation of Ak Jang are placed in the chronological order of their emergence. They

are: the “Roerich” Ak Jang, Tengrianstvo, and the “Buddhist” Ak Jang. Following the

descriptions of the Ak Jang “experiments” of Altai intelligentsia, two more phenomena

will be considered – the internationalization of Ak Jang in Native Siberian academic

5
Sagalaev, A.M. “Altaitsy: staraiia religiia i “novaia” ideologiia” (Altaian: the Old Religion and “New”
Ideology). In: Narody Sibiri: Prava i Vozmozhnosti. Novosibirsk: Russian Academy of Sciences, 1997, pp.
61-70.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 61

141
discourse, and, finally, the return of the practices of Ak Jang among the ordinary Altaians

in rural areas.

N.Roerich, Altai intellectuals, and Ak Jang

The earliest attempt to bring Ak Jang, as a concept and an ideology, back, done by Altai

intelligentsia – artists, scholars, journalists and others, involved linking it to the legacy of

the religious, national, and political attempt of the consolidation of Altaians and other

Turkic-Mongolian peoples in the formation of the Karakorum Executive Committee in

1917. 6 The artists and intellectuals, such as G.I. Choros-Gurkin, who, in 1917, organized

Karakorum Executive Committee held an “Oirot” view on Altaians and their neighbors

that reflected the view of Ak Jang followers. Since 1990, the names of the founders of the

Karakorum Executive Committee, all of whom were executed during Stalin’s purges,

became celebrated. While their legacy has been strong ever since the 1980s – as soon as

it was possible to talk about them without being persecuted, and created a basis for the

Altai consolidation and self-empowerment, the religious element of it has been marginal,

and, therefore, could not constitute the “new” Ak Jang ideology.

Thus, the second, more “religious,” trend, developed by Altai intelligentsia in the

interpretation of Ak Jang, came from Nicholas Roerich – a famous Russian Occultist and

artist, who promoted “Agni-Yoga” – a mixture of Buddhist (mostly invented), “esoteric”

Christian and Spiritualistic elements, which resembled Theosophy.7 The central point of

this teaching was the “search for Shambhala.” He and his wife, Elena Roerich, who was a

celebrated medium, produced a number of “Shambhala prophecies,” which became very

6
See Chapter 1.
7
Shishkin, O. Bitva za Gimalaii (The Battle for the Himalayas). Moscow: OLMA-PRESS,
1999

142
popular items of the Samizdat – underground Russian literature. Roerich was an

extremely popular figure among Russian “mystic seekers” during the last decades of the

Soviet regime. In the late 1920, Roerich and his wife traveled through Altai, which was

reflected in Roerich book, The Heart of Asia .8 While Roerich described Altaians with

fastidiousness and contempt, as dirty, undeveloped, and primitive people, he was very

impressed, or inspired by the “legend of Ak-Burkhan,” or Oirot, seeing it as a “message

from Shambhala” and even dedicating a picture to the event that portrayed the “first

event” in the history of Ak Jang – the appearance of the White Rider.

Russian “seekers” – the students of esoterica, mostly from the educated groups of

society, inspired by Roerich’s writings, have been making numerous pilgrimages to the

“holy Shambhala-Altai” since the 1960s. At this point, Altai intellectuals were exposed to

Roerich’s doctrines, and tied them together with Ak Jang. In the late 1980s, when all of

Russia was undergoing rapid and dramatic changes, the eschatological and universal

message of Ak Jang, mixed with “Agni-yoga,” laid the foundation for the creation of a

new, “quasi”-Ak Jang ideology. Several important Altai philosophers and ideologists9

actively promoted this view. By the middle-late 1990s, most of the Altai intellectual elite

understood that Roerich’s teachings are, in fact, too bizarre to be linked to Ak Jang and

traditional Altai culture without embarrassment. However, several years of inspiration,

initiated by the books of N.Roerich among Altai intellectuals, had consequences: they

8
Roerich, N. Serdse Azii. (The Heart of Asia) New York: “Alatas,” 1929
9
One of the most active among them has been B.Bedyurov, who also wrote the comments and footnotes
for the book of L.Sherstova.

143
served as a catalyst, or a trigger that initially empowered Altaians to consciously and

actively search for their religious identity, and to articulate it.10

As mentioned above, Roerich’s teaching is a mix of Spiritualism, quasi-Christian

“esotericism,” and, above all, Buddhist elements, thickly mixed with Theosophy. The

teaching of Roerich has an ambition of being universal – but, at the same time,

passionately Central-Asian. The initial momentum produced by its popularity created

several “streams” within the post-Soviet interpretation of Ak Jang by Altaians.

“Tengrianstvo”

The first of these branches is “Tengrianstvo” – a new “tradition,” which has its

followers both in Gorno-Altaisk and in larger rural centers. It owes its inspiration to the

wife of Nicholas Roerich, Elena, whose mediumistic, or channeling abilities were well-

known and resulted in the most spectacular part of the Agni-yoga narrative, “The

Shambhala Prophecies.” It links Ak Jang to the “Tengri religion,” that is, to the non-

shamanic and presumably “higher than shamanic” ancient and esoteric tradition of the

Heaven worship. The “holders” of this tradition are a group of people (mostly Altaians,

but also some Russians) whose vocation is mediumism. A richly edited book, Altai –

Strana Voskhodyashaiia, which is a reflection of this tradition and its views, was

published in Gorno-Altaisk in the 2000.11 Its contents are, essentially, the mediumistic

writings, produced by a prominent medium-Tengrianist, A. Tundinova. The texts of the

writings are in Russian and Altaian. While the texts themselves are a typical example of

10
This process strikingly resembles the resurrection of Buddhism in Sri Lanka and India in the 19th- 20th
centuries. There, the initial momentum for the Buddhist movement was provided by H.P.Blavatsky, whose
Theosophical rendering of Buddhism was hardly authentic and was quickly discarded by the emerging
Buddhist community. However, it served as a catalyst, without which the process of the Buddhist revival
would have probably been impossible.
11
Tundinova, A. Altai – Strana Voskhodiashaiia (Altai – the Rising Land). Gorno-Altaisk,
2000.
.

144
mediumistic writings, full of mystery, understatement and vagueness, the Altaian part of

the texts consists of invocations of Ak Burkhan, improvised prayers and hymns, as well

as prophecies concerning the “great changes.” The Russian part of the text is,

interestingly enough, entirely linked to E.Roerich. It is implied that she is the source of

the texts. It is necessary to admit that the “E.Roerich’s” texts greatly resemble in their

style the discourse of their “original,” E.Roerich. Mostly, they are dedicated to vague

eschatological prophecies and Shambhala.

While “Tengrianstvo” is thickly mixed with beliefs, which are alien to Altai

culture, its promoters or sacred personae, the mediums, are recognized in it as “authentic”

– they, in fact, fit into the matrix of the sacred personae of Altai tradition as yrymchi, or

rymchi, the diviner-mediums. It enjoys popularity mostly among the urban, college-

educated Altaians.12 However, it also has a limited following, represented by several

mediums, in the rural areas.

“Ak Burkhan” – the “Buddhist” Ak Jang.

Another trend in the re-interpretation of Ak Jang, which emerged a little later, than

Tengrianstvo and has co-existed with it, is what can be called the “Buddhist” Ak Jang. It

was arguably inspired by N.Roerich’ writings as well, but abandoned his ideology soon.

While Roerich and his followers, Altaian and Russian alike, frequently referred to

“Buddhism” as part of his teachings, in the post-Soviet period, when authentic Buddhist

literature became available to everyone and the real Buddhist practices became

accessible, soon enough it was clear that the alleged “Buddhism” of “Roerichism” was

12
The author had a chance to observe the prominence of Tengrianstvo among urban, college-educated
Altaians durin the visit of J.Arguelles, a well-known American “New Ager,” to Gorno-Altaisk. He was
received in the Government Hall by the Minister of Culture of Altai Republic and other officials. The Hall
was full of Tengrianstvo followers – they turned out to be the most receptive to Arguelles’ message.
Among them, there were many important Altai performers and artists as well as a number of mediums.

145
mostly an invention. However, it served as a sort of a catalyst for the Altai - Ak Jang-

related creativity – again, mostly among the urban Altai intellectuals.

Around 1996, an organization, “Ak Burkhan,” was registered in Gorno-Altaisk.

Its purpose was the promotion of the Buddhist values, which were equated with the

beliefs of Ak Jang. The Head of this organization has been A. Sanashkin, a former

journalist, who interpreted Ak Jang as a form of Buddhism. Four young Altaians went to

study in the Buddhist monastery in St.Petersburg.13 The “Buddhist” interpretation of Ak

Jang gained a certain popularity among (mostly urban) Altaians due to the old tradition of

respect towards Buddhism and Lamas. The climax of the development of the “Buddhist”

version of Ak Jang took place in 1998, during and after the International Scientific

Conference: “Altai and Central Asia – Cultural and Historical Continuity,” which took

place in Gorno-Altaisk and brought delegates from neighboring republics (Tuva,

Khakassia) as well as from Mongolia and Kalmykia. All of the mentioned nations, except

Khakassia, have Buddhist organizations. A stupa was consecrated just several miles from

the Tereng valley, where Ak Jang was initiated in 1904.

By the 2001, the “Buddhist project” of “Ak Burkhan” has mostly faded. Why did

it not succeed? In the Chapter 3, connections between Ak Jang and Buddhism have been

discussed. Yarlykchi and Ak Jang followers in general were not indifferent to Buddhism.

As it was mentioned in Chapter 3, even at the onset of Ak Jang, the yarlykchi used

Buddhist paraphernalia. However, they were used outside Buddhist content, as foreign,

and, therefore, efficacious, objects. This attitude of the Ak Jang followers towards the

Buddhist sacred objects was also projected onto Buddhist clergy. They perceived it as

respected, but very distinct from “our,” Altai faith. In this, alien form, Buddhism and its
13
To my knowledge, all of them returned to Altai by 2001 – not having become lamas.

146
representatives were respected and appreciated, but they were never “admitted” to be a

part of Ak Jang.14 The mistake of A. Sanashkin in his attempt to “steer” Ak Jang into a

Buddhist direction lay in the fact that he mistook the presence of the Buddhist elements

in Ak Jang, about which he arguably read in Danilin’s work, for its core content. 15

A.Sagalaev, who analyzed the Buddhist influences on Ak Jang and its post-Soviet

reconstruction by Altaians, says:

…The use by Burkhanists of certain Lamaist cult objects and terms (sumer, sudur,
etc.) cannot be considered as an indication of the formation of the Altai national
variety of the Northern Buddhism. The source of borrowing was not the monastic,
“scholastic” Buddhism, but a large layer of the folk, syncretistic Buddhism of
Mongolia, and especially – of historical folklore of Mongolian and Turkic peoples
of the Central Asia.16

The “internationalization” of Ak Jang among the Turkic and Mongolian ethnic

groups and its interpretations by the Native scholars.

Throughout the 1990s, numerous scientific conferences, dedicated to various

aspects of Siberian cultures, took place in many Siberian centers: Gorno-Altaisk, Abakan

(Khakassia), Ulan-Ude (Buryatia), Kyzyl (Tuva), and others. These conferences, while

being organized by various scientific institutions, carry a very important and obvious (if

one looks at their Proceedings) function: they largely are ideological gatherings, aimed at

deconstruction of the “Siberian aboriginal identity” formed in Soviet scholarship and

ideology, and the creation of a positive, empowering alternative to it. The theme of White

Faith is prominent among the presentations of the delegates to these conferences, and it is

not limited to Altai: Tuvan, Khakassian, Buryat, Sakha and other Native scholars or key

14
As mentioned in Chapter 3, such an attitude resembles “cargo” cults where foreign, or alien objects or
personae are respected and sometimes “sacred” due to their alien nature.
15
In this statement, I practically quote A.Sanashkin, with whom I had many conversations regarding Ak
Jang, Altai, and Buddhism. In 2001, he was not “in denial” of the fact that Buddhism turned out to be too
alien in Altai culture.
16
Sagalaev, Staraiia… p.65.
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 62

147
ideological figures keep presenting accounts of Ak Jang in their cultures.17 While these

and other presentations by Native scholars may be looked at with skepticism, as attempts

at “creation of the tradition” rather than the revealing of it,18 there is no way one can

judge the authenticity of these presentations – that is, whether they represent real

traditions or a mere ideological “wishful thinking,” at the moment. The “White Faith” in

the presentations of Native scholars is called by different names. In addition to “White

Faith,” or “Burkhan Faith,” it may be called “Tengrianizm”19 or “White Shamanism.”20

The “reconstruction” of this mysterious tradition by the Native scholars is done in

a “mosaic” mode. Some of them investigate the role of the Epic (e.g., Geser), others – of

the ritual, and so on. While different in minor details, which is not surprising because the

tradition(s) in question developed separately in various Turkic-Mongolian cultural areas

for the last 200 years, all the interpretations-reconstructions of the tradition make the

following common statements:

1. There has been a tradition of “White Faith,” widely spread through the Turkic-

Mongolian world at least since the middle ages.

17
E.g., Butanaev, V.Ya. “Natsional’naiia religiia Khakassov i formirovanie lichnosti.” ALTAICA, 1994,
#4, Abaev, N.V. “Osnovy psihologicheskoi i bioenergeticheskoi samoreguliatsii v natsional’noi religii
Tuvintsev Ak Chaian (Belaiia Vera) ili Burgan Chaian.” Dul’zonovskie chteniia-22.Tomsk, 2000.
Angaraeva N. Vetochka verby s bubentsami. Ulan-Ude, 1997.
Irgit I. “Burkhanizm – religiia religiy?” “Khakassia,” # 140, 27.07.2000
Urbanaeva, I.S. “Lyudi znaniia v Buryat-Mongol’skom Tengrianstve.” Materials of the Congress
“Ethnological Studies of Shamanism and Other Indigenous beliefs and Practices, Vol.5, P.1, Moscow,
1999.
18
Russian Ethnographers from Moscow and St.Petersburg, who follow with determination the concept of
equating Siberian traditions with shamanism, frown upon these activities of the Native scholars and cultural
representatives.
19
E.g., by Urbanaeva.
20
By Dugarov. However, in his works, Dugarov makes a point that the tradition in question is not, in fact,
“shamanism”:
…Religious terms tangara, aiyy and others point at the remnant of once well-developed, ancient
religious system, different from shamanism… …so-called white shamanism is not shamanism
proper, and the white shamans are not at all shamans (Istoricheskie korni, p.29)
for the Russian original, see App.2, entry 63

148
 2.This tradition has been distinct from “Shamanism” proper: its priesthood does

not go into trance, it uses different paraphernalia, and the ritual was structurally very

different from the shamanic sessions, especially in its public character.

3.Deities, different from those of “shamans proper,” are addressed. These deities

may co-exist with the shamanistic ones (as in Buryatia, where the Tengri and other

“heavenly gods,” addressed by the white priests, or white shamans, co-exist with Erklig

and the guild of “shamans proper,” who address him), or come from a different source (as

in Khakassia and Altai), which creates a dramatic split between two guilds and their

respective pantheons.

4.The “white faith” is alleged to be a “higher,” or “imperial” form of tradition,

associated with the sacred kingship (and hero-king) and transcending the clan structure,

being a “supra-ethnic” tradition:

…Among the people of Southern Siberia and Mongolia, early on

formed, originally from the common shamans, a distinct category,
which stood higher on the social hierarchic scale and was closely
connected with the ruling circles and influenced social and
political life… …This higher category of shamans emerged on a
basis of the common view of the spirit world and humans… 21

In all of the analyses and more “ideological” presentations of White Faith, the

following markers can be seen: The supreme Heaven-deity and a ritual associated with it,

a Master of the Middle world, the rejection (or, at least. “professional separation” of the

clergy) of Erlik and Underworld, and the public, rather than private, as in shamanism

“proper” nature of the ceremonies.

21
Diakonova, V.P. “Ob odnoi kategorii sotsial’noi ierarkhii shamanov.” (On one category
of the social hieracrchy of shamans) UZ TNIIYaLi, 1973, issue 16, p.227. Dugarov (also presenting this
citation) does not agree with the hypothesis of the “common origin.” (Dugarov, p.25-27)
For the Russian original, see App.2, entry 64

149
 The Native scholars’ opinions on the origin of this tradition are not uniform.

Essentially, they can be categorized into two types. Some scholars link the White Faith to

the (imaginary, or real) ancient tradition of the Turks and Mongols, described on the basis

of the medieval materials – the Heaven (Tengri) cult, distinct from the clan-oriented,

“parochial” shamanism. Such an opinion resonates with the views of J.-P.Roux and

W.Heissig. Others, including Dugarov, trace it to a yet not described, vague origin among

non-Turks, namely – Indo-Europeans. Truth to be said, every scholar who attempted a

reconstruction of the Turkic-Mongolian religion, whether in its ancient (Klyahstorny,

Gumilev), or modern (Dugarov, Ye.Yamaeva, W.Heissig, A.Sagalaev) forms, dedicated a

paragraph or two to the Indo-European connections of it. First of all, the name of the

supreme deity, Khormusta, Kurbustan, etc. comes from Ahura Mazda. Also, there are

many22 mythological, linguistic and ritual elements that can be fairly certainly linked to

Indo-European mythology and ritualism.23 However, from my point of view, this

hypothesis, as fascinating as it is, cannot be seriously considered at this stage of research.

The hope that it will ever be proved or disproved is slim – the amount of comparative

research that would need to be done, and the scarcity of information available make it an

incredibly difficult task. The activity of Native ideologists and scholars, whether it is the

creation or reviving of the tradition, is consistent. Moreover, as it seems, it effectively

22
Thoroughly analysed by Dugarov in: Dugarov, D.S. Istoricheskie Korni Belogo Shamanstva. (The
Historic Roots of White Shamanizm). Moscow: “Nauka,” 1991, and Dugarov, D.S. “O vzaimovliianii
drevnei tibetskoi religii Bon i tyurko-mongol’skogo shamanizma.” (On reciprocal influence between the
ancient Tibetan Bon religion and the Turkic-Mongolian Shamanism). In: Tsentral’no-aziatskii shamanism:
Filosofskie, Istoricheskie, Religioznye, Ekologicheskie Aspekty (Materialy Mezhdunarodnogo
Baikal’skogo Simpoziuma, 20-26 iyunia 1996 g.), Ulan-Ude: 1996, pp.122-123
23
One of the boldest attempts to create a “super-reconstruction” of the “original Central Asian religion,”
linking it to the Bon-po tradition of Tibet, Central Asian beliefs, and Mazdeism, was attempted in:
Kuznetsov, B.I. Bon i Mazdaizm (Bon and Mazdeism). St.Petersburg: “Evraziya,” 2001

150
and with ease forms a coherent “Central Asian religious discourse,” which, to surprise of

the Russian academics, is immediately recognized as “one’s own” cross-culturally.

Ak Jang at the grass-roots level.

So far, only the urban, “educated” discourse and its practice (in the form of Tengrianstvo

and “Buddhist” attempts) of Ak Jang, have been discussed. Chronologically, the “urban”

articulation of Ak Jang preceded any information on the possible resuming of its

practices by rural Altaians. While Tengrianstvo enjoyed some limited popularity among

the people, the “Buddhist” version of Ak Jang and the scholarly-ideological speculations

have little to do with the common practices. Is Ak Jang actually being practiced in post-

Soviet Altai? According to the observations of the author and the information from the

seminars he attended – it is, and widely. Many of the rural Altaians in all of the Altai

Republic identify themselves as Ak Jang. The number of murguls, or kure,24 where the

main ceremonies of Ak Jang are performed, is more than ten and growing (the first ones

were built, to my knowledge, in 1992). This number of the murguls, assuming that each

of them hosts the shuten ceremony for several hundred people25 However, it came back

in a form different from the one discussed in Chapter 2.

First of all, its narrative has lost nearly all of its eschatological character. This

tendency was already strong in Ak Jang by the 1910s, so it can be assumed that Ak Jang

returned in its “routinized” form – just as it was when its practices were terminated by the

Communists. While Oirot, Shunu and other eschatological personae are still commonly

mentioned by the Ak Jang followers, they firmly occupy the positions of divine culture

24
See Appendix 3, Fig. 3 and 6
25
For example, the kure at the Fig . is a ceremonial site for the population of 4 villages that is – of about
1500 people. To the author’s knowledge, everybody in these villages attends the shuten, which became the
main community gathering.

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heroes, the “collective ancestors” of the Altaians and their cultural siblings – Tuvans and

others.

The sharp differentiation with “Shamanism” and shamans has also faded away.

One reason for this is the absence, or near-absence, of “shamans proper” in Altai. The

institution of shamans, so prominent during the late 19th- early 20th century, diffused into

a number of vocations with a generic name neme biler kizhi, “the people of knowledge,”

which includes all the vocations from the list in Chapter 2 as well as many others. From

the ranks of neme biler kizhi, people, who are authorized to perform the ceremonies,

emerge.26 Nowadays, they are not called yarlykchi27 and perform a set of ceremonies

consisting of addressing Uch Kurbustan as well as the Spirit of Altai (Altai-eezi) and aru

tos. 28

According to V.A.Muitueva,29 a strong tendency of the post-Soviet Altai tradition,

which still carries the name of Ak Jang, is its “grounding”: in the post-Soviet beliefs and

rituals, the heavenly deiti(es) such as Uch Kurbustan are fading into the background, and

Ak Burkhan is seen and addressed, more and more, as the Master of Altai:

…Ak Burkhan is acknowledged. According to our data, it merges with Altai

Kudai and Uch-Kurbustan, occasionally also being an autonomous deity. Ak
Burkhan does not have well-defined appearance… … due to the revival of
Burkhanism, its popularity is on the rise.
Uch-Kurbustan is addressed only by a few. It seems that it may be considered an
almost extinct Burkhanist deity.

26
To my question, “Who authorizes a given biler kizhi to a ceremonial position?” Altai scholars
(S.Tioukhteneva and N.Ekeev, Seminar, August 2001), said, “community as a whole.”
27
With one (to my knowledge) notable exception in Kulada, where an elder-yarlykchi E.Yamaev, lives and
performs the ceremonies at the large altar-kure (see Appendix 3, fig. 3).
28
V.Oinoshev, Seminar, Gorno-Altaisk, September 2001
29
Muitueva, V.A. “Glavnye Duhi Verhnego i srednego mira v sovremennom religioznom vozzrenii altaitsev
(Altai-kizhi),” (The main spirits of the Upper and Middle Worlds in the contemporary religious views of
Altaians (Altai-kizhi)) In: Arheologicheskie i Folklornye Istochniki po Istorii Altaiia, Gorno-Altaisk, 1994,
pp.129-132
The data, presented by Muitueva, has been collected since 1989.

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 The central place in the modern beliefs of Altai-kizhi is occupied by the cult of
Altai, Altaidyng eezi… …Sometimes, he manifests as an old man in white dress.
According to the beliefs, he can be often seen in a dream.30

Another important point, noted by V.A.Muitueva, is the “universalisation” of the

Ak Jang and other traditional deities: now, less attention is given to particular aru tos,

which, again, are being replaced by the Ak Burkhan, who is equated with the Altai eezi –

the Master of Altai.31

A.M.Sagalaev states:

It seems that current beliefs of Altaians cannot be called “neoshamanism” or a

new version of Burkhanism… …What is left is a “base”: those traditional beliefs
that simply cannot be lost for as long as the people exist as a coherent entity. The
key term in both new religion and new ideology is the word “Altai.” 32

The “populist” religious organization: “Ak Jang”

On a practical level, Sagalaev’s opinion is manifested by another religious organization

of Altai – the association called “Ak Jang” and founded by S.Knyev in Gorno-Altaisk in

1997. S.Knyev is something of an Altai oligarch. Among his other activities, a very

important one is “cultural philanthropy” - subsidizing various religious and cultural

events that take place in Altai. He can be seen at all community anniversaries, mass

ceremonies, and festivals. His view of the “new face” of Ak Jang keenly reflects the

latter’s “soil-ethnos-based” developments of the last years: the fading of the borders

between specific Ak Jang ceremonial and the “shamanic” one, and the neutral position

(with respect to belonging or not to Ak Jang) of the majority of Altai sacred personae.

30
Ibid., 129. The “mixing” of Ak Burkhan and the Altai eezi is discussed in Chapter 5.
For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 65
31
Ibid., 131.
32
Sagalaev, “Staraiia Religiia…”р. 69
For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 66

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 His projects include the support of an all-Altai (since 1993, international, with

guests from Tuva, Khakassia, Kalmykia and Mongolia) bi-annual festival “Joloyn,”

where all the seoks gather for huge celebration that include sporting events, religious

rituals, and, very importantly, a very long kaichi Epic performance which serves as a

focal point of the festival:

The very fact of the spontaneous revival of once prohibited national institutes is
symptomatic. Clan festivals represent a real creativity of the people, reflecting its
interest towards its origin, ancestors, and history. In July of 1993, all-Altai
festival, Joloyn, took place in Ust-Kan region. It gathered thousand of participants
from all Altai clans and regions and the guests from Tuva and Mongolia. The
“clan theme” was not prominent at the festival, because its official organizers
tried to make it as secular as possible… …However, the choice of the place for
the festival had a great meaning for its organizers: exactly here, in 1904, Altaians
openly gathered for a Burkhanist ceremony…33

The Joloyn festivals began as early as the 1988. At this time, they were officially

regarded as purely secular, “folklore” festivals. However, when the author attended a

festival in the 1989 – at a very early stage of the (still Soviet) religious “thaw,” the author

witnessed a ceremony which in all its features resembled a shuten of a modest size.

According to one of the organizers of the festivals, kaichi Nogon Shumarov, the Joloyns

are the most large-scale religious gathering of the followers of Ak Jang. Indeed, since

1995, every festival had at its center a kure, the place of Ak Jang ceremonies.

The central element of every Joloyn, kai, also has direct connection to Ak Jang:

the Epic features Oirot, Amyrsana, Ak Burkhan and other Ak Jang sacred personae.

However, in its Joloyn version, kai performance underwent significant changes. Now, it

is accompanied by the staged re-enactment of an Epic, which takes place in a large open

area and often involves hundreds of equestrian and pedestrian actors. While some

33
Ibid., 69
For the Russian original, see Appendix 2, entry 67

154
Altaians have doubts about the new style of an essentially sacred ritual, the organizers of

the performance motivate the changes by the need for the “religious education” of the

people, many of whom have never been exposed to the richness of Altai religious

tradition – in this case, clearly seen as Ak Jang.

Conclusion

From the description of the post-Soviet developments in Ak Jang presented above, one

may get an impression that its resurrection was mostly in the form of epiphenomena – a

variety of “inventions,” mostly made by the urban intelligentsia and having very little in

common with the practice of Ak Jang in the period of the1904-1930s. This impression

cannot be avoided, because, unlike the urban interpretations of Ak Jang, which are very

well publicized, its rural practice has not yet been studied, or described in the published

sources. To estimate the scale of Ak Jang practice, and also to analyze its structure and

content, extensive field research is required. Currently (in the 2002-2003), there are no

Russian Anthropologists working in Altai. However, scholars from the Institute of Altaic

Studies in Gorno-Altaisk, with whom the author consulted, are currently conducting this

research. In their estimate, the number of people who actively practice Ak Jang, which

means those who attend the massive prayer meetings and not only perform household

rituals, is close to ten thousand.34 Hopefully, in the following years, there will be

publications on the post-Soviet Ak Jang practices, based on field data.

34
S. Tioukhteneva, seminar September 2001

155
Chapter 7. Conclusion
Reconstruction of Ak Jang: a hypothesis.

The material presented above has been derived from many diverse sources. It was

arranged to present, or rather to reveal, the pattern that connects Ak Jang, the core Altai

tradition, the pre-modern tradition of Turks and Mongols and, finally, the recent return of

Ak Jang, as an integral whole. Below, this pattern is going to be described as a summary.

The scholars who studied Ak Jang in the late Soviet and post-Soviet periods and

had a chance to both observe and study its comeback from the late 1980s on, L.Sherstova

and A.Sagalaev, attempted to place Ak Jang into the context of Altaian tradition. Moving

from different directions – the former, by meticulously analyzing the origins of various

misinterpretations of Ak Jang, motivated by ideology and transferred into academic

work, and the latter – by analyzing the narrative of Altai tradition and its religious and

ritualistic content, succeeded in showing that the interpretations of Ak Jang as a

syncretistic tradition were wrong – indeed, Ak Jang is an autochthonous Altai tradition.

As for the “transient nature” of it – its vigorous revival shows that it has lasted for a

hundred years, which indicates that it is not as transient as its early students stated.Both

scholars interpreted the role and place of Ak Jang in a similar way. Their interpretations

can be concentrated in the following statements:

1.Ak Jang has been an attempt to form an ethno-confessional unity among Altaians. The

main pathos of this attempt was in “transcending” the clan-based religious identity,

represented by the institution of shamans.

2.The “instruments” of asserting this identity, chosen by the Ak Jang founders and

followers, were figures from the relatively recent past – the Dzungarian period of Altai

156
culture. The Dzungarian Empire and its heroes and leaders served as an “eschatological

token,” or ideal, for the adherents of Ak Jang. While the author agrees with this

interpretation as being essentially true, there are several important factors that point

beyond it.

First, from the very beginning of Ak Jang to the present time, a “recurrent motif”

in its message can be observed, namely its “international” pathos. From the “universal”

claims of Chot Chelpanov, to the formation of the Karakorum Committee, to the

reconstructions of “their” versions of Ak Jang by the scholars and ideologists throughout

Siberia, to the emphasized international character of the Joloyn celebrations, it can be

seen that its message is not limited to Altaians – it seeks (and readily finds) positive

response and consolidation among its “cultural siblings” – Tuvans, Khakassians, Buryats,

Mongols, Kalmyks and, to some extent, Sakha (Yakuts). If the “function” of Ak Jang was

limited to the formation of ethno-confessional unity with the Altaians being the ethnos in

question, these processes would not have taken place. Moreover, if one considers the “Ak

Jang discourse” on the locally international level as a form of ideological wishful

thinking, it cannot account for the readiness of non-Altaian response to it, not only in a

sense of being quick, but also in the ready presentation of the cross-cultural matrices of

varieties of Ak Jang by the cultural activists and academics alike.

Another very important factor is that, while Russian academics have been trying

to fit Ak Jang into the format of description of Siberian traditions established in Soviet

scholarship, the Native Siberian scholars have been independently evolving their own

discourse interpreting their cultures and religious traditions. While not always dealing

with Ak Jang explicitly, they developed a system of descriptive patterns of their

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traditions,1 which are very different from the Russian ones. Treating a religious tradition

or its element - for example, Ak Jang, or White Shamanism, or Epic, they downplay, to

the point of completely ignoring, its “ethnic” character that is its particularity for a single

Siberian ethnic group. Instead, they make numerous cross-cultural comparisons to assert

the essential identity of the mentioned phenomena among the different ethnic groups.

This does not seem to be a deliberate, self-conscious manifestation of “pan-Turkism” or

“pan-Mongolism.” It is a manifestation of the normal and typical Turkic-Mongolian

perception that does not “notice” ethnicity, as perceived and imposed, in the form of

Siberian “nation-states,” by a dominant “nation-state” culture.

Native scholars’ views resonate with the perception of the Siberian (and Central

Asian in general) cultures by such scholars as G.Potanin and J.-P.Roux, who saw the

uniformity of the shared beliefs and values throughout Central Asia, which was much

more fundamental than almost random ethno-territorial divisions of it.2 Thus, Ak Jang is

a reflection of the trans-ethnic, rather than ethnic, tendencies in Altai culture.

Now, the “temporal” linking of Ak Jang to the “dream” of the Dzungarian period

as its absolute and only referent, has also been criticized3 by the Native Siberian scholars.

Thus, T.Sadalova,4 while acknowledging the Dzungarian period and its figures – Oirot,

Shunu, and others, as the inspiration for Ak Jang, simply states that this particular

template is only an element, or a manifestation in a much longer tradition of Turkic-

Mongolian culture of “divine” kingship and ideology, related to this institution. The

“parenthood” of Uch Kurbustan, shared between Geser, Gehngis, Epic heroes of both

1
Dugarov is the best example, but not the only one.
2
It would fit here to present a brief remark of Danilin - that some Tuvan yarlykchi served in Altai.
(Danilin, pp.120, 140-143 )
3
More often, it is simply ignored.
4
Sadalova, “Traditsiia Messianstva…,” p.52

158
Altai and other cultures, and the Dzungarian “tri-une hero” demonstrates this common

matrix, which overrides the manifestations of particular persons and/or eschatological

situations attributed to them. How, then, can Ak Jang be placed in this larger, spatial and

temporal context? As a guideline for this reconstruction, the following statement of J.-

P.Roux will be used:

Turkic religions… …yielded their own system of beliefs, their own personal
representations. These are generally identified as “animism” or “shamanism,”
even though the last term cannot even begin to cover the whole of the religious
phenomena. Their “national” religion, largely shared by Mongols and certainly
the Tunguz, is still practiced today… …Its beliefs have never been solidly
unified, and, as we are beginning to better understand, they are like two diverging
branches of a common trunk: the popular one is centered on shamanism,
totemism, and vigorous polytheism; the imperial one is antishamanist,
antitotemist, and has monotheistic tendencies in its advocacy of Tengri, the sky
god. Although they are separate, these two branches have not escaped
interpenetration… …Whether tribal or imperial, however, the prevailing political
and social regime allowed a memory of the former to remain, and when the
prevailing order was temporarily abolished, along with it was abolished a part of
what it had imposed…5

As noted earlier, J.-P.Roux tends to overemphasize the polarity (and conflict) between

the two strata of the Turkic religion. Also, it seems that the stratification of Turkic (or

Mongolian, or Siberian) religions is somewhat more complex. As mentioned above, it

“requires” the addition of a clan stratum to the “two-tier” scheme proposed by J.-P.Roux.

However, in its essence, this statement of J.-P. Roux is correct and very valuable, because

it clearly points at interdependence and “reciprocal reflection” of Turkic religion and the

stratification of the nomadic society.

Most of the scholars who attempted to describe or reconstruct Turkic-Mongolian

religion, whether in it ancient and medieval form,6 or in its modern state,7 without being

5
Roux, Turkic religions, p.87.
6
e.g. Klyashtornyi and Sultanov and L.Gumilev. The latter dedicated the whole book to the discussion of
the phenomenon of the alternating “cycles” in life of Turkic-Mongolian societies – periods in which

159
seduced by the “shaman-centered” approach to it, came to the same view: the religious

“layers” and the strata of social organization parallel one another in Turkic-Mongolian

cultures. Such a parallelism is not characteristic for the “Western” religions and nation-

states, which are formed as “center-periphery” structures. Moreover, for a person (even a

scholar) coming from a Western background, this parallelism is even difficult to fathom.

I think that this difficulty is the reason for many compulsive scholarly attempts to find a

single “center” in the Siberian religions in the form of “shaman,” or “shamanism” as well

as for J.-P.Roux’s overemphasis on the conflict between the “imperial” and “popular”

religions.

According to the reconstructions of the ancient and medieval Turkic-Mongolian

religion(s) and cultures,8 the existence of the following cultural-social and religious

strata can be postulated:

1.Universal –“diffused.” This stratum refers to the general pattern of identity and

belonging (“all Turks,” “all Mongols”), but on a diffused level – bypassing “higher”

structures such as clans, ethnic groups, or “empires,” or states. The center of this stratum

is the household, or even a particular individual. At this level, a number of deities are

addressed: these are universal deities, but addressing them does not require any particular

various groups exited in a “diffused” form, having their identity and affairs based on (and limited to) the
interests of a particular clan, or group of clans, alternating with the extremely quick and ready
consolidations into long- or short-lived “empires” under a rule of a kagan, or a dynasty of kagans (see
Chapter ). He postulates a principle of “fluid identity” among Turkic-Mongolian nomads, based on clan
and what he calls “super-ethnos” (what J.-P.Roux calls “empire”). As one of the most significant factors,
instrumental for the quick consolidations of the Turks and Mongols into the empire-like entities, he sees in
the “archetypal” figure of the divine (or rather, “elected by Heaven”) kagan and, more generally, in the Cult
of Heaven itself.
7
E.g., Dugarov and C.Humphrey and U.Onon, Shamans and Elders…. This is a pioneering work, based on
Mongolian material and dedicated to the analysis of connections between the social structure, religious
offices, and religious (“spiritual”) figures of Mongols. Its approach to a culture as a set of interconnected
patterns is exemplary, and can serve as an ideal template for the analysis of other Turkic and Mongolian
cultures.
8
Done by Klyashtorny, Gumilev, Roux, and Heissig.

160
office – it is done individually, or at a household level. These deities are: Ot-ene (the Fire

deity), Umai (Ymai) – the deity of fertility, childbirth, etc., Jer-su – the “deity” (or rather,

a complex of spirits) of the Middle World, and some others. At this level also found a

number of “religious offices,” whose practitioners are neither professionals nor clan-

affiliated.

An exception to this pattern is the universal deity, Erlik. While he (and associated

spirits) are recognized by everyone within Turkic-Mongolian realm, addressing him

requires professional involvement, the manjaktu kam.

2.Clan - based. At this stratum, aru tos (J.-P.Roux calls them “totems”) are recognized

and addressed. They include Heavenly deities (such as Ul’gen’) and the deities of the

Middle World, associated with a Sacred Mountain or other locale. They are addressed by

a representative of the clan with a special “mandate.”

3.Universal-consolidated stratum is linked to a divine, or “mandated” leader (kagan), the

universal Heavenly deity (Tengri – sometimes, coupled with Umai), and a special order

of priesthood.

This, as the hypothesis of this thesis goes, is the traditional socio-religious pattern

of the Turkic-Mongolian culture. It is important to notice that it does not include the level

of ethnicity or nationality. The reason for this is simple: the “format” of nationality is

very new in the Turkic-Mongolian world. It began to form only in the 19th century,

together with colonization and the artificial division of Southern Siberia into regional

nation-state-like entities.9 According to the records collected and analyzed by J.-

9
And it does not work too well, as the paper, Ekeev, N.V. “Ob Altaiskih etnoterritorial’nyh gruppah XIX
– nachala XX v.v. (altai-kizhi,chuy-kizhi, baiat-kizhi).” (On Altai ethnic-territorial groups of the 19th – the
beginning of the 20th centuries (altai-kizhi, chuya-kizhi, baiat-kizhi)). In: Altai i Tsentral’naiia Azia:
Kul’turno-Istoricheskaia preemstvennost.’ Gorno-Altaisk: 1999, pp.225-230, testifies.

161
P.Roux,10 this pattern was stable and persisted throughout most of the history of Turkic

groups of Siberia – to a degree, surviving even among the Islamicized Turks.

This pattern was the foundation of the society and culture of Dzungars-Oirots as

well. However, the “top”- stratum of the Turkic-Mongolian religion was (as it seems,

partially) replaced by Buddhism. Probably, if the Oirot Empire had not been completely

destroyed in the 1750s, now the Altaian religious pattern would have existed in a form,

very similar to the Buryat one, consisting of multi-layered indigenous substrate, but

intermingled (at all levels) with Buddhist elements – still however, differentiating the

former and the latter.11 However, this development was aborted with the destruction of

Oirot-Dzungarian Empire in the 1750s.

During the next hundred years, the inhabitants of Altai lived in a constant crisis:

three-quarters of them were killed by the Qin-Manchu attack in the 1750s, and the rest

lost their integrity even at the level of the clans-seoks12- until well into the mid-19th

century, they did not have zaisans.13 The only remaining coherent “unit” in Altai society

was a family unit – a form of the homestead, always ready to move and hide due to the

harassment of both Chinese and Russians.14 At this point,15 the only remaining religious

specialists catering to the needs of the population, were the “trouble shooters” –

professional manjaktu kam.

10
Roux, La religion…
11
Dugarov in “O vzaimovliianii drevnei tibetskoi religii Bon …” argues that a structure, similar to
Buryatian religious pattern, is very similar to Tibet, where “Shamanism” (local cults), Bon (an analogy to
the “national” Heaven cult) and Buddhism coexist, interpenetrating and often imitating one another, but are
still distinct. He considers this pattern as fundamental for the Inner-Central Asian cultures.
12
This remark, made by S.Tioukhteneva, is very important, as we will see later.
13
Chieftains of the seoks.
14
The story of this crisis is presented in detail in L.Sherstova.
15
As the early (1830s) records of the Mission show.

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 However, by the 1860s, Altaians began to recover – socially, demographically,

and economically. Already Verbitsky, writing in the 1860s, notices both the seok

consolidation and the non-shamanic, diverse religious offices, including the rudiments of

the clan aru tos worship.16 This tendency continued into the beginning of the 20th

century, when the first Altai “oligarchs” who directly traded with European countries,

emerged.

Thus, the emergence of Ak Jang was not a desperate reaction to a crisis, brought

about by colonialism. From the author’s point of view, it was a reaction to another crisis

– the crisis of self-empowerment. Two tendencies merged in Altai in the beginning of the

20th century: the crisis and weakening of Russian colonial policy and administration, and

the structural re-establishment of Altai society that required a religious framework,

different from the 19th-century near-monopoly of the manjaktu kam. Simply put, the

tradition of Altaians needed to be de-fragmented – just as its society has done. Manjaktu

kam were not able to address with their competence, namely only in dealing with Erlik

and Underworld in the particular crisis situations - the more sophisticated and less crisis-

bound new Altai society. Moreover, looking at the traditional Turkic-Mongolian

stratification of the religious offices, etc., it may be said that they were not meant to do

so.17

Thus, the old, but re-formulated Turkic sacred offices and their divine objects

came to the fore: the elements of Heaven worship, the “religious reference” to a leader

with the Heavenly Mandate, codified in Epic and presented by the figures of Oirot-

Shunu-Amyrsana, and, finally, the ritual cycle, addressed to the aru tos. These “new”

16
Verbitsky, pp.66-106.
17
Humphrey, C. Shamanic Practices and the State in Northern Asia: Views from the Center and Periphery.
In: Shamanism, History, and the State. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994, pp.191-229

163
referents constituted the core of Ak Jang as an antithesis to the practice and pantheon of

manjaktu kam aimed at a diffused, disintegrated society in crisis.

Here, it is important to mention that the thrust of Ak Jang has not been simply

“universal,” or aimed at a transcendence of the clan-limited religious identity of Altaians.

The merging of the institute of Heaven worship, which by the 20th century had become

rather vague, with the more concrete figure of an elder, or ak kam, a white shaman who

addresses only the aru tos in the figure of yarlykchi was aimed both at transcending the

clan-based beliefs and identity and at fortifying them. Is this pattern of re-establishment

of the tradition typical for Turkic-Mongolian “consolidation mechanism”? It is likely that

it is not – in its clan-fortifying aspect. The common pattern was “building from the clan

level up,” because in the pre-modern Turkic-Mongolian society clans were the basic and

virtually indestructible units of social identity, but in the case of Ak Jang, Altai society

and tradition faced the challenge of re-establishing the clan consolidation as well. This is

why Ak Jang emphasized the anti-shamanic attitude: the matter was not the conflict

between “low” or “clan-based,” and “high” or “imperial” levels of the tradition, but

between the inertia of the unstructured, “bottom” level of organization (or rather,

disorganization) of Altai identity, to which manjaktu kam catered, and its more structured

version, manifested in Ak Jang. Note that manjaktu kam, who were harassed by the

followers of Ak Jang, were absolutely passive victims of this harassment – they were not

the real adversaries, but the tokens of the situation Ak Jang set to change. Significant

pacification of the anti-shamanic attitude as soon as the “religious strata,” implemented

by Ak Jang, became powerful and stable by the mid-1910s, proves this point.

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 Thus, the figure of yarlykchi as well as the belief and ritual complex of Ak Jang,

are a synthetic entity – a “hybrid” of the aru tos – clan-oriented complex, and of the

“supra-ethnic” Heaven Cult, manifested by the Heaven worship and the motif of the

“divinely elected” hero-leaders, presented in the epics and cultural memory in general.

The new complex has to function in a situation which was entirely new for the Turkic-

Mongolian nomadic tradition – a situation when a particular group is legally linked to a

certain area. Also, it is made to accept the concept, or format of the nation-state, whether

in “external,” colonial form, or in the succeeding self-government, where a nation in

question is defined as homogenous ethnicity.

The persistent search for consolidation with cultural siblings, for which Ak Jang

and its varieties serve as both academic and ideological motivation, have been successful:

a new discourse is being readily built and/or recognized not only by Altaians, but among

all other groups involved.18 This indicates that the “supra-ethnic,” but not necessarily

“imperial” in J.-P.Roux’s understanding, aspect of the Ak Jang synthesis is still present.

Also, it shows the reasons for a certain unease among Altaians, Buryats, and others in

keeping their respective “white faiths” within limits of particular, isolated ethnic groups.

Currently, the processes of deconstructing the imposed identity and reconstructing

the traditional one are vigorous among Altaians and their cultural siblings and

neighbors.19 Ak Jang plays a prominent role in this reconstruction, but the shape of the

18
Russian scholars thoroughly avoid acknowledging this as an “authentic” cultural trend and prefer to see it
as a form of “ideological wishful construct” among Siberians. While this consolidation cannot be “blamed”
on the external forces (as it was in the first half of the 20th century), the “fear of the Turkic-Mongolian
Empire, the Tatars” presented in Russian cultural memory by Genghis and Batu, persists. At this point, the
most prudent thing, as Russians think, is to ridicule any sign of consolidation among the Siberians.
19
Anderson, D. “Living in a subterranean landscape: Identity politics in post-Soviet Khakassia.” In:
Bridger, S. and Pine, F. (Ed.) Surviving post-socialism: Local strategies and regional responses in eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union. London: Routledge, 1997, pp.52-65.

165
“new” tradition is still not clearly defined. Is it possible to speculate on what will happen

in the development of Ak Jang in the future?

There seem to be several possible scenarios for the development of Ak Jang in

Altai. If Ak Jang followers continue the cultural consolidation with such groups as

Tuvans, Buryats, and Kalmyks, a picture similar to the one present in Buryatia and

developing in Tuva may emerge: an essentially “three-level” religious complex,

consisting of professional shamans and other “people of knowledge,” clan and “national”

cult, linked to the institution of yarlykchi (near-identical to the “white shamans” in

Buryatia, or, as Dugarov speculates, to Bon-po in Tibet), and Buddhism – with all these

levels thoroughly interpenetrating one another (as in Buryatia).

If, on the other hand, a Khakass or Sakha trend, characterized by the “linkage to

the territory” and stress on the Master of the Land (Altai-kudai, or Altai-eezi in Altai) will

prevail, the “ethnicization” and grounding of the tradition, which is complementary with

the development of the Siberian nation-states, may occur.

However, one has to be very modest with forecasts and predictions. While the

“religious markers” of Ak Jang and Altaian tradition in general seem to have been clearly

pinpointed, the whole complexity of patterns, associated with every spirit figure, or with

a mythological theme, or with a sacred specialist, has essentially not been studied. The

formation of Ak Jang and the momentary split, or “crack” within a quiet and introvert

tradition of Altai, allowed the “outsiders,” the researchers to see a bewildering

complexity of religious patterns of the Siberian cultures. New “active factors” of these

traditions are being highlighted or, from the outsider’s point of view, discovered: for

example, until very recently, the sacred role of kaichi and epic, as a significant source of

166
the narrative, specifically for Ak Jang, has not been acknowledged by non-Altaian

academics! How many of such patterns are there that the academic world does not know

yet? Probably, many. Now, it is possible to observe the developments of Altai traditions,

spotting new themes and accents and patterns that become manifest. From my point of

view, the key role in the academic study and description of this intricate network belongs

to the Native scholars. This does not mean that “outsiders” must avoid studying the

Siberian traditions, but this study has to be always evaluated by those who really know

the text of their tradition, which is the tradition itself. Hopefully, the materials presented

here have succeeded in showing that Ak Jang is an organic part of Altai and Turkic-

Mongolian tradition rather than a singular, superficial and transient element in Altai

culture.

However, while Ak Jang is clearly linked to the traditional religion and social

structure of Turks and Mongols, it still has some elements that distinguish it from its

ancient and pre-modern form, described by J.-P.Roux and others. The leading factor

responsible for these differences has been mentioned above – it emerged in a situation of

the arguably forceful nation-state formation in Altai, which resulted in several specific

and unique features of Ak Jang, compared with the pre-modern tradition: the worship of

the hero-god-kings instead of sanctification of a real kagan’s power; the absence of the

“high ceremonies” for the universal Turkic gods, except for the worship of Uch

Kurbustan who merged with, or replaced Tengri; and, finally, its “ethnic,” rather than

supra-ethnic, orientation.

While the existence among the Turks of the religious “hero-god-king” complex

(in Epic and other sources), which deified the kagan and his power, has been well-

167
documented, in the case of Ak Jang it could not serve as the mechanism of the

legitimization of a real kagan, as it repeatedly did throughout Turkic-Mongolian history.

Thus, the kagan-related religious complex became an almost entirely religious aspiration,

manifesting in messianic sentiment at the beginning of Ak Jang, and transforming into an

almost purely “heavenly” complex later. However, the consolidation attempts among the

Turkic-Mongolian groups of Siberia that use Ak Jang as its focal point, show that the

historical religious mechanism of the divine election of a (virtual) kagan is still

working.20

The absence of the hypothetical “high” forms of worship of the universal Turkic-

Mongolian gods such as Umai and others from the Ak Jang ritual complex is only partial:

Tengri (in the form of Uch-Kurbustan) and Jer-su (in the form of Altai eezi – Ak

Burkhan) are, indeed, present in it, as well as Ot-ene. Probably, the absence of the rest of

the gods is due to the necessity of the actual kagan (and his spouse, associated with

Umai) to legitimize the corresponding ritual complex. Finally, the “soil-based,” rather

than universal, orientation of Ak Jang in the post-Soviet period is simply dictated by the

changed cultural conditions.

Thus, it is certain that Ak Jang is, first of all, an integral part of the Altai religious

tradition, and secondly - the authentic heir to the Turkic-Mongolian tradition. With regard

to its “social projection,” it is evident that it reflects the traditional organization of the

Turkic-Mongolian society.

20
Such a situation is not unique for Ak Jang and is rather common in different cultures throughout history.
The most famous example of a similar pattern is the Jewish tradition. We can (carefully) associate the
ancient-medieval Turkic-Mongolian pattern and its narrative with the period of Kings, and the emergence
of Ak Jang – with the pre-Maccabean period (Book of Daniel?) (with the candidate for the Hasmonean
kings so far absent). The resuming of the Temple worship in Jewish tradition would be, consequently,
associated with the resuming of the “imperial” Tengri worship in the form of Uch Kurbustan, in Ak Jang.

168
The future possibilities for the study of Ak Jang.

This thesis is by no means a detailed and exhaustive description of Ak Jang. Such

a description was impossible to produce both for the lack of space and due to the lack of

materials related to its many aspects. Rather, it is a set of markers of the key (and diverse)

themes-items that reveal the pattern of Ak Jang within the tradition of Turks and

Mongols, which may be helpful in future research.

The study of Ak Jang as a unique phenomenon in the history of Siberian cultures

is fascinating. However, even more interesting and potentially productive would be the

study of White Faith and its varieties as parts of the general South Siberian religious

complex. Ak Jang is not a separate tradition – not in a sense that it claims uniqueness and

monopoly for being “Altai or any other Siberian religion.” It is connected with an

intricate web of the core Siberian (and Mongolian, or even Central Asian) mythology,

ritualism, and socio-cultural patterns.

Very little work has been done on connecting the folk, which means sacred,

narrative to religious practices. Currently, Altai and other scholars are very active,

making these connections – and one cannot help noticing that every statement they make,

shakes the academic construction of the “shamanic-centered” view of Siberians, created

by Soviet scholarship. The traditions of Siberia, Ak Jang together with the “rest,”

approached as a complex, reveal a vast and ancient network of “cultural archetypes,”

obvious to Siberians, but not noticed by outsiders.

Siberian scholars went as far as to link White Faith to the ancient, probably Indo-

Iranian, roots. Whether they are correct, or are just “making it up,” as A.M.Sagalaev

thinks, is impossible to say at this point. A more promising direction in the research of

169
White Faith-like tendencies would be investigating similar phenomena (if they can be

found) outside of Russia. If they exist in China and Mongolia, it can be an indicator of

the correctness of the reconstruction hypothesis, presented in the Chapter 5.

However, even the cross-cultural research within Russia can bring and already has

brought interesting results: all “cultural siblings” of Altaians have one or another version

of White Faith, built upon the same, or nearly same, set of “sacred markers.” Even the

differences between the respective “White Faiths” are not random: they are intimately

related and thus, can be traced to the relatively recent histories of their respective

cultures.

170
 GLOSSARY

Ak Burkhan – the most important deity of Ak Jang. The movement began from the
appearance (or vision) of A.B.

Ak kam – “white” shamans who did not address Erlik and the Underworld. In Altai
tradition, their main function is propitiation of the aru tos.

Algyshchi – a “blesser” – one of the “minor sacred vocations among Altaians. In Ak

Jang, plyas an important role. Many algyshchi function as yarlykchi in contemporary Ak
Jang ceremonies.

Amyrsana – one of the figures in the “tri-une” divine hero-messiah of Ak Jang. A

historical figure (18th century), a Dzhungar who fought against the Ch’ing Empire.

Altai eezi – “The Master of Altai.” Major spirit figure of the Middle World. In Ak Jang,
merges with Ak Burkhan and Jer-su.

Aru tos – “pure ancestor(s).” The heavenly patrons of particular seoks.

Ashina – the “universal” legendary ancestor of the Turks, born from a wolf . One of the
Ak Jang’s “tri-une” heroes, Shunu, has close affinity with Ashina.

Burkhan – a generic name for the deities, accepted by Ak Jang.

Burkhanism – the name for Ak Jang in academic literature.

Erlik (Erklig) – the universal Turkic-Mongolian god of the Underworld

Geser (Gesar) – the archetypal Central Asian hero. Possibly – one of the prototypes for
the heroes of Ak Jang.

Jajachi – a “source,” the Creator deity. In Ak Jang it is Uch Kurbustan.

Jajyk (Ak Jajyk or Sary Jajyk) – a shapeless deity that serves as a messenger between
the believer and the high heavenly god(s). Under different names, it is found everywhere
in Central Asia.

Joloyn – cultural festivals, organized in Altai from the 1988 on. In their structure, they
closely follow the religious community gatherings and involve shuten and the
performance of kai (Epic).

Jelbichi – a “fanner.” A sacred office in Turkic Mongolian and Altai traditions. J. are the
main prototype for Ak Jang priesthood (yarlykchi).

171
Kagan – a “king,” traditional leader among Turks and Mongols. While this position is
occasionally hereditary, kagans are usually elected.

Kai – 1) a perfomance of an Epic; 2) a general name for the “overtone singing.”

Kaichi – a performer of epic. An important sacred office among Altaians and other South
Siberian groups. The religious character of this office has been acknowledged in
academic literature only very recently.

Kalmyk – a name, used by Russians to designate Altaians in the 19th – early 20th
centuries. Actual Kalmyks (Mongolian-speaking group and a former constituent of the
Dzhungarian Empire) live in Kalmykia near Volga, in European part of Russia.

Kara tos – “black (impure) ancestors.” This category of spirits includes Erlik and a
variety of Underworld spirits as well as the “ghosts” of the deceased shamans.

Kormos, kormozhok – same as kara tos.

Kospokchi – a “clairvoyant” – a minor, but very important sacred office in Altai

tradition.

Kudai – in Altaian, a generic title of any high and heavenly deity (from Pers. Khuda –
“god”).

Kure (murgul) – an altar (or, more generally, the place of worship) in Ak Jang.

Manjaktu kam – a shaman who has a manjak (a special, very sophisticated costume)
and a drum and who addresses the spirits of the Underworld.

Neme biler kizhi (biler kizhi) – “people of knowledge”: a title, applied in contemporary
Altai culture to all sacred vocations and offices.

Oboo – a pile of stones (herma), built to mark the place for the ceremonies, directed at
the Masters of the Place (genii loci). Widely spread in Central Asia.

Oirot (oirat) – “allies”: a title, used for the groups-members of the Dzhungarian
Federation.

Oirot-khan – a legendary hero, one of the heroes-messiahs of Ak Jang.

Ot-ene – “Mother of Fire”: a very important Central Asian deity. The main deity of the
household ceremonies. Ot-ene was appropriated by Ak Jang.

Ot takyr – Ak Jang ceremony, dedicated to Ot-ene.

172
Pura (bura) – the “soul” of the sacrificed animal. During the ceremonies of manjaktu
kam, plays the same role as jajyk in other situations.

Seok – partilineal, exogamous clan. Such clans are the fundamental unit of Turkic-
Mongolian cultures.

Shaby – in Ak Jang, the helpers of yarlykchi.

Shunu – one of the figures in Ak Jang “tri-une” hero complex. Unlike Amyrsana, Shunu
is not a historical figure. His name and the legends, related to him, strongly suggest the
link between Shunu and Ashina (the legendary ancestor of the Turks).

Shuten (murgul) – the main ceremony of Ak Jang. Usually, it is performed twice a year
– in the Spring and in the Fall.

Taika eezi – the Master of the Mountain. An important sprit of the Middle World. Every
seok has its own T.e. who plays the same role in the Middle world as an aru tos – in the
Upper World.

Taiylga – a permanent site of manjaktu kam ceremonies. It main elements include the
fire pit, the place for the m.k.’s performance and a number of poles on which the skins of
the sacrificed horses and hanged.

Tengri (tangra, teneri, tngri) – supreme heavenly god of Turks and Mongols.

Tengrianstvo – a form of the post-Soviet developments within Ak Jang.

Tereng – a valley in central Gorny Altai where the first large ceremonies of Ak Jang
were performed in 1904. Currently, T. is a sacred place for most Altaians.

Tsagan Ebugen – a deity (“White Old Man”), most popular in Mongolia. His functions
as the Lord of the Middle World are identical to Altai eezi and Ak Burkhan.

Uch Kurbustan – a supreme Heavenly deity in Ak Jang.

Ul’gen’ – a generic name for aru tos.

Umai (Ymai) – one of the “universal” deities of Turks and Mongols. In ancient and
medieval period, U. was associated with Tengri. Currently, U. is seen as th epatron of
childbirth and children.

Yadachi (yadadji) – one of the “minor” sacred offices in Turkic-Mongolian and Altai
traditions: the owner of the “weather-stone.”

Yarlykchi (yarlyk) – (literally: “messenger”) a “priest” in Ak Jang.

173
Yduk Jer-Sub ( Jer-sub, Yer-su, Jer-su) – the main deity of the Middle World. Seen
either as a person, or as a “collective figure” – a sum total of all the spirits of the Middle
World. In many cultures, it “competes” or is being replaced by such figures as Altai eezi
or Tsagan Ebugen.

Yrymchi – “medium,” one of the minor sacred offices in Central Asian traditions. This
vocation has been creatively appropriated by the followers of Tengrianstvo in the post-
Soviet Altai.

Zaisan – an official, elected chieftain of a seok. In many respects, zaisan can be seen as
a figure, analogous to a kagan on the “small scale”: for example, zaisans are responsible
for the performance of certain religious duties for their respective seoks.

174
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181
 APPENDICES

Appendix 1

The ceremony of Tengri worship

…[T]he sacrifice ended, just like among the ancient Turks, with the ritual feast.

The ceremony was set on a top of a mountain, always the same one. It had to take

place by the sacred birch (bay kaiyng). If there was no naturally growing birch, a birch,

dug out with the roots, was brought to the place and planted. If it did not take, another

one was brought in the following year.

Representatives of different seoks gathered for the [ceremony]. However, the

organization of the ceremony was the responsibility of one seok, upon the agreement,

made in a previous year. Neither married women nor girls were allowed to attend. Even

the female animals were strictly banned from the premises.

The sacrificial lambs were usually male, white, but with black head or black

cheeks. They were sacrificed in different number (from three to fifteen), depending on

the number of the householders and leaders who wanted to contribute their animal as a

sacrifice to Heaven. Men, heading to the ceremony, attached to their hats two ribbons, a

white and a blue one (according to a different version – a red and white ones). Upon the

arrival on the mountain, the ribbons were taken off and smudged with erben od (thyme),

after which they were attached to the branches of the sacred birch. During the prayer, it

was prohibited to wear a hat and smoke.

182
 The ceremony was conducted without the participation of the shaman. It was

conducted by a specially elected elder, who knew algys, i.e. the words of the prayers to

Heaven, who was called algyschan kizi. He wore a special felt dress and a woman’s hat.

Behind the sacred birch (to the West), at some distance, a sacred fire was built. Between

the fire and the birch, a makeshift birch table was built. On a table, sacred implements

were placed: cups, plates and spoons, all made of birch bark. The prayer began without

any shamanizing, but with the supplication, addressed to the sacred birch and with

feeding it. The birch was circumambulated, clockwise, three time, people going in the

following order: first went algyschan kizi; following him – two others (one with a cup of

wine, another – with a cup of mare milk); behind them, followed the donors of the lambs

with their lambs, holding birch branches in their hands; finally, in a crowd, the rest of the

people. Algyschan kizi recited blessings and supplications to the sacred birch, those

following him sprinkled towards it top milk and wine, with spoons. The rest of the people

repeatedly bowed to it. After the third circumambulation, they stopped, drank the leftover

wine and milk from the cups, and proceeded to butcher the sacrificial lambs. This was

done in an ancient manner: the animal was fallen, its skin was cut under the rib cage, and

its aorta was broken. It was prohibited to spill the blood on the ground.

The meat was boiled, and the broth with pieces of meat was placed on the table;

also, wine, milk and cheese were placed there. After that, the sacred birch was

circumambulated three more times. After each round, algyschan kizi threw over the top

of the birch little pieces of meat and cheese, and sprinkled with milk and wine,

addressing Tengri and asking it for blessings. Simultaneously, all people raised their

183
hands, bowed and exclaimed, Ter,’ Ter’! (Heaven, Heaven!). The following are some

phrases from the algys, recited by the elder:

With nine leaves – the sacred birch, Tengri!

Five lambs we’ve sacrificed, Heaven!

We ask for the rain, Heaven!

We ask for the crops, Heaven!

Let our life be prosperous, Heaven!

With the last circumambulation of the sacred birch the ceremony was over, and the ritual

feast began. After it, all leftovers – wine, milk, meat and bones and skin of the sacrificial

animals (with head and legs), were burnt on the sacred fire. However, in the last years,

when the ceremony of Tengri was still performed, the hides of the sacrificial animals

were given to the elder. There were no games after the ceremony. Before parting, the

participants appointed the seok and the elder for the organization of the next year’s

ceremony. After the descent from the mountain, games and entertainment, sometimes

lasting for several days, began…

In the sacrifice to Heaven… … I would like to mention an ancient ritual pattern,

characteristic for many ceremonial settings – the waving, or fanning with a bundle of

birch branches, done by the leader of the ceremony and his assistants, and also chilpag,

the large fan, which was made from the bundled together individual fans, belonging to

every participant of the ceremony.1

1
Potapov, Altaiskii Shamanizm, pp. 265-269.

184
Shuten, the central ceremony of Ak Jang

The dress of yarlykchi:

… The ceremonial dress of yarlyks is borrowed from kam.2 Kam, whose ancestors did not

have the ceremonial attire “manjak,” could not wear it either: during their performances

to a Good Deity they wore a white robe, with white and red ribbons on its back and with

the bundles of feathers on the shoulders… … the [yarlyk’s] robe was made from white

cloth, and it was trimmed with a yellow ribbon. Their hat was similar to kam’s: made

from the white cloth, its back descending almost to the waist, it was also trimmed by a

yellow ribbon. To its top, two ribbons, almost reaching the ground, are attached.3

The place of worship

If for the areas with the manjaktu kam, the taiylga, the place of shaman’s ceremonies and

sacrifice, constitutes a characteristic part of the landscape, for the burkhanist regions, a

typical element of the landscape is murgul (the place of prayer). The generic name for the

ceremonies is murgul as well.

The central part of these worship complexes, the sacrificial altars, kure, are made of the

stone slabs, in a shape of cubes of various sizes.4

On this altar, [they] burn juniper, and in front of it, the ritual sprinkling of milk takes

place. Together with kure, wooden altars, tagyl, are constructed. They are placed around,

as an open circle.

2
Here and further, Danilin refers to ak kam.
3
Danilin, 175-176.
4
See Appendix 3, Fig. 2, 3 and 6.

185
 At the center of the murgul there are always birch trees, placed at the corners of

kure, as well as long poles (sume) with different carved figures on top of them. Right

under the top of each sume, pieces of cloth, often – blue ribbons, are tied. Here [we] also

[can find] an ak kalbak, a ritual spoon for the sprinkling of milk.5

The ceremony:

On a slope of a mountain, facing East, a kure is built… at its eastern side, two tagyls are

placed, and the birches are attached to them.

1.5 meters to the East, a fire is made, and to the West, at a same distance, a white

square felt, shirdek, 4x6 meters, is placed. On the shirdek, in a row, are cups, spoons and

wooden buckets with milk.

At some distance from the kure, 6 little birches are planted in semicircle. To the

birches, young (unbroken) horses are tied: first horse is dark gray, second – yellow-red,

third – brown, fourth – red with fair mane and tail, fifth – whitish-yellow and sixth –

white and gray. They all are tied facing East. Each has in its mane two ribbons,

corresponding with the horse’s color.

In addition to the main yarlyk, three more yarlyks participate in the ceremony, they are

called uruschi. They function as assistants. The first one checks the supply of ritual milk,

etc., the second one hands the necessary ritual implements, and the third one brings them

to the main yarlyk and pours the [ritual] milk.

Shaby stand to the right of yarlyk.

The people, gathered for the prayer, stand in several rows, in semicircle, around the felt.

Afte the preparations, in the morning, when sum has already risen, yarlyk begins the

ceremony. He goes to the kure and there rotates four times clockwise, then places a
5
Danilin, pp.178-179.

186
branch of juniper on the kure; then, he goes, circling kure clockwise, to the fire, puts

juniper in the fire and returns to his place.

After that, together with other yarlyks, the main yarlyk approaches kure, repeats, together

with other yarlyks, the rotation (whirling), and everybody returns to the initial position.

After that, the sanctification of the horses begins, beginning with the first one.

Yarlyk and the owner of the horse (male owner) go to the birch, where the horse is

tied. The main yarlyk reads alkysh, the second – takes the cup with milk, handed by

another uruschi, and pours the milk over the horse’s head. The second cup of milk is

poured on its shoulders. Everybody circumambulates the birch clockwise, making four

prostrations (lay attendants also make prostrations), and move to the next horse.

…The same is done to a sheep, after which, upon the directions of yarlyk, it is

butchered in an ancient manner: its nostrils are plugged with grass, in its belly a hole is

made, after which it is killed by hand rupturing of its aorta. After being skinned, the

whole sheep is boiled (for the feast). When the meat is ready, it is carefully separated

from the bones without breaking them, or rupturing the tendons. The bones are placed in

one plate, the meat – in another. Yarlyk does the ceremony of the sacrifice. The heart is

slightly broken on top, and some butter is poured into it. A branch of juniper is also stuck

in the heart.6

After finishing the sanctification of the horses, yarlyks stand between the shirdek and

kure..

The main yarlyk is given a cup, full of milk, which he holds in his right hand. Spinning it

clockwise, he, at the same time, forcefully throws it up, between the birches, over the
6
Danilin, 187.

187
kure. The fourth yarlyk runs to pick it up, and returns it to the main yarlyk with a bow. He

also looks at the way the cup landed: if it landed bottom-down, it is a good sign, if –

bottom-up, a bad one.

After that, the lay audience begins to move (until this moment, lay people stood in one

place, repeating the bows of yarlyks): they, one by one, go to kure, bow twice, place

branches of juniper on kure, circumambulate kure, bow twice to the fire, burn juniper and

return to their places. When they proceed, they stop by the yarlyks: the main yarlyk reads

them alkysh, and the second one blesses them by toughing their foreheads with a special

parcel, containing pieces of skin of the gelded sheep, ears with the marks [tamga], etc.

The prayer assembly approaches shirdek and [they] drink some of the leftover

milk. The remaining juniper braches are broken and thrown in the boiling water (in a

cauldron), and also leftover milk is poured in it. Later, people wash their hands and faces

in this water, and the feast, consisting of cheese, moonshine, and meat, begins.

The sanctified horses are released. Now they are sacred, and nobody can ride

them without a special permission from yarlyk.

These are the prayers, recited at the shuten:

Praise to Altai:

On a blue-gray stallion

We’ll ride to blue Altai

If the Blue Burkhan blesses us

We’ll reach the blue flower.

On a brown-gray stallion

188
We’ll go to White Altai

If the White Burkhan blesses us

We’ll reach the white flower!

The prayer for the well being of herds and community:

To have our herds stand strong and quiet

For us, ourselves, to live well!

To the Spirit of Altai we call – pray!

For us, our people, to live happily!

The shuten prayer meetings are also organized in summer, in the same manner.

Since shuten prayers may be addressed not only to the gods, or a universal spirit-master

(Altaidyn eezi), but also to a number of particular spirits, the texts of alkysh address those

as well.

For the assembly, a sheep and a red horse are butchered, their meat is eaten, and

the fat is thrown into the fire as a sacrifice. The same is done to the bones: around the

fire, four little posts (60-70cm high) and four birches are placed. On these posts, a light

wooden deck is built. Bones are placed on the deck, and burn together with it. Yarlyk

sprinkles towards the sun and tops of the surrounding mountains and read a number of

prayers – the requests for the prosperity, healthy progeny, and protection from the

diseases.7

7
Danilin, 184-185

189
 Every participant of the prayer brought with him milk, of a mare or a sheep. The

milk is prepared very carefully: one cannot drink it after milking, it cannot be touched or

even approached by a dog and it cannot be stepped over.

When everybody is gathered in the morning, the milk is placed on tagyls, and

yarlyks stand beside it. The prayer assembly stands behind and to the left, but not to the

right, as the right side is sacred. [They] begin to pray, addressing Sun, Moon, the Spirit of

Altai and other spirits. Yarlyks sprinkle the milk towards the sun.8

8
Danilin, 186.

190
 Appendix 2

1. Термин «ойрот» и «джунгар» были более политическими, нежели

этническими... ... Алтайские зайсаны участвовали наравне с
представителями высшей знати других этнических групп Ойротии в работе
Эке Jарга – высшего законодательного и исполнительного органа Ойротии.

2. После коммунистической революции,

Буржуазно-националистическая интеллигенция алтайцев, баи, зайсаны и прочие
контрееволюционеры продолжали контрреволюционную деятедьность,
направленную на отрыв Алтая от Советского государства. Они организовали в
феврале 1918 г. В с.Улале Горно-Алтайский учредительный съезд для
провозглашения своего собственного буржуазного «государства». На нём было
представлено 133 депутата. Состав депутатов был подобран таким образом,
чтобы обеспечить контрреволюционные решения съезда... ... Съезд открыл
художник Гуркин. ...22 февраля (ст.ст.) съезд принял постановление о
выделении Горного Алтая в самостоятельный округ. Съезд сопровождался
религиозными церемониями (служением молебна, освящением знамени).
В тот же вечер В.И Анучин на заседании съезда сделал доклад о необходимости
объединения земель бывшего «государства Ойрот» в самостоятельную
республику. Анучин утверждал: «Осуществить это не трудно, и вот почему.
Население Русского Алтая, Монгольского Алтая, потом хакасы, урянхайцы,
сойоты (т.е. тувинцы – Л.П.) и жители Джунгарии составляют одно племя, один
род; язык, нравы и обычаи у них одни, все они «кижи». Когда-то составляли все
вместе великий народ Ойрот. Соединить их опять в одну семью, в одно
государство тем более необходимо, что эти племена всеми заброшены и жаждут
объединения. Из них образуется великая азиатская республика. ...Он
возвеличивал древнее государство «Ойрот», т.е. феодальную Джунгарию, где...
царили жестокая экплоатация подвластных джунгарским феодалам народов.
...по этому докладу Анучина съезд принял решение организовать республику
Ойрот. Для учреждения республики был намечен Курултай (съезд депутатов) в
Клш-Агаче, пограничном с Монголией пункте. Было признано необходимым:
«Для организации созыва и открытия учредительного Курултая народов,
входящих в состав государства Ойрот, а также для всех переговоров, могущих
возникнуть по делам республики Ойрот, учреждается специальная комиссия в
составе трёх лиц: особоуполномоченный (каган) и два уполномоченных»

3. «Однажды весной, недалеко от юрты Чет Челпанова, когда я пасла овец, ко

мне подъехал какой-то старый калмык в белой одежде на белом коне и
сказал: явился бог и царь (Кудей-хан), иди молиться в юрту, где вывешен
белый флаг. Если не послушаешься, будешь наказана». Я немедленно пошла
в юрту Чета. Там было много народа. При всех бывших у чета я рассказала
всё, что видела и слышала. Чет мне ничего не сказал. После этого калмыки
стали собираться к юрте Чета. Упомянутого старика в белой одежде я ни
раньше, ни позже не видела, откуда он пришёл – не знаю».
 4. « Я сам бога не видел. Чугул-Сарок, по её словам, видела весной белого
старика на белом коне. Этот старик запретил калмыкам почитать кермеса,
приказал кланяться русскому богу, солнцу и белому царю (Ак-кан), велел
мне, Чету носить на голове четыре шёлковых кисти. Слух этот разнёсся
среди калмыков и они стали собираться на молитву к моей юрте. Девочка
Чугул сама говорила калмыкам, живущим около моей юрты, что бог велел
им всем молиться, бросить старую веру, не колоть скот старым богам, что
он обещает счастье тем, которые будут его слушаться. Я не учил калмыков
молиться по новой вере, а им указывала девочка».

5. ...Челпанов, с некоторого времени носивший белую шубу и ездивший на

белом коне, говорил им, что бог, явившись лично ему на белом коне и в
белой шубе, под угрозой быть убитым небесным огнём, приказал калмыкам
сжечь бубны и «чалу», собираться в логу Терем и молиться 15 дней. Для
молитвы следовало выйти на гору, постелить белую кошму, взять чашку с
кобыльим молоком и ложку, повернуться к солнцу, юрызгать молоко вверх,
кланяться и говорить: «Бог, солнце, месяц, Алтай, белый царь, помощи
дайте».

6. In July 1904, Chot Chelpan announced that a vision had appeared to him. A rider
dressed in white and riding a white horse appeared; behind this rider appeared two others.
The first rider spoke in a language unknown to Chot; the two behind interpreted his
words. “ I was and will be forever and ever. I am the chief of the Oirots, which I
proclaim to you, for the time is near. Thou, Chot, art a sinful man, but thy daughter is
innocent. Through her I shall announce to all Altaians my commandments.”
The commandments of the new religion were the following:
1.Do not smoke tobacco, but if you cannot control this habit, then let the tobacco to be
mixed with two parts of birch bark
2.Kill all cats and henceforth never permit them in your yurts.
3.Do not chop living trees.
4.Do not swallow the blood of the animals.
5.Upon meeting, each man is to say yakshi (good) to the other as is not to ask what’s
new, as you have done heretofore.
6. Each morning and each evening sprinkle milk upwards and in all four directions.
7. Set up within your yurts, at the doors and in the front parts of your yurts, for birch
censers and four small birches.
8. Burn heather (juniper?) in the censers.
9. Do not offer one another a pipe of tobacco on meeting, but offer a spring of heather
(juniper) and say at that time, yakshi.
10. Burn the drums of the shamans because they are not from god, but from Erlik.
11.Do not eat from the same pot with a Christian, or with converted Altaian.
12. Do not become friends with a Russian and do not call them Orus (Russian), but call
them chichke put (thin legs).
13. The high northern white mountain; you must incline your heads toward it. But the
time is come when the white mountain is no longer your Lord.
14. Once we were all under Oirots. Now we will be at one with them. We will look on the
Russians as our enemies. Soon their end will come, and the land will not accept them, the
earth will open and they will be cast under the earth.
15. If anyone has Russian money, spend it quickly on powder, shot, even on Russian
wares, and what remains of money after the purchases, bring it to me.
16. We will regard the sun and the moon as our brothers.
17. Hang on small birch trees ribbons of five different colors as sign of the presence on
earth of the five chief peoples and five chief religions.
18. Do not hide from me even a kopeck. Those who will hide it will sink into the earth as
the Russians.

7. «Я не поверил своей дочери (Чугул), но мне ми самому пришлось увидеть

этого человека. Я был в это время в Тулайте (приток р. Чарыша) и оттуда
поехал домой. На самой седловине горы встретился с ним (всадником). И
сказал он мне... надо оставить старую веру и рассказать об этом всему
Алтаю, чтобы все жгли. Он сказал ещё, чтобы все молились солнцу и луне –
Ай-Бурхан, Кун-Бурхан, От-Бурхан, Уч-Курбустан Бурхан... Потом начал
молиться по новому. Есть в горах дерево арчил, я клал его в огонь и
молился. Этот арчил и раньше клали в огонь... Сам я родился в Ябогане...
переехал в Теренг... Никого из заграничных людей я не видел. После
видения через три месяца стали приезжать в Теренг алтайцы... Установили
берёзки, развели огонь, клали в него арчил, доили кобыл и молоко брызгали
на березки и на огонь, к березкам привязывали ленточки. Березки и арчил, и
ленточки взяты от старой веры, когда молились доброму богу. Так молились
у моей юрты и ездили на гору недалеко от юрты и молились там. Кроме
этой молитвы, никаких других не было. Эти слова говорят или громко, или
шёпотом, или в уме, а в это время думают о здоровье на весь Алтай.
Молились стоя... Ножи в землю не зарывали, когда молились. Это напрасно
говорили, что мы зарывали ножи. Впрочем, может быть, кто и делал так.
Слово Бурхан значит бог. Он живет на небе. На кого он похож - не знаю. Его
зовут Ак (белый). Он добрый. Не знаю, наказывает ли он когда, или нет. На
суде меня обвинили за моления по-новому. Протокол был, что мы о японцах
поминали. Это неверно. Я про японцев не слыхал и не знал, а только когда
сидел в тюрьме – узнал. На молениях перебывало 2-3 тысячи народу, может
быть, кто и придумал... Я не знаю, откуда ярлыкчы явились... По новой вере
лучше: лошадей не колем, каму не платим».

8. Галдан-Ойрот (если) придёт -

Черные (шаманисты) исчезнут!
Черные в землю уйдут!
Черногрудые к заходу солнца пойдут.
Золотой Ойрот наш царь придёт -
Черногрудые к закату луны пойдут -
Мы на Ак-Чечек и Кок-Чечек Алтай пойдем!
Черногрудые – к закату луны пойдут жить!
 9. The Oirot of Old has come –
Let’s turn twice, prayng,
On the gray stallion, shaking reins, we’ll ride!
The Ancient Oirot has come –
We’ll turn six times and bow.
On the stallion with fur, like of an elk,
Joyfully we’ll trot!
Lets’ play joyfully – play,
Since Oirot-tsar has come.
We’ll sing in clear voices,
Since the tsar of Old has come!
Carved and pretty shoes
Let’s put on, put on,
To Bulun-Tokoi ( the name of the late Dzungar capital, traditionally a part of the
“larger” Altai, now in Sinkiang, China – A.V.) Altai
Let’s go, let’s go!
For the golden rein,
Burkhan created horse.
To live under the moonlight,
Burkhan created us.
For the silver rein,
Burkhan created a brown horse.
To live under the rays of sun –
Burkhan created us!
With the sign on its wings,
The king of birds will come,
Having the same buttons as Kairakhan (an epithet of God. Buttons are the tamgas
– the traditional signs of identity among Turks and Mongols – A.V.),
Our tsar will come!
With the tobo sign on the top of the head
The king of birds will come,
With four rows of buttons
Our tsar will come!
Correctly put Mongolian hat
One cannot move as one wants,
Our most subtle law –
One cannot break…
… The beaten path
When will it smoothen over?
Long gone Oirot-khan
When will he come back?
A beaten black road
When will it smoothen over?
Gone before Galdan-tsar
When will he return?
When the six bows will be stretched
 Russia will burn
When a [great] bow shoots with 30 arrows –
Russian occupation will be no more.
When the bow with a golden arrow stretches,
Amyr-sana will come to us.
Russia that harasses us
Will fade from fear and perish.

Прежний Ойрот пришёл –

Дважды повернёмся, молясь,
На коне серой масти (подобно козлу)
Поводом качая, поедем1
Старинный Ойрот пришё –
Шесть раз повернувшись, поклонимся.
На коне с шерстью, подобной маралу,
Спиной потряхивая, рысью поедем!
Будемте весело играть – играть,
Раз Ойрот-царь пришёл.
Голос будет литься весело,
Раз прежний царь пришёл!
Вырезанную-украшенную обувь
Наденемте, наденем,
На Булун-Токой Алтай
Поедемте, поедем!
Чтобы золотую узду надевать,
Коня Бурхан создал.
Чтобы под светом луны жили,
Нас Бурхан создал.
Чтобы серебряную узду надевать,
Бурого (коня) Бурхан создал.
Под лучами солнца жить –
Нас Бурхан создал!
Со знаком на крыльях
Царь птиц прилетит,
С Кайраканом имеющий одинаковые пуговицы
Наш царь придёт!
Поперёк надвинутую монгольскую шапку
Нельзя сдвинуть набекрень,
Тончайший наш закон –
Нельзя нарушить.
Разглаженную надетую шапку
Пошевелить нельзя:
Самый тонкий закон придёт –
Нельзя его нарушить!
Глубокая тропинка
Когда снова разгладится?
Давно ушедший Ойрот-хан
Когда обратно придёт?
Вытоптанная чёрная дорога
Когда она изгладится?
Прежде ушедший Галдан-царь
Когда обратно вернётся?
Шесть луков когда натянутся,
Россия огнём воспламенится.
В 30 стрел когда натянется лук –
Русского жительства не будет.
Когда лук с золотою стрелой натянется,
Тогда придёт к нам Амыр-Сана.
На нас идущая Россия,
Смутившись от страха, погибнет.

10. В первое время моления были несложны. Группами собирались около юрт,
зажигали пучки вереска и брызгали молоком по направлению к горам,
окружающим лог Терем. При этом пели старинные песни, восхваляющие
Алтай; распевали также песни, зло высмеивающие русских, призывающие
на них проклятия, и т.п. Установленных канонов не было; тексты песен и
молитв были разнообразны. Только впоследствии ритуал начал
отстаиваться; Стали выделять уже готовые фразы молений по разным
поводам.

11. Собиравшиеся дали Чету новое имя – Абая, его жене – Гудеим, приёмной
дочери – Акы Шуленги... ...разослали гонцов, собирать белые кошмы для
постройки Чету юрты.... ...Назвали эту юрту торжественно орго (дворец)...
Чет молился в окружении избранных, а остальные алтайцы расположились
по логам и склонам горы, здесь жили день за днем и устраивали моления
группами. Для пропитания этой массы паломников ежедневно кололи 30-40
лошадей; всюду дымились костры... Скоро, говорил Чет, должен родиться
мальчик без пуповины, по Каан-Мерген... ...Моления в долине
продолжались с апреля до середины июня. Приезжающие к Чету с
подарками и на моления терпеливо ожидали появления знамения на солнце
– знак близкого прихода Ойрота.

12. Думается, что миссионеры первыми поняли суть происходившего и

осознали возникшую для их дела опасность. Ведь молиться в Теренг ездили
не только язычники, но и крещёные, которые отказывались от
христианнства и принимали «свою» веру.

13. «на месте (в Теренге – Л.Ш.) застали 400 человек, совершавших

богомоление. Никаких неизвестных или посторонних лиц при этом не было.
Сбор происходил на религиозной почве, вообразивших, что Чет Челпан,
Чугул и Кул получили от Бога солнца указание совершать богомоления.»
14. Челпанов, стоявший в центре толпы, подняв руки кверху, повторял: «О царь
Бурхан-Ойрот-Япон и на вопросы исправника не отвечал... ...По этой вере
некогда молились калмыки при своём царе Ойроте, который ушёл за море,
где ныне повелевает царь Японии, сделался Бурханом и скоро вернётся на
Алтай.

15. ...суд над бурханистами неожиданно для властей превратился фактически в

демонстрацию против колониального гнёта над алтайцами. Это особенно
стимулировало продолжение движения – на новом уже его этапе (втором)...
Этот вердикт царского суда вожаки бурханистов использовали как своего
рода легализацию «белой веры».

16. Заходящее солнце, золотой керел

Вседержатель, хранитель жилища.
С радугой четыре хранителя
От злого духа да сохраняют.
От помыслов злого аза берегут,
Передний угол охраняет
Вседержитель Белый Бурхан.

17. Д.Клеменц умышленно затушёвывает поитическую сторону дела и в своих

статьях, и в речи на суде: старый народник-сибиряк, известный как борец за
права «инородцев», естественно, старался содействовать смягчению
приговора суда.

18. « в книге «Ойротия» мною допущен целый ряд ошибок антиленинского

характера, которые объективно служат к обоснованию как
великодержавного шовинизма, так и местного национализма и делают книгу
вредной... ... Я считаю своей первоочередной задачей борьбу с
собственными ошибками и их развенчание...»

19. Считать бурханизм национально-освободительным движением,

рассматривать его как прогрессивное явление в истории алтайцев нельзя.
Бурханизм вовсе не является движением за национальную свободу и за
национальную независимость алтайцев, направленным будто бы против
царского колониального режима. Напротив, бурханизм был реакционным
националистическим движением, сфабрикованным японскими
империалистами... ...Ориентация на отрыв Алтая от России, на переход
алтайцев под протекторат Японии, в чём были заинтересованы японские
империалистические круги, была выгодна также буржуазно-
националистической байской верхушке, стремившейся к монопольной
эксплоатации соплеменников, к положению монополистов на Алтае.

20. Итак, вряд ли есть основания считать бурханизм алтайским вариантом

 буддизма. Из буддизма алтайцы заимствовали лишь некоторые предметы
культа, зачастую не имея представления об их истинном назначении. Кое-
что было скопировано из внешних форм буддийской обрядности, но
непоследовательно, «на глазок». Бурхан алтайских гимнов вовсе не Будда, а
всего лишь удобное – в силу своей неопределённости – обознасение некоей
высшей силы. Бурханизм, начавшийся с отрицания шаманизма, ограничился
гонениями на шаманов. Бурханисты оставили в неприкосновенности
многоие детали обрядовых действий. Ичезли олицетворявшие доброе и злое
начала Ульгень и Эрлик, но место первого занял универсальный «Бурхан»,
ничем не отличавшийя от Ульгеня, а упразднение Эрлика стало одной из
главных задач бурханизма. Строго говоря, ничего «нового» учение не
создало. Произошло «оживление» персонажей исторического фольклора, и
их имена зазвучали по-новому в изменившемся историческом контексте.
Вечные для Алтая образы и темы: молоко, гора, береза, родная земля,
добрый хан – обрели в бурханизме новую жизнь. Главным мифологическим
источником оказалась в конце-концов местная духовная культура.

21. Поводом для задержки сдачи рукописи в производство были разногласия

между автором и ответственным редактором Л.П. Потаповым.
Ответственный редактор считал, что в монографии слишком кратко и
суммарно охарактеризованы социально-экономические причины
возникновения бурханизма. Данилину А.Г. ставился упрёк в том, что он не
акцентировал внимание на политические причины возникновения
бурханизма в 1904-1905 гг.
Ответственный редактор считал, что А.Г.Данилин не заметил
японофильскую сущность бурханизма. ... А.Г Данилин развёрнуто и
обоснованно ответил на это замечание ответственного редактора. Он считал,
что факторов, подтверждающих японофильскую сущность бурханизма
документально подтвердить невозможно. В своём отчёте он писал: «Эти
смутные идеи раздували чиновники и миссионеры. Они ... говорили об
обшей «старинной (дошаманской) вере, белой вере, которая была при
Ойрот-Шуну – Амыр-Сане. Говорили о необходимости объединения на
«старой» территории (опять Булан-Токой). Так что в этом вопросе нет
возможности, оставаясь на почве фактов, категорически утверждать, что баи
проводили японофильскую программу.»

22. В начале 30-х годов обстановка становилась всё сложнее, и Данилин не мог
не видеть, как это сказывается на жизни населения Горного Алтая. Он
собрал огромное количество материалов по бурханизму. Но прямо и честно
высказать свою позицию по этому явлению он уже не мог. И он, как ему
казалось, пришёл к компромиссу: в своей статье он не отступает от точки
зрения учёных 20-х годов и пишет, что бурханизм – это национально-
освободительное движение, но, в угоду конъюнктуре, имеющее
контрреволюционный характер. Нелепость подобного сочетания понятна
каждому. И, думается, что Данилин прекрасно понимал несовместимость
этих оценок. Видимо, он сознательно не рассматривал развитие бурханизма
 с 1904 г. И его изменений под влиянием менявшейся в стране обстановки.
Но это был единственный шанс хоть что-то рассказать об этом уникальном
явлении.
В наши дни, после того, как бурханизм нещадно уничтожался, а его
последователи преследовались, материалы, собранные А.Г. Данилиным –
единственные относительно полные сведения об этом феномене.

23. Сейчас требуется глубокий, всесторонний анализ и оценка не столько

внешней, ритуальной стороны бурханизма, сколько его религиозной
догматики и культов, необходим дальнейший поиск и изучение молитв и
песен бурханистов. ...Думается, что история «белой веры» должна стать
предметом самостоятельного исследования.

24. ...Запомнился рассказ одного человека, может быть, единственного, кто

открыл свою боль. Рассказ, из которого ясно, что не забыл Алтай ни
Теренга, ни того, что было уже в слсетское время.
Его арестовали и дали восемь лет Колымы. Он не знал русского
языка и не понял – за что... Через три года, уже в лагере, освоив язык,
Он обратился к начальнику с просьбой: сказать, за что он сидит. Тот
рассмеялся: «Ты же японский шпион!» Вот так.
... Пока же история и прошлое существуют как бы в параллельных мирах и
трудно им пробраться друг к другу через море лжи и фальсификаций....

25. ...А Бурханизм? «Ак дьян» жив. Только будь осторожен и внимателен, а
главное – тактичен. Знаки и приметы этой веры рассыпаны по всему Алтаю.
Вот и на перевале ветер играет белыми лентами на ветках лиственниц, а у
аршана лежит маленький букетик цветов... В аиле немного дурманящий
запах можжевельника, а бабушка рассказывает своим внукам легенду о
«временах Ойрот-хана».

26. Бруннов честно признался Макарию, что ему «не удалось добиться прямых
положительных доказательств», что «источником учения Чета были
буддийские ламы из соседней Монголии...» Возможно, именно тогда в
голове Макария рождался новый план, но для его осуществления нужен
был... лама. И тут случай шёл ему навстречу: в бийской тюрьме уже сидел
монгольский лама.... Ламу арестовали на территории Российской империи.
Куда он мог ехать? Ответ готов: конечно же, к мятежникам! Для чего? А
чтобы своими проповедями прельстить их «хорошей жизнью» монголов под
покровительством Сына Неба. И, разумеется, настроить калмыков против
власти Российского императора. Такой поворот не давал бы Чету шансов
для оправдания. Но вышла неувязка. Лама был арестован за сотни
километров от Теренга, на Чуе. Возмущённый, он сразу заявил Макарию,
что не понимает, за что задержан. Он плохо видит, и русские купцы
посоветовали ему съездить в Бийск за очками.... ... незадачливого
близорукого ламу вскоре отпустили. …Однако эпизод с ламой получил
неожиданное продолжение. Пройдёт несколько десятков лет, и уже
 советские историки напишут, что в Теренге был арестован монгольский
лама, и что именно он подготовил моление.

27. В торжественном молчании сидели кругом якшилары – почётные люди.

Курдан брал завёрнутую в шёлк книгу (судур), развёртывал её и
прикладывал её к темени, ко лбу и к груди. Через некоторое время, быстро
перелистывая несколько страниц, снова делал то же движение… затем он
завертывал книгу и прятал её за пазуху, к сердцу, и опускал передний
занавес своего «шире». После долгой паузы он начинал излагать то, что
«написано» в этой книге и что Бурхан ему «передал в мыслях». … алтайцы
удивлялись, как быстро он перелистывает книгу и всё-таки «усваивает» её
содержание: не иначе, что мысли и слова ему внушает сам Курбустан.
Громко «читая» по книге, Курдан излагал в новых вариантах обычные
верования ярлыков и приметы о скором пришествии Ойрота.

Сзади яика иногда подвешивается отрез шелковой ткани, называемой

алтайцами как «иконки» - бурхан, размером 50х70 см, на лицевой части
которой наштампованы изображения Арьябола (Авалокитешвара) в
четырёхугольниках…

Совершенно новым предметом, незнакомым в ритуале шаманистов,

является мандал. Это небольшое 12,5 см в диаметре, металлическое блюдо
или, вернее, диск с невысокими краями, 2,75 см с выпуклыми
изображениями горы Сумеру в середине и символов стихий всего мира по
окружности… …Характерно изменение функции этого предмета, попавшего
в иную среду: нам рассказывали, что один ярлык брал мандал на моления,
где время от времени ударял в него медным очиром, также попавшим к
нему от какого-нибудь ламы.

28. ...Современными учёными используется «вербитский текст» мифов без

критического анализа, не учитывается, что в религиозной мифологии самих
жителей Горного Алтая не фигурируют буддийские персонажи.

29. Время, когда небо давило сверху, земля снизу разверзлась... Вверху была
тьма, внизу была пыль...
звери, люди и птицы сбились с пути... это состояние длилось три года и
прекратилось по милости неба.

30. Явное выделение Тенгри и универсализм его функций побуждают

некоторых исследователей к оценке древнетюкской религии как особой,
близкой к монотеизму веры, которую можно обозначить термином
«тенгриизм», оговаривая, впрочем, наличие в ней более ранних
напластований.
31. Тенгри дарует каганам мудрость и власть, дарует каганов народу,
наказывает согрешивших против каганов и даже, «приказывая» кагану,
решает государственные и военные дела.

32. Доказательством существования в древнетюркской мифологии полной

трёхчленной модели Вселенной стало недавнее выявление в рунических
текстах Енисея и Восточного Туркестана наиболее важного и яркого
персонажа Нижнего мира – его владыки Эрклиг-хана, «разлучающего»
людей и посылающего к ним «вестников смерти».

33. Орхонские надписи постоянно декларируют небесное происхождение

каганского рода. Вместе с представлениями о Тенгри и Умай как
божественной чете – покровительнице династии, этот поздний
мифологический цикл носил явственный отпечаток его рождения в
классовом обществе и являлся несомненной частью государственного
культа Тюркского каганата.

34. С Самого начала этнографического изучения Сибири внимание

исследователей и сторонних наблюдателей прежде всего приковывалось к
«экзотическим» явлениям культуры. В Северной Азии таковым был
шаманизм и неудивительно, что фигура шамана часто заслоняла собой все
остальные. Порой этот подход сохраняется и поныне, хоя стоит признать,
что «одинокий лидер» плохо согласуется с самим строем традиционного
мироощущения, ориентированного на типичное. С накоплением
информации встаёт проблема соотношения шамана и других сакральных
лиц, далёкая, впрочем, от разрешения.

35. Ульгень не бог или божество, а тёсь (духовный предок) группы Алтайских
сеоков. Они обращались к нему...
Прочие Алтайские сеоки не обращались к Ульгеню – у них были свои
предки-тёсь сеоков того же класса... Возникает вопрос: почему тёсь-предок
нескольких сеоков становится «верховным богом-творцом» в
академической литературе? Скорее всего, по причине небрежного сбора и
последующей публикации данных одними учёными, и некритического
подхода к этой информации другими...

36. Когда жертвенное мясо готово, «уважаемый всеми старик, знающий обычаи
старины и слова жертвенной молитвы, вооружается тут же берестяной
ложкой (тос самлак) и, черпая ею из берестяного, тоже сделанного на месте
плоского блюда, вроде противня, по очереди кумыс с творогом, молоко,
айран, суп с жировыми частями плещет сначала небу, потом берёзе и при
этом ходит сл всеми присутствующими посолонь кругом берёз с чтением
особой молитвы... Торжество заканчивается обильной трапезой из мяса
заколотых барашков и араки. Всё несъеденное и невыпитое бросается в
огонь так же, как и кости. Это моление «небу и солнышку» считается
находящимся вне сферы злых духов, а потому шамана для совершения
 тигир таиха совершенно не требуется; по уверению инородцев,
шаман,очутившийся в этот день на таихе, а тем более взявшийся за
совершение моления, безумеет и падает в корчах».

37. Ульгань у бурханистов является персоной старой, оставшейся от старого

шаманства. Но к этой божественной персоне бурханисты относятся
совершенно по-другому: Ульганю не приносят уже кровавых
жертвоприношений, следовательно не совершают и продолжительных
мистерий. Они чествуют его только брызганием молока и посвящают емй
лошадей светлой масти. Лошадь эта, называемая кыйра-мал, после молений,
отпускается в табун. На ней не могут ездить женщины, потому что от
прикосносение женщины лошадь оскверняется и через это наносится
оскорбление и самому Ульганю. Ульгань у бурханистов считается родовым
божеством, как и у шаманистов. Каждый род чтит своего родового Ульганя.
В описываемом районе у бурханистов насчитываеся 3 (5?) Ульганя: Бай
Ульгань, Бай Каршыт, Бактыган, Кёк Монгкко, совершенно равные между
собой, независимые друг от друга и самодовлеющие.

38. Переходя к новой вере, бурханисты не утратили принцип родового

почитания районных духов, духов гор и горных высот. Поэтому в настоящее
время у каждого рода бурханистов есть своя почитаемая гора (тайга), где
живёт дух. В голове бурханиста, таким образом, уживаются одновременно
два духа Алтая, из них один общий Кёбё Алтай, а другой личный – Алу
Алтай… Последнему посвящаются короткие молитвы… … Дух Алтая даёт
бурханисту кут или сус…

39. В героическом эпосе алтайцев, в их сказках фигурируют необыкновенные

герои, наделённые сверхчеловеческими качествами, силой, хитростью,
олицетворяющие собой вождей-освободителей. Таковы сказания об Амыр-
Сане, Шуну или Ойрот-хане... ... В фольклоре алтайцев и телеутов,
принявших «белую веру», бытовали многочисленные обоготворяемые
герои. В общей, например, молитве, обращённой ко всем «духам-
богатырям», встречаются следующие имена: Шуну, Алтын-Тунтер, Гэсэр-
Хан, Хан-Толпытте, Бакши-Бурхан, Алтын-керел, Алтын-топчы, Ак-
Анчилей и др. Но особенно выделяются из всех три героя – Ойрот-Хан или
Калдан-Ойрот, Шуну и Амыр-Сана (Амурсана). Причём они так сближены,
что часто заменяются один доугим или идут в одном и том же сказании
рядом.

40. Историчность личности Амыр-Саны (Амурзан, Амурсана) не вызывает

сомнений в исторической литературе. Этот Джунгарский (ойротский) князь
– глава племён хойт в Тарбагатае – поднял восстание против маньчжуро-
китайкого владычества в 1755 г. с целью основать самостоятельное
государство. Восстание было жестоко подавлено, и Амыр-сана в 1756 г.
Скрылся в Россию, где и умер (в г. Тобольске) от оспы…
 … Галдан-Ойрот – личность тоже историческая. Это Галдан Церен из
поколения Чжорос, объявивший себя в 1677 г. Джунгарским ханом…

41. Наряду с религиозным пониманием мессианства, котда бог в человеческом

облике нисходит на бренную землю, ещё большую популярность имеет
явление божественной предначертанности отдельной личности на
верховную власть. У тюрко-монгольских народов сложилась традиция
мессианства именно в этом направлении, которая оказала колоссальное
влияние на идеологическое и политическое, этно-психологическое сознание
кочевого общества.

42. Родословные тюрко-монгольских «первоплемён» были сплавлены в единое

целое в родословные более «поздних» племён генеалогией Чингисхана...
...на наш взгляд, чингизизм – это не новая, а перерождённая религия в
условиях другой эпохи, уже знакомая идеолого-религиозная система,
известная у тех же древних тюрков... В культе предводителя центрально-
азиатских народов есть два отличия. Во-первых, у кочевых народов фигура
хана – при всём её обожествлении – это тот же земной человек... Во-вторых,
у тюрко-монголов не менее важную роль играла вера в перерождение
царственного первопредка в конкретной исторической личности.
... Не исключено, что великие потрясения евразийских степей всегда или
почти всегда сопровождались идеологическими переворотами, подобными
возникновению чингизизма... Как ни странно, но чингизизм как
исторический феномен не изжил себя вплоть до нашего времени.

43. Третий цикл песен о Шуну составляют песни, в которых реалистическая,

земная картина переплетается с глубоко идеалистической, где он называется
племянником Курбустана – верховного божества.

44. Хормуста-тенгри фигурирует как отец (или создатель) Чингисхана, Х. –

небесный отец Гесера... ...Согласно буряской версии эпоса о Гесере, Х.
Имеет трёх сыновей, имена которых восходят либо к книжной версии
Гесериады, либо заимствованы из исторических преданий и принадлежать
Чингисхану и его братьям... ...В бурятском эпосе Х. Борется с Ата Улан-
тенгри, главой злых восточных тенгри... он посылает на землю своего сына
(в земном перерождении – Абай Гесер Богдо), который сражается со злыми
силами, возникшими из тела низвергнутого на землю Ата Улана.

45. Откровенный, честный хан Шунуту

Имеет на небе дворец
Опоясан (он) белой радугой
Белым градом омытый.
46. Герои Боги
К этой категории божественных особ принадлежат: а) мифический царь
Ойрот- Каан, а также исторические лица Дзюнгарского царства б) Амыр-
Сана, в) Тамир-Сана, г) Шуну и д) Калдан Чару.
В религиозном мировоззрении указанные персоны получили санкцию
божественных персон после возникновения бурханизма, вернее за
последние годы. Им присвоена богатырская сила, которой они отражают
злых духов. Роль их в бурханизме среди других духов незначительна. Когда
совершается у бурханистов обряд изгнания злых духов, называемый
«сойлоду», в это время представитель бурханского культа «ярлыкчы»
призывает их как добавочную силу ко всем остальным богам. Ярлыкчы
просит последних вооружиться луком, стрелами, надеть шлем, кольчугу и в
таком боевом виде итти на борьбу с изгоняемым злым духом.
Бурханисты думают, что упоминаемые богатыри-боги своим
выступлением имеют решающее значение при изгнании злых духов.

47. ХОРМУСТА, Хормуста-тенгри, Хурмаст, Курбусту (тув.). Уч Курбустан

(алт.), Хормузда (маньч.), в мифологии монгольских народов верховное
небесное божество. Восходит к согдийскому Хурмазта… В средневековье
Х., очевидно, быстро контаминируется с центральным ураническим
божеством государственного шаманистского культа – Вечным небом,
Тенгри, вплоть до полного отождествления (Хормуста-тенгри иногда
осмысливается как «небо»)

48. Все духи зависят от Курбустана и по словам Алтайцев, «отделяются» или

«вырезываются» от него.
Кубустан – бог, дающий последователям Ак дъян «кут» или «сус».

49. На Белый Алтай мы поедем

Если благословит нас Белый Бурхан
До белого цветка дойдём!

50. Благослови, Белый Бурхан,

Шестигранный белый вереск
Белое благословление дающий!
Семигранный белый вереск
Синее благословление дающий
Белый Бурхан помощь даёт!

51. Мой Бурхан с солнцем и луной

Белым молоком встречаю.
Злой дух (узут) меня от Солнца не отделит
Моя белая судьба
Создана Белым Бурханом.
52. Должность ярлыкчи, как правило, была выборной. Тем самым был сделан
ещё один шаг к формированию профессиональной жреческой прослойки.
Одежда ярлыкчи подчёркивала отличие «белой веры» от «чёрного»
шаманизма. Поверх повседневного одеяния ярлыкчи надевал «молочно-
белую шубу» - халат из белой ткани с широким откидным воротником.
Вдоль спины и рукавов халата спускались широкие жёлтые и белые ленты.
Ярлыкчи обязательно носил косу в знак приверженности старине.
Акцентируется в песнях ярлыкчи и такая деталь, как ленты на шапке
ярлыкчи. Они сравниваютсяс «косами» божества:
Вы, сущие за белыми облаками,
За синими небесами,
Три Курбустана!
Ты, носящий три косы,
Белый Бурхан!
Таким образом, белизна одеяния и ленты на его шапке делают ярлыкчи
подобным белому божеству. Более того, на общественные моления
ярлыкчи часто приезжали на белой лошади, являя собравшимся облик
Белого Всадника.

53. Цагаан Эбуген – Старик, облачённый в белые одежды. Он ездит верхом на

белой оленухе или белой лошади. Он является соединяющим звеном между
божествами Верхнего мира и Средним миром. Он – проявление и
воплощение Среднего Мира и, таким образом, является хозяином Земли и
покровителем семьи, долголетия и счастья.

54. Холодная вода на Алтае –

Подобен радуге Бурхан,
Тёплые ключи есть на Алтае –
Подобен белому памени Бурхан!
О, мой Алтай с холодной водой!
О, мой Бурхан – с радугой!
О, мой Алтай – с целебными источниками!
О, мой Бурхан – с белым пламенем!

55. Наиболее общее моление бывает осенью: оно посвящено духу-хозяину мира
(Ак Алтайдын ээзи), или Уч Курбустану. Назывется это моление шутен. Оно
связано с просьбой всяческого изобилия, особенно на скот
Второе по значимости моление – это Чок (дъяик чокчор) – моление яикам,
находящимся в аиле…
Третий по степени важности вид молений – это Такы (От такыр) – моение
духу огня (от эне или оттын ээзи).
Кроме этих молений, совершаемых всегда осенью, бывают в любое время
более простые моления: Урус – брызгание молоком с чтением молитв,
моление кыйра – при навешивании ленточеки, наконец, моление арчын –
связанное с возжиганием вереска.
56. Культовая одежда ярлыков заимствована от камов.
Камы, предки которых не имели культовой одежды «манъяк», также не
имели права её носить; при камланиях доброму божеству они надевали
белый халат, с белой и красной лентой сзади и пучками перьев на плечах.

57. Халат шили из белой ткани, с левой полой, отороченной желтой лентой.
Шапка же по форме напоминала шапку камов: сшитая также из белой ткани
в форме длинного колпака, опускающегося почти до половины спины, она
отрочена на лбу… …желтой ленточкой к верхушке прикреплены две ленты,
опускающиеся почти до земли.

58. Мужчины и женщины, умыв лицо и руки, прежде начатия дела, а матери, не
кормя детей грудью, вставали лицом к востоку; мужчины, преклонив оба
колена и держа обе руки назади, покланялись до земли и произносиди:
«Пуодоминэ бурханым», а женщины, став на левое колено и держась
правою рукою за правую косу, покланялись также до земли и произносили:
«Теэдыминэ Кутаим!»
Пред молением клали аржан на огонь и медную кадильницу, утверждённую
на четыреножник, вышиною в пояс… …это исполняли только старшие, да и
то не в каждой юрте; ныне-же исполняется это только один раз в году, в
общем собрании, после весеннего грома, на высокой какой-нибудь горе,
брызгают вл все стороны коровьим молоком и кланяются.

59. Ульгеню приносят жертву редко, потому что он и без того добр. Впрочем,
каждый взрослый человек, по вступлении в супружество, обязан принести
жертву (иик) – коня светлой масти, а особенно он любит каурых.
Отсуленная в жертву Ульгеню лошадь пользуется особенным уважением: к
гриве ея привязывается красная лента, и женщинам садиться на неё не
дозволено. Время приношения жертвы преимущественно весна, когда
можно приготовить абыртку. Место приношения жертвы – березовый лес.
Участие в этом празднике могут иметь одни мужчины, равно и шаман
должен быть мужчина. Есть-же пить идоложертвенное могут и женщины, но
в таком порядке: девицы на самом месте, где была принесена жертва,
женщины не ближе 50 саж.

60. Божества и взгляд на вселенную, представленные в мифах, отличались от

шаманских взглядов и духов.
Главными персонажами были божества, признаваемые универсальными
всем населением. Это были Уч Курбустан, Кудай, Эрлик и Тенери.

61. На рубеже 90-х годов нашего века ситуация изменилась качественно.

Официаьный атеизм, как и вся господствовавшая доктрина, лишившись
поддержки, быстро утратил свои позиции. Образовался идеологический
вакуум, который лишь в малой степени был заполнен демократическими
настроениями. Реалиями наших дней являются повсеместное оживление
традиционных форм обрядовой деятельности и «новое» мифотворчество.
 Пока мы видим лишь сам процесс и трудно говорить о его возможных
результатах. Тем не менее, достаточно очевидно, что сейчас формируется
новая редакция национальной идеологии Алтая. Каковы её вероятные
истоки, насколько она реальна и мифологична? Можно ли говорить о новом
этапе истории традиционных верований тюрклв Алтая?

62. Использование бурханистами некоторых ламаистских культовых предметов

и терминов (сумер, бурхан и др.) нельзя считать свидетельством того, что на
Алтае формировался национальный вариант северного буддизма.
Источником заимствований был не монастырский, «книжный» буддизм, а
обширный пласт народного, синкретического буддизма Монголии и,
главным образом, исторический фольклор монгольских и тюркских народов
Центральной Азии.

63. Культовые термины тангара, айыы и др. Обозначают сохрагившиеся

остатки некогда довольно развитого, глубоко древнего религиозного
верования, отличного от шаманизма... ... так называемое белое шаманство не
есть собственно шаманство и белые шаманы вовсе не шаманы.

64. У народов Сибири и Монголии из обычных шаманов выделилась особая,

высшая по своему социальному признаку категория. Именно она была тесно
связана с правящей верхушкой кочевников и оказывала влияние на
общественно-политические события… Высшая категория шаманов возникла
на основе общих шаманских представлений о вселенной, природе и
человеке…

65. …Признают Ак Бурхана. По данным опроса, он иногда сливается с Алтай

Кудай и Уч-Курбустан, в то же время выступая как самостоятельное
божество. Ак бурхан не имеет чётких характерных черт… …в связи с
возрождением бурханизма его популярность растёт.
Уч-Курбустана почитают очень мало людей. По-видимому, его можно
считать почти исчезнувшим божеством алтайцев-бурханистов.
В современных религиозных представлениях алтай-кижи одно из
центральных мест занимает культ Алтая. Иногда Алтадынг ээзи
показывается в образе старика в белой одежде… …его можно увидеть во
сне. Если он приснится, то это предвещает удачу.

66. Думается, что нынешние верования алтайцев нельзя считать

«неошаманизмом» или новой редакцией бурханизма. С Алтая ушли
православие, буддизм, старый бурханизм. Остался «фундамент»: те самые
традиционные верования, утратить которые народ просто не может.
Ключевым понятием и новой религии, и новой идеологии остается слово
«Алтай».

67. Но самый факт возрождения явочым порядком отменённых когда-то

национальных институтов весьма симптоматичен. Родовые праздники – это
реальная самодеятельность народа, отражающая его интерес к своему
происхождению, предкам, истории. В июле 1993 года в Усть-Канском
районе был проведён общеалтайский праздник «Эл Ойын», собравший
тысячи участников. На праздник съехались делегаци от всех сеоков, гости
из Тувы и Монголии… …»Родовая тема» на празднике не звучала,
устроители постарались сделать праздник максимально «светским»… … И
тем не менее, выбор места проведения праздника о многом говорил его
участникам: именно в этих межгорных долинах летом 1904 г. Впервые
открыто собрались на бурханистские моления алтайцы.