INGLES - STUART MILL Volume 13 The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1812-1848 Part II (1838) PDF

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John Stuart Mill, The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XIII - The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1812-1848 Part II [1838]
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Online Library of Liberty: The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XIII - The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1812-1848 Part II
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The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XIII - The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1812-1848 Part II, ed. Francis E. Mineka, Introduction by F.A. Hayek (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963). Author: John Stuart Mill Editor: Francis E. Mineka Introduction: Friedrich August von Hayek
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Vol. 13 of the 33 vol. Collected Works contains Mills letters written between 1838-1848 with an Introdcution by F.A. Hayek.
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Table Of Contents
The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1838-1848 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848
[Back to Table of Contents]
THE EARLIER LETTERS OF JOHN STUART MILL 1838-1848
Letter 405, to Macvey Napier, from MS in the British Museum
1838 229. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

Saturday [Jan. (?), 1838]
Dear Robertson
I am going to have to fight a duel on your account. I have had a half hostile, half expostulatory letter from Hayward2 on the subject of that passage, in the Martineau article,3 in reply to which I have owned the proprietorship, disowned authorship & editorship, admitted having seen the article before it was printed off, & said that I did not consider the terms blackguardising & lying as applied to any one individually but to a class to which it was made matter of complaint against certain superior men that they allowed themselves to be assimilated. I of course did not tell him either who wrote the article or who edited it, and I told him that I had ordered any letter he might send to be forwarded to me. I have not yet received his answer & perhaps shall not till I leave town which will be today, so hold yourself prepared in case he should write a letter to you. N.B. I told him that the writer had no malice against him, & I believed had never seen him.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill If you have anything to write, direct Post Office Southampton.4
230. TO JOHN HILL BURTON1

India House 23d January 1837 [sic, recte 1838]
My Dear Sir,
Pray excuse my not having sooner answered your letter, as my whole spare time and thoughts were occupied with poor Canada, about which what I have to say will be published in the L. & W. review on Saturday next. With regard to the note or rather the passage which I propose should be appended to my preface,2 on reperusal I should wish that after the words accordant with the spirit of the work itself you would be so kind as to add and, in Mr. Bentham, admissible and then proceed than what would be decorous &c. as before. Otherwise I shall have the appearance of censuring the tone of the work, which I am very far indeed from intending. I still wish to suppress any direct mention of my name, not to prevent it from being known to the reader if he chuses to enquire about it which I know cannot be done, but because its suppression is as it were, an act of disavowal as to any appropriateness in the notes and additions to my present frame of mind, and because I do not like to perk in the face of the world in general that the person known by my name has written things which he is ashamed of, when my name has never in any instance been put to writings I am not ashamed of. I should think Sir John Campbells Law Reform Acts, the orders of the 15 Judges promulgated a few years ago reforming the system of Pleading, and the Reports of the various Law Commissions, were the best authorities for the recent alterations in the law. Not being acquainted with many law books I cannot direct you to any other sources. My notions of Mr. Benthams intentions with respect to the Introduction to the Rationale (though I confess it is but an indistinct notion) has always been that he intended to put it forth as a kind of feeler, at a time when he did not contemplate finishing the work itself for publication at an early period. My opinion is entirely adverse to publishing the Introduction at all; & if that is decided upon, the later in the collection it comes the better. I would much rather it followed, than preceded, the Rationale. Mr. Smiths3 proposal appears to me prepos[terous]4 & from all you mention I should not suppose him to be a man to whose judgment any more deference should be paid in constructing the Edition than is indispensable. I know nothing of Mr Smith whatever except that I think I remember hearing that a gentleman of that name had been the editor of the Rationale of Reward.
Believe Me Dear Sir Yours Truly

J. S. Mill
231. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

India House 30th Jany 1838
My Dear Fonblanque
I have not said or written one word to you in complaint of the extraordinary unfairness which you appear to me to have practised for some time against those radicals who oppose the present ministryI know you never intend to be unfair, but you remember I always thought unfairness towards opponents to be one of your qualities even when you & I were on the same side in politics. It is especially in these late Canada discussions that I have thought your unfairness went beyond the bounds which in some degree confined it before. However I do not quarrel with you for this nor for your putting the last seal to your ministerialism by espousing the enmities of the ministry, & displaying personal hostility to old friends whom your new friends wish to hunt down. Perhaps if we chose to retaliate, we are not altogether without the power, but I at least never will, under whatever provocation, speak of you to the public in terms of disrespect, or even, if I can help it, of complaint. I will only, when the things you say touch me personally, point out to yourself the injustice of them, & my object in writing to you now is to do so in regard to what you say in your last number on the London Review.2 You have entirely misstated facts. The London Review never bestowed the name philosophical radicals upon its own writers or upon the people whom Bulwer called so in his speech.3 You knew at the time perfectly that it gave that name to the thinking radicals generally, to distinguish them from the demagogic radicals, such as Wakley,4 & from the historical radicals of the Cartwright5 school, & from the division of property radicals if there be any. You knew that if the London Review wished to be the review of this large body, we always considered the Examiner as the newspaper of it. You also knew that because this designation too often repeated gave a coterie air which it was felt to be objectionable, the phrase was varied, & phrases adopted to express merely those Reformers who were not professedly, Reformers only within the limits of the existing Constitutionsuch were the phrases thorough reformers, & so on& yet for this very change of designation you blame the review & its writers just as the Chronicle yesterday6 after founding a long attack solely upon identifying me with Roebuck or with Grote, concluded by reproaching me for differing from them. I expected no better from the Chronicle but what is the meaning of your insisting upon identifying me with Grote or Roebuck or the rest? Do you in your conscience think that my opinions are at all like theirs? Have you forgotten, what I am sure you once knew, that my opinion of their philosophy is & has for years been more unfavourable by far than your own? & that my radicalism is of a school the most remote from theirs, at all points, which exists? They knew this as long ago as 1829, since which time the variance has been growing wider & wider. I never consented to
have anything to do with the London Review but for the sake of getting together a body of writers who would represent radicalism more worthily than they did: you never could be induced to help me in this & until I could find persons who would, I could do littlebut in proportion as I did find such persons I have been divesting the review of its sectarian character & have even gone this length that when Molesworth ceased to feel that the review represented his opinions I took it off his hands & am now myself the proprietor of it. In the face of this it is rather hard to be accused of ascribing all wisdom & infallibility to a set from whose opinions I differ more than from the Tories. But I cannot, because I differ from them, join like you in crying them down for sacrificing their own popularity in maintaining my opinions about Canada, & while I myself seek the radical party where it is, not where it is not, & endeavour to rest upon the general body of radical opinion in the country, I will not throw overboard the most honest men in public life for standing nobly in the breach on a great occasion. I will rather risk myself there with them even at the hazard of being accused by you of being exactly what it is my special object, my principle & also my interest to shew that I am not. And I should think much higher of your magnanimity if you did the same. Of your intentions & talents I have the same high opinion which I always had.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
232. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

I.H. Tuesday [Jan. 30 or early Feb., 1838]
Dear Robertson,
It seems to me that in any future communication we have with Bulwer, the points which it is our interest to make him feel, with the least possible appearance of intending to do so, are these: First, that we have the power, from our next number inclusive, either to begin preparing the radicals to support & even to call for their ministry, or to begin impressing them with the uselessness of their looking to any ministry for a long time to come: that we shall certainly take one line or the other; & it will depend upon the opinion we form of them, which: and Secondly, that our support of them will depend not only upon their embracing the policy which we think suitable to rally the body of moderate radicals round them, who are to be our party whoever is ministerbut also upon our confidence in their personnel. That Ellice2 & Stanley3 (& we need not add, himself, but he will see that we see through him, which always vastly increases such a mans respect for one) will make it their object to render the ministry a ministry of intrigans. That we need only call it that, and treat it as that, to damage it exceedingly, and that we will treat it as that if it is that. That we have no
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earthly objection to act with intrigans, but that we do not chuse to act under intrigans: that therefore if their ministry is made up of loose fish, & does not contain a due proportion of men who have a high character for private integrity and political earnestness, we will, even if we support their measures, attack & ridicule their persons, & then beware Messrs. Bulwer, Ellice, & even Lord Durham himself. The ways and times proper for insinuating such of these things as are to be insinuated & for stating such of them as are to be stated will present themselves to you as occasion arises. I have written to Fonblanque4 as I wrote to Black,5 informing him of the same facts, telling him I think him excessively unfair towards us, but that no provocation shall induce me to attack him, & appealing to his love of truth not to mix us up with Roebuck, etc.
Ever Yours,
J.S.M.

India House 3d Feb. 1838
My Dear Fonblanque
If my letter2 gave you concern you have returned good for evil, since yours has given me great pleasure. The kind feelings you express to me personally are & have always been & I am as certain as I am about any such thing, always will be, completely reciprocated on my part. With regard to imputations which you say I have cast upon you in the eagerness of advocacy, I give you my word that I never intended to cast any: one single sentence in my political article of October last,3 though it conveyed no imputation upon anybody, & did not allude to you in particular (while in that very article the Examiner was twice mentioned in an approving tone) was I admit, written under the provocation of an article of yours, one of those you wrote against the Spectator,4 & which as it appeared to me at the time did attempt to fasten imputations on an article in that paper on evidence which I thought altogether insufficient. I remember thinking at the time that if I had been personally unacquainted with you, I should have thought that article (what I am in general much slower to think of any one than people generally are) intentionally uncandid. As it was, the effect on me was to make me think that your alienation from those whom I will call the extreme radicals, had now reached the point, at which with the most complete intention on your part to be fair towards them, they could no longer expect justice from you. And this impression has been made upon me often since. If it has been made upon me, who
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have fought your battles so long & to say nothing of our long friendship, had to vindicate the correctness of my own judgment in thinking so highly of you as I do, it cannot be but that the same impression must have been made much more strongly upon all those, holding the opinions you attack, who are differently situated from me. This is a result which you cannot yourself wish for, & I have seen it with great pain. In my article in the present number of the review5 there is only one passage in which you might perhaps suppose you were pointed to, that in which radical writers are spoken ofbut in this instance I not only did not refer to you, but if I had mentioned you, it would have been to except you from the imputations conveyed& if anybody should suppose that you were among the persons meant, I shall owe you a reparation which I shall not be slow to make. I did not complain of you for calling me philosophical in a spirit of sarcasm, but for imputing to Grote, Warburton &c the assumption of a name which as far as I know, they never used, though I did; & after fixing the name on them, then applying it to the London Review as being identified with them. I am so far from being that, that I am most anxious to distinguish myself from thembut I do not think the radical cause so strong as to sustain no injury from lowering the character of such men as those I have named& I thought this time peculiarly one at which they had entitled themselves to be upheld. I felt much disappointed at your not taking this view along with mebut I hope I need not repeat that I am quite convinced that in this as in all other parts of your conduct you act with the most perfect persuasion of your being in the right. The difference between us is, I suspect, as you suppose, partly in our estimation of men& I should like very much to know better in what instances you think I err in my estimation of them. I should like this because I have been accustomed to the same charge from various people & from nobody so much as from those whom you probably think that I overestimate, & I have generally thought that the ground of this judgment of me from most of those who formed it, was, that I saw much to be valued & admired in persons whom they disliked. If I err egregiously in my judgment of men I am not at present in a way to correct my error, for hitherto my experience has generally confirmed the judgments of men, which I had formed for myself, while it has often weakened those I had formed wholly or partially on the authority of others. But I should like to compare notes with you on men, & to see who are those respecting whom we differ. As the state of opinion in the electoral body, I do not think you would find me so unacquainted with it as you suppose. I do not think the electoral body are favourable to my views on the points on which we differ; but rather the reverse. But I think they would by this time have been so, if the principal radicals & especially yourself had taken the tone which I think ought to have been taken. There is a great deal of passive radicalism in the electoral body, but very little active, & the grounds of my present practical views, whether right or wrong, are, that if this passive radicalism is not very soon transmitted into active, it will become impossible to do so, & that if the present ministry continue, with their present line of conduct, until the Tories turn them out without aid from their own supporters, Peel & [Well]ington6 will come in without the Orangemen & will be supported by OConnell & 150 of the 200 ballot men in the
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House. The only alternative is in my opinion, a Durham ministry within a year (or thereabouts)or else the strongest Conservative Ministry we have had since Lord Liverpools,7 and the longer we wait for this last, the less chance there will be of making a strong Opposition. We are letting the cards slip out of our hands. This is the view by which I am guided, & I am driving for a Durham ministry. I may be wrong, but my object is to rest upon the whole body of radical opinion in the country & I grieve to find one part of it eating up another.
Ever Yours Faithfully

J. S. Mill

India House 6th Feby 1838
My Dear Fonblanque
I was a little inclined to reproach myself for having written to you (as I have since thought) rather unkindlybut you are more than quits with me by your article last Sunday.2 Of that article I do not very well know what to say, because it is a new position to me, to find any assertion which I make about myself & my concerns, treated exactly as if it had never been made. Could I expect after what I said in my letter to you, or even before it, that I should have been treated through three long columns, by one who has the friendly feelings to me that you profess, as being in the most complete manner identified with some half dozen men whom I have nothing to do with, & to whose opinions you are far more nearly allied than I am. You take me moreover at a very ungenerous disadvantage, because you know that I cannot chuse the time when people whom I respect are under a cloud, to proclaim to the world anything disparaging that I may happen to think of them: I cannot cry out on the housetops, like a mean truckling coward, do not confound me with these men, I am not of them: nor is it my way at any time to do so: it is my conduct which must shew wherein I differ from them. You are moreover quite as unjust in making them accountable for the review as the review for them, since they do not recognise it as in any way their organ, & about that particular article not one of them was consulted, & I have no reason to believe that any one of them would approve of the course recommended in it. I shall remonstrate no further with you on the subject: if you continue henceforth to identify the review with them, you do it with your eyes open: but when I have made you, as I shall do, ashamed to go on any longer doing so, do not say you are glad to see I am changed: I shall not have changed; I shall only have spoken somewhat more of my mind than that very small portion of it which can be spoken on so small a subject as Lord John Russell, or so special a one as Canada.
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You may believe me when I say that I do not in the least complain of your expressing yourself so strongly as you do on the subject of my article: that is all fair; & as, from considerations which you are not bound to share, I do not chuse to answer you publicly, I do privately. I only want however to mark two things, especially as I have not your article by me at present. One is, to shew you what I mean by saying that you are habitually unfair to opponents. You exemplify this in the very first sentence, when you describe me as proposing to turn out ministry after ministry till I get one satisfactory to some five or six members of parliament & to myself& in this strain you continue always speaking of us as wanting to bring ourselves in. Now would not any one suppose from this, that what I was dreaming of attaining was an extreme radical ministry? would any one suppose that I could have said that the mere exclusion from the present ministry of all who were pledged against the ballot, was all that should be aimed at? You must think me very easily satisfied if you describe the present ministry minus Lord John Russell as a ministry satisfactory to me. You may think this a small thing; but it amounts to no less than fastening on an opponent what he thinks would be presumptuous & ridiculous instead of what only you think so: & it appears to me that all the ridiculousness you attribute to my suggestion, entirely arises from putting this colour upon it. The other thing I want to shew you is, how very little calm consideration you have given to my suggestion before pronouncing such a sentence of absurdity & self conceit upon it. You assume that after the proposed vote of want of confidence, the Whigs are to resign, & sit still till a Tory ministry is formed. They are not such fools. They would not resign, but would, the very next day, move, in some parliamentary form, that the House would have no confidence in any Tory ministry. There would be ways enough of wording it. Of course I am supposing that the Court is with them, & would not seek an excuse to turn them out. Nay, I have not the least doubt that the mere fact that forty or fifty radicals were known to be ready to vote for want of confidence, would effect the desired object without an actual vote, & without their losing ten of their supporters. By the desired object I mean, a modification of the personnel of the ministry; not even a Durham ministry, but a Whig ministry unfettered on the finality of the reform bill. I have nothing further to say, except that for a person who complains of imputations you are very profuse of them.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

I.H.
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Wednesday [Feb. 7, 1838]
My Dear Fonblanque
I am glad you are not angry & I am not conscious of being so& it is some evidence of my not being angry, that I can bear to be called so, for I have generally observed that when any one is just hovering on the verge of anger, calling him angry invariably makes him so. You are of course not to blame if you really think, & have thought all the years you have known me, that I agree in my opinions with Grote or with any of those whom you allude to. I thought you had known me better: but if you did not, I certainly did not expect that your tone towards me would be altered merely by my writing to you a letter. What I will make you ashamed of is, having forgotten, or mistaken my opinions & feelings so long. I cannot however admit your doctrine that one ought to treat any person or thing which one is opposed to, as it appears to the public, without regard to anything one may personally know, which places it in a different light. If I dealt in that way with you, I am sure you would have reason to complain of very gross injustice. With regard to the Grote conclave there may be such a conclave, but I know nothing of it, for I have never been within the doors of Grotes house in Eccleston Street2 & have been for the last few years completely estranged from that household. Surely there never was so surprising a proposition gravely advanced as that my saying that Roebuck (who was known to be the author of the former articles) was not privy to this, implied that they were privy to it. If those are your rules of evidence I am not surprised at any false judgment you make. Hou can you say the Review countenances & agrees with those people with the single exception of the suspension of the Canadian constitution, when it has been attacking them for inefficiency & for being unequal to their position for years, & most notably in the very last number? I tell them the same things to their faces whenever I see them. Immediately after Lord J.R.s declaration3 I tried to rouse them, & went to a meeting of most of the leading parliamentary radicals at Molesworths4 from which I went away they thinking me, I fancy, almost mad, & I thinking them craven. I do not except Grote, or Warburton, or Hume, all of whom were there. I except none but Molesworth & Leader, two raw boys. I assure you, when I told them in the review what I thought would be done by men of spirit & real practicalness of character I had perfect ground for feeling well assured that they would not do it. You have therefore no earthly reason for considering me dangerous. I am certain that in the concluding part of your article which you say refers exclusively to the Grote conclave there is no human creature who would not suppose that you were pointedly & determinedly & whether I would or not, including mei.e. the review in general, & the writer of that article in particular.
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Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill
236. TO THE SECRETARY OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE1

India House. 13th Feby 1838
My Dear Sir
I do not know whether the appointment to the professorships of languages at the University College is referred by the Council to the consideration of the Professors, but if it is I hope you will excuse my saying a word to you in favour of a candidate for the Italian Professorship, Count Pepoli,2 a member of the Provisional Government of Bologna. I know nothing of him personally, but I can vouch for his high literary reputation & acquirements on the authority of one of the most competent witnesses living, though not a very producible one perhaps, Mazzini,3 the celebrated President of La Jeune Italie who appears to me one of the most accomplished & every way superior men among all the foreigners I have known, & profoundly versed in his countrys literature. As you probably have not Mazzinis testimony before you, I have thought it but right to tell you what I have learned from him. I should consider his testimony sufficient by itself to warrant any such appointment.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill
237. TO GUSTAVE DEICHTHAL1

27 February 1838
My Dear Gustave
The presents constitution of our sinking fund is this: there is no fixed appropriation of annual revenue to it, but the surplus revenue, whatever it happens to be, is always paid over to the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund (at the end of every quarter I believe) so 2 the amount continually varies last quarter (1837) is the first in
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payment at all was ? re happened to be n that quarter, Besides u deemed debt continues till mption of more. This ng fund was establish ministry, not long after into office: in 1831 or 1832 amount of redeemed d I do not know, but if you wish for the exact figures, I will procure them for you. The unredeemed debt on the 5th January 1831 was 757,486,997, besides exchequer bills 27,278,400. At present the debt is rather greater, on account of the 20 millions compensation to the slave owners, which exceeds the amount of debt since redeemed. In 1816, when the debt was at its highest, the unredeemed debt, independently of exchequer bills, was 816,311. so that there must have b re in the meanwhile, is there were redu me 90,538,701, to s, per contra, in 13,759 by funding [?] & by different operatio of conversion, reducing the interest but augmenting the capital If these facts are not sufficient for your purpose, write to me immediately & I will get a complete & accurate statement. You may rely upon the correctness of all I have now stated. If I were not so extremely busy I would write you a letter: I was very glad from you again & w that you wi.3
Ever Yours Fai

J.S.M.
238. TO EDWARD LYTTON BULWER1

India House 3d March 1838
My Dear Sir
I have read the Monthly Chronicle with deep interest & I hasten to make my acknowledgments to you for the feeling which prompted the very complimentary expressions with which you have accompanied your strictures on my article in the L. & W. R.2 I agree entirely in the greater part of the views set forth in the first article of the Monthly Chronicle, & especially in the general character you have given of the policy suited to the middle class. On the points in which I differ from you, or perhaps I should rather say, on which I would add to or qualify what you say, there would be much to be discussed between us at a suitable time & place. But I am much more desirous at present to express my great delight at the complete recognition which I find in that article, of its being advisable for the moderate radicals to form themselves
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openly & avowedly into a distinct body from the whigsto shake off the character of a tail& to act together as an independent body. My only quarrel with the parliamentary radicals has hitherto been, that they have not done this, nor seemed to see any advantage in doing it. But whenever I see any moderate radical who recognizes this as his principle of action, any differences which there can be between me & him cannot be fundamental, or permanent. We may differ as to our views of the conduct which would be most expedient at some particular crisis, but in the main principles of our political conduct we agree. I have never had any other notion of practical policy, since the radicals were numerous enough to form a party, than that of resting on the whole body of radical opinion, from the whig-radicals at one extreme, to the more reasonable & practical of the working classes, & the Benthamites, on the other. I have been trying ever since the reform bill to stimulate, so far as I had an opportunity, all sections of the parliamentary radicals to organize such a union, & such a system of policy: not saying to them, Adopt my views, do as I bid youbut, Adopt some views, do something. Had I found them acting on any system, aiming at any particular end, I should not have stood upon any peculiar views of my own as to the best way of attaining the common object. The best course for promoting radicalism is the course which is pursued with most ability, energy, & concert, even if not the most politic, abstractedly considered, and for my own guidance individually, my rule iswhatever power I can bring in aid of the popular cause, to carry it where I see strengththat is, where I see, along with adequate ability & numbers, a definite purpose consistently pursued. Therefore if I find all that among you& if I do not, I am quite aware that I shall find it nowhere elseyou will find me quite ready to cooperate with you, if you think my cooperation worth having. I am no Impracticable, & perhaps the number of such is smaller than you think. As one of many, I am ready to merge my own views, whatever they may be, in the average views of any body of persons whom I may chuse to ally myself with: but not unless I have full opportunity of bringing my own views before the body, & giving to those views any degree of influence which their own intrinsic character may obtain for them, over its collective deliberations. You cannot wonder that having always been obliged to act alone, I act in my own way. As long as that is the case, I must struggle on, making mistakes & correcting them, doing the best I can under all the disadvantages of a person who has to shift for himself& raising up allies to myself, where & how I can, as I have already done & am doing with a success that shows that I cannot be altogether in a wrong way. You have seen, in Robertson, no bad specimen, I think, of my practicalness in finding men suitable to my purpose. But enough of this. Robertson requests me to put you in mind of his request to you, in which I most heartily join, on the subject of an article for our next number (a propos of Knighton,3 the Diary, &c.) on the social influence &c. of the Court. Such an article from you, would be a great treasure to us, & specially valuable in our next number as it is the best time of the year for such a subject.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill.
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239. TO EDWARD LYTTON BULWER1

India House 5th March 1838
My Dear Sir
In answer to your question as to what I would be ready to do if my friends, as you call them, will not consent to what I think reasonable,if a party can be formed, for the Durham policy, including such men as yourself & those whom you mention, & pursuing its objects by means which I think likely to be effectual, even though not exactly those I should myself have preferredI am ready to give such a party all the aid I can, & as a necessary consequence, to throw off, so far as is implied in that, all who persevere in conduct either hostile to the party, or calculated to diminish its strength. But I do not think that any liberal party, out of office, can be strong enough to beat the Tories, without a degree of popular enthusiasm in its favour, which could not be had without the support of some of the men who, in the same proportion as they are thought impracticable, are thought honest. I have a personal knowledge of the men, far exceeding any which I believe you have, & from that knowledge I have no doubt that such a party as I am supposing could carry with it all of those men who are worth having, if in the first place real evidence is afforded them that popular objects, to the extent of those to which Lord Durham is pledged to are sincerely pursued, & if, secondly, their amour propre is not irritated by personal attackssuch for instance as that in the Chronicle2 of this morning, or some recent ones in the Examiner. I think such attacks good policy in the Whigs, but in the moderate radicals as bad tactics almost as Thompsons insane conduct in Marylebone,3 though I admit there are considerable palliations both for the one & the other. Both on public & private grounds I am not only precluded from joining in such attacks, but must defend them against any such, & I must do so all the more, in proportion as I separate myself from them in my political course. The October number of the review was the first in which I systematically advocated a moderate policy,4 and it was consequently the first in which I personally complimented the extreme politicians. The Canada question then in an evil hour crossed the path of radicalism, & my difference of opinion from you on the course of conduct required by Lord John Russells declarations made me again apparently one of them; which I regretted at the time, but could not help. But I have never swerved from my intention of detaching the review, and myself, from all coterie or sectarian connexion; & making the public see that the review has ceased to be Benthamite; & throwing myself upon the mass of radical opinion in the country. All this I determined to do when I had no hope of a radical party in parliament& if such a party be formed I would of course prefer to ally myself with, rather than run a race against it for the moderate radicals. I could only enter into such a party as a representative, in it, of opinions more advanced in radicalism than the average opinions of the partybut, in my idea of the principles on which such a party ought
19
to be constituted, it cannot do without the support of persons considered ultra in opinion, provided they are not impracticable in conduct. With regard to Molesworths motion,5 we shall so soon know what comes of it, that there is little use in speculating about its probable effects, for the next two days I shall only say, that I neither counselled it nor knew of it till the notice was given; and when I first heard of it, disapproved of it. The position I have since taken about it is a sort of neutral one. I feel quite unable to foresee whether in the end its consequences will be good or bad. But one of those consequences, the division of the radical body, I feel all the evil of, & I regret much that such a union as we are discussing, earlier adopted, did not prevent such a division from arising. In the present state of matters, were I to urge Molesworth to turn back, I should only compromise my influence wi[th] him, without attaining the object. The division thus brought to a [cri]sis, some new state of things will arise, which we must work [to] the best ends we can.6 Thanks for your kind expressions about the Westminster. I need hardly say how much I value your assistance as a contributor & I shall be much disappointed if an article which would be of peculiar value to the review at present,7 should, from the engagements you mention, be unavoidably lost to it. I shall set about my political article for the next number8 the moment I have made up my mind what the relations of the review are likely to be9 to parties in parliament.

J. S. Mill.
240. TO LEIGH HUNT1

India House 11th May 1838
My Dear Sir
Mr. Robertson, who goes out of town today for a few days, requests me to remind you of the proposition he made to you concerning an article on the Tower of London2 which I hope it will not be inconsistent with your engagements to undertake. The subject is attractive, & treated by you, would be excellent for the light readers & would add to the sort of reputation we most want & are only beginning to acquire. Robertson tells me you have a copy of Mr. Milnes volume3 of poems: if you are not needing it for a day or two, would it be too much to beg the favour of a sight of it?
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Something relating to the next number of the Review may depend upon the opinion we form of itif left at Hoopers or sent by omnibus or parcel company to the I.H. I should receive it.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill
241. TO JOSEPH BLANCO WHITE1

My Dear Sir
I have been extremely concerned to hear from your friend Mr Thom2 the form which your complaints have assumed & the increase of your infirmities. It grieves me to think that living alone as you do & at such a distance from most of your friends, they cannot know how you are attended, & have it little in their power to do anything that might promote your comfort. I do hope you will consider me as one of those whom it would most gratify to be of any use to you or to shew in any way my deep respect & regard for you. Pray do not hesitate a moment in letting me know of anything you need, & I should consider it a great favour if Mr Thom or some other friend would now & then write me word to tell me how you are. It was hardly needful to ask permission of the review for the publication of the article which you were so kind as to write for uswe cannot of course derive anything but pleasure from seeing it in print & in the hands of every one who can be induced to read it, & I regret much that we could not with safety to the circulation of our review, make it the vehicle for sentiments so much bolder than any large class of readers can yet bear. I have not yet thanked you for your notes on the Oxford Theology & on Sewells article.3 We have not yet been able to take up the subject, but we hope to do so in our October number,4 & both those notes & those on Oxford itself will be of great assistance to us in treating those subjects which are of a kind that is more & more superseding in importance politics & everything else. I assure you it is only my multiplied & multiplying occupations & cares that prevent me from being a much less infrequent correspondent of yoursthey prevent me indeed from writing almost any letter without some special objectbut to be of any use to you is an object for which I should easily find time.
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Ever Faithfully Yours

J. S. Mill

[June or July, 1838(?)]
Dear Robertson,
I cannot bestow upon Bulwers article2 any milder name than despicable, & nothing could reconcile me to inserting it in any shape but the absolute impossibility of finding any substitute for it in time. I have drawn my pen through some of the stupidest & most conceited things, and sent the rest to pressand God grant that nobody may read it, or that whoever does, will instantaneously forget every word of it.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill.

[July (?), 1838]
Dear R.,
I shall not be in town this evening, but will meet you at Hoopers to-morrow. I wish you would verify two queries of mine in the second sheet of Montaigne.2 You will see them in a corrected proof which I have returned to Reynells,3 and from which, when that is done, it may be printed off. S[terling] has overlooked some bad mistakes. I send the Arctic4 with my corrections. They relate solely to small matters, but I do not think you are aware how often your sentences are not only unscholarlike, but absolutely unintelligible, from inattention to ambiguities of small words and of collocation. This article is a splendid instance of it. Simpson5 has made all his corrections in such a manner that the printers are sure not to attend to them, but I have left this to you to remedy when you have determined how far to adopt them.
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J. S. Mill. If we are much above our fourteen sheets, I think H.M.6 ought to wait till October. It will do as well then, if not better, and I am very anxious to save expense of that kind.
244. TO HENRY COLE1

Kensington Friday evg. [July (?), 1838]
Dear Cole,
It was provoking that they did not get the revise2 ready for you, nor did I get mine till about six oclock & I have been obliged to return it finally corrected for the press. We have said all that Jackson3 wanted, in his note which I return herewith. We have also put in Branstons4 name beside Vizetellys5 & have adopted several of your minor suggestions. I did not on consideration think it worth while to say anything more about [handbills?], when there was nothing to talk of but initial lettersnor to give a statement of the publications for which Orrin Smith6 inquires, when our illustrations & the list annexed to them already do it sufficiently. Jacksons case was different, as he was passed rather slightly over. But Smith I am sure has nothing to complain of now. I have put X (by itself) as the signature at the end.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.
245. TO AN UNIDENTIFIED CORRESPONDENT1

13 Pall Mall East 12th Septr 1838
23
My Dear Sir
According to Sterlings directions I send the proof of his very interesting article2 to youhaving first made two or three alterations which he desired me to make.3 There is one further alteration which I asked him to consent to, but my letter did not reach Hastings till he had left it& as he gave you full power to make alterations I venture to submit the expediency of doing so in this instance, to your judgment. The questionable point is, the intimation that Simonides may possibly have had some supernatural monition at the feast of Scopas.4 I know all that may be said in favour of such a suppositionI know that Dr Johnson believed in ghosts, & Wesley said he could not positively refuse his belief to the convulsionnaire miracles at Paris. But these reasons do not at all convince me, & if it be necessary to stand up against the almost unanimous opinion both of the believing & unbelieving world, (who would agree in considering it impossible that a miracle should have been wrought in the name of false gods) I should like it to be on some occasion which required it & on which my own convictions went with it. I do not feel that I am at liberty to make any alteration myself, but you are, & to your discretion I refer it. I shall be out of town for the next four weeks, during which time please direct to John Robertson Esq 13 Pall Mall East instead of me& believe me
Most Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
246. TO SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH1

October, 1838. [In a later letter from John Mill to Sir William, October 1838, there is a passage about a sum of 17 which Mill said was on every account Molesworths and he adds:] If you get it, let Woolcombe2 know that he may include it in the statement of your disbursements for the Review, which I am sorry to say it goes but a little way to liquidate.

Axminster 2d October 1838
24
My Dear Robertson
I duly received your letter, but I had so little to say in answer to it that I delayed from day to day until now in conscience I cannot delay any longer writing to tell you not to address any more letters to Torquay. I hope the one I received is the only one you have sent there, but as I left that neighbourhood two days ago I may perhaps have missed one. I am now going to Weymouth where I expect to stay about a week and shall be in town about the 15th as I intended. I have been thinking very little about the review but a good deal about my Logic, of which I have, since I left town, completely planned the concluding portion & written a large piece of it which I hope I shall add to during my stay at Weymouth. I have also read the third (newly published) volume2 of Comtes book, which is almost if not quite equal to the two former. This is much pleasanter work than planning the next number of the reviewfor which I have not a single idea beyond what we had when we last talked on the subject. Our not coming out in October is of no consequence at all,3 for people will hardly say after our last brilliant number and our second edition,4 that the review is dropped. I have seen scarcely any newspapers, and none which contain reports of the Palace Yard meeting.5 Those particulars about the arming are very ominous of important results at no long distance, but I cannot see in the menacing attitude of the working classes anything to prevent a Tory ministry and the middle classes are still very far indeed from the time when they will cry Concedethey will be much more likely to cry Resist! Your idea about Mazzinis article seems to me good.6 If Carlyle cannot take to either of the subjects we had in view for him we must be thankful for anything he can take to. I am sorry James Martineau has given up the Catholic subject. What answer have you given to Lucas?7 As for the American Slavery article I think it a good subject for making the number interesting and saleable & as more likely to be well treated by H.M.8 than [any] subject on which she has yet written for us, [but] it must be a condition that she shall not be sentimental, which she has more tendency to than any other writer we have.9 You do not think of it for this number I believe. I cannot judge of the other two subjects you mention & as I said before I have not a single idea of my own& am too glad at not having to think on the subject for a fortnight yet to come. I am sorry you have been unwellI have not been quite well myself, but am getting better. It was only a cold.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill. P.S. I think we are bound to give some answer to the Globe man,10 driveler or not. I have no doubt he is a driveler or in the hands of drivelers on that subject.11
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[Oct. 19, 1838] The present turn in Canada affairs brings Lord Durham home, incensed to the utmost (as Buller writes to me)2 with both Whigs and ToriesWhigs especially, and in the best possible mood for setting up for himself; and if so, the formation of an efficient party of moderate Radicals, of which our Review will be the organ, is certainthe Whigs will be kicked out never more to rise, and Lord D. will be head of the Liberal Party, and ultimately Prime Minister. I am delighted with Buller; his letters to his father and mother and to me show him in a nobler character than he ever appeared in before, and he and Wakefield3 appear to be acting completely as one man, speaking to Lord D. with the utmost plainness, giving him the most courageous and judicious advice, which he receives both generously and wisely. He is the man for us, and we shall have him and make a man of him yet. . . . There is a great game for you to play in the next session of Parliament. Buller has the best cards in the House of Commons, and I think he will play them well, but yours are the next best. As for me, this has awakened me out of a period of torpor about politics during which my Logic has been advancing rapidly. This winter, I think, will see me through the whole of it except the rewriting.
Yours Most Truly,

J. S. Mill

India House, Nov. 14, 1838.
Dear Molesworth,
What think you of all this rumpus in Canada? I find all the Whigs and Moderates here blame Lord Durham for the Proclamation,2 and he has already the greater part of the real Radicals against him for the Ordinance. But I think the Liberal party in the country generally is with him. I mean to stand by him, as my letters from Buller3 and Rintouls from Wakefield convince me that he was quite right in resigning, and that he comes home fully prepared (if the damned pseudo-Radicals do not get round him and talk him over) to set up for himself. For the purpose of acting at once upon him
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and upon the country in that sens I have written an elaborate defence of him, which will be published in the Review next week,4 and will be in the newspapers before that. I hope exceedingly that you will approve of it, for if this man really tries to put himself at the head of the Liberals, your standing by him will do a world of good[. . . .] Write to me sometimes to say how you are[. . . .] Ever yours, J. S. Mill

13, Pall Mall, East, Monday. [Nov., 1838]
Dear Robertson,
The inclosed is from Bulwer, and is exactly what we would expect from him. In the meantime Rintoul has shown me a letter from Wakefield, enthusiastic about Lord Durham, and full of the predictions respecting him which we most wish to see realized, though in general terms. There is no concealing from ourselves that there is almost an equal chance of Lord D. acting either way,2 and that his doing the one or the other will wholly depend upon whether Wakefield, we ourselves, and probably Buller and his own resentment, or Bulwer, Fonblanque, Edward Ellice, the herd of professing Liberals, and the indecision and cowardice indigenous to English noblemen, have the greatest influence in his councils. Give us access to him early and I will be dd3 if we do not make a hard fight for it.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.
251. TO MRS. JAMES MILL1

Paris 28th Decr 1838
27
Dear Mammy
Please send the first page of this scrawl to Robertson2 it saves double postage. I am about as well, I think, as when I left London. I had a wretched passagefor want of water the boat could not get into Boulogne till half past two in the morningit set off at past eight & spent the whole 18 hours in going as slowly as it could. My already disordered stomach stood the sickness very ill & I arrived very uncomfortable & was forced to start for Paris a very few hours afterwards. The first day I was uncomfortable enough, but as the effect of the sea went off I got better & arrived at Paris after 30 hours of the diligence much less unwell than I thought I possibly could. Unless I could have got to Marseilles by the 30th it was of no use getting there before the 9th so I do not start till Sunday morning & shall not travel any more at night, but post to Chalons (expensive as it is) & then go down the Saone & Rhone to Avignon. Letters put in the post on the 2nd directed to M. J.S. Mill Poste Restante Marseille France, will be sure to reach me in time. After that direct Poste Restante Pise, Italie.I cannot tell if I shall have time to write to you from Marseille but I will endeavour. The weather has not got very cold yet & I dare say I shall get into the mild climate first. They call Englands a bad climate but the north and east of France have certainly a worse. What I most dread is the sea passage from Marseille to Leghornseasickness is so bad with me now. Love to all
Yours Affectionately
J. S. Mill

[Paris,] 28th December, 1838.
Dear Robertson,
The steamboat by which I shall go from Marseilles2 does not leave till the tenth; therefore you may direct to me there as late as the 2d, or you may risk even the 3d, if there be any reason for it. Use Brownings means of conveyance as much as you can, but if he sends Sordello we must not let him suppose that we can promise a review of it in the February number.3 I cannot, on looking forward to my movements, and the time it will take before I feel settled enough to write, feel it at all likely, if even possible, that I can do more than
28
the organization in time to send you for publication in February. When we asked him for Sordello, it was in hopes of finishing it before I set out. If it must be reviewed in the February number, somebody else must do it; and perhaps that it best, at any rate, for I cannot honestly give much praise either to Strafford or Paracelsus. Yet I do not know whom we could get to do it. Is the account I have seen copied from the English papers of Lord D[urham]s Canada plans authentic? They seem good mostly, but the notion of a separate colonial office for North America seems rather foolish in itself (as if, instead of curing the defects of the whole system, we were to try to get one set of colonies excepted from it) and quite unpractical to propose, because impossible to carry out, or even to make acceptable to anybody. The idea of adding British America to the Queens title is laughably pedantic and absurd, and the notion of giving the colonies representatives in the H. of C. cannot be entertained by anybody who has one grain of statesmanship in his head. I do hope the report will contain no such nonsense, and if you think there is the slightest chance of it pray tell me, that I may write strongly to Buller4 against it. I have inquired yesterday morning and this morning for letters, but found none. I doubt not I shall find some from you (if not from other people) at Marseilles.
Yours Ever Truly,

J. S. Mill. Write fully to me on the reception Lord D.s plans meet with, if these be his plans, and the sort of attacks made on them. Write long letters and often,you will have so much to write about. Your letters will be a great pleasure to me, as I expect from them the particulars of a game well played in which I have a deep stake. J. S. Mill.
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1839 253. TO AN UNIDENTIFIED CORRESPONDENT1

[Rome, March 11, 1839] I have returned here after passing about three weeks very pleasantly in Naples, and the country about it. I did not for some time get any better, but I think I am now, though very slowly, improving, ever since I left off animal food, and took to living almost entirely on macaroni. I began this experiment about a fortnight ago, and it seems to succeed better than any of the other experiments I have tried. [The remainder of the letter describes Naples and the neighbourhoodPompeii, Bai, Pstum, &c.]

[March 21, 1839] As for me I am going on well toonot that my health is at all better; but I have gradually got quite reconciled to the idea of returning in much the same state of health as when I left England; it is by care and regimen that I must hope to get well, and if I can only avoid getting worse, I shall have no great reason to complain, as hardly anybody continues after my age (33)2 to have the same vigorous health they had in early youth. In the meantime it is something to have so good an opportunity of seeing Italy.

[Italy, April (?), 1839]
Dear Robertson,
I have been very much annoyed by seeing announced in the advertisement of the Review the article2 which, in a letter that must have reached you in time, I so very particularly requested you to omit; and my annoyance has not been diminished by the manner in which the announcement is made, which is fitter for the Satirist or the Age
30
than for any periodical which lays claim either to a literary character or a gentlemanly one. I certainly never contemplated making any work in which I was engaged a vehicle for either attacking or defending the reputation of women, and in whatever way it has been done, it must make the Review consummately ridiculous. However, it is of no use writing more about what is past mending.

Rome, 6th April, 1839. I have, as you see, taken plenty of time to consider about the manner in which what you told me about Lord Durham in your last letter affects the position of the Review and the question of continuing or not to carry it on. The result is to strengthen very greatly the inclination I had before to get it off my hands. I shall form no sudden resolution, and above all shall wait till I see Lord Durham myself before I make up my mind finally. But if his purposes are such as he appears to have declared to you, I do not feel myself particularly called upon to tender him any other aid than that of my good wishes. He may be quite right, and there may be no better course to be taken than the one he means to take, but it cannot lead to the organization of a radical party, or the placing of the radicals at the head of the movement,it leaves them as they are already, a mere appendage of the Whigs; and if there is to be no radical party there need be no Westminster Review, for there is no position for it to take, distinguishing it from the Edinburgh. For my own part, I feel that if the time is come when a radical review should support the Whigs, the time is come when I should withdraw from politics. I can employ myself much better than in conducting a ministerial review, and should think my time and money ill spent in doing only what the Examiner and the Chronicle and all that class of publications can do and are doing much more effectually. In short, it is one thing to support Lord Durham in forming a party; another to follow him when he is only joining one, and that one which I have so long been crying out against. If he shows any desire to cultivate my acquaintance I shall respond to it, shall give him my opinion freely whenever he asks it, and any help in a private way which he may think that he needs and that I can give; but as for the Review, even if he would bear the whole expense and leave me the entire control, I doubt now whether I should accept it. On the other hand, any chance of the Reviews paying its expenses without being considered as his organ, or that of persons who are acting in concert with him, is still farther off than before. I am sorry that my political article should have been inserted in any shape in a posture of affairs so unsuitable to it, and as I am sure it must have been very much altered to be put in at all, I do hope you have not put my signature to it.2 31
I do not feel clear about publishing even another number.3 I have not put pen to paper except to write letters since I left Pisa, and I do not intend to do so: when I reach England I shall for some time be extremely busy; and to work hard for a thing one has almost determined to give up seems waste of labor. I shall be glad if you can avoid entering into any positive engagements about articles for the July number till I return and can look about me. I have begun to improve in health (I think so, at least) since the weather grew hot,it is now complete summer here,and I expect much more benefit from the three months to come than I have derived from the three that are past. When will you write again?
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.
257. TO MRS. JAMES MILL1

Venice 19th May 1839
My Dear Mother
I have been some days in this strange & fine old place, the most singular place in Italy& I write to say that I am going to set out almost immediately on my return. I shall go by the Tyrol, & through Germany, slowly; if you write very soon, write to Mannheim; if not, to Brussels. As to how far the object of my journey has been attained, that is rather difficult to say, & I shall probably be able to say more about it after I have been for some time returned & have resumed my regular occupations. I certainly have not recovered my former health; at the same time I have no very troublesome complaint & no symptoms at all alarming & I have no doubt that by proper regimen & exercise I shall be able to have as good health as people generally have, though perhaps never again so good a digestion as formerly. In this however I shall be no worse off than three fourths of all the people I know. I am not the least liable to catch coldI never was less so in my life, & all idea of the English climate being dangerous for me may be entirely dismissed from all your minds. I shall in time find out how to manage myselfindeed I think I have in a great measure found it out already.I have found no letters at Venice except one old one from Robertson. I do not know if any have been written but I shall leave word to send them after me to Munich where at any rate I hope to find some. Will you shew this or tell the contents of it to Grant2 & thank him warmly from me for his unwearied obligingness & kindness& will you or the boys tell Mr. Robertson that his letter without date, but bearing I think the postmark 1st April, & directed to Rome, did not for some reason or
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other reach me there, but has followed me here, & is the last I have had from him & I am hoping for another with fresher news about himself & all other mattersalso that I have not yet seen the review, for although they take it at the reading room in Florence, they had not yet got the last number. I have been unusually long without English news having neither had any letters nor seen any newspapers but of very old date. But I shall make it all up six weeks hence.I have had a most pleasant stay in Italy & may say that I have seen it pretty thoroughlyI have left nothing out except Sicily, & a few stray things here & there. I have been last staying at the baths of Abano in the Euganean hills, not far from Paduamost lovely country, more of the English sort than Italy generally isbut the weather for a month past has been as bad as a wet English summer except that it has never been cold. Italy is a complete disappointment as to climatenot comparable as to brightness & dryness to the South of France, though I can easily believe that some parts of it are more beneficial to certain complaints. Among other fruits of my journey I have botanized much, & come back loaded with plants. By the bye among those I want Henry to dry for me, I forgot to mention the common elder. Italy is no disappointment as to beauty, it is the only country I have ever seen which is more beautiful than England& I have not seen a mile of it that is not beautiful. I expect to enjoy the passage of the Alps exceedingly if the weather will let me, & there seems to-day some chance of its clearingit is the first day without rain for a fortnight past.Let me hear from some of you soon.
Affectionately
J. S. Mill

Munich, 31st May, 1839.
Dear Robertson,
On arriving here I found your letter of the 13th of May from Edinburgh. Another letter had followed me from Rome to Venice, though it must have reached Rome in time to have been given to me there. I hope by this time you see your way through your troubles and annoyances, and are in better spirits and health. About the state of politics and about the Review it is of no use writing much when we shall see each other so soon. I have seen no English papers since the turn-out and turn-in of the ministry,2 and what I know of it is chiefly from letters, the latest and most explicit of which is from Buller.3 But I expect no change whatever in the politics of the ministry as long as Melbourne is at their head; and when a change does
33
come it will be so gradual and imperceptible that the Review will not profit much by it. I must get rid of the Review not only on account of the expense, but the time and exertion. I think myself, and still more everybody else, including the doctors and the India House people, will think, that I must not undertake so much work; especially when I first come back and have a long arrear of business at the I.H. It will be quite impossible for me to write anything for the Review, and the next number must certainly appear without anything of mine in it. I can better spare even money than time and labor for that number. And I see no prospect of Lord Durham or anybody else taking it off my hands, as matters stand at present. I ought not to drop it without trying to preserve an organ for radicalism by offering it to any radical who would carry it on, on radical lines. Do you think Dilke4 would now be willing to take it, and would you sound him on the subject? I have not yet seen the last number, for though the reading-room at Florence takes it, everything is so long in coming that they are always far behind. I shall probably see it at Brussels. Will you thank Buller for his letter, and say I would answer it if I were not likely to see him so soon?but I am so little able to judge of the present state of the public mind in England that I cannot judge whether he or the ten radicals who voted against the ministry5 were in the right. I think it likely that I should have done as he did, because the ministerial measure was probably right in itself, however absurdly defended; but if Grote and Molesworth thought the measure bad, I think they were right in voting against it. Bullers remarks on the general state of politics seem to me sensible and right; whether his practical views are right or not will depend very much on the conduct of the ministry, which I feel persuaded will entirely disappoint both him and you. The radicals will not insist on any conditions, and if they did the ministry would reject them. I shall leave this place in a day or two for Mannheim and the Rhine, from whence I shall go to Brussels, where I hope to find a letter from you. I shall be in London at latest on the 30th of June. I am coming back not at all cured, but cured of caring much about cure. I have no doubt I shall in time get accustomed to dyspepsia, as Lafontaine hoped he should to the regions below.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.

[Munich, May 31, 1839] I am not at all cured, but I cease to care much about it. I am as fit for all my occupations as I was before, and as capable of bodily exertion as I have been of late yearsonly I have not quite so good a stomach.
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260. TO JOHN STERLING1

I.H. 24th July 1839
My Dear Sterling
I did not need the arrival of the second packet to know whether the article2 would suit me or not& if I could have had any doubts, that packet would have removed themthe contents of that same not being liable to even the minor objections which I might have raised to the first. There are, as you surmised, (but confined almost entirely to the introductory part) many opinions stated in which speculatively I do not agree; but the time is long gone by when I considered such differences as those are, matters of first rate moment; & if I have a fault to find with your Introductionit is a fault only with respect to my readersviz. that it gives an account of the transcendental part (if I may so call it) of Carlyles opinions in somewhat too transcendental a manner; & not interpreting his views in language intelligible to persons of opposite schools, will scarcely serve to recommend him to any (some of the religious excepted) who are not already capable of appreciating him in his own writings. But I speak as to the wisejudge ye what I say. In the passage on Superstition, I think you hardly do justice to Carlyles meaning. When he called Voltaire the destroyer of European superstition,3 I do not think he meant by superstition those fears & anxieties respecting the invisible world, which I understand you to mean that nothing but religion can save a meditative & sensitive character fromI think he meant by superstition, all such dogmatic religious belief as is not well grounded, & will not bear a close investigation, & especially, in his view, any religious belief resting on logic, or external evidences. If this be his meaning, what you say on the subject is scarcely in place& the more commonplace meaning which I suppose him to have had, is perhaps maintainable, viz. that the first acute sceptic whose writings obtained European popularity, was thereby the destroyer for ever in the European mind of the absurdities which had entwined themselves with religion & the groundless arguments which were currently used in its support. I have not a word more to say in the way of criticismI am delighted with the article, & so I am persuaded will almost everybody be, whose good opinion is desirable
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill.
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261. TO EDWIN CHADWICK1

I.H. Tuesday [Aug. 6, 1839]
Dear Chadwick
I have not yet been able to manage a visit to you& I do not like a flying visit, especially when it is also a first visit2 shall you be able to go down on Saturday? We all hope so very much.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

13 Pall Mall, East, Friday. [Sept., 1839]
Dear Robertson,
Though I cannot find fault with you for not coming to town this week, it has happened unluckily, as I was waiting impatiently to talk with you about Hornes article and Mrs. Halls. The former I send. You will hardly believe that the fellow has not even mentioned any one of the plays he pretends to review. It is a mere dissertation (though for him tolerably well done) on his dreadful ennuyeux subject of the precarious state of the drama, which nobody on earth cares for except playwriters by profession, and which he and a few others have made so dreadfully vulgar by their raving about it that the very sight of the words is disgusting to everybody of common good taste. Will you decide as to this article as you like, and write to Horne about it?2 He has already been at the printers, it seems. As for Mrs. Halls,3 I have not yet dared to touch it. It is beyond all measure bad, and impossible to be made better. It has no one good point but a few of the stories towards the end, and those are told cleverly and with sprightliness, no doubt, but in the tone of a London shopkeepers daughter.
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If I have my way we shall reject it totally, but if you could possibly suggest to me any means of making it endurable I should be happy to try them. One thing I am determined on: nothing shall go to Paris under my sanction and responsibility showing such ignorance and such cockney notions of France and French matters as this does. J. S. M. Leigh Hunts article4 is with the printers, and with some leaving out it does very well.

India House 14th September 1839
My Dear Gustave
I am happy to hear from you again after so long an intermission of our correspondence. I have received your little pamphlet2 and have read it with the interest with which I always read anything of yours. I find in it, as I did in Les Deux Mondes,3 a foundation of what seems to me important truthI have long been convinced that not only the East as compared with the West, but the black race as compared with the European, is distinguished by characteristics something like those which you assign to them; that the improvement which may be looked for, from a more intimate & sympathetic familiarity between the two, will not be solely on their side, but greatly also on ours; that if our intelligence is more developed & our activity more intense, they possess exactly what is most needful to us as a qualifying counterpoise, in their love of repose & in the superior capacity of animal enjoyment & consequently of sympathetic sensibility, which is characteristic of the negro race. I have even long thought that the same distinction holds, though in a less prononc manner, between the nations of the north & south of Europe; that the north is destined to be the workshop, material & intellectual, of Europe; the south, its stately pleasurehouse4 & that neither will fulfil its destination until it has made its peculiar function available for the benefit of bothuntil our work is done for their benefit, & until we, in the measure of our nature, are made susceptible of their luxury & sensuous enjoyment. Thus you see I am very well prepared to give a favorable reception to your speculations & to join in your aspirations& I am not less desirous than at any
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former period to keep up that sort of intellectual communion with you which I have already enjoyed. I do not find my enjoyment of speculation at all abated though I see less & less prospect of drawing together any body of persons to associate in the name & behalf of any set of fixed principles. Still, no good seed is lost: it takes root & springs up somewhere, & will help in time towards the general reconstruction of the opinions of the civilized world, for which ours is only a period of preparation, but towards which almost all the things & men of our time are working; though the men, for the most part, almost as unconsciously as the things. Therefore cast ye your bread on the waters, & ye shall find it after many days. I am much concerned to hear of your fathers late illness & Adolphes indispositionpray assure them both, Adolphe especially, of my affectionate regards & tell me when you next write, very particularly, how they are.
Ever Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill.

India House 28 September 1839
My Dear Sterling
I have done by the separate copies2 according to your directions, except that Carlyle having called on me the day I received your letter, I gave him the copy destined for him. He expressed great interest about it& seemed to expect something much less favorable than he will probably find it. Putting together my idea of the man & of the thing, I cannot think but that he must be on the whole greatly pleased with it. I would have written to you immediately after receiving your answer to my last if it had occurred to me that there could be any doubt about the satisfactoriness to me of that answer. I felt that you were quite right & I wrong about the way in which that part of the article would be taken by the majority of English religious people3 I though your corrections as far as they went diminished the force of my objections even in regard to the non-religious& though I continued to think that there would have been a better way of stating Carlyles creed, I felt quite unable to state what that better way would be, or to satisfy myself that it would be a better way from your point of view. Taking the article altogether, & notwithstanding that those of its thoughts to which I subscribe with a heartiness of assent & sympathy that I seldom feel in reading any speculations ancient or modern, are inseparably interwoven with views of the fundamentals of philosophy which I am unable rather than unwilling to adoptI yet
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think there has been nothing published for many years so likely both to fix the attention of the best spirits & to be a source of light & warmth to them& instead of thinking of it as you say you do with little pleasure, it will always be one of the most agreeable facts in my connexion with the review that this article appeared in it. I am even now not alone in thinking that it will be received by many as the appearance of a not insignificant new element in the present chaos of English opinion& that many will look out eagerly for the future manifestations of the same. If I carry on the review to another number it will be partly in order to publish in it an article on Coleridge4 which I have always thought desirable as a counter-pole to the one on Bentham. I shall write the article whether it appear in the review or elsewhere& have begun a fresh study of Coleridges writings for that purposebut as there is so much of Coleridge which is not to be found except by implications in his published works, which are only one of the channels through which his influences have reached the age, I am fearful of understating both his merit & his importanceor rather of not producing sufficient detailed evidence to bear out my general estimate. I should have much preferred to see the subject treated by some one better versed in Coleridge, did it not seem essential to my purpose that the likeness should be taken from the same point of view as that of Bentham. It would be of most essential service to me to receive any suggestions or warnings from you, which may occur to you as needful, & especially such as would preserve me against overlooking any of the great thoughts, (whether general philosophic conceptions or single truths leading to important consequences) which he has contributed to the philosophy either explicit or implicit of the age, or which he has powerfully aided in deepening or diffusing. (I am ashamed of all this clumsy expression but you will understand what I mean). One essential part of my notice of him will be an attempt to enumerate & appreciate the principal of those thoughts, & perhaps that will be the only valuable part of the article. I hope therefore that I may be able to make it not absurdly incomplete. I quite think with you that it is no part of my vocation to be a party leader, but at most to give occasional good advice to such as are fitted to be so. Whether I have any better vocation for being a philosopher, or whether you will think so when you see what I am capable of performing in that line, remains for the future to decide. I hope to give materials for the decision before long, as I can hardly fail I think to finish my Logic in the course of next year. I have endeavoured to keep clear so far as possible of the controversy respecting the perception of the highest Realities by direct intuition, confining Logic to the laws of the investigation of truth by means of extrinsic evidence whether ratiocinative or inductive. Still, I could not avoid conflict with some of the subordinate parts of the supersensual philosophy, which for aught I know may be as necessary to it as what may appear to me its fundamental principles & its only important results. I doubt therefore whether I can expect anything but opposition from the only school of metaphysical speculation which has any life or activity at present. But nous verrons. I have at all events made many things much clearer to myself than they were before& that is something, even if I am destined to be my only disciple. I am very far from agreeing, in all things, with the Analysis,5 even on its own groundthough perhaps, from your greater distance, the interval between me & it
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may appear but trifling. But I can understand your need of something beyond it & deeper than it, & I have often bad moods in which I would most gladly postulate like Kant a different ultimate foundation subjectiver bedrfnisses willen if I could. I have left till the last what I have now barely room forI consider myself your debtor not only in gratitude but pecuniarily for all that you have written in the review except the article on Montaigne6 that I as willingly accepted as you kindly offered. I hoped however that the profits of the review might some time or other enable it to pay its debt to you for that article too; but for the others you ought to be & must be paid now; gratuitous assistance to such an extent ought neither to be received nor given except where the giver is at least as well able to do without payment as the receiver is able to pay: what I have lost by the review is not so much as to be of importance to me, & this will not make any material addition to it. When I asked you to write I fully contemplated payment & would gladly have obtained cooperation like yours at any price I could afford. So when you next write pray tell me where & to whom I shall pay what is your due for this article & Simonides7 & now adieu
J. S. Mill

India House 2d October 1839
My Dear Sterling
I am very happy that you have put it in my power to acquit myself of a small part at least of the obligation I owe you. I know where I can get a copy of the Biographie Universelle at a very reasonable priceas well as Guizots writings; & those you mention of my fathers of course. But all these together are such a very small set off against two such articles as those, that you must really tell me of some other books that would be useful or pleasant to you, so that I might add them to the packet& tell me where they should be sent. I suppose you have got the review by this timeat least your father has, whom I saw yesterday & with whom I had some talk about your article2 he likes it very much but thinks you pass too lightly over Carlyles faultswhich as was to be expected, he exaggerates.There is nothing of mine in the review except a few words of note at the end of your article. There is on the whole little in this number to interest you. The best thing is an article on Oliver Cromwell3 by the editor, Robertson, which I should
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like you to read because I think it the first thing he has written which does anything like justice to his sentiments & capacity. Your very kind offer about reviewing Gladstone4 I will think about. In reviewing Coleridge I cannot help going over much of the same ground, as his Church & State must of course be very prominent in any such view of him as I should takethis however is partly a reason for, as well as partly against, the treatment of the subject by you in the same number. I see no reason at all for your depreciating comments on the article on Carlylenot that there are not things to be said against it, but I am convinced no competent judge except yourself, will see those things in as strong a light as you doone naturally is a severe critic upon oneself. There is, no doubt, occasional looseness of expressionbut also, frequently, great aptness & even condensation of it; & even something exceedingly like the stile of Coleridge himself, of whom I have been reading sentences which I could easily have mistaken for yours. I have come to this conclusion about your writing, that the more important & universal the subject, the better you treat it. I have read through with great interest the little volume lately published by Pickering containing the Church & State & the Lay Sermons.5 In the former I see more & more to admire, though I think, there & elsewhere, he runs riot with the great historical conception of a certain idea of the scope & fitting attributes of some social elements working in the minds of people from age to age without distinct consciousness on their part. This I am aware is the natural result of his system of metaphysics, but I who do not believe in pre-existent ideas see in as much as is true of this doctrine (& that much of it is true I contend as strongly as he) only the first confused view, suggested by our various instincts, of the various wants of society & of the mutual correlation of these.On the particular doctrines of his political philosophyit seems to me that he stands almost alone in having seen that the foundation of the philosophy of the subject is a perception what are those great interests (comprehending all others) each of which must have somebody bound & induced to stand up for it in particular, & between which a balance must be maintained& I think with him that those great interests are two, permanence & progression. But he seems to me quite wrong in considering the land to be essentially identified with permanence & commercial wealth with progression. The land has something to do with permanence, but the antithesis, I think is rather between the contented classes & the aspiringwealth & hopeful povertyage & youthhereditary importance & personal endowments.As I think the Church & State the best, so the Lay Sermons seem to me the worst of Coleridges writings yet known to methough there are excellent passages in them. I think exactly as you do about the doctrine which resolves the pleasure of music into association. I seem to myself to perceive clearly two elements in it, one dependent on association, the other not& those elements combine in very varying proportions, as e.g. the former predominating in Gluck & Beethoven, the latter in Mozart. I heard from Mr Sterling yesterday more than I liked to hear about the state of your health, though I trust not enough to inspire any serious apprehension. Do take care of yourself for you can ill be spared publicly or privately & by few (out of your own family) so ill as by
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J. S. Mill As I finish this letter, behold a note from Carlyle.6 He says Sterlings is a splendid article: in spite of its enormous extravagance some will like it; many are sure to talk of it & on the whole to be instructed by it. No man in England has been better reviewed than I,if also no one worse.So far so good: & as for the extravagance I doubt not his modesty applies that appellation mainly to the praise. The Moral Philosophy Chair at Glasgow is vacant, & my friend Nichol has written to me about finding some fit person to fill itit is in the gift of the Professors & any good man would be sure of all that Nichol & Lushington7 could do for him. Can you recommend any one? Alas that you are not in a condition to take it yourself. It is worth, Nichol tells me, about 700 a year, & gives employment only for six months.8
266. TO JOHN MITCHELL KEMBLE1

India House 14th October 1839
My Dear Sir,
There would be very great weight in the objections which you state to a junction of the two reviews2 if the L. & W. really represented the sentiments of the great majority of those who buy itbut I do not believe this to be the caseI believe that the buyers of the L. & W. buy it only because it is the radical review & because they are radicals, i.e. people who wish to carry their changes beyond those which would be consented to by Whigs or Tories, & in particular who would widen the basis of the representative system. Provided these are the conclusions arrived at, I believe they will allow the writer to chuse his own premises. Among the points of principle which you enumerate, the Ballot is the only one which might threaten to set the readers of the L. & W. at variance with you, but I think rather because opposition to the ballot is interpreted as opposition to all radicalism. When the repudiation of the ballot is construed with a large declaration in favour of extension of the suffrage, yet on principles quite opposite to those of Chartism I do not think it would be found a very serious obstacle. The ballot though in my opinion necessary, & but little objectionable, is passing from a radical doctrine into a Whig one as will be seen the moment it is carried. It is essentially a juste milieu, middle class doctrine.
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If I thought I could do better for my principles, different as they are in some important respects from yours, than by placing my review under your guidance, I would do so: but as in the present state of affairs in this country I know of no disposal I could make of it, without having to get over objections fully as strong and even stronger, I accept your offer of writing to Mr. Beaumont3 on the subject although I can hardly expect that your unfavourable opinion, if it should continue, will not turn the scale against me. I do not utterly despair of your ultimately taking a more favourable view of the position, because I firmly believe that any set of writers promulgating extensive views of political & social improvement, freed from party trammels & exhibiting an example of superiority to the littlenesses of the age & of its notions of statesmanship, may obtain all the support which it possessed or can be hoped for by the L. & W. as at present conducted.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill

India House 4th November 1839
My Dear Sterling
I am truly sorry that you have found it necessary to renounce your project of reviewing Gladstone, but I cannot contest the reasons you assign for giving it up. I wish most heartily that there were any other channel through which you could conveniently do it, as I am sure it would do much good & for myself I feel a special desire to have your view of the matter in print. The British & Foreign Review has already had a tolerable article on Gladstone & Maurice2 otherwise that might have been a less exceptionable vehicle under the circumstances you mention, than, I feel, mine would be likely to be. I imagine your books must have reached Clifton by this timethey are certainly on the wayat least they were all at Hoopers some days ago. I have set to work upon an article on Coleridge, partly in consequence of the encouragement you gave me. It will not be a popular article; & perhaps not one person who reads it will like it; probably few will derive much benefit from it; but if I do what I have thoughts of doing, viz. to collect the few things I have printed which are worth preserving & republish them in a volume,3 I shall be glad to have this among them because some of the others, without this, would give a false view of my
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general mode of thinking& besides I sometimes think that if there is anything which I am under a special obligation to preach, it is the meaning & necessity of a catholic spirit in philosophy, & I have a better opportunity of shewing what this is, in writing about Coleridge, than I have ever had before. Touching your question to me, whether I think that we know a sufficient number of Laws of particular Phenomena to be able to mount up to the Laws of the whole system of which they are a partif you mean, to such laws as that which Coleridge ascribes to Heraclitus & Giordano Bruno, the essential polarity of all power4 I do not think that the time is come for such wide generalizations, though I do not consider the attainment of them hopeless at some future period. I am afraid that the only principles which I should at present recognize as laws of all Phenomena, are some of those which for that very reason are classed by Kant as laws of our perceptive faculty onlysubjective, not objectiveas for instance the subjection of all phenomena to the laws of Time & Space. But it would require a good deal of explanation before we could make ourselves understood by each other on this matter, & for my part I dare say I may have something to learn on this subject from the German philosophers when I have time to read them. You may think it presumptuous in a man to be finishing a treatise on logic & not to have made up his mind finally on these great matters. But mine professes to be a logic of experience only, & to throw no further light upon the existence of truths not experimental, than is thrown by shewing to what extent reasoning from experience will carry us. Above all mine is a logic of the indicative mood alonethe logic of the imperative, in which the major premiss says not is but oughtI do not meddle with. My notion, a vague one enough, about the reason of Charless consent to Straffords death5 is that he was frightened at the discovery of the army-plot just at that timeI have no recent familiarity with the details of the history, & Robertson is in the country.

J. S. Mill

India House 12th Nov. 1839
My Dear Gustave
I can answer your two questions. Buxton,2 a rich brewer, is the head of the English Abolitioniststhe principal supporter, & present successor, of Wilberforce:3 & like
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him, a leader in what is called the religious world. He is, I believe, a very honest & well-meaning man. The object of the last bill relating to the Portuguese slave trade4 (the legality of which on principles of international law is very doubtful) was to assume the right of search, capture, & condemnation of Portuguese vessels in our own Admiralty Courts, in all cases in which the same rights could be exercised over English vessels; including cases in which the only proof of a ships being destined for the slave trade, is the appearance & fitting-up of the vessel itself. How far this bill will be executed time must shew. It goes much beyond anything warranted by existing treaties, & is justified only by the disregard which the Portuguese government has systematically shewn towards those treaties. There is no later edition of my fathers history5 than the third, which I believe was that of 1826; & it is not often I think, to be met with under the full publishing price. But a bookseller, who has lately bought the copyright, has announced a new edition,6 with a continuation; & this, no doubt, will bring down considerably the price of the old editions. Your friend therefore will be likely to have a better bargain by delaying his purchase for some months. I have read with interest the two notices you sent me, of your little tract,7 & I will not lose any opportunity of getting it noticed here; but I am not sanguine of doing any good by it. Our people are not ripe for any generalizations of so wide & ambitious a kindfor which even you have only been prepared by St Simonism. And you know very well that large ideas must be made to look like small ones here, or people will turn away from them. This is not a place for speculative men, except (at most) within the limits of ancient & traditional Christianity. The chief recent development of scientific speculation here is one of reaction, similar to that of De Maistre.8 Have you heard of the new Oxford school?9 If not, I shall have much to tell you when I have time to write you a long letter. To whom, at the Ambassador, here, shall I address the letters which are to be under cover to M. Armand Lefebvre?10
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill My kindest remembrances to your father & Adolphe.
269. TO THOMAS CARLYLE1

[Early Dec., 1839] It is a glorious piece of work,2 & will be a blessed gospel to many, if they read it & lay it to heart.
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I took a great piece of paper, to make notes upon, but found scarcely any to make. When I had done reading, the scrap which accompanies this3 was all I had written. But I would strongly recommend the omission of much of the quotation from Sauerteig,4 not because it is not true & good & beautiful in itself, but because much of it is not at all, or in a very inferior degree, pertinent to the subject. The historical view of the eras serves, I think, merely to interrupt the flow of the thoughts & feelings, & to make the conclusion comparatively flat. Yet what is said of the two tasks of England, & especially the constitutional task, must stand in some shape or other, though I think rather as your own than as Sauerteigs. I incline to think that the condition of the working classes has not deteriorated; but all that you say on the matter, ought to be said by those who think it, & the far greater part of it, I think too. And the tone in which it is said, does not assume more certainty than the case admits ofwhile all the practical conclusions hold equally, howsoever the fact stands in that respect. I should be very averse to disturb any other arrangement you may have made, or may wish to makebut it would delight me much to let this be the last dying speech of a Radical Review. I do not think a radical review ought to die without saying all this& no one else could say it half as well. Any number of copies of it might be printed in pamphlet form from the same types.5 J.S.M.

18 Kensington Square 27th December 1839
My Dear Gustave
I have been a long while without answering your last letterwhich I should not have been if I could have given you any information worth sending on African affairs. I do not believe there has been any voyage on the Niger since Laird & Oldfield:2 if there has, I am sure you will find references to it in Buxtons book.3 It is said that there is to be another expedition soon to ascend the river in steamboats, but I do not know whether it is to be fitted out by Government or by individuals. I am very little conversant with the affairs of Western Africa or I could perhaps tell you more. The continuation of my fathers history4 will come down to the last renewal of the Companys charter, in 1833. The whole, continuation & all, will be contained in eight volumes, which will cost 10s. 6d. or 12 shillings each, & will be published, it is hoped, monthly, beginning next February or March, so as to be completed within the
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year. But I think it very doubtful whether they will be able to complete it within so short a time. You have not told me what information you wish for about Ireland, or our Asiatic affairs. As for the Oxford School, it is a new Catholic school without the Pope. It has revived & reasserted the old Anglican doctrine, that the English Church is the Catholic Churchthat the Church of Rome since the Council of Trent is schismatic& it claims in behalf of the Church, a real Spiritual Power, similar & almost equal to that which was exercised by the Catholic Church before the Reformation. The depositary of this Spiritual Power is, according to them, the body of ordained Clergy, that is, ordained by Bishops deriving their authority by apostolic succession from Jesus Christ. The principal peculiarity of this school is hostility to what they call ultra-Protestantism. They recognise tradition, & not the scriptures merely, as one of the sources of Christianity. They dislike the word Protestant altogether, as a word which denotes only negation and disunion. And they urge all the arguments of the 19th century against the 18th, of the St Simonians against the cole critique, all these they urge against Protestantism of the common English kind. Some of them have even revived prayers for the dead, keeping saints days, &c., & one of their leaders has published a book of Latin hymns,5 including some to the Virgin. They reprobate the right of private judgment & consider learning rather than original thinking the proper attribut[ion]6 of a divine. They discourage the Methodistical view of religion which makes devotional feeling a state of strong excitement, & inculcate rather a spirit of humility & self-mortification. This is a very vague description of them but I have not studied them sufficiently yet to give a better. It is one of the forms, & the best form hitherto, of the reaction of Anglicanism against Methodism, incredulity & rationalism. They hold many of the opinions of Laud7 & the semi-Catholic high-church divines of Charles the Firsts times, & their doctrine, which is spreading fast among the younger clergy, is giving great offence to the evangelical part of the Church (you know the Calvinistic part of it, who fraternize with the Dissenters, take that name) which had previously been increasing very much in numbers & influence. They are passive obedience men, & one of their chiefs preached a sermon on the 5th of November in which he said that we ought to beg forgiveness of God for the sin of our ancestors in turning out James the Second.8 Among others of their proselytes it is said that Gladstone, the only rising man among the Tories, is one; the man who will probably succeed Peel as the Tory leader, unless this prevents him. The principal chiefs are Dr Pusey, an Oxford Professor, & Mr. Newman.

J. S. Mill.
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1840 271. TO LEIGH HUNT1

I.H. Wedy [Feb. 12, 1840]
My Dear Sir
Many thanks for the letter which is very interesting & does great honor to the writer. As to the review however it will either cease or go out of my hands after the forthcoming number which will be out in a few days. It must be some namesake of mine who sent the congratulations, unless it so happen that Robertson sent them in my name which he was well warranted in doing. Ill health & family distresses have come in aid of other causes which keep me away from the theatre but I read the announcement of your brilliant success2 with no ordinary pleasure & I trust it is the commencement of a new era of prosperity for you. It is time that the world began to pay off its long arrear of debt for your services to it.
Ever Faithfully Yours

J. S. Mill
272. TO CLARA MILL1

I.H. Saturday [Feb. 15, 1840]
My Dear Clara
There is nothing new to tell you since my letter to Derry of yesterday. I understand from Oliver Grant2 that you will still have to buy bedding, or at least mattresses & bolstershe has undertaken to enquire whether they provide sheets & blankets or not.
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Whatever money you require at Falmouth Messrs Fox3 will readily advance to you having been asked to do so in the letter from Capt. St Croix.4 One advantage of your going by the Florence instead of the packet, will be, that as the Florence is not going any farther than Madeira, there will be no hurry about your landing& you had better write from the vessel to Mr Innes,5 that he may make the necessary arrangementssince he will have expected you by the packet & finding you not come by it, will not know when to expect you. We will probably have to provide a palankeen for Derry as well as to take lodgings or rooms at a hotel &c &c. The Florence may be expected I presume at Falmouth by the end of the week. I am heartily glad we have been able to make so good an arrangement. We have all written to James.6 I hope some of you will write to give him the latest news of Derry. I do not wonder that you find Falmouth beautiful. I wish there were a railroad that I might come down & see you for a day or so before you go. I have been so busy I hardly knew which way to turn, & have not been well, besidesbut I think I am getting better again. I shall write often while you remain at Falmouth.
Ever Affectionately
J.S.M. I have written to Sterling. As he was not to be at Madeira I am heartily glad for the sake of all of you that he was at Falmouth.7
273. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. Thursday [Feb. (?), 1840]
Dear Cole,
The review has been altogether so expensive an affair to me, & I am at present drained so dry by that, by my own journey,2 by this new call upon me for Madeira,3 etc., that I cannot incur the smallest extra expense on account of the next number of the review, and, all things considered, I would not recommend your doing so.
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Unless the number sells more than 1,200, the article will do no good, as that has been for a long time the ordinary number soldthough I believe the last number sold rather fewer. The conditional authority you mention I readily givesubject to the chance of Beaumonts4 accepting.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill
274. TO CLARA MILL1

I.H. Wednesday [Feb., 1840]
Dear Clara
We received your yesterdays letters. What may have been received at Kensington today I do not know. After full consideration Harriet2 prefers fatigue to the probability of seasickness & thinks that it will probably less unfit her for what she will have to do when she arrives. Her place has therefore been taken by the Falmouth mail for Thursday (tomorrow) & she anticipates being able to go right through at once & arrive on Saturday morning. You of course will know at what time the mail may be expected to come in & will do whatever is advisable. I shall send money by her sufficient for a present supply. I will write tomorrow either to you or to poor dear Derry& Harriet will of course know anything that I may have to say. Arnott3 has told both Harriet & me since you were at Falmouth that it was not a case in which a medical man would have recommended going to Madeira, & that the chief reason was that I so much wished it.4 So far therefore he is not in fault& he has shewn much real feeling through it allbut why was he not sincere with me sooner, so as to enable ourselves to judge? Why did he continue to do all he possibly could to persuade us that his not getting rid of the cough was quite an ordinary & not an alarming thing?
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275. TO HENRY COLE1

Friday [Feb. (?), 1840]
My Dear Cole,
Robertson tells me of a mode of carrying on the review with you and him combined which he says you are willing to agree to2 on which however it is quite impossible for me to decide unless I first see you. I waited till rather late at Kensington this morning thinking you might possibly come& should then have gone to your house if I had thought I should find you there. This misadventure makes it impossible to terminate matters immediately, as I go out of town this afternoon & cannot return till Monday. But I think you may proceed with your arrangements on either supposition. I am more annoyed about Hickson,3 who has reasons for wishing for a speedier decision.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill
276. TO HENRY COLE1

India House Saturday [Feb. or March (?), 1840]
My Dear Cole,
I am afraid you will think me very changeable, but since I saw you last I have thought a good deal more about the proposed arrangement concerning the review, & have heard the opinion of one or two friends on the matter (I had consulted nobody before) & I find their opinion to be exceedingly strong that if the review goes on at all under the same name it will not be possible for me to destroy the connexion in peoples minds between it and myself& that it is much more to my credit that it should cease entirely than that it should be continued as anything else than the philosophical & political organ it was designed to be. I am not sure that after what has passed between us you have not a right to hold me to what was conditionally agreed upon but I hope you will not think it necessary to do so. Of course I hold myself responsible for the expense of the Postage article2 & will pay for any work that you have entered into
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engagements for, & I hope that by laying all the blame, where alone it can justly fall, on me, you will be able to terminate the thing without any unpleasantness.
Ever Yours Truly,

J. S. Mill
277. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. Thursday [Feb. or March (?), 1840]
My Dear Cole,
If you are willing to carry on the review under the name of Westminster, & with some slight alteration in the cover, I am willing to make it over to you, without requiring that it should be a new series or new numberingunless before the present number comes out I receive some communication, at this eleventh hour, from Beaumont,2 or from another quarter almost as improbable. It will give me still greater satisfaction to deliver it over to you & Hickson jointly, as he proposes, as it will both diminish your risk & aid you very much in the management.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill

[March (?), 1840] I am exceedingly grieved by the consciousness that I must appear to you (what I never have been nor could be intentionally) unkind to you. The thought of this matter has been, ever since it was first mentioned by you in a letter last July, but especially of late, no small addition to the burthens of various sorts that have lain upon me. I feel, however, that I have meant rightly to you and to every other interest concerned, and that I have acted to the best of my judgment; and though I feel painfully the
52
impossibility of my convincing you that I am right, I am sure you will respect me more for acting upon my own conviction than for giving way, from feelings of friendship and confidence, without being convinced. Cole repeatedly expressed his wish not to stand in the way of any arrangement more beneficial to you and independent of him; but we seemed to have already exhausted the possibilities of such, and as it was impossible to keep Hickson any longer without an answer, I have told Cole that I considered the Review as made over to them, although the formal transfer has not yet taken place.2 I am sure you have that in you which a disappointment in so poor a hope as this cannot unnerve or permanently discourage.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill

Kensington, Monday [March, 1840?]
Dear Robertson,
Some points in your letter positively require from me a few words to set right a few matters in which you have quite misunderstood me, and in which it would be very unpleasant to me that you should continue to do so. First. I did not allude to that number of the Review for any purpose of disparagement. Why should I? It has fully less of the defects to which I alluded than I thought it would have. I referred to it bona fide, as I professed to do, namely, as evidence you could appeal to in contradiction to my opinion if I was wrong. Second. When I spoke of unconciliativeness to contributors, I never meant that you were in the wrong in your disputes with them, but that you gave them unnecessary offense by matters of mere manner, and did not spare their vanity, which I am sure I have often said to you before; and also that I think you, in that particular, extremely unpractical, since no one can use others as instruments unless he makes them like his service. Third. When I spoke of subserviency, I carefully explained that I was not speaking of your intentions or feelings, but of their expectations.
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Fourth. I never said that you would get a character like Fonblanques, but that the Review would. I have distinctly said to you several times that you personally would not suffer in any way, and I said it most distinctly in the very same sentence by saying I should be glad to aid you in a ministerial course by any other means than the Review. Fifth. Finally, I do feel that I can and ought to support the ministry, but not connect myself with them (unless I had a voice in their councils); that is, I can neither take their money nor make over power which is in my hands and put it into theirs, though any power in my own hands I would, while I see as much cause as I now do, use in their support. Having endeavored to put myself right in these points, I will now say that your readiness to give up a project, in my objections to which you do not at all concur, is a thing which, you may rely upon it, I shall not forget. I think your letter to Lord N[ormanby]2 in perfectly good taste, as well as right feeling towards him.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.
280. TO HENRY COLE1

My Dear Cole,
I hereby make over to you & Mr William Hickson my whole interest in the London & Westminster Reviewthe work hereafter to be called the Westminster Review & the change of proprietorship to be announced in the next number.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill
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281. TO RICHARD MONCKTON MILNES1

India House Saturday [March, 1840]
My Dear Sir
My course on Monday morning next will be not anti-solar but at right angles to the suns course, as I shall be on my way from Sussex. & even on other days I can seldom manage to stop on my way, as I do not like to arrive here much after ten. We keep earlier hours here both in the morning & in the afternoon, than the Government offices at the West End. Therefore I am obliged to renounce the pleasure, which would have been a great one, of breakfasting with you. I cannot omit this opportunity of thanking you for the very interesting & valuable article you have contributed to this number of the London & Westminster,2 & which I am very happy to have been the means of publishing before the termination of my connexion with the review.
Every Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
282. TO ROBERT BARCLAY FOX1

India House 16th April 1840 My dear friend (if you will allow me to adopt this friendly mode of address) your kind & sympathizing letter has given me great pleasure. There is no use in my saying more than has been said already about him who has gone before us where we must so soon followthe thought of him is here & will remain here, & seldom has the memory of one who died so young, been such as to leave a deeper or a more beneficial impression on the survivors. Among the many serious feelings which such an event calls forth, there is always some one which impresses us most, some moral which each person extracts from it for his own more especial guidancewith me that moral is, work while it is called todaythe night cometh in which no man can work. One never seems to have adequately felt the truth & meaning of all that is
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tritely said about the shortness & precariousness of life till one loses some one whom one had hoped not only to carry with one as a companion through life, but to leave as a successor after it. Why he who had all his work to do has been taken, & I left who had done part of mine and in some measure as Carlyle would express it delivered my message, passes our wisdom to surmise. But if there be a purpose in this, that purpose it would seem can only be fulfilled in so far as the remainder of my life can be made even more useful than the remainder of his would have been if it had been spared. At least we know this that on the day when we shall be as he is, the whole of life will appear but as a day, & the only question of any moment to us then will be, Has that day been wasted. Wasted it has not been by those who have been, for however short a time, a source of happiness & of moral good even to the narrowest circle. But there is only one plain rule of life eternally binding, & independent of all variations in creeds & in the interpretations of creeds & embracing equally the greatest moralities & the smallestit is thistry thyself unweariedly till thou findest the highest thing thou art capable of doing, faculties & outward circumstances being both duly consideredand then do it You are very kind to say what you have said about those reviews2 the gift of unsold copies of an old periodical could under no circumstances have called for so warm an expression of thanks, & would have deserved an opposite feeling if I could not say, with the utmost sincerity, that I do not expect you to read much of it, or any of it unless you feel thereunto moved. My principal feeling in the matter was thisYou are likely to hear of some of the writers, & judging of your feelings by what my own would be, I thought it might be sometimes agreeable to you to be able to turn to something they had written & imagine what manner of persons they might be. As far as my own articles were concerned there was also a more selfish pleasure in thinking that sometimes, however rarely, I might be conversing with my absent friends at 300 miles distanceWe scribblers are apt to put not only our best thoughts but our best feelings into our writings, or at least if the things are in us they will not come out of us so well or so clearly through any other medium& therefore when one really wishes to be liked (it is only when one is very young that one cares about being admired) it is often an advantage to us when our writings are better known than ourselves. As for these particular writings of mine, all in them that has any pretension to permanent value will I hope during the time you are in London be made into two little volumes3 which I shall offer to no one with greater pleasure than to you. The remainder is mostly politicsof little value to any one nowin which, with considerable expenditure of head & heart, an attempt was made to breathe a living soul into the Radical partybut in vainthere was no making those dry bones live. Among a multitude of failures I had only one instance of brilliant successit is some satisfaction to me to know that, as far as such things can ever be said, I saved Lord Durhamas he himself, with much feeling, acknowledged to me, saying that he knew not to what to ascribe the reception he met with on his return from Canada, except to an article of mine4 which came out immediately before. If you were to read that article now you would wonder what there was in it to bear out such a statementbut the time at which it appeared was everythingevery ones hand seemed to be against him, no one dared speak a word for him, the very men who had been paying court & offering incense to him for years before (I never had) slunk away, or ventured only on
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a few tame & qualified phrases or excusenot, I verily believe, from cowardice so much as because, not being accustomed to think about principles of politics, they were taken by surprise in a contingency which they had not looked for, and feared committing themselves to something they could not maintain& if this had gone on, opinion would have decided against him so strongly that even that admirable Report of his & Bullers could hardly have turned the tide & unless some one who could give evidence of thought & knowledge of the subject, had thrown down the gauntlet at that critical moment, & determinedly claimed honour & glory for him instead of mere acquittal, & by doing this made a diversion in his favour & encouraged those who wished him well to speak out, & so kept peoples minds suspended on the subject, he was in all probability a lost man, & if I had not been the man to do this nobody else would. And three or four months later the Report came out & then everybody said I had been right, & now it is being acted upon. This is one of only three things, among all I attempted in my reviewing life, which I can be said to have succeeded in. The second was, to have greatly accelerated the success of Carlyles French Revolution,5 a book so strange & incomprehensible to the greater part of the public, that whether it should succeed or fail seemed to depend upon the turn of a diebut I got the first word, blew the trumpet before it at its first coming out & by claiming for it the honours of the highest genius frightened the small fry of critics from pronouncing a hasty condemnation, got fair play for it & then its success was sure. My third success is that I have dinned into peoples ears that Guizot is a great thinker & writer, till they are, though slowly, beginning to read himwhich I do not believe they would be doing, even yet, in this country but for me. There, I think, is a full account of all the world has got by my editing and reviews. Will you pardon the egotism of this letter? I really do not think I have talked so much about myself in the whole year previous as I have done in the few weeks of my intercourse with your familybut it is not a fault of mine generally, for I am considered reserved enough by most people& I have made a very solemn resolution when I see you again to be more objective and less subjective in my conversation (as Calvert6 says) than when I saw you last.
Ever Yours Faithfully,

J. S. Mill It seems idle to send remembrancesthey saw enough to know I am not likely to forget them.
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I.H. 22d April 1840
My Dear Sterling
Your letter should have been answered when I first received it, which was just before I left Falmouth. The bustle & turmoil of London when one comes back to it, & the accumulation of different sorts of business which I have had to dispose of, are very uncongenial to the mood in which such a letter is read or in which it should be responded to. I rejoice greatly that we met at Falmouth; independently of the good, of many kinds, which your presence did, it is very much to me now, & more than I thought it would be, that my last recollections of Henry are shared with you. If he had lived he would certainly have been an additional bond between us, & now that he is dead his memory will be so& perhaps as you say he is conscious of it. I do feel as you do that we have been more to each other lately than ever before, & I think on one side this is easily to be explained, for it is natural to you to feel more affectionately in proportion as you have shewn more kindnessthat is one of the ways in which acts of love fructify & yield a large increase. On my own side less explanation is needed, for it seems to me that you have at all times been giving more & more to methough there have been times when the contrary may have seemed to be the casein consequence partly of constitutional or habitual defect of quickness of sensibility, but much more of the jarring elements both in my own character & in my outward circumstances which I have had to reconcile, as indeed is the case with most people, but I think both in an unusual degree and in an unusual manner with me& which have made me describe an orbit very different from the direction of any one of the forces which urged me. And even now I am very far from appearing to you as I amfor though there is nothing that I do not desire to shew, there is much that I never do shew, & much that I think you cannot even guess. My mother & sisters & George2 have returned, & George is certainly better, not worse, for his journey. I have much anxious thought about himto him the loss of Henry is a greater calamity than he can yet feel. As for me, I have begun to get ready my reprintbut I find some difficulty in finding enough for two volumes.3 I have softened the asperity of the article on Sedgwick,4 & cut out whatever seemed to take an unfair advantage against his opinions, of his deficiencies as an advocate of them.
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Ever Affectionately
J. S. Mill.
284. TO MACVEY NAPIER1

India House 22d April 1840
My Dear Sir
It is just possible you may have heardthough it is most likely you have notthat my connexion with the Westminster Review has terminated. The review has gone into other hands, & although I wish well to the new proprietors & think they will conduct it creditably & usefully, I do not feel myself in such a manner bound to them that I should wish to exclude myself from the power of addressing a larger auditory. This is also the feeling of several of the best of my late coadjutors in the Westminster, to whom, as well as to myself, it would be agreeable, if you give any encouragement to the proposition, to establish a connexion with the Edinburgh. I believe it is the feeling of nearly all Reformers that this is not a time for keeping up a flag of disunion among them& even I who have been for some years attempting it must be owned with very little success, to induce the Radicals to maintain an independent position, am compelled to acknowledge that there is not room for a fourth political party in this countryreckoning the Conservatives, the Whig-Radicals, & the Chartists as the other three. Of a clear view of this fact a natural consequence is, a different notion of what my own course ought to beif I can hope to do any good it can only be by merging in one of the existing great bodies of opinion; by attempting to gain the ear of the liberal party generally, instead of addressing a mere section of it. There seems no longer any reason why my little rivulet should continue to flow separate, little as it can contribute to decide the colour or composition of that great stream. Among those contributors to the Westminster who would like to become contributors of yours, those who I think would be of most use to you (besides Charles Buller with whom I believe you are already in communication) are Robertson, the late editor, & writer of many articles and George Fletcher,2 the author of two very interesting papers, one in the number for December, 1838, on Heloisa & Abelard,3 the other (in the last number) on Robin Hood.4 If you have not seen these articles I am sure it would give you pleasure to read them especially the former. Of Robertsons articles some were hastily got up under many disadvantages & he did himself scanty justice in thembut others I think are sufficient proof that he can do
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something considerable especially those on Cromwell Caricatures Statistical Society Congregational Dissenters & one or two others.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

India House April 27, 1840
My Dear Sir,
Permit me in the first place to make my acknowledgments for the extremely kind & flattering manner in which you have received my proposition for becoming a contributor to the Edinburgh. You have done me only justice in supposing that the idea of any compromise of the principles of the E. Review never entered into my mindit did not occur to me even to disavow such a thought. Of course I did not expect to have the same range of subjects as I had in a review under my own exclusive control, nor to be allowed to commit the review to opinions which would be obnoxious to its other writers & its supporters. I look for no other latitude than that commonly allowed by periodical works to the individual modes of thinking of their various contributors. There will be no difficulty in our understanding one another, since the principles of the review are public property, & what I have written in the last year or two, or what I may now write will soon shew you what are the points if any, on which mine are irreconcileable with them. I am myself under an impression that there is very little of what I should now be inclined to say to the public in a review, which would be at all in contradiction to the established character & purposes of the Edinburgh. As you conjecture, it is only occasionally that I should find time to write for you, especially at present, as I am desirous of finishing a book I have in hand. But the subject you suggest, my friend Tocquevilles book, is so very attractive to me that if the other arrangement you mention should not take effect, I would make an effort to get an article ready on Tocqueville for your October number.2 With regard to other subjects, one thing which I should like very much, & on which I should not interfere with any of your existing contributors, would be to write occasionally on modern French history & historical literature, with which from peculiar causes I am more extensively acquainted than Englishmen usually are. If I had continued to carry on the London & W. review, I should have written more than one article on Michelet3 a writer of great & original views, very little known among us. One article on his history of France, & another combining his Roman history with Arnolds,4 might I
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think be made very interesting & useful. Even on Guizot5 there may be something still to be written. I mention these things only that you may know the course my thoughts have taken in regard to future articles. I will immediately make known to Robertson & Fletcher your answer in respect to them & I have no doubt that you will find them valuable auxiliaries.
Ever My Dear Sir Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

My Dear Gustave
I have been very long in answering your letters, having been absent from London for some weeks attending the deathbed of a brother, who was the pride & hope of our whole family & whose loss I shall have cause to regret as long as I live. This absence occasioned my losing the opportunity of seeing MM Stphane Mony & Isaac Pereire,2 both well known to me by their antcdents & the former personally. I have to thank you for a letter I have received from M. Michelet accompanying two volumes of his admirable history,3 & which as I had not time to answer immediately I shall now defer answering until I have read the new volume. I was already intimately acquainted with the former volumes as well as with all his other works, & I beg of you to tell him that I have long felt the warmest admiration for them & have expressed it publicly on several occasions before the one which attracted your notice. I had long meditated reviewing his Roman history in the Westminster, & now that I am no longer connected with that review it is probable that I shall have the satisfaction of making both that, & his History of France still more widely known by means of the Edinburgh review in which I have engaged to write some articles on the new French historical school.4 Would you oblige me with M. Michelets address?5 I have no doubt that the two books which you mention, Lyons Voyage6 & Crawfurds History,7 may be obtained here by watching an opportunity, at a tolerably cheap rate, but it is impossible to say how cheap, as it depends on accident. I would recommend to you for such commissions a bookseller named Edward Rainford, 86 High Holborn, & if you will communicate with him the first time through me you will
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have no difficulty with him afterwards. He is a most deserving person, & manages to get books exceedingly cheap. I have not yet seen M. Guizot,8 though I have been very near seeing him several times& should have ventured to call on him if I were not so circumstanced as to hours, that it is impossible for me to call at any time of the day suitable to a civilized being. Your opinion on the decisive character of the late triumph of parliamentary government9 (ostensibly) & of democracy really, in France, is very interesting to me. It is a great event, & makes me recur to what I have so often thought, les choses marchent vte en France (& in this age, altogether one may add)
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
287. TO ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE1

11th May, 1840
My Dear Tocqueville,
I shall have the greatest pleasure in owing to your friendship a copy of the second part of your great work. I had already possessed myself of it & have now finished one careful persual of it: several more will be required before I can master it, for although my own thoughts have been accustomed (especially since I read your First Part) to run very much in the same direction, you have so far outrun me that I am lost in the distance, & it will require much thought & study to appropriate your ideas so completely as to be qualified to say what portion of them I shall at last feel to be demonstrated & what, if any, may seem to require further confirmation. In any case you have accomplished a great achievement: you have changed the face of political philosophy, you have carried on the discussions respecting the tendencies of modern society, the causes of those tendencies, & the influences of particular forms of polity & social order, into a region both of height & of depth, which no one before you had entered, & all previous argumentation and speculation in such matters appears but childs play now. I do not think that anything more important than the publication of your book has happened even in this age of great events& it is truly happy that it was produced in France & is therefore sure of being read by every thinking person both in France and out of it. Even in this stupid island where Guizots Lectures2 had scarcely penetrated until Guizot himself came here as ambassador& when hardly anybody knows that there is a French philosophy subsequent to Voltaireeven here your book, par exception, is read, because luckily Sir R. Peel praised it,3 & made the Tories fancy it was a Tory book: but I believe they have found out their error. It could
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only have been written in France or in England, & if written in England it would probably never have been known beyond a small circle. Among so many ideas which are more or less new to me I have found (what I consider a very great compliment to the justness of my own views) that one of your great general conclusions is exactly that which I have been almost alone in standing up for here, and have not as far as I know made a single disciplenamely that the real danger in democracy, the real evil to be struggled against, and which all human resources employed while it is not yet too late are not more than sufficient to fence offis not anarchy or love of change, but Chinese stagnation & immobility. Finding this view of the matter to have presented itself with the same strength of evidence to you, who are the highest living authority (& therefore the highest that has ever lived) on the subject, I shall henceforth regard it as the truth scientifically established, and shall defend it envers et contre tous with tenfold pertinacity. When I last wrote to you I lamented that from having terminated my connection with the London & Westminster Review I should not have the opportunity of reviewing your book there, but I have now the pleasure of telling you that I am to have the reviewing of it in the Edinburgh Review which as you know is much more read, and which has never had a review of your First PartI suppose none of the writers dared venture upon it, and I cannot blame them, for that review is the most perfect representative of the 18th century to be found in our day, & that is not the point of view for judging of your book. But I & some others who are going to write in the Ed. Review now, shall perhaps succeed in infusing some young blood into it. They have given me till October for this article.4 I received a long & most acceptable letter from Beaumont,5 when I was 300 miles off, attending a very dear brother in his last illness. I owe him a long letter in return which shall be paid very shortly. Though I am not a very regular correspondent you may believe me when I say that there is no living man in Europe whom I esteem more highly or of whose friendship I should be more proud than I am of yours. Unfortunately I have only one means of shewing it, but that I have used pretty freely, for your name somehow finds itself under my pen almost whenever I write.
Ever Affectionately Yours

J. S. Mill. India House.

I.H.
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Friday [May 22, 1840]2 Pray do not think of Saturday for the Museum if you have any other day disposable. My concern for your welfare bids me assure you that it is much pleasanter to go to such places when there is no crowd: besides which I have a secret reason which I do not mean to tell you, viz. that Saturday week is the only possible day on which I could not be there to welcome you, as I am inexorably bound to pass that Saturday and Sunday more than thirty miles from town. Woe is mebut the case is such that there is no help for it. If however your ill fortune will have it that you are to see the Museum and Dulwich without my agreeable society, various topics of consolation suggest themselves, as for instance that it will be all the same thing a hundred years hence, that what cant be cured must be endured &c. &c. These & similar reflections I hope will enable you to bear your affliction with becoming fortitude & I will endeavour to support mine with antique heroism, that is to say as the antique heroes always did, by trying all they could to remove the cause of it. As a first step to which I send you an admission for Mondays & Thursdays that you may have no excuse for going on Saturday. Please to fill up the blank with some name or other before you go. I am glad you are going to Carlyles3 if your sisters can go you should ask leave to bring them. J.S.M.
289. TO ROBERT WERE FOX1

India House Tuesday [May 26, 1840]
My Dear Sir
I will not take so ungenerous an advantage as not to tell you that Nichol2 is not coming today & that he is coming on Thursday. If this should prevent you from coming this evening, the loss is oursbut at least I hope it will not unless you can come on Thursday instead, either to dinner or in the evening. Mrs. Nichol & I hope Nichol also, will be of the party to the Museum here; & to Dulwich afterwards if what we are hardly allowed to think possible, should come to passbut if it should not, & if Saturday is the most convenient day to your party, being also as convenient for my sisters as any other, I am not such a dog in the manger as not to protest in the most earnest manner against any consideration being had of me in the matterespecially as I am so much hampered as to hours.
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J. S. Mill

I.H. Thursday [June 4, 1840]
My Dear Friend
As you say you reached home this morning I perceive you made no more haste than good speedindeed to make the former compatible with the latter seemed, under the aspect of affairs last night, rather hopeless.2 Let me congratulate you on the fact that the safe preservation of all of you was, under these somewhat inauspicious circumstances, achieved. As for us we have none of us experienced anything unpleasant except the remembrance of the shortness of your visit, & the uncertainty which as yet hangs over the next. You might well doubt whether I had received your note, for such a note surely merited some acknowledgmenthowever not being able to respond to it in the only suitable manner viz. in verse, I left it without any response at allfeeling all the while a vast respect for you, for being able to write such good verses. But the feelings towards myself which they express require me to say once more how highly I value your friendship & how unexpectedly gratifying it is that in me, seen as you have seen me, you have found as much to like, as these verses seem to indicate. For you have not, nor have even those of your family whom I have been so fortunate as to see more of, as yet seen me, as I really & naturally am, but a me artificially made selfconscious, egotistical, & noisily demonstrative by having much feeling to shew & very little time to shew it in. If I had been looking forward to living peaceably within a stones throw or even a few hours walk or ride of you, I should have been very different. As it is, that poor little sentence of the poor Ashantee3 really expresses the spirit of all I have said & done with regard to any of your party, almost from the beginning until now, when one is to be but a remembrance, it is difficult to refrain from even awkward attempts to make the remembrance last for more than a few days or weeks. And now till I have the opportunity of doing it myself, will you express for me, my warmest regards to your father & mother& for your sisters & yourself, remember that you have not only as many additional blessings in disguise as there are sisters at Kensington, but also (unless it be peculiarly a feminine designation) one more, namely, yours affectionately
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J. S. Mill

India House 17th June 1840
My Dear DEichthal
Your very interesting letter came in due course. As the prices of the books seemed to me reasonable, & quite as low as it was likely Mr Rainford2 could procure them for without waiting, perhaps a considerable time, for an opportunity, I sent your note at once to Mr Russell Smith.3 On receiving your subsequent note I called on Mr Smith who told me that the books were sent to Paris, in a parcel along with other books, on the 7th of this month, & that as soon as they arrived, you would receive a letter by the petite poste informing you where to send for them. Since I received your letter I have written to M. Michelet. I addressed my letter aux archives du royaume. If you have an opportunity perhaps you would ask him whether it arrived properly. But it did not require nor did I expect any answer. I dined last Saturday with M. Guizot whose conversation quite corresponds to the high idea I had formed of him from his writings. He was very kind & gave me a general invitation to call upon him. His having come here as ambassador is a real vnement, for it makes our stupid incurious people read his books. You would be astonished how few here, even yet, know that there is such a thing as a philosophy of the 19th century in France, different from the 18th. We are certainly an ignorant nation, with all our self-conceit& by reason of it. Still, we are improvingthe best ideas of the age are in some degree insinuating themselves into our minds, though we in general are very little aware how or from whence they come to us. You may measure the distance between France & England by that between Guizot & Peel, each the leader of the Conservative party in their respective countries. Happily though we are slow we are sure. We are the ballast of Europe, France its sail.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill.
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My Dear Sir
I know you will not consider it an intrusion on my part to ask you whether among the many persons of mental cultivation & attainments with whom you must necessarily be acquainted, who have the world still before them where to choose2 & perhaps nothing very promising as yet offered for their choice, there be any one whom you could recommend as tutor to the eldest son (about twelve years old) of a person of very high rank3 & of ideas & aspirations on the subject of education, considerably above what are common in any rank? I am not yet at liberty to say who the party isit has only been told to me in confidence, because if it were to transpire there would be a troublesome quantity of applications & a corresponding number of disappointments. But there is, probably, no situation of the kind in England in respect to which more important consequences may depend on its being well filled. Do you think your friend Mr. Edgeworth4 would accept such a situation? & do you think him qualified for it? I only mention him because his writings prove him to be a man of considerable powers & accomplishments, & I think I have understood that he is not in such circumstances as would prevent his taking employment of this kind.
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
293. TO [JOHN MITCHELL KEMBLE?]1

I.H. Thursday [July, 1840?]
My Dear Sir
It would seem that Mr Edgeworth2 is still at Edgeworthstown, but I know that he is, or was till lately, often in or near London. I wait for your further instructions before authorizing any communication to him.
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From the little I know or have heard of the Mr Thompson3 whom you speak of, I should think his recommendation a valuable one.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

Kensington 3d August 1840
My Dear Friend
Your letter came & was most welcome, & the same may be said of certain other missives2 which I had the pleasure of despatching to Guildford. It was very pleasant to be able to figure to oneself your mode of existence at Penjerrick3 I often think one never knows ones friends or rather they are not properly ones friends until one has seen them in their home, & can figure to oneself some part at least of their daily existence. I am sure we all feel much nearer to all of you by having become so familiar with your local habitation or I may say habitations, & with so many of your haunts on that lovely coasthow often I fancy myself looking through the transparent spring air across the lovely blue bay to Pennace4 nor are reminiscences of Penjerrick either unfrequent or faint. It is curious that your letter about Tocqueville & Brown5 found me also occupied with both of themreviewing the one,6 & reading the other once again after an interval of many years. I have not however yet got to his theory of the moral feelings, & though I remember that I did not like it, & took great pains, as I fancied quite successfully, to refute it, I cannot say I remember what it is& so many of my philosophical opinions have changed since, that I can trust no judgment which dates from so far back in my history. My renewed acquaintance with Brown shews me that I was not mistaken in thinking he had made a number of oversights, but I also see that he has even more than I formerly thought of these characteristic merits which made me recommend him as the best one author in whom to study that great subject. I think you have described his book by the right epithets, & I would add to them that it seems to me the very book from which to learn both in theory & by example the true method of philosophisingthe analysis in his early lectures of the true nature & amount of what we can learn of the phenomena of the world, seems to me perfect, & his mode of inquiry into the mind is strictly founded upon that analysis. As for Tocqueville I do not wonder that you should find him difficult, for in the first place the philosophical writers of the present day have made almost a new French language, & in the next place he is really abstruseby being so abstract, & not sufficiently (especially in the 2d part) illustrating his propositions. I find it tough
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work reviewing him, much tougher than I expected, especially as I was prevented from beginning so soon as I ought. So you are now all or nearly all reassembled & we again see or fancy the family picture in its accustomed & original frame. That is much, although not so much as it would have been if we had not seen you in the opposite circumstances of LondonI was going to say the uncongenial circumstances, but you are all so happily constituted that no circumstances are uncongenial to youstill some are more congenial than others & I can fancy for instance that if you were standing beside Sterling in one of Raphaels stanze in the Vatican you would find the situation very congenial indeed. I cease to regret Sterlings sudden departure when I learnt that your party had had so much more of him & he of them in consequence of it.7 What a pleasant winding up of their mankind tour. I return the old Michelet8 with my prayer that your youngest sister whom I have hardly yet forgiven for not taking it & who must by this time be weary of the sight of it, will make haste to lay it up in some crypt of her autograph-cabinet & let the world see no more of it. I trust she is satisfied, for I have now kept it till another camewhich proves to me by the extravagance of its compliments upon the letter I wrote to him, that if one gives a man exactly the sort of praise he wants to receive, one is sure of getting into his good graces. The knowledge that an autograph of Guizot has probably reached you or will reach you from other quarters consoles me for not having one to offerfor his invitations to dinner are printed forms. I have dined with him again but one gets so little real conversation with any one who has to attend to his guests. The last time it was a most successfully made up party, I mean that fortune was most propitious to me in particular for of six guests three were persons I always like to meet & two of the other three were the two persons I most wished to meetThirlwall,9 with whom I renewed an acquaintance of which the only event was a speech he made in reply to one of mine when I was a youth of nineteen(it has remained impressed upon me ever since as the finest speech I ever heard)& Gladstone whom I had never seen at alland with both these I hope I have laid the foundation of a further knowledge especially as Thirlwall will now be in town in parliament time. How delighted Sterling must be at finding him a bishopbut hardly more so than I am. Have you heard yet that Cunningham after all will only let us have one likeness of the present deponent10 so how my mother & Sterling are to settle it I do not know, as Mammy resolutely declines the equitable method of tossing up a halfpenny. My sisters I dare say have written this very day. Pray tell us how your Aunt at Clifton11 goes on & when your mother returns. Your message to Carlyle shall be deliveredever faithfully J. S. Mill
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India House 5th September 1840
My Dear Sir
My article2 has gone to Longmans this day. Whether it will answer your expectation I cannot venture to predictbut you will not find me, (as I have generally found those who have themselves conducted periodicals) an intractable contributor. If you were to bid me cancel the whole article & begin again, it would be no more than I have done before now with other articles of mine at the instigation of my own editor. If the article suits you & it is not inconsistent with the practice of your Review, I should like to have half a dozen or at most a dozen separate copies chiefly to send abroad (of course I will readily pay the expense of them)& I should also like to reserve the power of reprinting my articles & particularly this one, as I intend next spring to publish a collection of the few things I have written which either I or any one else thinks worth preserving, & I should like to include this in it as forming a sort of completion & winding up of the view which the publication will exhibit of my present opinions & modes of thinking. With regard to alterations I repeat that you will not find me troublesome, but I should like, whenever time permits, to have the making of them myself. I do not mean that I object to your making any alteration in the first instance, since it often happens that the shortest & best way of making the nature of an objection intelligible is to suggest the exact change which would remove it.
Ever My Dear Sir Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

India House 21st September 1840
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My Dear Sir
Allow me to thank you for your kind compliance, & more than compliance, with my wishes about the separate copies & the power of reprinting & to express the pleasure it gives me that you should have found reason to think favorably of my article.2 Of course I cannot have the slightest objection to the omission of the sentence you mention, & am only glad that it is the only one upon which you feel it necessary to exercise your editorial scissors. I was prepared to find that there were parts of the article in which you could not agree, but on the points you mention I think a little explanation would remove most of the difference between us. I did not mean to class the power of combination as an element (except in a certain limited sense) of fitness for political power but only as one of the causes which actually create a political power whether the parties are fit for it or not. And my argument requires no more. My remarks also on Tocquevilles opinion that democracy does not bring to the helm the fittest persons for government, were only intended to moderate the strength with which he claims admission for that opinion, & to suggest grounds of hesitation & further examination; not to contradict the opinion itself for on the whole I to a great degree coincide in it, though not to the extent to which he carries it. On the possibility of a mixed government it is probable that you & I & Tocqueville would on explanation agree. I agree & have long agreed in all you say on the point, but he would say that one of the three powers always could by constitutional means, carry any point it was in earnest about, if it chose to encounter the consequent odium & that the other two could not unless aided by the one or by a portion of it. About future articlesthose which I have chiefly thought about would require a good deal of reading & reflection, & considering that I have a book to finish I could hardly venture to name any particular time for their being ready. They are mostly historicalfor instance one on the Romans & their history, a propos of Arnolds History and Micheletsor, if you think the French Revolution not too stale a subject, I could write an article on Alisons book,3 or on the Histoire Parlementaire4 that would perhaps have still something of novelty in its views. But I should not like to undertake either of these if it were necessary to appoint any time within a year for their being readythough they might possibly be finished much sooner. If I am to undertake anything soon it must be something requiring less time & research. I have been much pressed to write on the Report (or rather Minutes of Evidence) of the Committee on Currency & Banksespecially by Mr. Tooke5 with whom I agree on the subject more than with anybody else who has written on itbut I suppose you would look to McCulloch6 on that question, and even if he were not likely as I suppose he is, to write on it himself, you would probably hardly think it fair to him to put in an article which would contain what he would consider heresies. Mr. Tooke says he has no doubt the Quarterly would take it, & perhaps it would, but I think liberal writers ought to stick to liberal reviews, & my adhesion to the Edinburgh is in a certain sense political as well as literary. Believe me, with much satisfaction at the new connexion which is now formed between us,
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Yours Ever Faithfully

J. S. Mill

I.H. 1st Oct. 1840
My Dear Sterling
Drings Life of Goethe2 is a little book, about as long as one of the thicker volumes of the small edition of Goethes works: therefore unless by a really first rate hand it is likely to be but meagre. The booksellers say it is thought well of but I can learn nothing specific about it. They know of no other Life. Nutt3 says the price is six shs but offered me for four sh. the only copy he had, a worn one. A bookseller named Senior says the price is 4 s. but he had sold all his copies. Shall I order one from him? & shall it be sent to Knightsbridge? I am to have a dozen separate copies of my review of Tocqueville & I will send you one. There is a review of him in Blackwood,4 cleverish but hollow. What an antigallican tone in this whole number of Blackwood: & not a man among the writers who is not persuaded that he knows the whole French people, intus et in cute.5 There is much more danger of war than people are aware of.6 More than one credible testimony of Frenchmen now in Paris or lately there, assures me that the war feeling there is universal, & has for the time silenced all others, that even those whose personal interests are opposed to it share the feeling, & that there is not now one voice against the fortifying of Paris which excited such clamour a few years ago. And that this is not from love of war, for they dislike it, but because they feel themselves bless & humiliated as a nation. This is foolish, but who can wonder at it in a people whose country has within this generation been twice occupied by foreign armies? If that were our case we should have plenty of the same feeling. But it is melancholy to see the rapid revival of hatred on their side & jealous dislike on ours. I am curious to see the review of Carlyle in the Quarterly.7 From extracts I have no doubt it is by the author of the article on Socialism.8 Merivales article9 has many sound criticisms, as much of appreciation as you can expect from an Edinburgh reviewer, & a few damnable heresies. Carlyles dislike of it seems to me excessive, & nothing that he says surprises me more than that he should think Macaulay would have done it better. Macaulay would not have had half as much appreciation of him. What you say about the absence of a disinterested & heroic pursuit of Art as the greatest want of England at present, has often struck me, but I suspect it will not be
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otherwise until our social struggles are over. Art needs earnest but quiet timesin ours I am afraid Art itself to be powerful must be polemicalCarlylean not Goethianbut I speak as to the wisejudge ye what I say.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill

19th November 1840 Your Leeds demonstration seems to me a very proper thing, done in the very best way, and I think that is the general impression about it. I cannot but think it has done, and will do, good both in France and here, and I am sure it has had a good effect in raising your public character.

India House 23d Novr 1840
My Dear Sir
Many thanks for the very handsome payment which reached me this morning. I have not yet seen Fletcher since I returned to town, but I am in daily expectation of doing so. He is unfortunately apt to be behind his time & though he was particularly anxious not to be so in this instance he was also particularly desirous to do his very best which may perhaps cause him to be behindhandbut I hope not. I will keep Arnold in view2 & set to work upon him as soon as I can. How soon that will be I do not precisely know: but it may very possibly be in time for your spring number. I feel much obliged for the latitude you give me.
Ever Yours In Haste

J. S. Mill
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I.H. 25 Nov. 1840
My Dear Friend
It is very long since I either heard from you or wrote to you, but the correspondence between your sisters & mine, which is considerably more active than ours, has kept up a sort of communication between us, which though very agreeable I do not find entirely to supply the place of direct correspondence. I am not, I know, entitled to expect frequent letters while I shew myself so remiss in fulfilling my own part of the implied contract between absent friends. But we people whose whole life is passed in writing either to Our Governor General of India in Council or to everybodys governor general the English public, are I believe excusable if we like better to receive letters than to write them. I enclose a copy of a recent epistle of mine2 to the latter of those great authorities. It will reappear as part of two little volumes which although you already have nearly all the contents of them, will some time or other in the course of next year appear before you as suppliants for a place on your shelf. About the same time I hope to have finished a big book3 the first draft of which I put the last hand to a few weeks ago. I do not know whether the subject of it will interest youbut as you have been so much pleased with Brown,4 many of whose views I have adopted, perhaps it may. We have all of us been in great trepidation about the state of affairs in Europe. It would have been too bad if the two most lightheaded men in Europe, Palmerston5 and Thiers, had been suffered to embroil the whole world6 & do mischief which no one now living would have seen repaired. I do not know which of the two I feel most indignant with. The immediate danger is I hope over, but the evil already done is incalculablethe confidence which all Europe felt in the preservation of peace will not for many years be re-established & the bestial antipathies between nations & especially between France & England have been rekindled to a deplorable extent. All the hope is that founded on the French character which as it is excitable by small causes may also be calmed by slight things& accordingly alternates between resentment against England and Anglomania. You know of course that George7 is at Torquay & also that Sterling is there, perhaps for the winter, perhaps only till he sets out for Italy. With kind regards to all, ever faithfully yours, J. S. Mill.
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301. TO GEORGE HENRY LEWES1

I.H. Thursday [probably late 1840]
My Dear Sir
I lost no time in setting about your paper on Shelley.2 It abounds in true & important things & yet (for I know you want me to tell you exactly the impression it has made upon me) there is something about it which satisfies me less than is usually the case with your writings. It is easier however to say this, than to tell exactly what that something is, or to point out how the article could have been or could now be improved. After thinking a good deal about it I can get no nearer than thisthat you do not seem to me to have laid down for yourself with sufficient definiteness, what precise impression you wished to produce, & upon what class of readers. It was particularly needful to have a distinct view of this sort when writing on a subject on which there are so many rocks & shoals to be kept clear of. For example I think you should have begun by determining whether you were writing for those who required a vindication of Shelley or for those who wanted a criticism of his poems or for those who wanted a biographic Carlylian analysis of him as a man. I doubt if it is possible to combine all these things, but I am sure at all events that the unity necessary in an essay of any kind as a work of art requires at least that one of these should be the predominant purpose & the others only incidental to it. If I can venture an opinion on so difficult & delicate a matter, I would say that the idea of a vindication should be abandoned. Shelley can only be usefully vindicated from a point of view nearer that occupied by those to whom a vindication of him is still needed. I have seen very useful and effective vindications of him by religious persons, & in a religious tone: but we, I think, should leave that to others, & should take for granted, boldly, all those premisses respecting freedom of thought & the morality of acting on ones own credo, which to anyone who admits them, carry Shelleys vindication with them. By descending into that other arena I think we only spoil what is already going on much better than anything we can do in that way can possibly mend. I intended to say but a word now, & more when we meet, but I have run on to this lengthI will add that there are several things in the article which Hickson could not, I am sure, with any common prudence print in his review. You are certainly a conjurer, in finding out my old obscure articles. The only valuable thing in these two3 is I think the distinction between poetry & oratory. The Genius4 paper is no favorite with me, especially in its boyish stile. It was written in the height of my Carlylism, a vice of style which I have since carefully striven to correct & as I think you should dothere is too much of it in the Shelley. I think Carlyles costume should be left to Carlyle whom alone it becomes & in whom it would soon become
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unpleasant if it were made common& I have seen as you must have done, grievous symptoms of its being taken up by the lowest of the low. As to my Logic, it has all to be rewritten yet.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill come soon.

3rd December, 1840.
My Dear Sterling
I suppose this will reach you although directed only to the Torquay Post Office. I write only to keep up the thread of our correspondence, as I have nothing very particular to say. When I advised you, if you go to Italy, to see Genoa and the Corniche, I forgot that you had not seen Venice and Munich. You certainly ought by no means to miss the pictures, of course, better than anything you would see there, though I cannot help thinking that the Venetian school is but the Flemish with a differencethat difference being chiefly the difference between Italian physique and Belgian or Dutch. But then again some of the sculptures at Munich are among the very first extantand you will be interested in the modern German art; it is probably from knowing nothing of the subject, that what I saw of it appears to me a feeble, hot-house product. But qure whether anything so essentially objective as painting and sculpture can thrive in Germanyany more than Shakespeare or Beethoven could have been produced in Italy. This, however,2 is sus Minervam.3 Have you any idea who that Fellow of St Johns is, who publishes in the Monthly Chronicle his notes on Italy?4 He has something in him but seems, as yet, very [low?] & inexperienced. Have you read either of Laings books?5 You should read his defence of them in the said Monthly Chronicle.6 I have been considering whether I ought to postpone revising my Logic in order to read the German books you mention. On the whole I think not,their way of looking at such matters is so very different from mine, which is founded on the methods of physical science, & entirely a posteriori.
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J. S. Mill I suppose George has seen you though we have not heard from him since

I.H. 19th Decr 1840
My Dear Sterling
In consequence of what you wrote about Ritters book2 I have, after two unsuccessful attempts to get it in London, ordered it from Germany. I think & feel very much as you do on the subject of the bad spirit manifested in France by so many politicians & writers & unhappily by some from whom better things were to be expected. But this does not appear to me to strengthen Palmerstons justification.3 I do not believe that Thiers would have acted, in power, in a manner at all like his braggadocio afterwards when he knew that he had only the turbulent part of the population to throw himself upon, & no watchword to use but the old ones about making the Mediterranean a French lake, getting rid of the treaties of 1815, &c. I have no doubt that he would have attempted to make such an arrangement as should leave a powerful state at that end of the Mediterranean under French influence & I think he had a good right to attempt this, & we no right at all to hinder it if the arrangement was not objectionable on any other account. It appears to me very provoking treatment of France that England & Russia should be extending their influence every year till it embraces all Asia & that we should be so indignant at the bare supposition that France wishes to do a little of what we do on so much larger a scale. It is true we do it almost in spite of ourselves, & rather wish to keep others out than to get ourselves in; but we cannot expect France to think so, or to regard our professing it as anything but attempting to humbug them & not doing it well. I believe that no harm whatever to Europe would have resulted from French influence with Mehemet Ali,4 & it would have been easy to bind France against any future occupation of the country for herself. We should then have avoided raising this mischievous spirit in Francethe least evil of which will be what Lord P.s supporters no doubt think a great one, viz. that in another year France will be in strict alliance as to all Eastern matters with Russia as the only power who will give her anything for her support & moreover as her only means of retaliating upon England.
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No one seems to me to have raised himself by this but Guizot, & he has done what perhaps no other man could have done & almost certainly none so well. I am extremely grateful for your attentions to George & glad that you give so good an account of him. I wish you had been able to give a better one of the health of your own family. I have not seen either Carlyle or Mrs. Austin (I think) since I last wrote to you. Calvert I have heard nothing of for a long time except the rather indifferent news of him in your letter. This is only an apology for a letter but for the present it must serve
Ever Faithfully
J. S. Mill

Kensington 23d Decr 1840
My Dear Friend
I return with many thanks what I ought to have returned much sooner, the notes of the Welsh sermon. It is a really admirable specimen of popular eloquence, of a rude kindit is well calculated to go to the very core of an untaught hearerI believe there is much preaching of that character among the Methodists & more perhaps among their still wilder kindred the Ranters &c. Do you know Ebenezer Elliotts poem of the Ranter?2 This might be such a manI believe even this does good when it really penetrates the crust of a sensual & stupid boor who never thought or knew that he had a soul or concerned himself about his spiritual state. But in allowing that this may do good I am making a great concession, for I confess it is as revolting to me as it was to Coleridge3 to find infinite justice represented as a sort of demoniacal rage that must be appeased by blood & anguish but provided it has that, cares not whether it be the blood & anguish of the guilty or the innocent. It seems to be but one step farther, & a step which in spirit at least is often taken, to say of God what the Druids said of their gods that the only acceptable sacrifice to them was a victim pure & without taint. I know not how dangerous may be the ground on which I am treading, or how far the view of the Atonement which is taken by this poor preacher may be recognised by your Society or by yourself; but surely a more christianlike interpretation of that mystery is that whichbelieving that Divine Wisdom punishes the sinner for the sinners sake & not from an inherent necessity, more heathen than the heathen Nemesisholds as Coleridge did4 that the sufferings of the Redeemer were (in accordance with the eternal laws on which this system of things is built) an
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indispensable means of bringing about that change in the hearts of sinners, the want of which is the real & sole hindrance to the universal salvation of mankind. I marvel greatly at the accuracy of memory which could enable Mrs Charles Fox5 to write down from recollection so wonderfully vivid and evidently almost literally correct report of this sermon. I know that Friends cultivate that kind of talent but I should think few attain so high a degree of it. The Testimony of the Yearly Meeting6 I have read with great interest & though I had read several similar documents before I do not remember any in which the peculiarities of the Society in reference to the questions of Church Government &c which agitate the present day, are so pointedly stated & so vigorously enforced. I am glad you have seen Molesworth. He is genuine, & is perfectly the thing he is; complete within his limited sphere. One ought to be satisfied with that; so few are as much & so very, very few are more. A man of Molesworths sort of limitation has a natural tendency to be intolerant, because unappreciative of ideas & persons unlike him & his ideasI knew how to excuse all that because I have been just like him myself & I believe knowing me keeps him out of much intolerance & prejudice because he sees that many things which are nothing to him are much to one whom he allows to be fully a match for him in the things in which his strength lies. I believe if I have done any good a large share of it lies in the example of a professed logician & political economist who believes there are other things besides logic & political economy. Molesworth in spite of his bluster, at least half believes it too, on trust from me. Par exemple one that will never be made to believe it at all, least in the sense I do, is one of the best of men & a highly instructed man too, Mr Groteof whom Mrs Grote, with more natural quickness & natural liveliness, is in point of opinions the caricature. I am glad you like my article. I have just had a letter from Tocqueville7 who is more delighted with it than I ventured to hope for. He touches on politics, mourning over the rupture of the Anglo-French alliance & as the part he took in debate has excited much surprise & disapproval here it is right to make known what he professes as his creed on the matter, viz. that if you wish to keep any people, especially so mobile a people as the French, in the disposition of mind which enables them to do great things you must by no means teach them to be reconciled to other peoples making no account of them. They were treated, he thinks, with so great a degree of slight (to say the least) by our government that for their public men not to shew a feeling of blessure would have been to lower the standard of national pride which in the present state of the world he thinks almost the only elevated sentiment that remains in considerable strength. There is really a great deal in this although it does not justify & scarcely excuses the revival of the old national animosity or even the warlike demonstrations & preparations. A nation can shew itself offended without threatening a vengeance out of proportion to the affront & which would involve millions that never offended them with units that did, besides ruining themselves in the end, or rather in the beginning. And the tricky policy of Thiers, which is like the whole character of the man, is not in the least palliated by the offence given. But I do think it quite contemptible in England to treat the bare suspicion of France seeking for
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influence in the East as something too horrible to be thought of; England meanwhile progressively embracing the whole of Asia in her own grasp. Really to read our newspapers any one would fancy such a thing as a European nation acquiring territory & dependent allies in the East, were a thing never dreamt of till France perfidiously cast a covetous eye on the dominions of Mehemet Ali. I cannot find words to express my contempt of the whole conduct of our government or my admiration for the man who has conjured away as much as was possible of the evil done & has attained the noblest end, in a degree no one else could, by the noblest means. Of course, I mean Guizot who now stands before the world as immeasurably the greatest public man living. I cannot think without humiliation of some things I have written years ago of such a man as this, when I thought him a dishonest politician.8 I confounded the prudence of a wise man who lets some of his maxims go to sleep while the time is unpropitious for asserting them, with the laxity of principle which resigns them for personal advancement. Thank God I did not wait to know him personally in order to do him justice, for in 1838 & 1839 I saw that he had reasserted all his old principles at the first time at which he could do so with success & without compromising what in his view were more important principles still. I ought to have known better than to have imputed dishonourable inconsistency to a man whom I now see to have been consistent beyond any statesman of our time & altogether a model of the consistency of a statesman as distinguished from that of a fanatic. You have been a little premature in saying anything to a bookseller about my Logic for no bookseller is likely to hear anything about it from me for many months. I have it all to rewrite completely & now here is Sterling persuading me that I must read all manner of German Logic which though it goes much against the grain with me, I can in no sort gainsay. So you are not likely to see much of my writing for some time to come except such scribble as this All send love to all. Pray write soon
Yours Always
J. S. Mill

Kensington 25th Decr 1840.
My Dear DEichthal
I did not write to you when I received the mournful & to me quite unexpected news of the loss of your fathernot that I did not feel with you & for you, but I knew how
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little comfort words can give in such a case& if they could, how many you have who are nearer & more efficacious consolers than I can be. There is certainly something in a fathers death (quite independently of personal affection) more solemn & affecting than in any other loss. It closes the past, & as it were severs the connexion between oneself & ones youth. The only still worse loss is that which closes the future, as the death of a beloved wife or child, because there disappointed hopes are superadded. I had something like this to bear when I lost, less than a year ago, a brother only in his twentieth year who was likely if he had lived to be one of the most valuable men of our time as he was already one of the most loveable. But allah akhbar as your friends the Mussulmans say. I received duly your letter to Sir T. Buxton2 & forwarded it to him & I have since received the pamphlet3 for which I thank you very much. What prospect is there of the appearance of the work itself? One of our principal papers, the Times I think, inserted the account which appeared in the Moniteur. There is every appearance that you have made out your case, & if you have it is a very important thing to have done. Islamism is a fortunate thing for the Africans & I sometimes think it is very unfortunate for the Indians of America that Mussulmans did not land there instead of Christians, as they would have been much more likely to adopt that type of religion & civilization than the other. You are very usefully employed in throwing light on these dark subjectsthe whole subject of the races of man, their characteristics & the laws of their fusion is more important than it was ever considered till of late & it is now quite a lordre du jour & labour bestowed upon it is therefore not lost even for immediate practical ends. I am out of heart about public affairsas much as I ever suffer myself to be. I never thought that in our day one man had the power of doing so much mischief as that shallow & senseless coxcomb Palmerston has done.4 Half the Liberal party, even many of the old Whigs, are against him, & it is most mortifying to think if the Tories had been in power & had done this (which they never would have dared) how gloriously we should have turned them out upon it & thereby cemented the friendship of France & England for generations to come. But the ten years of Whig administration have entirely demoralized our Liberal party. Lord Holland certainly died of it,5 so old Rogers6 says who you know is the familiar of the Whig houses & he adds that it will kill him too. The worst is that with all the good will in the world I can only palliate, not excuse the conduct of France & the spirit displayed by the French press & much of the French public. And this display you may believe me when I say it, has made numbers of our best & most thinking persons think Palmerston in the right who would otherwise have been grievously incensed against him. It is that which has done the mischief here. I fear the present generation of English will never again feel confidence in the French people. They are now convinced that the spirit of military & Bonapartist aggression & the bitterness of resentment against England are still alivethat France cannot be conciliated to England & that the only chance for peace in Europe is in a strong conservative government which shall keep down the democracy & the public feeling for its own sake. I do assure you that until the French journalists & orators irritated & alarmed our public there was not a particle of feeling here against France or of interest one way or the other in the Egyptian question. The whole was a wretched freak of
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Palmerston for which God reward him instead of usbut quicquid delirant Whigges plectuntur Achivi.7 It is impossible not to love the French people & at the same time not to admit that they are childrenwhereas with us even children are care-hardened men of fifty. It is as I have long thought a clear case for the croisement des races. It is really quite time that I should see & converse with you again, & with my dear & most valued friend Adolphe.8 We are both of us much changed since we last met, you & I I mean, for Adolphe I should think is much the same as before. You probably have found out by experience as I have the meaning of growing sadder & wiser as one grows older & that too without growing at all unhappy but on the contrary happier. And you have felt as I have how ones course changes, as one gets experience but changes by widening & therefore still keeps the same direction as before only with a slower movement as attempting to hit more points at once. There is so much to say if one begins to let oneself go that I must not go on. Pray write soon & tell me among other things whether Guizot is likely to stand & what you now think of him. As for me I honour and venerate him, (it is but little to say) before all living statesmen though I differ from many of his opinions.
Ever Affectionately Yours

J. S. Mill

30th December 1840.
You may imagine how much pleasure it gave me to find that you were pleased with my review of your Second Part. I can very easily believe that many of those who had ventured to give an opinion upon your speculations had not taken so much pains or so conscientiously striven to understand & enter into the spirit of your speculations as I did, & many doubtless were not so well prepared for doing so by the previous direction of their thoughts and studies. And it is no more than natural to a mind like yours to be much more gratified by any evidence of your books having worked in another mind & given birth to thought than by any amount of eulogy, or by a much more unqualified expression of concurrence, when not accompanied by such evidence. It does not surprise me that this second part should be less popular than the first. The reason you assign, no doubt is partly the true one, but besides this, the thoughts in the second part are much more recondite, & whether one assents to them or not, are
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brought from a much greater depth in human nature itself, than those in your first publication. It constitutes still more than the other did, an era in science. I know how much thought it calls for from the reader when I remember how long it was before I could make up my mind about it, although few of my countrymen are so much accustomed to that kind of speculation and also I had previously thought that if there was any one of the leading intellects of this age to which I could flatter myself that my own had a kind of analogy it was probably yours. I therefore cannot wonder at the smaller extent of immediate popularity, especially as the most competent judges are exactly those who are not in a hurry to express any opinion on thoughts for the most part so entirely new. Your observation that you do not believe in the errors of the public judgment as to literary works will be assented to by few Englishmen, and that such a thing should be said by a philosopher so much in advance of his countrymen is a high compliment to the French public which is certainly the cleverest public in the world, & as M. de Stendhal says, can understand everything, so far as intellect goes, even what they would have been quite incapable of originating. That is far from being the case with either the German or the English; who probably have more original genius than the French have hitherto manifested, but whose ideas seldom make much way in the world until France has recast them in her own mould & interpreted them to the rest of Europe & even sometimes to the very people from whom they first came. It is my belief however that in political & social philosophy the French are not only original but the only people who are original on a large scale & that as soon as they shall have appropriated, & fitted into their theories, the stricter & closer deductions of the English School in political economy & in some other matters of comparative detail they will give the law to the scientific world on these subjects. I do wish they would thoroughly master Ricardo & Bentham. Tanneguy Duchtel did the former. They need not for that reason contract their telescopic view to our microscopic one, but they could and would combine the two & make them reconcilable. I am very glad to have had from yourself your view of the unhappy embroilment between our two countries & I have shown that part of your letter to several people who had received a painful impression from your speech in the Chamber.2 I agree with you in thinking our ministry very culpable, but our people are not to blame. You know that the English public think little & care little about foreign affairs & a ministry may commit them beyond redemption before they are aware. If the Tories had been in power they would have been suspected of anti-French predilections, they would have been watched, & would never have dared as these men have, or if they had, we should have gloriously turned them out on this question. But the ministry being liberal, and at a moment too when the liberal party has become entirely demoralised by seven years of a weak whig government, the public looked on in confidence that all was right, and that Palmerston knew more about the matter than they did, never dreaming that they had been brought to the brink of a war until it was revealed to them by the manifestations of feeling in France. Then, however, I firmly believe that the reaction you speak of in favour of the French alliance would have taken place, if there had not been such a lamentable want both of dignity & of common sense on the part of the journalists & public speakers in France. The whole of the feeling which has arisen since in this country, has arisen, you may believe me
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on such a subject, from the demonstrations since made in Francefrom the signs of rabid eagerness for war, the reckless hurling down of the gauntlet to all Europe, the explosion of Napoleonism and of hatred to England, together with the confession of Thiers & his party that they were playing a double game, a thing which no English statesman could have avowed without entire loss of caste as a politician. All this has made the most sober people here say openly that from the feeling which has shown itself in France, Palmerston must have had stronger grounds for his conduct than appear on the surfacenever considering that Palmerstons conduct has revivified morbid feelings that were dying away. You know how repugnant to the English character is anything like bluster, & that instead of intimidating them, its effect when they do not treat it with calm contempt is to raise a dogged determination in them not to be bullied. All these feelings are decidedly beginning to abate since the peace party has had so strong a majority in the chamber of deputies, but the mischief is that the distrust will continue for a long time on our side as well as the resentment on yours. Palmerston supported by all the Tories and by half the Liberals will carry all before him in our Parliament but the opinion of most wise men here is that the Whig party have really destroyed themselves in the country by this. For my part, I would walk twenty miles to see him hanged, especially if Thiers were to be strung up along with him. Do pray write to me again & at more length about this matter as I am most anxious to know your whole mind upon iten attendant our meeting at Paris which I hope will be in the coming year.
Ever Faithfully Yours,

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1841 307. TO JANE WELSH CARLYLE1

India House Saturday [1841?]
Dear Mrs Carlyle

I was prevented by want of time from writing to you yesterday as I said I wouldbut I believe it comes to the same thing. Of all Balzacs things the Medecin de Campagne is the best, at least it is that which exhibits him in the best light: the Scenes Parisiennes are the very worst. But the Scenes de la Vie Prive, 5 vols. & Scenes de la Vie de Province, 4 vols. are a fair specimen of all he has done, & whoever has read them can judge of him. I would add to these, Un grand homme de province Paris which is a continuation of a story in the Vie de Province, & Le Lys dans la Valle. As for Sand I believe you know all she has written: those I like best are Valentine, the Lettres dun Voyageur & the new one Le Compagnon du Tour de France. so now goodbye & a pleasant journey to you. J.S.M.

India House 5 Jan. 1841.
My Dear Sterling
Thanks for Twesten2 which I will certainly read. I am now reading an older book, Lamberts Neues Organon,3 of which Austin4 speaks favorably & which is certainly
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an able book though I do not know whether I shall find much in it that I had not found out myself or obtained from other sources. I am glad you have been able to work, & glad you have left off working at least in the way which gave you a fever. I am glad too that it is a Tragedy. By the bye I never told you how very good I thought your lines in the Times on Acre & Napoleon.5 I think I have seen nothing of yours yet, in a versified form at least, that seems to me equal to them. About the war matters, I suspect we shall not make much of our discussion till we can carry it on by word of mouth. When I spoke of binding France,6 I meant engaging her as a party in a general compact of European powers, which she could not afterwards have ventured to infringe. And the aggressions I meant are the proceedings by which we are gradually conquering all Asia, from Pekin to HeratI did not mean that they were either aggressions in any bad sense, or provoking to France in themselves, but I do think it provoking that France should see England & Russia adding every year on a large scale to their territory & dependent alliances in the East & then crying out at the suspicion of her wishing to do something of the same kind as if it were an enormity never before heard of among the nations of Europe. But you must not think I defend France or would even excuse or palliate her conduct except so far as attacked by people themselves liable to the same accusations in all respects, except (so far as Thiers is concerned) that of duplicity. I have had a letter from Tocqueville7 which I put under this cover as you may like to see what he has to say for the part he has taken in this matter & how he connects it with his philosophic ideas. I have written to him a long letter8 in reply to which I rather expect from him a long & controversial answer.9 At all events I thought it right to try the chance of doing some good with him by speaking out with entire frankness, which his personally kind feelings towards me & his knowledge of my sentiments about France both in itself & in relation to England, gave me the power of doing without offence. If he sends me an answer I will send that also to you. Please return this when you next write. You will see also how pleased he is with my review of him which considering how much of controversy there is in it, is an honour to him; & how complimentary he is upon it, which is an honour to me. I need hardly say how earnestly I feel with you about the Corn Laws10 & I therefore think the Anti Corn Law League right at Walsall.11 To let in for a manufacturing town any man not an out & out opponent of the Corn Laws would I think have been a folly & something worse. That you were able to bear this weather even at Torquay is very satisfactory &, no doubt, made it right for you to return to Clifton. Tell me how Mrs Sterling & your children are & give my kind remembrances to her.

J. S. Mill
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I had a long walk with Carlyle on Xmas dayhe is as usualAustin, I think, rather better than usual. I have not heard lately of Calvert.

I.H. Wedy. [Feb.?, 1841]
My Dear Sir,
Excuse my breaking in upon you at such a time as this,2 but I think it best to write while the impression is fresh. Of course I do not expect any answer. I have read your MS. which I think very well done, & likely when finished & finally revised to be quite suitable to the Edinburgh.3 You have not however yet convinced me that the line between poetry, & passionate writing of any kind, is best drawn where metre ends & prose begins. The distinction between the artistic expression of feeling for feelings sake & the artistic expression of feeling for the sake of compassing an end, or as I have phrased it between poetry & eloquence, appears to me to run through all art; & I am averse to saying that nothing is poetry which is not in words, as well as to saying that all passionate writing in verse is poetry. At the same time I allow that there is a natural, not an arbitrary relation between metre & what I call poetry. This is one of the truths I had not arrived at when I wrote those papers in the Repository4 but what afterwards occurred to me on the matter I put (in a very condensed form) into the concluding part of an article in the L. & W. on Alfred de Vigny.5 I wish you would look at that same when you have time, (I will shew it to you) & tell me whether what I have said there exhausts the meaning of what you say about the organic character of metre, or whether there is still something further which I have to take into my theory. I will carefully read your papers a second time and note down anything I have to remark, in the manner you suggested. And now without any more on these rather untimely matters let me conclude by wishing you as I do most cordially all possible prosperity & happiness in your new condition, which all I have heard of the lady inclines me to regard as an enviable one.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
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India House 23d February 1841
My Dear DEichthal
I should not have delayed so long replying to your two letters if I had not been hoping every day that the pamphlets would arrivebut neither the two which you sent by the ambassador nor the six through the booksellers have reached me. I have always found that things sent through Paris booksellers were delayed for months & that it was of no use enquiring about them & that things sent by the ambassador generally came sooner or later without being enquired for & as it is very inconvenient to me to go or send to Manchester Square I have not hitherto done it, but if the packet does not arrive I must do so. The Journal des Dbats reached me & gave me great pleasure. The idea of your pamphlet2 is so appropriate to the present time that it could not fail to excite attention. The Quarterly Review not long ago made a suggestion of a similar tendency for securing religious liberty &c at Jerusalem by placing it under the protection of Austria3 (a not uninteresting rapprochement with your view of the mission of that power in Les Deux Mondes.)4 But the time is not yet come when the public mind can be drawn to the settlement of Syria nor will that time come until the apprehension of a European war is at an end, & that apprehension is now, in England, much more serious than it has ever yet been. The fortifications, & the arming, appear to most people here impossible to be accounted for except by aggressive designs on the part of France; it is in vain to say as those who know the state of the French mind do, that the purpose is merely defensive, because to every Englishman the idea that there is the least disposition anywhere to commit aggression against France appears so utterly senseless that no one can believe such an idea to be sincerely entertained in France. There is something exceedingly strange & lamentable in the utter incapacity of our two nations to understand or believe the real character & springs of action of each other. I am tempted to write a pamphlet or a review article on that very subject, but that I fear it would produce no effect. There will be much to discuss between you & me on that subject as well as on so many others when we meet. Thanks my dear friend to you & Adolphe for your kind propositions respecting my visit to Paris. I have a very serious intention of going there, but there are things that may prevent me from doing so this next summer & if I do it will probably be under engagements which will prevent me from being able to make use of your kind & friendly offers to the extent I otherwise mightbut neither those engagements nor anything else could or should prevent me if your & Adolphes engagements do not, from seeing I hope very much of both of you & renewing our former intimate intercourse. I doubt not from what you say that you will by that time be married & though that is not likely to be the case with me I can yet very heartily congratulate you, more heartily than I generally can venture to congratulate an Englishman on a
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similar event which in nine cases out of ten changes a man of any superiority very much for the worse without making him happy. I do not believe that this is commonly the case in France & I would attempt to shew why, if the considerations entering into the question were not far more complicated than most people have reflected upon. Excuse this poor letterI will write again & I hope better when I have read your pamphlet.
J. S. Mill

18 Kensington Square 1st March 1841
My Dear Lewes
I suspect the difference between us is a difference of classification chiefly. I accept all your inferences from my definition & am willing to stand by them. I do not think that epos qu epos, that is, qu narrative, is poetry, nor that the drama qu drama is so. I think Homer & Aeschylus poets only by virtue of that in them which might as well be lyrical. At the same time you have just as much right to use the word Poetry in a different extension & as synonymous with Art by the instrument of words as music is Art by the instrument of rhythmic sounds, & painting, Art by the instrument of colours on canvas. Taking Poetry in this sense I admit that metre is of the essence of it or at least necessary to the higher kinds of it. In that case I claim the privilege of drawing within this large circle a smaller inner circle which shall represent poetry ?2 or poets poetry as opposed to everybodys poetry & of that I think mine the right definition. But I speak as to the wise, judge ye what I say. I return your Ms. with a good deal of pencil scratching at the back, for I have been, & intended to be, hypercritical. I have studied to find fault insomuch that you are to assume that I like & admire whatever I have not directly or by obvious implication objected to. Your notion of the essentially religious nature of poetry seems to me to need a world of explanation. I think it will give entirely false ideas to English readers, & is only true in any degree if we, more Germanico, call every idea a religious idea which either grows out of or leads to, feelings of infinity & mysteriousness. If we do this, then religious ideas are the most poetical of all, an inmost circle within my inner circle; but surely not the only poetical, especially if your other definition of poetry be right.
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I am afraid Mrs. Lewes will by this time find out that instead of being the boree on the subject of an unfinished article I have a strong vocation for being the borer in respect of it. By the way, will you kindly make my acknowledgements to her for an invitation I have been favoured with, & the spirit of which I most cordially accept (I never go to evening parties in the flesh) and believe me ever yours (and hers too) J. S. Mill

My Dear Gustave
I have received your letter of the 2d of March & also the second packet (but not the first) of two copies of lUnit Europenne one of which I have sent to Carlyle. I will get the six copies from Messrs Belizard. Certainly the article in the Dbats2 could give no idea of the comprehensive & decided views taken in the pamphlet & altogether it does not seem to me, any more than the article in the Univers,3 worthy of the subject. I am not surprised that such a paper as this should have given you le caractre politique for it is admirably suited to the moment & nothing could be better calculated to do good in France. It is much to be hoped & is in itself probable that the French Government will propose to itself as an object to reenter into the association of European nations & reassert its just influence in their deliberations by some such means as you suggest. The danger, I am sorry to say, is that our Government will not be prompt to seize this mode of reestablishing friendship & calming irritated susceptibilities. By most stupid & grossier mismanagement our Government has got itself committed to treating the affair of Syria as a mere question between a sovereign & a rebel governor, & has made all manner of unnecessary declarations, which will preclude it from entering, I fear into any proposition for superseding the authority of the Porte in what is absurdly called our territory. Wait a little & the Porte will get into such terrible embarrassments & will prove itself so utterly incapable of bringing the country into order and tranquillity that the necessity of a joint intervention of the European powers will become apparent to everybody, & then France will be able if she chuses to gain the well merited credit of intervening on a basis of enlightened philanthropy & enlarged views of futurity instead of leaving all to the other powers who would certainly continue to drag in the ornires of the old notions of government & international relations. What you say on the character of the present state of feeling in France is most powerfully & vividly conceived & recommends itself to me as conformable to all that I in a more confused manner thought of it. But in this country everybody imagines
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that the French are far more warlike than they were in the time of M. Thiers, & it is of no use telling people the contrary. It must be left to time & events to correct the error. I have always thought that the events which have so deplorably resuscitated the old feelings of alienation between the two nations would produce an effect less sudden & violent on our people than on yours but more deeply rooted & more durable. I have bought Salvadors last book & ordered the previous one.4 I have not yet read either. I wish I had time to write to you a whole volume on the unheard of travail desprit which is pervading all branches of society & shades of opinion among us. We are in a curious time of the world.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill There is nothing recent about the Red Sea & the Euphrates.

My Dear Friend
I feel somewhat ashamed of having allowed two months to elapse since your last letter especially when I consider the inclosure which it contained, respecting which however I sent you a message by one of my sisters (a verbal message which she doubtless transmuted into a written one) which a little lightens the weight on my conscience. As there is a good side to everything bad (& not solely to the misfortunes of ones friends as La Rochefoucault would have it)2 this tardiness on my part has had one good effect, viz. that on reading your little poem once more after a considerable interval I am able to say with greater deliberation than I could have said at the time, that I think your verses not only good, but so good, that it is no small credit to have done so well on so extremely hacknied a subjectthe great simple elemental powers & constituents of the universe have however inexhaustible capabilities when any one is sufficiently fitted by nature & cultivation for poetry to have felt them as realities, that which a poet alone does habitually or frequently, which the majority of mankind never do at all & which we of the middle rank perhaps have the amazement of being able to do at some rare instants when all familiar things stand before us like spectres from another worldnot however like phantoms but like the real things of which the phantoms alone are present to us or appear so in our common everyday state. That is truly a revelation of the seen, not of the unseen&
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fills one with what Wordsworth must have been feeling when he wrote the line filled with the joy of troubled thoughts.3 I cannot undertake to criticise your poem for I have no turn for that species of criticism, but there seems to me enough of melody in it, to justify your writing in verse, which I think nobody should do who has not music in his ear as well as soul. Therefore if it were at all necessary I would add my exhortation to that which you have no doubt received from much more competent & equally friendly judges, Sterling for instance, to persevere. You have got over the mechanical difficulties which are the great hindrance to those who have feelings & ideas from writing good poetrytherefore go on & prosper. I congratulate you on having Dr Calvert with you. Sterling you may or may not have for I had a letter from him yesterday dated at Clifton, on Thursday, & he had said if he went at all it would be on Wednesday. It would be a pleasure to us all to think of him as in the midst of you. I have been doing nothing worth telling you for a long time for I cannot count among such things the rather tiresome business of reading German books of logic. It is true I have diversified that occupation by reading Euripides about whom there would be much to say if one had time & room. Have you ever read any of the great Athenian Dramatists? I had read but little of them before now & that little at long intervals so that I had no very just & nothing like a complete impression of themyet nothing upon earth can be more interesting than to form to oneself a correct & living picture of the sentiments, the mode of taking life & of viewing it, of that most accomplished people. To me that is the chief interest of Greek poetic literature, for to suppose that any modern mind can be satisfied with it as a literature or that it can, in an equal degree with much inferior modern works of art (provided these be really genuine emanations from sincere minds), satisfy the requiremen[ts]4 of the more deeply feeling, more introspective, & (above even that) more genial character which Christianity & chivalry & many things in addition to these have impressed upon the nations of Europe, it is if I may judge from myself quite out of the question. Still, we have immeasurably much to win back as well as many hitherto undreamed of conquests to make & the twentieth & thirtieth centuries may be indebted for something to the third century before Christ as well as to the three immediately after him Here is a long letter full of nothing but the next shall be better. With kindest regards to your delightful circle
Yours Ever,
J. S. Mill.
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I.H. 24 April 1841
My Dear Lewes
I have read the article2 once but I should like to keep it, if you will permit me, long enough to read it again. I see nothing fundamental in it that requires alteration though I would recommend a careful revision of the details, chiefly for the purpose of weeding out quaintnesses of expression, which find less favour in Edinburgh eyes than anywhere else& perhaps I may add that the article strikes me, on a first reading, as being a little rambling. I do not know how the Edinburgh will like such severe diatribes against English criticism, which fall heavier on the Ed. itself than on anything else, but if it were my own case & I were sending such matter to the editor of the Edinburgh I should feel as if I were civilly giving him a thump on the face. In revising, it might be well to make it look as little German as possible& I recommend, as you are so long in coming to Hegel & say so little about him, that you should stick a few titles of other books also at the beginning of the article. You have come a little way to meet me, I see, & I believe I have come about as far, meanwhile, to meet you. As one hint among many towards a definition of poetry that has occurred to me, what do you think of thisfeeling expressing itself in the forms of thought. (That serves for written poetry, grammatical language being the form of thought not feeling) & it denotes that oh! & ah! are not poetry though Krners3 battle songs are. Then for the poetry of painting, sculpture &c. we have feeling expressing itself in symbols a definition which though often given for all poetry really serves very ill for the poetry of written or spoken language. That article in the Edin. is not mine but Palgraves,4 & not the thing. I am too busy finishing my book to write articles. Anything I can do for you with Kemble I shall be glad of. Can you give me, that is him, any idea of the shape into which you will throw the subject?5
Ever Yours
J.S.M. Vive, vale, et scribe.
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[April, 1841?] There need no more titles.2 I had overlooked the fact that there were already several, but I would not call it an article on Hegel. I have marked quaintnesses with crosses, & made a few other remarks. I like it better & better. But I fear the Ed. will find it too German. Still it ought to go there. I did not give that phrase as a definition,3 but as a contribution towards one. In turning over the thing to be defined, one feature after another turns up& from the whole, a definition will one day or other emerge. Should not your historical article4 be on some one particular book? Editors are rather shy of such comprehensive plans of articles, especially with new contributors. J.S.M.

[Early May (?), 1841]2 . . . to procure them for you. I am truly glad that you & that M. Guizot expect from the fortifications a result so much the contrary of what everybody out of France expects from them. Englishmen of all parties, thinking it entirely frantic to suppose that any power whatever has, or is likely to have, a design of invading France, will be very long before they can be persuaded to look upon these measures of defence as proceeding from any other spirit than one of offence. I agree with you that the discussions3 do honour to France, but I say so only because there were so many good speeches against a measure which had the popular cry in its favour. As to the speeches for it at least those of Thiers & his friends I only express the universal opinion here when I say that there has been no public exhibition for many years so discreditable to the country producing it. As for us, we are entering into a new epoch: the proposition of our ministry respecting the tariff4 & especially the corn laws, coming after many smaller measures of internal improvement, will rally the whole liberal party to the present ministry & will keep them in office for a long time to come.5 Except our Chartists all the radicals will now be one with the Whigs, & I expect & believe that out of this crisis will arise a situation of things which will render the Whig Ministry what they have never been
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before, real mediators between the new & the old ideas & interests, and real preparers & softeners of the change to a new & better social organization. But I will write to you more at length about these matters soon. Meanwhile, adieuWith kind regards J. S. Mill. I can tell you nothing certain yet about my own movements

I.H. Monday [May, 1841]
Dear Chadwick
Can you in any way help my cousin Harriet Burrow, a sister of Mr. Burrow who is a clerk in your office, to obtain the situation of matron to the Union Workhouse of Saffron Walden? It is a kind of thing which of course she would not seek if she had found it possible to do anything better for herself but for which she is more than qualified by experience & character, although only 25 years of age which I fear would be a presumption against her. I inclose the advertisement.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

My Dear Friend
I will be more prompt this time in contributing my part towards keeping the thread of our correspondence unbroken.
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I am glad that you do not write only poetryfor in these days one composes in verse (I dont mean I do for I dont write verses at all) for oneself rather than for the publicas is generally the case in an age chiefly characterized by earnest practical endeavour. There is a deep rooted tendency almost everywhere, but above all in this England of ours, to fancy that what is written in verse is not meant in earnest, nor should be understood as serious at all (for really the common talk about being moral & so forth means only that poetry is to treat with respect whatever people are used to profess respect for, & amounts to no more than a parallel precept not to play at any indecent or irreverent games.) Prose is after all the language of business, & therefore is the language to do good by in an age when mens minds are forcibly drawn to external effortwhen they feel called to what my friends the St Simonians not blasphemously call continuing the work of Creation i.e. cooperating as instruments of Providence in bringing order out of disorder. True, this is only a part of the mission of mankind & the time will come again when its due rank will be assigned to Contemplation, & the calm culture of reverence and love. Then Poetry will resume her equality with prose, an equality like every healthy equality, resolvable into reciprocal superiority. But that time is not yet, & the crowning glory of Wordsworth is that he has borne witness to it & kept alive its traditions in an age which but for him would have lost sight of it entirely & even poetical minds would with us have gone off into the heresy of the poetical critics of the present day in France who hold that poetry is above all & preeminently a social thing. You ask my opinion on the punishment of death. I am afraid I cannot quite go with you as to the abstract rightfor if your unqualified denial of that right were true, would it not be criminal to slay a human being even in the strictest self defenceif he were attempting to kill or subject to the most deadly outrages yourself or those dearest to you? I do not know whether the principles of your Society go this length: mine do not; & therefore I do hold that society has or rather than Man has a right to take away life when without doing so he cannot protect rights of his own as sacred as the divine right to live. But I would confine the right of inflicting death to cases in which it was certain that no other punishment or means of prevention would have the effect of protecting the innocent against atrocious crimes, & I very much doubt whether any such cases exist. I have therefore always been favorable to the entire abolition of capital punishment though I confess I do not attach much importance to it in the case of the worst criminals of all, towards whom the nature of the punishment hardly ever operates on juries or prosecutors as a motive to forbearance. Perhaps this view will afford you matter to confute in your essaybut indeed it is so trite that you have no doubt anticipated it. There is nothing of mine in the Edinburgh this timenor is it likely there will be till I have finished my bookthe big book I mean, the Logic. I think I told you that the first draught was finished last autumn. I have now got to work on the rewriting & have just completed, tolerably to my own satisfaction, the first of the Six Books into which it will be divided. I dont suppose many people will read anything so scholastic, especially as I do not profess to upset the schools but to rebuild them& unluckily everybody who cares about such subjects nowadays is of a different school from me. But that is the concern of a higher power than mine: my concern is to bring
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out of me what is in me, although the world should not find even after many days that what is cast on the waters is wholesome breadnay even although (worst of all) it may happen to be, in reality, only bread made of sawdust. So you are really to have Sterling always with you.2 I congratulate you heartilythere is no place where I would rather wish himexcept with me.Carlyle is in the country roaming about, at least I have not heard of his being yet returned.3 I quite agree with you as to his Lectures.4 That little book contains almost all his best ideas in a particularly attractive shape, & with many explanations which he has not given elsewhere or has given only by way of allusion. We have not heard from George for more than a fortnightup to that time all was well with him & we shall soon have him with us again.5 Clara & Harriet will write soonfor aught I know they are writing to-day. With kindest regards to Mr & Mrs Fox & your sisters & to all relations whom I have the good fortune to know (except those at Perran whom I trust soon to see), believe me, ever yours
(In No Merely Polite Sense)

J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir
A young friend of mine, by name Lewes, would like to write an article for your review2 on the modern French Historians,3 a propos of Buchez Introduction la science de lhistoire4 or Michelet, Introduction lHistoire Universelle.5 He is willing to take the risk of your not liking his article, but he is not willing to take, in addition, that of the subjects not suiting you. What say you? He is rather a good writer, has ideas (even in the Coleridgian sense) & much reading, & altogether I think he is a contributor worth having. You may have seen some papers of his in the Monthly Chronicle6 & an article on the French Drama in the Westminster.7
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Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
320. TO JAMES MARTINEAU1

May 21, 1841 [When Dr. Martineau was in 1840 appointed Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy and Political Economy in Manchester New College, he sent to Mr. Mill a copy of his Introductory Lecture and the Syllabus of his Course. On the 21st of May, 1841, Mill in acknowledging the volume, indulged the happiest forebodings of the work of the institution, from the soundness of its fundamental principles and the qualifications of its professors. He offered to ensure insertion in the Westminster Review for any article which Mr. Martineau might write in exposition and vindication of the principle of free teaching and free learning, of which Manchester New College was the unique representative.] I had not been an uninterested observer of the affiliation of Manchester New College with the University of London; but I was not aware till I read your letter that the plan of instruction was founded upon the principle which I have always most earnestly contended for as the only one on which a University suitable to an age of unsettled creeds can stand, namely, that of leaving each Professor unfettered as to his premisses and conclusions, without regard to what may be taught by the rest. Besides all the other important recommendations of this principle, it is the only one which in our time allows such professorships to be filled by men of real superiority, whose speculations have the power of exciting interest in the subject. Such men can less and less endure to be told what they are to teach. [After referring to the near approaching completion of his own important work on Logic, Mr. Mill, in a passage which Dr. Martineau has in part reproduced in the preface to the Types of Ethical Theory, expresses his desire that his friend, if satisfied with the Logic, would himself take up, systematically, some other part of the great subject of philosophy.] As a Professor, you will, I know, take up the whole; but I do not want to have to wait for your Lectures, which, like Browns,2 will no doubt be published some day; but before that time I may very likely be studying them in another state of existence. I have been very much interested by your Introductory Lecture and Syllabus. I shall never forget the time when I was myself under that awful shadow3 you speak of, nor how I got from under it, but it is all written down in my book.4 Are not your general metaphysical opinions a shade or two more German than they used to be?
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321. TO JOHN HAMILTON THOM?1

India House 21st May 1841
My Dear Sir
Permit me to thank you for so promptly communicating to me the intelligence of our poor friends death.2 The accounts I had received of his condition from various friends during the last two or three years had led me to expect an earlier dissolution but I was not aware that his sufferings had been so severe. Is there any prospect of a biography? It would be a most interesting life to write and most valuable to read& so noble a spirit ought not to pass away from us & leave no record of what it was.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

India House Thursday [June 17, 1841]
My Dear Fonblanque
I understand from Chadwick that he has said something to you about the probability of my being disposed to write on the free trade measures & that you were kind enough to say you should like to have an article from me on the subject. The fact however is that I am very hard at work finishing a book2 of considerable labour and magnitude which unless I stick to it I cannot be sure of getting ready for the next publishing season, & it is therefore very inconvenient for me to allow any other subjects to divert me from that. Unless the call upon me were such as to make it worth while to throw aside every other pursuit & devote my whole thoughts & exertions to the cause for the next two or three months I should lose more than the cause would gain by any merely occasional assistance that I could give it: & I have not hitherto seen any necessity or opportunity for such a decided step. In the meantime I have been doing my part, like
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other people, in my own neighbourhood. The Kensington petition, printed in the Chronicle today,3 is of my writing, & I had a great share in getting up the public meeting, which, though in a very unpromising neighbourhood, was a very striking demonstration. As I am writing to you I will not omit, what I have never had a good opportunity of doing before, namely to express the great admiration I have felt for the writing and conduct of the Examiner during the last year & especially on the Eastern question on which it alone resisted an almost universal madness, & did so with an ability & in a spirit which seemed to me quite perfect. I believe there is nothing of any importance in practical politics on which we now differ for I am quite as warm a supporter of the present government as you are. Except Lord Palmerstons Syrian folly,4 I have seen nothing in their conduct since the last remodelling of the ministry two years ago, but what is highly meritorious; & now after this great act5 a radical, unless he be a chartist, must be worse than mad if he does not go all lengths with them for men who are capable of doing what they have done on this occasion, & of supporting it moreover by speeches shewing so thorough a knowledge of the principles of the subject, will certainly bring forward any other great improvements which the time is or becomes ripe for. The moderate radical party, & moderate radical ministry, which I so much wished for & of which I wished that poor Lord Durham6 would have made himself the leader, were merely a party & a ministry to do such things as they are doing, & in the same manner. They have conformed to my programme, they have come up to my terms, so it is no wonder that I am heart & soul with them.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill.

India House 23d July 1841
My Dear Sir
A friend of mine who formerly wrote an article for your Supplement to the Encyclopedia, Mr. Weir,2 is inclined to offer his services to you for the Edinburgh if they would be acceptable. He is an able & instructed man & a good writer, & could write valuable articles on many subjects but there are two kinds of subjects which he has chiefly in view: namely, the recent historical labours of the Germans, with which he is extensively & accurately acquainted; & Geography, of which he has made a
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systematic study, with a view to produce an elaborate work which from unforeseen circumstances it is probable will not be gone on with. You know how much of the reputation & popularity of the Quarterly has been owing to its articles of this sort & it strikes me as being a department which, in the Edin. is not systematically occupied. I think you would have every reason to be satisfied with what Mr. Weir would supply to you. If you are inclined to look favorably upon the project he would propose to furnish an article on Rppels3 Travels in Abyssinia, lately published in Germany & not at all known here. He says they are very interesting & important& you might perhaps get the start of the Quarterly. We are soundly thrashed in the Electionsbut it is perhaps better so, for the ultimate interests of the party. It is the nature of Liberalism to require to be often reunited in opposition: liberalism always loses ground when in power, because in the first place it has to bear the brunt of that resistance to the pressure from without, the responsibility of which both when right & when wrong, should naturally fall upon Conservatism, & also because the impression of weakness is always given by the purely defensive position of a liberal government unable to carry its own liberal measures. The 290 liberals in the new parliament, united as they have never been before, will be much more powerful, as well as more respectable, than a majority not exceeding 330 or 335.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

India House 24th July 1841
My Dear Friend
Have you not thought that I was dead, or gone mad, or had left my home like the unfortunate gentlemen who are advertised (or as Dickens expresses it, tized) in every days newspaperfor none of my friends have heard of me for months past; not even Sterling, who of all men living had the strongest claim not to be so treated. But I meditate an ample reparation to him so far as a long letter can be so& in the mean time I steal a moment to pay to you a small instalment of the debt which is due to you. I suppose the most interesting subject to you as to most other people at this particular moment, is politics,& in the first place I must say that your (or let me venture to say our) Falmouth is a noble little place for having turned out its Tory & elected two
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Liberals at the very time when it had received from the liberal government so severe a blow as the removal of the packets. If there had been many more such places the Tories would not have been, for another ten years, where they will be in half as many weeks. I cannot say however that the result of the elections has disappointed me. The remarkable thing is that the Corn Law question, as such, should have told for so little, either one way or the other. I expected that it would give us all the manufacturing places, instead of which we have lost ground, even there! while it has not prevented us from turning out Tories from many small & purely agricultural towns. Now the only explanation which is possible of these facts, is one which reflects some light on the causes of the general result. The people of Leeds, Wigan, &c. cannot be indifferent to the Corn question; Tory or Liberal, it is a matter of life & death to them, & they know it. If they had thought that question depended on the result of the present elections, they must have returned Liberals. But their feeling was, that the Whigs cannot carry the Corn question, & that it will be as easily, if not more easily extorted from the Tories. And the agriculturists think the same[;] most likely we should have lost as many counties at the next general election even if the Corn question had not been stirred. The truth is, & everybody I meet with who knows the country says so; the people had ceased to hope anything from the Whigs; & the general feeling among reformers was either indifference, or desire for a change. If they had not proposed, even at the last moment, these measures they would have been in a miserable minority in the new parliament. As it is, their conduct has to some extent reanimated radical feeling, which will now again resume its upward movement & the Whigs having put themselves really at the head of the popular party, will have an opportunity, which there seems considerable probability that they will use, of making themselves again popular. For my part they have quite converted me to them; not only by the courage & determination they have shewn (though somewhat too late) but by the thorough understanding they have shown of so great a subject. Their speeches in the great debates were really the speeches of philosophers. I most entirely agree with you about the sugar question, & I was delighted to see that the anti slavery party in the country generally did not follow the aberrations of their parliamentary leaders. This part of the subject is admirably argued in an article in the Ed. Rev. just published.2 Have you yet resumed your speculations on capital punishment? As for me I have been quite absorbed in my Logic, which indeed it is necessary I should lose no time about, on pain of missing the next publishing seasonwhen I hope to publish that & my reprint too. With kindest regards to all your family (& apologies for so meagre a letter) believe me
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill.
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My mother & sisters are at Guildford, some of them rather unwell with coldsGeorge not being an exception.
325. TO JOHN BLACK1

Kensington Wedy [July 28 (?), 1841]
Dear Mr. Black

I have just been reading again that poem I told you of and I liked it so much that I could not help sitting down and scribbling off a hurried notice of it for you. Do with it as you pleaseI shall be glad to see either that or any other notice of the book in the Chronicle.2
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill

I.H. Friday [July 30, 1841]
My Dear Sir
Mr Weir will immediately set about the article on Rppell2 (as I now find the name should be spelt) and send it to be disposed of at your pleasure & in your own time. Though he has lived for some time in Germany a few years ago, neither his opinions nor his stile are at all of the Germanic order, & you need be under no apprehension of any unsuitableness on that score. I told him of your caveat, & he said there was perhaps more danger of a few Scotticisms. Fletcher3 is pretty well again & has been long busy on his article, which I think you will have before longbut he is so slow a workman that it is hazardous to make any promises in his behalf.
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I think the present number of the Edinburgh the best you have published for some time, & altogether an admirable oneboth solid & brilliant. The three articles by Stephen,4 Mangles,5 & Senior,6 seem to me almost perfect, each in its way& they are three men exactly suited to take a leading part in the literary & philosophical organ of the Liberal party being three of the most distinguished men of our time for an ardent spirit of improvement combined with good sense, & for the capacity of moulding philosophical truths into practical shapes. It is from such men that the party ought to take its tone & I am really proud of being enrolled in the same corps with them. We are entering upon times in which the progress of liberal opinions will again, as formerly, depend upon what is said & written, & no longer upon what is done, by their avowed friends. Many things are often occurring to me which seem at the time, to be worth saying, respecting the modes in which a review like yours might, in the peculiar circumstances of the present time, forward this progressbut the thoughts generally die or remain dormant for want of an opportunity of discussing them. If I were living near you I dare say I should often teaze you with more suggestions than you have any need of. But at this distance I am obliged to keep my wisdom to myself, for like some kinds of wine it is not of quality to bear so long a journey.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

I.H. Wedy [Aug., 1841]
My Dear Lewes,
There is little use in detailed remarks on an unfinished article2 and in the absence of the extracts it is difficult to judge of the effect of the paper on the whole. There are a great number of good things in it, & I have no doubt of its ripening into a good article. Its deficiencies, as is usually the case with an bauche, are chiefly in the introductory part. I think you should dwell much more, & in a more explanatory manner on the ide mre of Nisard & of the article, the necessity of considering literature not as a thing per se, but as an emanation of the civilization of the period. The idea is one which it is of great importance to impress upon people. A writer in Blackwood this month,3 on German literature, has said some things on the subject, not badly.
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The concluding part, also, from the first mention of Lucan, seems too slight. There is nothing Germanic in the style, but an occasional Gallicism or so. The reviews generally give their extracts from foreign books translatedno doubt the editor would get that done, but woe betide the reviewer whose passages from a French or German xotbetic writer are translated by an English or Scotch hack.
Ever Yours
J.S.M.

I.H. Saturday [Aug., 1841?]
My Dear Lewes,
The differences of opinion I alluded to chiefly related to the character of the Romans. In the matter of beauty, religion, form, or art I objected to the assertion as too sweepingyou would not be understood if you said that there was no beauty in Lucan& beauty altogether means with you only a part of poetic merit, while it would be understood as meaning the whole. Then the word form which in that sense is not English, & I think scarcely deserves to be so, would have suggested no idea to an editor but that of Germanism. But of all this, more another time. I will make no more crusty tea for the incarnate solecism if she calls me a w but I will not write the atrocious word. No one is that but from consciousness of being hated by women & deserving to be so.
Ever Yours
J.S.M.

September 7, 1841
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I am doing and thinking of nothing but my Logic, which I shall soon have re-written the first half of, ready for press.

I.H. Friday [Sept. 21, 1841]
Dear Chadwick
I go out of town this afternoon & do not return till Monday, when I will endeavour to call upon you on my way home, as I am very busy in the evenings on my Logic & do not like to interrupt it. However it is very possible I may be unable to call upon you on Monday, & if so I will try Tuesday.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
331. TO SARAH AUSTIN1

Dear Mrs Austin

I ought to have written to you & Mr Austin long ago, but I never felt myself so little inclined to write a single line that could possibly be put off, for ever since you left England every moment almost that I could spare for writing has been employed upon my Logic which I am determined to finish in time for next publishing season. I find the rewriting harder work still than I had anticipated. I knew that the whole business of arranging it & of making it readable was yet to come, but the thoughts themselves I find were much more crude & imperfect than I fancied, & those only who have tried to write a systematic treatise on anything, know what the difficulty is of keeping the whole of a subject before one at once. However I believe I have now broken the neck of the thingabout half of it, & the most difficult half, being finished, some parts of which I have had to rewrite three or four times.
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I have watched constantly for American news but have seen nothing either good or bad worth writing about. You no doubt either saw or heard of what was stated by the American correspondent of one of the English papers in the very week you set outthat both the rival parties in Mississippi had put up candidates for the approaching election of Governor, who had voted for the measure which the present Governor refused to pass.2 I have never had much apprehension about that matter ultimately going right. What do you mean by this last blow? Surely not anything still more recent than those which you told me of in London? And yet when I remember that you did not then think it impossible that you might return to England this winterI am afraid. As for politics, free trade & so forth, which you ask me about, things appear to me to be going on as well as can be expected. Peel gives every indication that his own inclinations are towards liberal measures both in commerce & in many other things, & next spring will most likely see him either bring forward some considerable improvement in the corn laws or quarrel with his party & resign, in which case the victory in a year or two will be still more complete, for the Peel Tories & the Liberals together can carry any thing. The serious part of the matter is that every year of delay does permanent mischief by its effect on the policy & feelings of other countries, & there is danger that free trade like Catholic emancipation & other Tory concessions will come too late for some of the good effects expected from it. The Tory writers here affect to think the ministry very strong but there is evidently a terrible storm brewing against them which they could, no doubt, succeed in weathering if they were not likely to fall to pieces in the attempt. I have not taken any holidays this year, & do not intend. They are however, I hope, only postponed, not lost, as I shall claim a longer leave of absence some other year in consequence. Mrs Taylor bids me tell you how one fine day (it was really not more than a week) she suddenly & with hardly any warning lost the use of her legs almost entirelythis was in June, & since, the little power of moving them that was left has become still less, in spite of all manner of remedies.3 If the present system of treatment continued through the winter is ineffectual, she talks of trying Franzensbad (near Eger I think) next spring. Do you know anything of that place, or of the medical personages there? I hope you will let me know immediately if there is anything I can do for you here which would not be better done by some of the many others who would be glad to make themselves of use, though few would be so glad as I should.
Ever Affectionately
J.S.M.
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332. TO ALEXANDER BAIN1

[Autumn, 1841] Have you ever looked into Comtes Cours de Philosophie Positive? He makes some mistakes, but on the whole, I think it very nearly the grandest work of this age.

India House 8th Novr 1841
My Dear DEichthal
I have long been a letter in your debt, & have remained so because I have not had a moment of leisure lately to think on the different matters on which I should wish to write to you. I do not think I have written once since I finished reading Salvadors two works,2 & I certainly have not time to write at present the long letter which I felt a desire to write to you while I was reading them. I cannot however longer delay telling you that I received the fifth volume of M. Michelets History of France & that it appears to me worthy of those which preceded it. Pray, when you see him, give him my very sincere thanks for it & say that as soon as I have finished a book which I have in hand & which is now very nearly ready for the press I will not only write to him but I will endeavour to write something to the public concerning him.3 I have not been in very good health lately, although my complaints are not serious& the little time & thought that I had to spare from my occupations have been taken up by various cares. I hope my friends at Paris will consider these excuses sufficient for my apparent neglect of them. Next year I hope to be both in better health & with less work on my hands. As for the state of public affairs here, I can make no prediction about it, except that I am fully satisfied it will go well. In what manner the good results will be brought about I cannot tell, but every contingency which can [occur?] appears to me to be the [bearer?] of good in some very important shape.4 I rather think this is also the case with affairs in France & that you will agree with me. The only serious mischief which I am at all apprehensive of is foreign intervention in Spain & of that I trust there is very little chance.
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With kind regards to Adolphe & all friends
Ever Yours Affectionately

J. S. Mill.
334. TO AUGUSTE COMTE1

India House, London 8 Novembre 1841. Je ne sais, Monsieur, sil est permis un homme qui vous est totalement inconnu, doccuper quelques moments dun temps aussi prcieux que le vtre en vous entretenant de lui et des grandes obligations intellectuelles dont il vous est redevable; mais encourag par mon ami M. Marrast,2 et pensant que peut-tre au milieu de vos grands travaux philosophiques il ne vous serait pas compltement indiffrent de recevoir dun pays tranger des tmoignages de sympathie et dadhsion, jose esprer que vous ne trouverez pas dplace ma dmarche actuelle. Cest dans lanne 1828,3 Monsieur, que jai lu pour la premire fois votre petit Trait de Politique Positive; et cette lecture a donn toutes mes ides une forte secousse, qui avec dautres causes mais beaucoup plus quelles, a dtermin ma sortie dfinitive de la section benthamiste de lcole rvolutionnaire, dans laquelle je fus lev, et mme je puis presque dire dans laquelle je naquis. Quoique le Benthamisme soit rest, sans doute, trs loin du vritable esprit de la mthode positive, cette doctrine me parat encore prsent la meilleure prparation qui existe aujourdhui la vraie positivit, applique aux doctrines sociales: soit par sa logique serre, et par le soin quelle a de toujours se comprendre elle mme, soit surtout par son opposition systmatique toute tentative dexplication de phnomnes quelconques au moyen des ridicu[les]4 entits mtaphysiques, dont elle ma appris ds ma premire jeunesse sentir la nullit essentielle. Depuis lpoque o jai pris connaissance de la premire bauche de vos ides sociologiques, je crois pouvoir dire que les semences jetes par cet opuscule ne sont pas restes striles dans mon esprit. Ce nest pourtant quen 18375 que jai connu les deux premiers volumes de votre Cours, lapprciation duquel jtais heureusement assez bien prpar, ntant rest totalement tranger aucune des sciences fondamentales, dans chacune desquelles au reste javais toujours surtout recherch les ides de mthode quelle pouvait fournir. Depuis lheureuse poque o ces deux volumes me sont connus, jattends toujours chaque volume nouveau avec une vive impatience et je le lis et le relis avec une vritable passion intellectuelle. Je puis dire que jtais dj entr dans une voie assez voisine de la vtre, surtout par limpulsion que mavait donne votre ouvrage prcdent; mais javais encore apprendre de vous bien des choses de la premire importance, et jespre vous donner quelque temps
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dici la preuve que je les ai bien apprises. Il reste quelques questions dun ordre secondaire sur lesquelles mes opinions ne sont pas daccord avec les vtres; un jour peut tre ce dsaccord pourra disparatre; au moins je ne pense pas trop me flatter en croyant quil ny a pas chez moi dopinion mal fonde qui soit assiz enracine pour rsister une discussion approfondie, telle quelle pourrait peut tre se trouver dans le cas de subir si vous ne me refusez pas la permission de vous soumettre quelquefois mes ides et de vous demander des explications sur les vtres. Vous savez, Monsieur, que les opinions religieuses ont jusquici plus de racine chez nous que dans les autres pays de lEurope, quoiquelles aient perdu depuis longtemps, ici comme ailleurs, leur ancienne valeur civilisatrice: et il est, je crois, regretter pour nous que la philosophie rvolutionnaire qui tait encore en pleine activit il y a une douzaine dannes soit aujourdhui tombe en dcrpitude avant davoir fini sa tche. Il est dautant plus urgent pour nous de la remplacer en entrant pleine voie dans la philosophie positive: et, cest avec grand plaisir que je vous le dis, malgr lesprit ouvertement anti-religieux de votre ouvrage, ce grand monument de la vraie philosophie moderne commence se faire jour parmi nous, moins pourtant parmi les thoriciens politique que parmi les diffrentes classes de savants. Il se montre dailleurs depuis quelque temps, pour la premire fois chez nous, dans les cultivateurs des sciences physiques, une tendance assez prononce vers les gnralits scientifiques, qui me parat de trs heureux augure, et qui porte croire quil y a aujourdhui pour nous plus esprer de leur part que de la part des hommes politiques soit de spculation soit daction. Ceux-ci, en effet, sont tombs dans un affaissement pareil celui qui sest si fortement dclar en France depuis 1830, et chacun voit quon ne pourra faire des choses nouvelles que par une doctrine nouvelle; seulement la plupart ne croient pas lavnement dune telle doctrine et restent par consquent dans un scepticisme de plus en plus nervant et dcourageant. Veuillez, Monsieur, me pardonner cette tentative un peu prsomptueuse de me mettre en relation intellectuelle immdiate avec celui des grands esprits de notre temps que je regarde avec le plus destime et dadmirationet croyez que la ralisation de ce vu serait pour moi dun prix immense. J. S. Mill

India House 15th Nov. 1841
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My Dear Sir
Mr. Weir, a friend of mine, of whom both as a man & as a thinker & writer I can speak very highly, has written me a note of which I inclose a portion. Would you be kind enough to send a line either to himself or to me, to say whether the article he proposes to undertake would suit you.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill Mr. Weir has been for sometime engaged in extensive & accurate geographical researches.

India House, 18 Dcembre, 1841
Mon Cher Monsieur Comte

Je suis vraiment honteux en me rappelant le temps qui sest coul depuis que jai reu la rponse, aussi bienveillante quhonorable pour moi, que vous avez bien voulu faire ma premire lettre. Mais si jai paru montrer peu dempressement profiter dune relation que jai si vivement dsire, cela na tenu qu des occupations urgentes, et dont la principale tait prcisment de nature tablir entre nous deux plus promptement que par toute autre voie, lchange dides philosophiques dans lequel je compte trouver pour tout le reste de ma vie une si prcieuse source soit dinstruction soit de stimulation intellectuelle. Je viens dans ces derniers jours dachever un ouvrage assez volumineux qui va tre livr limpression pour paratre, je crois, au printemps prochain. Si aprs sa publication vous daignez en prendre connaissance, ce que le prix que vous avez bien voulu mettre la sympathie si fortement prononce entre nos tendances intellectuelles, me permet seul desprer, lexposition dtaille que jy ai donne dun nombre assez considrable de mes ides vous indiquera jusqu un certain point les questions sur lesquelles il ny a plus lieu aucune discussion entre nous, et celles o je puis encore profiter de la maturit plus complette de vos conceptions philosophiques. Je vous soumettrai cet ouvrage avec dautant plus de crainte, que le but mme vous en sera certainement suspect, puisque cest enfin un trait de logique, ou de mthode philosophique. Je suis certainement bien loin dtre insensible aux motifs qui vous ont port nier la possibilit, au moins dans la phase scientifique actuelle, dune thorie de mthode, abstraction faite de la doctrine; mme en se conformant la condition laquelle je me suis toujours fidlement soumis de ne puiser la mthode que dans la doctrine mme. Aussi je
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nattribue nullement au travail que jai fait un caractre philosophique permanent, mais tout au plus une valeur transitoire, que je crois pourtant relle, du moins pour lAngleterre. Quant aux divergences partielles qui existent jusquici entre ma manire de concevoir certaines questions philosophiques et la vtre, je crains surtout que si vous en jugez par lcrit en question vous ne soyez expos les croire plus grandes quelles ne sont, en ne faisant pas suffisamment la part des concessions que je me suis cru forc de faire lesprit dominant de mon pays. Vous nignorez pas sans doute que chez nous lcrivain qui avouerait hautement des opinions anti rligieuses, ou mme anti-chtiennes, compromettrait non seulement sa position sociale, que je me crois capable de sacrifier un but suffisamment lev, mais aussi, ce qui serait plus grave, ses chances dtre lu. Je risque dj beaucoup en mettant soigneusement de ct, ds le commencement, le point de vue religieuse, et en mabstenant des loges dclamatoires de la sagesse providentielle, gnralement usits parmi les philosophes, mme incrdules, de mon pays. Je fais rarement allusion cet ordre dides, et, tout en tchant de ne pas veiller, chez le vulgaire des lecteurs, des antipathies religieuses, je crois avoir crit de manire ce que nul penseur, soit chrtien soit incrdule, ne puisse se mprendre sur le caractre vritable de mes opinions: me fiant un peu, je lavoue, la prudence mondaine, qui chez nous empche en gnral les crivains religieux de proclamer sans ncessit lirrligion dun esprit dune valeur scientifique quelconque. Un mme motif, quoique moins fort, ma fait quelquefois conserver (ce que je naurais probablement pas fait en France) certaines expressions dorigine mtaphysique, en mefforant toujours dy attacher un sens positif, et en liminant autant que possible toutes les formules qui ne paraissent pas susceptibles aujourdhui dtre envisages seulement comme les noms abstraits des phnomnes. Je dois mavouer, en mme temps, suspect vos yeux de tendances mtaphysiques, en tant que je crois la possibilit dune psychologie positive, qui ne serait certainement ni celle de Condillac, ni celle de Cousin, ni mme celle de lcole Ecossaise, et que je crois toute comprise dans cette analyse de nos facults intellectuelles et affectives qui entre dans votre systme comme destine servir de vrification la physiologie phrnologique, et qui a pour but essentiel de sparer les facults vraiment primordiales de celles qui ne sont que les consquences ncessaires des autres, produites par voie de combinaison et daction mutuelle. Je vois que mon ami M. Marrast vous a donn sur mon compte quelques renseignements qui ne sont pas dune exactitude complte. Dabord, je ne suis pas charg des travaux statistiques de la Compagnie des Indes, mais bien dune partie de ladministration politique de lInde, surtout en ce qui regarde les relations extrieures, y compris le contrle gnral des nombreux rois ou roitelets indignes qui sont dans notre dpendance, et dont la civilisation peu avance nous donne souvent des embarras. Ensuite je dois vous dire que mon abstinence de la vie parlementaire ne peut pas tre pour moi un titre de louanges, ayant toujours t ncessite par lincompatibilit de cette vie avec lemploi dont je retire mes moyens de vie. Je puis dautant moins vous laisser dans lerreur cet gard, que des occasions ont exist o si ma position personnelle ne mavait pas interdit laction politique directe, je crois que je my serais lais[s]2 entraner. Les motifs auxquels jaurais cr obir essent t dabord la difficult, beaucoup plus grande ici quen France (v la moindre activit
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spculative de mes compatriotes) dattirer lattention mme dun public dlite sur les ides thoriques dun homme qui naurait pas fait ses preuves dans la vie active; et ensuite la considration, certainement bien fonde, que la vritable mancipation des spculations sociologiques soit de lempirisme, soit de la tutelle thologique ne saurait avoir lieu chez nous, tant que nous navons pas encore fait notre 1789, ce quil devient tous les jours plus difficile de faire au nom et par les moyens de la doctrine purement ngative; et je crois mme quune raction durable ne tarderait pas se dclarer en faveur des doctrines rtrogrades, sans linfluence des divers intrts personnels qui se trouvent aujourdhui froisss par les institutions que ces doctrines tendent consacrer: intrts qui pourtant seront bientt frapps dimpuissance, mme dans le sens subversif, sils ne trouvent quelques part, et mme dans la vie politique, un point de ralliement spculatif tel que les doctrines simplement rvolutionnaires ne sont plus capable aujourdhui doffrir. Sentant au reste comme je le fais trs sincrement, jusqu quel point on est port se faire des illusions sur tout ce qui peut intresser, mme mdiocrement la vanit personnelle, je dois probablement me fliciter de ce que la direction spciale de mon activit a t principalement dtermine jusquici par des causes indpendantes de ma propre sagesse. Jattends avec impatience la publication du volume qui compltera votre grand ouvrage, et celle ensuite du trait spcial de politique qui doit le suivre, et o je compte trouver des claircissements sur bien des questions poses dans les 4me et 5me volumes et qui nont fait jusquici quveiller chez moi des besoins intellectuels sans y satisfaire compltement mais sur tout cela je compte vous entretenir plus au long dans mes lettres venir.
Votre Bien Dvou

J. S. Mill.
337. TO JOHN MURRAY1

India House 20th Dec 1841
My Dear Sir
I have just finished preparing for the press a book of which I enclose the Preface and Table of Contents.2 It will make two good-sized octavo volumes. I should like it to have the benefit of being published by you, but it does not suit me if I can do otherwise, to print it at my own risk, and I cannot tell whether it will suit you to do so at yours. I however request your consideration of the subject, and should be much obliged by an early determination, as I should wish at all events that it should be published in the approaching season.
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Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill The whole or any part of the manuscript shall be sent for your inspection whenever you may require it, or at least as soon as I have finished reading it through and making the few final corrections.
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1842 338. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

India House Saturday [Jan. 1, 1842]
My Dear Fonblanque
Soon after the Copyright Bill was thrown out,2 there appeared in the Examiner a very able article3 in answer to Macaulays speech4 which appeared to many persons the best thing yet written on the subject & which as such has been inserted entire in an article of Lockhart,5 published in the Quarterly this day.6 Some of the supporters of Talfourds Bill have thought that it would be useful to do with this question what is done with other questions by commercial and other bodies interested in them, namely to get a statement of the case drawn up by a competent person to be published & circulated as a pamphlet & I have been asked to ascertain whether the writer of that article in the Examiner would be willing to undertake this, being properly remunerated for which purpose a subscription is spoken of. I have not the least idea who the writer is, nor of course do I ask it, but if you would communicate with him, that is, if you would communicate to him what I have now written, & to me what he says about it, you will oblige the persons in question & perhaps do some considerable good to the cause.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

I.H. 10th Jany 1842
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My Dear Gustave
I am really ashamed to see that your last letter, one of the most interesting I ever received from you, has remained more than six weeks unanswered. My only excuse is that I was & still am busy making the final revision of a book which is to be published this spring2 & in which I have said all that I can find to say on Methods of Philosophic Investigation. I do not expect to find many readers for this book, but I had things to say on the subject, & it was part of my task on earth to say them & therefore having said them I feel a portion of my work to be done. With regard to Salvadors two books,3 the earliest made a very mixed impression upon me, the latest one wholly favourable: it seems to me that he has better understood the spirit of the times in which Christianity arose, & the nature of Christianity itself as a phenomenon in the history of the ancient world than anybody else, & that he is nearer the truth than even Strauss.4 Altogether it is a grand book & I have instigated several people to read it. As for the first, it has also thrown much new light upon history & has made me think in a manner I never expected to do of the Hebrew people & polity, mais cela se ressent horriblement des quinze dernires annes de la restaurationI could hardly help laughing at the manner in which he strains everything to recommend poor Moses to the Constitutional Opposition & to shew that the Jews were Liberals, political economists & Utilitarians, that they had properly speaking no religion, or next to none, & were altogether la hauteur de lpoque, worthy sons of the 18th century. I would very strongly advise him to cancel the whole book & write it over again in a spirit worthy of his second work, written ten or twelve years later & for a public much more advanced. He is quite right for instance in saying that the liberty of prophesying was equivalent in the Jewish polity to the liberty of the press & the point is a new & striking one, but it really is not necessary to tell us that the prophets did not pretend to be, nor were supposed to be, specially accredited from God, that all the expressions implying them to be such are a mere faon de parler, meaning only that they were very clever fellows, & to fortify this by philological arguments from the usages & phrases of the Hebrew tongue. Why not say at once that all persons of genius, inspired persons in the modern sense, poets & persons of imagination & eloquence who had great & wonderful powers not derived from teaching, were believed to derive these powers straight from God & were in consequence of that religious belief, permitted from religious motives to exercise that right of free speech & free censure of powerful persons, which certainly would not in that age have been conceded to any one who spoke merely as from himself? I have been reading at odd times your old friend Lerouxs book, De lHumanit:5 the historical part I like; those few pages on the schools & Greek philosophy are quite perfect; but when we come to his own theory, did ever mortal man write such intolerable nonsense! There are ideas in that too about Moses, but qui ne valent pas celles de Salvador. I long to see your speculations on the subject but I would not advise your publishing a translation here, at least in the first instance: even Salvador has not been translated nor heard of, & nobody here is yet ripe for reading a serious philosophical discussion on
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the Bible. We are all either bigots or Voltairians. But we are improving. In ten years I think we shall have made some way, between our neo-Catholic school at [Oxf]ord6 & the German Rationalists who are beginning to be secretly read here. All you say on politics in your letter is extremely interesting & evidently true. You are the only person whose opinion on the political state & prospects of France I always feel that I can rely on. As for us, I believe that we are about to have a real juste milieu ministry & that things will go on tolerably smoothly till the grande question sociale des ouvriers becomes imminent, which it is rapidly becoming, perhaps more rapidly here than even with you. What will happen then, heaven knows. Il nous manque un homme, tout comme vous. Give my kindest regards to Adolphe & remembrances to all friends.
Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill.

India House 31st Jany 1842
My Dear Sir
I have now finished revising my Manuscript, and the remaining three Books shall be sent to you if you think fit. I believe I have already mentioned that they are of a rather more popular character than the three preceding. You would oblige me very much, if you cannot give me an affirmative answer, by giving me a negative one as early as possible, since any other publisher to whom the MS. might be referred would probably also require some time for making up his mind and in that way the season might be lost.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
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My Dear Sir
Having now my hands clear of all other literary occupation, except in the matter of correcting proofs, I am at liberty to resume & strengthen my incipient connexion with the Ed. Rev. if it continues to be agreeable to you that I should do so. I have not at present any particular subjects in view, except those which we formerly spoke of2 Michelets Histories of Rome & France. If those subjects will still suit you I will begin preparing myself for them, but as this will necessarily require a good deal of reading & thought, indeed I might say a gradual crystallization of many thoughts at present held in a state of suspension, it may be some time before I am able to produce anything fit for you on these topics, while the process of preparation would not be interfered with by my writing something else for you in the meantime if you should have any subject in view on which I could write with less previous study. I am therefore open to any proposition you may be inclined to make. I am glad to say that my friend Fletcher after a tedious & harrassing illness of a year in duration, is now tolerably recovered & at work vigorously on Cervanteshe says his article will soon be ready.3
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

I.H. 18th Feby 1842
My Dear Sir
Your opinion & the prospects you hold out respecting Bain2 & Lewes3 are quite as favourable as I had any reason to expect. They are both very young men, the former in particular almost a youth, & they have the full measure of the defects natural in the
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one case to a young littrateur, in the other to a young metaphysician. I myself wrote a long letter to Bain about his article on Toys4 pointing out some of the graver defects in it which he at once saw & admitted & neither he nor I ever supposed for a moment that that particular article would have been admissible into the Edinburgh. I only mentioned it to you or rather to your son in order to shew what the young man can already do & how much he has in him. In one respect I think you judge both of them too severely. I do not think they are either of them coxcombs although Lewes at least is very likely to be thought so. But what gives him that air is precisely the buoyancy of spirit which you have observed in him, & he is so prompt & apparently presumptuous in undertaking anything for which he feels the slightest vocation, (however much it may be really beyond his strength) only because he does not care at all for failure, knowing & habitually feeling that he gets up stronger after every fall & believing as I do that the best way of improving ones faculties is to be continually trying what is above ones present strength. I should say he is confident but not at all conceited, for he will bear to be told anything however unflattering about what he writes& when I say bear, I do not mean that he is so well fortified in self conceit as to bear with temper what he does not believe to be justno, but to be convinced at the very first suggestion, that it is just & to betake himself without delay to correcting it. As for Bain, I can completely understand him, because I have been, long ago, very much the same sort of person, except that I had not half his real originality. I should have been thought quite as presumptuous if the things I wrote had found any body to publish them. When one is so young, & writes out ones thoughts exactly as they have grown up in ones own mind without reference to other people & without seizing the connexion between them & what others have previously written, one always seems to be laying the most unbounded & groundless claims to discovery, when really one is not consciously making such claims to any extent at all, or not to any considerable extent. I am very glad that I sent you the extract from Comtes letter.5 I have no doubt he would be much gratified by a letter from Sir D. Brewster,6 but I throw that out only as a suggestion.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill.

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My Dear Sir
Being prevented by official occupation from having the pleasure of calling upon you at any hour at which it is usually agreeable to discuss matters of business, I write to you again2 to solicit an answer on the subject of my MS on Logicnot from any impatience but because the delay in signifying your intentions leads me to presume that you would rather not publish the book and therefore I am desirous of saying that although I should have been glad if you could have done so, I am not disappointed having never thought it very likely that you would. As however I should not like either to postpone the publication to another year or to hurry the printing, I should wish to try some other publisher as soon as possible and therefore if I have rightly conjectured your own feeling on the matter, I should be much obliged by your returning the MS.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House 25 fvrier 1842

Je ne crois pas ncessaire de vous faire de nouvelles excuses sur le retard que je mets rpondre aux lettres si aimables et si instructives dont vous voulez bien mhonorer. Ce ne sont pas, cette fois-ci, des occupations qui mont empch de vous crire, mais plutt des proccupations. Je nai pas besoin de dire que des lettres telles que les vtres ne doivent pas seulement tre bien et mrement peses, mais aussi que pour y rpondre dignement on a besoin de se trouver dans une disposition desprit tout fait convenable. Je dois commencer par vous tmoigner la vive satisfaction avec laquelle jai appris la prochaine terminaison de louvrage que jai si longtemps suivi avec une admiration toujours croissante. Ce travail est un exemple qui me confirme dans lide dj ancienne chez moi, que les plus grandes choses sont faites le plus souvent par ceux qui ont le moins de loisir. Je sais trop ce que doivent tre les pnibles travaux journaliers de votre tat, pour ne pas mtonner que vous ayez os entreprendre et que vous soyez parvenu accomplir une tche si immense, et exigeant une si grande concentration desprit ainsi quune si rare dpense de forces intellectuelles. Je sais dailleurs combien au milieu de tout cela vous payez noblement votre tribut aux intrts philanthropiques du moment, par le cours scientifique que vous faites chaque
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anne aux ouvriers de Paris. Cest une manire de participation aux affaires du jour, bien plus fconde sans doute en rsultats bienfaisants, que celle des striles discussions de la presse priodique ou de la tribune parlementaire, au moins en France. Quant vos remarques sur lincompatibilit, mme en Angleterre, de laction politique directe avec une influence relle sur la rnovation philosophique qui seule aujourdhui peut tre dune importance majeure, je ne suis dj pas trs loign de votre opinion, laquelle je me rendrai peuttre tout entier aprs la lecture, si vivement dsire, de votre 6me volume. Je puis du moins indiquer comme tant pour moi le rsultat jusquici le plus positif et le plus certain de ltude du 5me volume, une conviction complte du grand principe que seul entre les philosophes contemporains vous avez nonc, celui de la sparation dfinitive des deux pouvoirs, temporel et spirituel. Ces pouvoirs doivent incontestablement sorganiser dune manire totalement distincte, ce qui au reste nimplique pas pour moi limpossibilit que le mme individu puisse participer jusqu un certain point aux travaux de tous les deux. Je pense au contraire quune ducation partiellement active est ncessaire la perfection de la capacit spculative, ainsi quune ducation spculative lest, de laveu de tous les philosophes, celle de la vie active. Je nen suis pas moins radicalement guri, et cela par votre ouvrage, de toute tendance vers les doctrines utopistes qui cherchent remettre le gouvernement de la societ entre les mains des philosophes, ou mme de le faire dpendre de la haute capacit intellectuelle, envisage plus gnralement. Comme la plupart des libres penseurs nourris dans les ides franaises du 19me [sic] sicle, je nai pas toujours compltement vit cette erreur irrationnelle; mais le sens commun et lhistoire en avaient jusqu un certain point fait justice chez moi, mme avant la lecture des arguments irrsistibles par lesquels vous soutenez si victorieusement la doctrine contraire. Outre laltration grave que la suprmatie politique ne tarderait pas produire dans les habitudes morales et intellectuelles de la classe spculative, il me semble que cette domination ne serait nullement favorable au progrs intellectuel, en vue duquel, sans doute, elle a t surtout rve. Je trouve dans lexemple de la Chine un grand appui cette opinion. Dans ce pays-l, la constitution du gouvernement se rapproche autant peuttre que cela se peut, du principe saint-simonien, et quest-ce qui en est rsult? le gouvernement le plus oppos de tous toute sorte de progrs. La majorit dune classe lettre quelconque est peuttre moins dispose que celle de toute autre classe, se laisser mener par les intelligences les plus dveloppes qui sy rencontrent; et comme cette majorit ne pourrait, sans doute, se composer de grands penseurs, mais simplement drudits, ou de savans sans vritable originalit, il ne pourrait en rsulter que ce quon voit dans la Chine, cest dire une pdantocratie. Vous voyez donc que nous sommes tous deux en sympathie complte, quant nos principes gnraux sur ce sujet. Ce que je dois, l-dessus, votre livre, cest surtout davoir formul dans le principe de la sparation des pouvoirs temporel et spirituel et de lorganisation de chacun sur les bases qui lui sont propres, une doctrine plus vague que javais moi-mme tire de lhistoire et que javais jete dans les discussions du jour comme rponse dcisive tout systme politique dmocratique ou Benthamiste. Cette doctrine la voici: Que dans toutes les socits humaines o lexistence des vritables conditions du progrs continu a t prouve a posteriori par lensemble de
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leur histoire, il y a eu, du moins virtuellement, un antagonisme organis. Puisque dans nulle socit le pouvoir dominant na pu rsumer en soi tous les intrts progressifs et toutes les tendances dont la runion est ncessaire la durabilit indfinie de la marche ascendante, il a fallu partout aux intrts et aux tendances plus ou moins antipathiques ce pouvoir, un point de ralliement assez fortement constitu pour les protger efficacement contre toute tentative soit rflchie, soit seulement instinctive, de les comprimer; tentative dont le succs amnerait, aprs un temps ordinairement trs court, soit la dissolution sociale, comme Athnes, soit ltat stationnaire bien caractris de lEgypte et de lAsie. Javais toujours ressenti une grande difficult concevoir la forme dans laquelle ce principe ncessaire au progrs devait trouver son application dfinitive la politique moderne. Mais je vois dans la doctrine de la sparation des pouvoirs spirituel et temporel, une fois pose par vous, la solution de cette difficult, puisque cette thorie runit toutes les conditions de lantagonisme indispensable, avec des recommandations qui lui sont propres et qui en font videmment la forme thoriquement parfaite de lapplication de ce principe. Pour en revenir aux considrations personnelles; la question de participation au moins directe, au mouvement politique, se trouve pour moi peu prs dcide par ma position individuelle. Je remettrai un autre temps lexposition de mes vues sur les circonstances politiques de mon pays, qui malgr la force incontestable de vos objections, font encore mes yeux de la tribune parlementaire la meilleure chaire denseignement public pour un philosophe sociologiste convenablement plac, et qui chercherait peut tre faire des ministres ou les diriger dans sons sens, mais en sabstenant den faire partie, sinon probablement dans des moments critiques que je ne crois pas, chez nous, trs loigns. Mais au lieu de parler de ces choses qui ne me regardent nullement, je mautoriserai de votre sympathie bienveillante pour vous entretenir de celles qui me regardent, et je dirai que jentre dans une poque de ma vie qui me mettra pour la premire fois mme de savoir jusqu quel point lactivit purement philosophique, dirige dans le sens de mes opinions et avec le dgr de capacit dont je puis disposer, est capable de donner dans notre pays une influence relle sur la marche des ides, au moins chez les hommes les plus avancs. Jusquici quoique plus connu quon ne lest ordinairement lorsquon na jamais exerc aucune fonction publique vidente et quon na rien publi quanonymement, je suis totalement inconnu du public ordinaire et par consquent je nai pas le moindre commencement dautorit morale. Ceux dailleurs qui ne sont pas totalement trangers mes travaux ne me connaissent que comme une sorte dhomme politique, appartenant au parti rvolutionnaire modr, et qui a quelquefois crit en philosophe sur les questions de la politique actuelle. Mais aujourdhui je livre mon nom la publicit, par un ouvrage purement philosophique et en mme temps par la rimpression des meilleurs de mes crits antrieurs dont pour la premire fois je prends sur moi la responsabilit. Je ne me fais aucune illusion sur le dgr de succs dont lune ou lautre de ces publications est susceptible, mais quel quil puisse tre il me donnera probablement une place quelconque parmi les supriorits intellectuelles reconnues, et me permettra jusqu un certain point dapprcier le degr dinfluence que je suis capable dexercer sur le mouvement spirituel, ainsi que les meilleurs moyens de men servir.
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Je regrette de vous avoir involontairement donn lide que louvrage philosophique dont il est question avait pour but lanalyse de nos facults mentales et de nos tendances morales. Jai seulement entendu exprimer ma croyance la possibilit et la valeur scientifique dune psychologie ainsi entendue; mais dans ma Logique, je ne moccupe que de mthode, cest dire des actes intellectuels, en faisant autant que possible abstraction des facults. Il nest pourtant pas impossible que je moccupe un jour de cette autre tche, et afin dy tre mieux prpar je vous engage trs fortement mindiquer les lectures les plus propres me donner une vritable connaissance de la physiologie phrnologique. Chez nous la phrnologie na gure t cultive que par des hommes dune intelligence moins que mdiocre, si jen juge par ce que jai lu de leurs crits, et je vous avouerai que jai longtemps regarde cette doctrine, au moins dans son tat prsent, comme indigne doccuper lattention dun vrai penseur, ide dont je ne suis revenu quen apprenant par votre 3me volume que vous y adhriez au moins dans ses principales bases. Je suis donc rest fort arrire sur ce sujet important, ce quoi je dsire promptement remdier, et me faire le plus tt possible, sur une question qui doit ncessairement exercer une grande influence sur mes spculations venir une opinion mre, et aussi bien fonde quelle peut ltre.
Tout Vous De Cur

J. S. Mill, (John Stuart)

I.H. 3d March 1842
My Dear Sir
I do not doubt that I could easily have an article on Michelets Hist. of France ready for your October number, but as there will probably be another volume published before that time it is of no use setting about the article just yet, & as the book will extend to twelve volumes of which only five are yet published the subject will be good for a long time to come.2 I should have preferred if it had been possible to begin with the Romans because I think I can make a better, & certainly a more original article on them than on the middle ages, my acquaintance with which is not derived from the original authorities. The article on Michelets France would be essentially an article on the middle ages, not on France & I may as well mention that my views of that portion of history are strongly Guelphic, that is I am almost always with the popes against the Kings. That
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is a view very seldom taken in this country, & I do not know how it would suit the Edinburgh Review. But the principles it involves lie at the heart of all my opinions on politics & history. If there were any suitable peg on which to hang an article on the Romans, I should be much obliged by your suggesting it since Michelets History is too old. I cannot help thinking that if you were fully aware of the importance of Michelet as a European thinker you would consider a book of his even if not quite recent (provided it is not previously much known in this country) as a better occasion for an article than a production of little value in itself even if fresh. I should have thought, too, that in regard to foreign books the question was not so much when they were published, as whether they are a fresh subject to the English reader. But you are the best judge of the principles & rules for conducting your review.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill.
346. TO JOHN WILLIAM PARKER1

Kensington Monday [March, 1842]
My Dear Sir
I send the portions of MS. which your friend2 wishes to seetogether with some other chapters or portions of chapters which from the manner in which the papers are stitched together, cannot conveniently be separated from them. I fear some parts are by no means so legible as I could wish, owing to the number of interlineations & erasures. The portions moreover of the Third Book,3 will scarcely perhaps be intelligible without the chapters which are intended to precede them. However they must take their chance & perhaps on the whole these fragments are as fair a specimen of the book as any others would be.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill
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India House 11th March 1842 You must, both of you, have thought me very negligent or very indifferent, but it is not so. I have delayed writing from day to day in hopes that I might be able to tell you something or other about your own affairs, about America of course I mean. I watch very sedulously & interestedly, on your account, every indication of future events there, but without any result worth communicating. It seems to me however, as far as I have the means of observing, that the expectation here among people who attend to the matter, is that the debts, Mississippi included, will be ultimately recognised & paid.2 It is certainly difficult to believe that prosperous & improving communities can go on long without feeling the inconvenience of not being trusted in pecuniary transactions.Failing anything on this subject I was in hopes of being able to tell you something decisive about my own affairs, namely about my bookbut all I have to tell is that I have only just succeeded in extorting a negative answer from Murray after a consideration or at least a delay which endured from the middle of December to last Tuesday. I am now in treaty with Parker, with whom Lewis3 has placed me in communication but I know not yet what will be the result. I have not begun to print, as my object is if possible to induce somebody to take the riska thing I confess if I were myself a publisher I should hesitate to do. The book is all finished, however, revision and all, & has been so nearly two months & if Parker is tractable there will still be time to print it & bring it out this season. I am on the whole quite as well satisfied with the book as I ever thought I should beperhaps more so. In any case it is the best I can do, & others must judge of it now, & make what they can of it, or leave it alone if it so pleases them. I was very glad to hear from Stephen4 the other day that an article is in preparation for the Edin. Rev. on a book5 the nature of which I well remember though I have forgotten the author. Stephen took credit to himself for having instigated Mr. Austin to write & publish the things which he had already spoken to him (Stephen) on the subject & of which he appeared to have a most genuinely sentie admiration. I hardly know anything more likely to be of use here in making people think, & in putting the best views into the best minds, than that subject treated as Mr. Austin is sure to treat it& the more nearly he writes as he would talk, the better in point of popular impressiveness it is sure to be. The only real danger is lest he should attempt to make it too good. Politics here are going smoothly enough. Peel is making a considerable number of petty improvements, such however as would not have been thought petty formerly, while his corn law has at least the negative merit of doing so very little that it has no tendency to slacken the agitation. The most remarkable recent indication perhaps of
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the decay of prejudice is that a bill6 has been brought into the H. of Lords to take away nearly all the disqualifications of witnesses, except that of the parties to the suit, & this is most strenuously supported by Lyndhurst7 & all the Law Lords, old Wynford8 being even eager to admit the parties too. At the present moment however nobody is thinking of anything but the Afghanistan disasters.9 Everybody now condemns the folly of involving ourselves in that galre & nobody knows how we are now to get out of it. The thing will end in our exacting at immense cost some signal reparation for the treacherous menace & then evacuating the country, & that is the best end it can have. The feeling in France towards England seems as bad as ever and that in England towards France worse than ever. If the anti English feeling continues to grow in Germany also, things will be in a hopeful condition What are to be your movements this year? is there any chance of your coming here, even for ever so short a time? if not, how are you to be communicated with, & in particular how shall I send a copy of my Logic when it is printed? Whenever there is anything to be done for you here which cannot be done better by somebody else, do let me know & let me do it.
J. S. Mill

India House 22 mars 1842

Je me flicite toujours de plus en plus des rapports de correspondance qui se sont si heureusement tablis entre nous deux, en attendant, jespre, des rapports personnels, qui me seraient encore plus prcieux. Votre dernire lettre me fait sentir plus que jamais combien notre sympathie philosophique est dja intime, en montrant quelle ne se borne pas aux principes fondamentaux, mais quelle stend jusquaux questions secondaires de manire indiquer que dans la suite elle se prononcera constamment de plus en plus. Non seulement les divergences qui semblaient dabord exister dans notre manire denvisager les relations mutuelles des deux puissances lmentaires, ont peu prs disparu par les explications que vous avez bien voulu me donner de votre opinion; non seulement vous avez donn votre sanction philosophique au principe de lantagonisme continu comme condition de la progression humaine, principe qui faisait le terme le plus avanc du dveloppement sociologique auquel jtais parvenu par mes propres rflexions; mais aussi je retrouve chez vous une autre ide laquelle jai toujours tenu beaucoup, et peuttre seul parmi mes compatriotes.
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Je suis comme vous intimement persuad que la combinaison de lesprit franais avec lesprit anglais est un des besoins les plus essentiels de la rorganisation intellectuelle. Lesprit franais est ncessaire afin que les conceptions soient gnrales, et lesprit anglais pour les empcher dtre vagues, dfaut prdominant en France chez les intelligences secondaires, tandis que chez nous les gnralisations quelconques ne trouvent gure daccueil, en matire morale ou sociale, que de la part dhommes trs avancs. Je crois que cest Voltaire qui a dit: Quand un franais et un anglais saccordent, il faut quils aient pleinement raison:2 cela serait encourageant pour nous deux si nous en avions besoin, avec la conviction profonde que nous avons dj. Il est au reste fort regretter que les penseurs de nos deux pays soient loin davoir les uns pour les autres lestime quils mritent. En mathmatique, en physique, en chimie, en biologie mme, les savants franais et anglais se rendent justice mutuellement, et il en tait ainsi mme au plus chaud de la guerre rvolutionnaire et napolonienne. Il nen est malheureusement pas de mme en ce qui concerne les questions morales et sociales; et cest ici langleterre qui est le plus en dfaut. Le mouvement intellectuel franais postrieur la rvolution est encore aujourdhui pour la plupart des anglais mme instruits, comme sil navait pas exist. Vous me croirez peine quand je dis que mme les travaux de la nouvelle cole historique sont peine connus ici; que les crits par exemple de M. Guizot ne commencent tre un peu lus que depuis quil a pass ici comme ambassadeur, et que ceux qui savaient devoir se rencontrer avec lui dans le monde ont trouv convenable de connaitre au moins les noms de ses principaux crits. Les anglais cherchent plus volontiers des ides nouvelles chez les allemands que chez les franais et bien du monde a lu non seulement Kant, mais encore Schelling et Hegel sans mme avoir lu Cousin, qui prsente les mmes ides tnbreuses avec une lucidit et un esprit de systmatisation tout franais. Dans cette inattention au mouvement philosophique de la france, il se rencontre toutefois de singulires exceptions. Je ne sais si je vous ai encore parl dune nouvelle cole de philosophie thologique qui sest leve dans ces derniers temps Oxford et qui me parat destine remplir dans la rgnration sociologique de lAngleterre un rle tout pareil celui de lcole de De Maistre, dont elle partage essentiellement les doctrines. Comme cette cole, elle juge la crise actuelle dune manire peu prs vraie, se trompant seulement sur les remdes; elle rhabilite le catholicisme et le moyen ge; elle sappelle catholique, et prtend que lglise anglicane est toujours reste telle ( la vrit sans le pape, mais en transportant le pouvoir spirituel dans le corps des vques) elle soutient le principe de lautorit contre celui de la libert illimite de conscience, principe qui est encore plus fortement accrdit ici par les prjugs protestants quil ne la pu tre en France par la philosophie de Voltaire et de Diderot, justement parce que sa victoire moins complte na pas permis quil se rduist labsurde par le plein dveloppement de ses consquences antisociales. Cette cole resemble aussi lcole franaise catholique en ce quelle a t la premire fonder dans ce pays-ci une sorte de philosophie historique, tout fait semblable, au reste, celle de lauteur du Pape,3 que je doute pourtant si ces crivains ont lu. Malgr cela ils ne laissent pas de jeter les yeux de temps en temps sur lautre ct de la Manche, et il leur est arriv une fois de prner assez singulirement la ridicule cole de Buchez,4 qui a parodi dune manire si baroque les formes de la positivit, et dont les chefs se recommandent surtout nos catholiques anglicans en ce que dathes quils taient ils sont devenus catholiques romains.
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Jattends avec un vif intrt le jugement sur lAngleterre qui se trouvera dans votre 6me volume. En tant que je connais votre opinion, elle saccorde compltement avec la mienne, et je serais bien tonn dune si grande justesse dapprciation dun pays ordinairement si mal connu en france si je ny voyais pas un exemple de la grande puissance dinterprtation lgard des faits gnraux et patents, quun esprit vraiment scientifique puise dans la connaissance approfondie des grandes lois sociologiques. Malgr la brivet de la vie humaine, nous pouvons lun et lautre esprer de voir la position sociale et le caractre national de chaque portion importante du genre humain rattachs aux lois de la nature humaine et aux proprits du milieu organique gnral ou particulier par une filiation aussi certaine sinon aussi complte que celle qui existe aujourdhui dans les sciences les plus avances. Je serais bien heureux si je me croyais capable de prendre une part vraiment importante, bien que secondaire, ce grand travail. Ce que vous me dites sur votre position personnelle, et sur la manire dont elle pourra tre compromise par la libert de discussion dont vous avez us lgard du rgime scientifique actuel, est de nature ajouter une certaine inquitude au plaisir avec lequel jenvisage la prochaine terminaison de votre mmorable travail. Il est certainement dans lordre que les philosophes soient aujourdhui perscuts par les savants comme ils lont t autrefois par les prtres, comme ils le seront probablement un jour par les industriels, et cela manquait peut tre au cercle de lenseignement sociologique tirer de lhistoire des perscutions. Mais il est esprer que vous au moins nen serez pas la victime5 et que lors mme que vous prouveriez de lamour propre bless dun corps savant linjustice infme qui ne vous parait pas impossible, cela dterminerait de la part de toutes les personnes impartiales un sentiment contraire et qui pourrait exercer une influence plus ququivalents sur votre position mme matrielle. Je crois avoir entendu dire M. Marrast que vous aviez prouv aussi de la part du gouvernement de graves injustices; sans cela jaurais cru que malgr la critique svre que vous avez faite de lordre de choses actuel, le gouvernement daujourdhui pourrait avoir t capable de vouloir utiliser votre capacit dans des fonctions denseignement suprieures celles qui vous ont occup jusquici; dautant plus que M. Guizot, avec qui pendant son sjour ici je me suis un peu entretenu de vous, sest exprim dune manire honorable sur votre compte, et que, malgr les passions haineuses, dont on ne peut le disculper, il ne me parait pas dnu dune certaine magnanimit. Je vous remercie grandement des renseignements que vous avez eu la bont de me donner sur les ouvrages phrnologiques lire,6 et je me propose de men occuper incessamment.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.
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I.H. 5th April 1842
My Dear Fonblanque
I do not know whether the play2 which accompanies this has been sent to your paper but in any case I send it to you because it is written by a friend of mine who is very highly deserving of notice & encouragement if you can honestly give him any. He has written very good things of other kinds, among others an excellent pamphlet on law reform3 & one of the best extant defences of utilitarianism.4I like his tragedy also though I can see faults in it, but of course I have not the impertinence to wish to impose my opinion upon you. It has been rather scornfully cut up in the Spectator.5
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

India House 5th April 1842
My Dear Friend
I am really ashamed to think of the time which has elapsed since I wrote to you or gave the smallest indication of remembrance of a family whom I have so much cause never to forget. I beg that you will all of you ascribe this omission on my part to any other cause than want of remembrance or of frequent thought of you& I believe I could assign such causes as would go far towards palliating it. Now however I feel impelled to write to you by two feelingsone is the wish to condole with you on the loss which Sterlings going abroad2 is to you & on the anxiety which after so much longer and more intimate knowledge of him than you had had when I last saw you, I am sure you must feel about a life and health so precious both to all who know him &
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to the world. It is a cruel thing that the hope of his being able to live even at Falmouth & be capable of work, without the periodical necessity for going abroad, should be thus blighted when it seemed to be so fortunately realised.3 I fear not so much for his bodily state as for his spiritsit is so hard for an active mind like his to reconcile itself to comparative idleness & to what he considers as uselessnessonly however from his inability to persuade himself of the whole amount of the good which his society, his correspondence, & the very existence of such a man diffuses through the world. It he did but know the moral & even intellectual influence which he exercises without writing or publishing anything, he would think it quite worth living for, even if he were never to be capable of writing again. Do, if you have a good opportunity, tell Mrs Sterling how truly I sympathise with her, although I do not intrude upon her with a direct expression of it. My other prompting to write to you just now comes from the approach of spring, & the remembrance of what this second spring ought to bring, & I hope will.4 Surely there is not any doubt of your all coming to London this year? There seemed some shadow of an uncertainty in one of the last letters which my sisters shewed me but I hope it has all cleared off. Carlyle is in Scotland owing to the almost sudden death of Mrs Carlyles mother. Mrs Carlyle was summoned too late to see her mother alive. She has returned & seems to have suffered much. Carlyle is still there, having many affairs to arrange. It is said & I believe truly that they will now be in much more comfortable circumstances than before. They heroically refused to receive anything from Mrs Welsh during her lifetime. I have little to tell concerning myself. My book will not be published till next season for which I may thank Murray. He kept me two months waiting for the negative answer which I at last extorted from him, & which it is evident could as well have been given the very first day.5 I could have accelerated the matter if I had chosen to dun him more, but I committed the mistake of treating him as a gentleman& besides I really did not care enough about it. I am now in treaty with Parker & with considerable hope of success. Does it not amuse you to see how I stick to the highchurch booksellers. Parker also publishes for Whewell with whom several chapters of my book are a controversy, but Parker very sensibly says he does not care about that. The book is now awaiting the verdict of a taster unknown to whom several chapters of his own choice have been communicated: & he gave so favourable a report on the table of contents, that one may hope he will not do worse by the book itself. If Parker publishes the book, he shall have my reprint too, if he will take itbut I am afraid he will not like anything so radical & anti-church as much of it is.6 Do, if you have time, write to me, & tell me your recent doings in the way of poetry or prose, together with as much of your thoughts & feelings respecting this little earth & this great universe as you are inclined to communicate& in any case do not forget me.
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Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
I am very much indebted to your referee2 for so favorable an opinion, expressed in such complimentary terms, & am much gratified by the result. I will keep his observations in view in finally reading through the manuscript before it goes to press, but I fear I am nearly at the end of my stock of apt illustrations. I had to read a great deal for those I have given, & I believe that the chapters on Fallacies which preceded those that were submitted to your friends judgment, are considerably richer than those he has seen, in examples selected as he recommends from eminent writers. With respect to your very handsome offer of half profit, my feeling is that if I were to take advantage of your liberality in any manner, the shape in which I should most like to do so would be by a certain latitude in giving away copieschiefly to foreigners or persons who would not be likely to buy the book although they would like to read it & who would therefore be more likely by making it known, to attract buyers to it than to interfere with its sale. I have not in view any alarming number, some 25 or 30 copies being as far as I can now judge, the extreme limit. In reference to the contingency of a future edition, it is I think very unlikely that I should be inclined to change my publisher, especially when he is as I believe you to be, the most desirable one in England for the kind of book. I have another publication in view which I should like to bring out about the same time with this book, as they might serve to advertise one anothera selection from a great number of articles, political literary & philosophical which I have published in different periodicals during the last eight or ten years, concluding with an article on Tocquevilles Democracy in America, in the Edinburgh Review for October 1840. It would be a sort of collection something like Carlyles Miscellaneous essays, but extending only to two small volumes instead of five. I should be very glad if it suited you to publish this also,3 but I have my doubts whether it would, as some of the opinions are likely to be considered ultra-liberal, although (in the later papers especially) rather anti-democratic, so much so indeed as to have given great offence to
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many of the radicals. If you should be inclined to take this into consideration I should be happy to send you the collection.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir
The accompanying paper is written by a clergyman of the Church of England, who has long quitted the Church on account of conscientious scruples. If his paper on Socrates should suit you he will be glad to follow it up by another on Plato & a third on Philo & the Platonisms of Christianity. He is a very sincere Christian & much respected by all who know him. In case you should wish to communicate directly with him, his address is Rev. J. P. Potter2 8 Boyne Terrace Notting Hill.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill
353. TO GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS1

I.H. Wedy [April, 1842]
My Dear Lewis
I am glad to tell you that Parker having received a very favourable answer from his referee has consented to publish an edition of 750 copies of the Logic at his own risk.
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I have just received a long letter from Mrs. Austin.2 She bids me give their love to you & say that M. de Lindenau3 has your book4 & that she shall see what he says of italso to ask what you think of Otfried Mllers Nachlass5 as a subject for translation. It seems to consist of three little books, on Rome, Naples & Venice. She says Mr Austins article6 is going on, but slowly & interruptedly & with terrible anstrengung & on the whole she writes in miserable spirits about him & about their present position. How much I wish that any way could be found such as he would not reject, in which those here who are deeply interested in him might combine to make it possible for him to live in this country, at least during the uncertainty of American matters. Could nothing be thought of? I would cheerfully take upon myself a second income tax to aid towards such an object& I should think there are quite enough of those who would gladly do so & who could without inconveniences.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

Monday [April, 1842]
My Dear Chadwick,
I have read through your report2 slowly & carefully. I do not find a single erroneous or questionable position in it, while there is the strength & largeness of practical views which are characteristic of all you do. In its present unrevised state it is as you are probably aware, utterly ineffective from the want of unity and of an apparent thread running through it and holding it together. I wish you would learn some of the forms of scientific exposition of which my friend Comte makes such superfluous use, & to use without abusing which is one of the principal lessons which practice & reflexion have to teach to people like you & me who have to make new trains of thought intelligible.
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill
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355. TO VICTOR COUSIN1

India House, 27 avril 1842
Monsieur,
Je ne sais pas trop comment je trouve en moi-mme, aprs une si longue interruption de notre correspondance, la hardiesse de vous adresser par mon jeune ami, M. G. H. Lewes, et en sa faveur, une lettre de recommandation. Mais vous savez que ceux de mes compatriotes qui soccupent de haute philosophie sont malheureusement trs peu nombreux; et comme M. Lewes est de ce petit nombre dexceptions honorables, jai pens que vous le verriez peut-tre avec quelque plaisir. Jai donc cru pouvoir me permettre de faire ce qui dpendait de moi pour lui procurer lhonneur et lavantage de votre connaissance. Ce nest pas M. Cornewall Lewis, que vous connaissez probablement, et dont au moins vous avez entendu parler notre amie Mme Austin. Celui que je vous adresse est beaucoup plus jeune: mais il a des connaissances et une capacit qui donnent de grandes esprances, et il commence dj se faire connatre par ses crits. Moi-mme, je viens de terminer un travail philosophique assez tendu, dont je compte vous faire lhommage quand il sera imprim. Je nose esprer de votre part, pour cet ouvrage, quune approbation trs modre, puisquil appartient plutt a lcole de Locke qu la vtre; mais je crois avoir profit, plus que ne la fait jusquici cette ancienne cole anglaise, des critiques et mme des principes de la philosophie du XIXe sicle. Veuillez agrer le tmoignage de mes sentiments respectueux. J. S. Mill

India House 6 mai 1842

Daprs ce que vous mavez indiqu dans une de vos lettres, ce qui restait faire de votre dernier volume doit tre aujourdhui peu prs termin. Jen attends la lecture avec une impatience que tout tend accrotre, et jespre en retirer quelquavantage
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pour mon propre livre, dont limpression, retarde par des dlais de libraire, na pas encore commenc et qui ne paratra que sur la fin de lanne. Quels que puissent tre tout autre gard les rsultats de cet ouvrage, je me flatte quil ne sera pas sans valeur comme uvre de propagande et que les ides importantes que jai tires de votre grand travail, en reconnaissant comme je le devais, la source do elles mtaient venues, contribueront, avec la manire dont jai parl de ce travail, y compris la partie sociologique, attirer sur lui lattention dun certain nombre de lecteurs les mieux prpars et provoquer leur adhsion au seul moyen dtudier les phnomnes sociaux qui soit aujourdhui au niveau de ltat intellectuel de lhumanit. Vous devez sentir, du reste, sans aucune difficult, que lesprit anglais se trouve ncessairement moins prpar que celui des autres peuples avancs, suivre et perfectionner la science positive de lhistoire. La physique sociale devait certainement natre et grandir en france, et ne stendre que plus tard ce pays ci, par la raison surtout que la civilisation franaise se rapproche de plus prs que toute autre du type normal de lvolution humaine, tandis que lhistoire anglaise scarte, comme vous lavez si bien remarqu, trs loin de la marche ordinaire. De ce caractre exceptionnel du dveloppement anglais, ainsi que de la tendance minemment insulaire que cette volution anormale a imprime notre caractre national, il en est rsult chez nous une grande indiffrence envers lhistoire europenne, dont nous avons lhabitude antiscientifique de regarder la ntre comme essentiellement spare: et comme personne ne saurait parvenir comprendre et expliquer les anomalies sans avoir pralablement etudi le cas normal, les recherches quon a faites sur notre histoire nationale ne nous ont donn quun petit nombre drudits et pas un seul philosophe mme du troisime ou quatrime ordre. Quant la tche honorable que vous avez bien voulu me dsigner, celle de rattacher la marche sociale de langleterre la thorie sociologique fondamentale, je ne puis videmment me dispenser de cette tentative, ne ft-ce que pour mieux affermir mes propres convictions sociales. Mais dans le cas mme dun succs complet, je crois que je ferais mieux de soumettre le rsultat de mes travaux vous-mme et au public continental qu celui de mon pays, qui certainement ne saurait ni le juger ni en profiter convenablement, faute de connatre, je ne dis pas seulement les lois gnrales, mais les faits gnraux eux-mmes, sources des inductions dont ces lois sont tires. Aujourdhui mme, ce que nous avons encore de mieux en fait de spculation historique sur notre pays, cest lEssai de Guizot sur le systme reprsentatif en angleterre,2 et vous conviendrez que ce nest pas l grandchose. Puisque je suis sur le chapitre de M. Guizot, je vous dirai que tout en ayant toujours jug comme vous ses spculations politiques et sa mtaphysique doctrinaire, jai prouv une impression pnible en apprenant lide dsavantageuse que vous avez de son caractre3 et quil ne mrite vraisemblablement que trop bien. On napprend pas sans peine quun homme en qui il faut reconnatre une vritable capacit scientifique, ait port lesprit de secte jusqu manquer de magnanimit envers un philosophe qui nen a jamais manqu envers personne, et dont les crits ont un charme particulier par ladmiration noble et profonde quil y tmoigne toute occasion pour tous ceux qui ont fait honneur lhumanit, quelque loignes quaient t leurs croyances des siennes propres. Il faut avoir le cur bien petit pour ne pas trouver un attrait
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irrsistible dans cette noble sympathie avec tous les genres de grandeur morale et intellectuelle que je regarde au reste comme une des conditions essentielles de la vraie capacit philosophique, au moins de nos jours. Sans cela on ne peut tre tout au plus que lhomme dune spcialit, et les spcialits nont en sociologie, comme vous lavez si bien tabli, quune valeur provisoire. M. Guizot nest certainement pas autre chose, quoique je croie que si vous aviez pris connaissance de son Cours dHistoire,4 vous y auriez reconnu, avec les mmes intentions de positivit que dans son premier ouvrage, une capacit spculative plus gnrale. Si mes compatriotes avaient une connaissance relle de ce Cours, ils seraient beaucoup mieux prpars quils ne le sont la positivit sociologique. Jai commenc ltude de Gall:5 il me parat un homme dun esprit suprieur. Je le lis avec plaisir et jespre aussi avec fruit. Ds que je serai mme de juger sa thorie, je vous crirai ce qui men semble. Je regrette dautant plus vivement que les devoirs de votre position vous empchent de faire un voyage, mme court, dans ce pays-ci, attendu que moimme, par des circonstances particulires, je suis au moins pour cette anne dans une situation peu prs pareille et que je serai probablement dans limpossibilit de quitter Londres. La rlation personnelle que je dsire si vivement tablir avec vous se trouve par l ajourne, mais je ferai de mon mieux pour que ce retard dure le moins possible.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.

I. H. 10th May 1842 Many thanks my dear friend for your letter & its inclosures& still more for the very agreeable intelligence that we may hope to see you all, & expect to see some of you very soon. I have had much pleasure in reading both the prose & the verse which you sent me. I think I can honestly give downright straightforward praise to them both. The poetry has both thought & music in it, & the prose seems to me much reflecting on these things to contain the real pith of the matter, expressed simply & perspicuously & with the kind of force which so purely intellectual a subject required & admitted of.2 If it were shewn to me as the production of a young writer whom I knew nothing of I should say at once that he was of the right school & likely to go far.
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I have not time to enter upon metaphysics just now or I might perhaps discuss with you your curious speculation respecting a duality in the hyperphysical part of mans nature. Is not what you term the mind as distinguished from the spirit or soul, merely that spirit looking at things as through a glass darkly compelled in short by the conditions of its terrestrial existence to see & know by means of media, just as the mind uses the bodily organs, for to suppose that the eye is necessary to sight seems to me the notion of one immersed in matter. What we call our bodily sensations are all in the mind & would not necessarily or probably cease because the body perishes. As the eye is but the window through which, not the power by which, the mind sees, so probably the understanding is the bodily eye of the human spirit, which looks through that window, or rather which sees (as in Platos cave) the camera-obscura images of things in this life while in another it may or might be capable of seeing the things themselves. I do not give you this as my opinion but as a speculation, which you will take for what it is worth. Thanks for your interest about my books. Parker has proved genuine & has behaved so well altogether that I feel twice as much interested as I ever did before in the success of the Logic for I should really be sorry if he were to lose money by it. He proposes to bring it out about Christmas. He will not publish the reprint as he makes a point of not publishing politics or polemics, so I shall print it myself in time for next season, & perhaps shall have a copy for you before that. Give all kind remembrances from all to all& to your sisters special ones from me for their kind wishes respecting my mental offspring. Please tell them also that I have lately seen for the first time their friend Henrietta Melvill3 whose appreciation of & attachment to them were very pleasant to see.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill.

India House 22d May 1842 You are most probably at Bonn & the agonies of the article for the Edinburgh2 are over. I know what those agonies must have been but I think I also know what must be the relief from them & from that relief conjointly with the coming of a German summer, so much warmer than ours, dryer & less variable than ours, one may hope good results for his health: but above all from the consciousness of having achieved something, & he is sure to find by its reception that he has not toiled in vain, for he
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never wrote anything which did not satisfy all whom he would wish it to satisfy, except himself. I suppose there is something physical & organic in that incapacity of persuading himself that anything he does is done sufficiently well. Everybody who hears him talk on any subject in which he is interested would be quite satisfied if he would write the very words which he talks; almost any framework would serve to hold them together & that is exactly what Stephen expressed to me about the article now in question, he wished that the two lectures, as he called them, which he heard could be merely put on paper. By the bye I have no reason to believe that Mr Stephen was in any misapprehension about the subject of the article, although I was. About your own literary projectsI hope the article or articles for the Edin.3 have come zu Stande as I think it is a kind of writing which suits you, & which is likely to be a better speculation than translating. For a translation to succeed, unless it be of something merely trumpery & gossiping there must be some peculiarly English interest involved in it, as in the case of Ranke4 the interest of Protestantism. If those German selections5 have done no more than pay their expenses I do not know what on the score of intrinsic merit could have any better chance. Of the books you mention I should think those on Rome, Naples & Venice6 would have the best. Are they by Otfried Mller? His name is known here, which is seldom the case with any Germans not of the very first rank but I fancy I was wrong in concluding as I did at first from your letter that these books were by him. I know how much better suited the business of translating must often be to the state of your occupations & spirits than the more continuous exertion of even a review article & it is very desirable that you should have something of the kind in hand. You might finish Egmont7 which would not take you very long & then offer it to Macready,8 he is, from what I hear, exceedingly on the alert for any new theatrical speculation which has even a chance of taking & surely that would have a considerable chance. At any rate it might be published either alone or as part of a little volume of dramatic translations.It is very dreary to think of you remaining in exilethe only thing which could make it not exiled would be your having friends near you, in the sense of real intimacy & that I thought it possible you & even he might have in Germany, but it seems not at Dresden: & although the German people are much more to your taste (as to mine) than the English, you seem to have fallen upon a time when all sorts of odious feelings are rife among them & besides as one grows older one is less & less capable of taking the species in general as an equivalent for the two or three whom one knows well enough to value them most in it. But I doubt if you would be better off in this respect anywhere in England, except London & its immediate neighbourhood, than in Germany. You ask me about the cheapness of living. The experience of all whom I am able to speak of, is that in such places as Dorking there is no advantage whatever in cheapness, over London, but rather a disadvantage. Of Selborne & such little places off the high roads I am unable to speak, but that would be a still more complete isolation than you are in at present. There is cheapness in remote parts as for example in Wales or Cornwall. The best place I know of the kind is Falmouth, because there are really interesting & superior people there, even without counting Sterling who is now fixed there. Whether this would be better or worse than the Continent you can best judge. I have very little to tell you about myself. The book is to be published by Parker who has in every respect behaved so well about it that I really begin to care a little about its chances of sale, as I should be sorry that he lost any money by the speculation. It is some encouragement to know that Deighton, the Cambridge bookseller (whom Parker
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very much consults) thinks that a book of the kind if competently executed may sell. I am sure I did not expect any such opinion from any publisher. Murrays procrastination lost the present season & Parker proposes to publish the book about Christmas & to begin printing it in July. You have I suppose more news of most of your friends here through other channels than I could give. The Grotes are just returned from Italy. Sterling was obliged to go there two months ago on account of a return of his usual spring symptoms but they went off before he reached Gibraltar & he will soon I suppose return. The black seal of my letter indicates no death that I care about. George has had to pass the winter at Clifton but his state has really improvedhe has been with Dr. Carpenter9 the physiologist, son of Dr. Lant Carpenter & a man whom I have a great esteem for, & I have no doubt he will have been much improved by it. Mrs Taylor is no better, but she means to try all remedies that are practicable here before going abroad.
Yours Ever Affectionately

J. S. Mill.

I.H. Thursday [June 8, 1842]
Dear Chadwick
I should have written yesterday by post if you had not said you would send. I have read the whole report2 carefully through again. The defects of arrangements are now corrected & I have nothing to suggest except that it be carefully revised by yourself or some other person to correct the numerous typographical errors & occasional ungrammatical sentences. I think it all excellent & shall be glad to write about it for any newspaper as you suggest.3
Yours
J. S. Mill

India House
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9 juin 1842

Pour commencer par le sujet le plus spcial, bien que sans doute le moins important, de la lettre si honorable pour moi qui vous a t dicte par notre sympathie non seulement philosophique, mais jose le dire, personnelle; je vous donne, puisque votre dlicatesse en a besoin, lautorisation pleine et entire duser volont du mot de pdantocratie2 qui vous a tant souri, et mme de tout autre mot et de toute ide que vous puissiez trouver chez moi. Je ne tiens pas assez au mrite aujourdhui si rpandu, dune expression heureuse, la ft-elle beaucoup plus quelle ne lest, pour penser que ceux qui la trouvent commode ne doivent pas sen servir sans ma permission pralable, ou quils doivent sassujettir lobligation de me nommer. Toutefois cest avec un plaisir vritable que je verrai mon nom associ au vtre loccasion dune doctrine fondamentale, que nous seuls peuttre parmi les hommes de spculation reconnaissons dans sa plnitude. Lassentiment fortement prononc dun second penseur peut effectivement comme vous lavez senti, ntre pas inutile au progrs dune opinion contraire aux ides rgnantes, et naturellement repousse par les propagateurs ordinaires de doctrines nouvelles. Il serait en mme temps de votre prudence de ne pas vous servir mon gard dexpressions trop flatteuses, et je le dis sans aucune affectation, par la seule considration que vous navez pas p jusquici suffisamment apprcier le degr de ma capacit relle, pour vous en porter garant auprs du monde scientifique, et que la lecture de mon livre pourra rabaisser considrablement le jugement anticip que vous voulez bien me tmoigner si aimablement. Je vous remercie infiniment des dtails que vous mavez donns sur ltat actuel de la grande opration philosophique qui doit complter votre immense travail. Chaque nouvelle indication des choses que ce volume contiendra, augmente encore limpatience avec laquelle je lattends et si malheureusement la publication se trouvait ajourne jusquau mois de dcembre, jprouverais un regret que je nai nullement ressenti au dlai de la publication de mon propre ouvrage. Il est dailleurs convenable que vous passiez le premier, afin que je puisse profiter pour mon travail de votre exposition finale des principes de la logique positive, exposition que je regrette de navoir pas eue sous les yeux ds le commencement dune tentative semblable au fond quoique souvent diffrente par les formes. Jai lu les six volumes de Gall3 avec une attention srieuse, et je me trouve tout aussi embarrass quauparavant pour bien juger sa thorie. Je suis peu prs persuad quil y a quelque chose de vrai l-dedans, et que les penchans et les capacits lmentaires, quels quils soient, se rattachent chacun une portion particulire du cerveau. Mais jprouve de trs grandes difficults. Dabord, vous convenez de la prmaturit de toute localisation spciale, et en effet les preuves ne manquent pas pour montrer linexactitude de celles quon a tentes jusquici. Je me citerai moi-mme comme exemple. La seule chose que je sais avec certitude de mon dveloppement craniologique, cest que le prtendu organe de la constructivit est chez moi trs prononc. Un phrnologue trs dcid sest cri au moment de me voir pour la premire fois: Que faites-vous de votre constructivit? (What do you do with your
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constructiveness?) Or je manque presque totalement de la facult correspondante. Je suis dpourvu du sens da la mcanique, et mon inaptitude pour toute opration qui exige de la dextrit manuelle est vraiment prodigieuse. En accordant la futilit de la plupart des essais de localisation particulire, vous trouvez suffisamment tablie la triple division du cerveau, correspond[ant]4 la distinction des facults animales, morales et intellectuelles. Je suis bien loin de prtendre que cela nest pas; cependant en juger par louvrage de Gall, il me semble quil y aurait autant de preuves donner pour un grand nombre des organes spciaux que pour le rsultat gnral. Jadmets que la spcialisation des organes appropris aux plus hautes facults intellectuelles et morales doit par sa nature mme, reposer sur une base inductive bien moins large que celle des organes que nous partageons avec les animaux infrieurs. Mais je ne vois pas trs bien comment lanatomie et la physiologie compare puissent fournir une preuve concluante de la thorie gnrale sans en fournir pour une grande partie des dtails. Gall me parat avoir raison lorsquil dit que toute classification des animaux infrieurs, fonde sur le degr suppos de leur intelligence gnrale, est vague et anti-scientifique, vu que les espces animales se distinguent entrelles bien moins par ltendue de leurs facults mentales considres dans leur ensemble, que par le degr trs prononc de telles ou telles capacits spciales, dans lesquelles les diffrences dintensit sont ordinairement si immenses que la plupart des cas sont rellement des cas extrmes; en sorte quon devrait sattendre trouver plus facilement les conditions anatomiques par exemple de la constructivit chez le castor ou chez labeille, du sens local chez le chien ou chez les oiseaux voyageurs, que celles de lintelligence en gnral. Jajoute que si jen juge par ma propre exprience, et par la comparaison que jen ai faite avec celle dautres observateurs meilleurs que moi et galement dpourvus de toute proccupation mtaphysique ou thologique, la correspondance des facults suprieures de lhomme avec le dveloppement de la rgion frontale suprieure se trouve fort souvent en dfaut. Jai souvent vu une intelligence remarquable runie une petite tte ou un front fuyant en arrire, tandis quon voit tous les jours des ttes normes et des fronts bombs, avec une intelligence mdiocre. Je ne donne certes pas ceci comme dcisif, car je sais quil faut faire attention non seulement comme vous lavez vous-mme remarqu au degr dactivit de lorgane, mais aussi lensemble de lducation, (envisage dans la plus grande extension du mot) que lindividu a reue, et laquelle Gall na certainement pas fait une part suffisante. Les exagrations dHelvtius5 ont eu au moins lavantage de donner une forte impulsion la thorie difficile de lducation thorie quaujourdhui on nglige tel point dapprofondir, que la plupart des penseurs ignorent jusquo les circonstances extrieures combines avec le degr de sensibilit nerveuse gnrale peuvent daprs les lois physiologiques mentales, non seulement modifier le caractre mais quelquefois mme en dterminer le type. Des diversits de caractre individuel ou national, qui admettent une explication suffisante par les circonstances les mieux connues, se trouvent tous les jours rsolues par la ressource facile dune diffrence inconnue dorganisation physique, ou mme, chez les mtaphysiciens par des diversits primordiales de constitution psychique. Je pense au reste quon finira par rattacher tous les instincts fondamentaux, soit la moelle pinire, soit des ganglions crbraux dtermins. Mais cest encore pour moi un grand problme sil existe peu ou beaucoup de ces instincts primitifs. Gall et Spurzheim6 prononcent par exemple trs dcidment que le sentiment de la propriet est instinctif et primordial: mais de mme que vous rejetez le sentiment de la justice du nombre des facults
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spciales, la fesant driver de la bienveillance associe avec les diverses facults intellectuelles, de mme ne devrait-on pas dcider que le dsir de sapproprier une chose susceptible de satisfaire ses besoins quelconques, drive naturellement et sans quil y ait lieu une facult spciale, de lensemble de nos dsirs, combins avec lintelligence, qui relie la conception du moyen celle du but? Je nai pas besoin sans doute de vous dire que je vous soumets mes difficults comme questions seulement, et non pas comme arguments. Je vous sais beaucoup de gr de votre aimable bienveillance envers mon jeune ami Lewes, qui se rjouit trs vivement de vous avoir vu. Je nai pas os demander pour lui cet avantage parce que je savais quavec dexcellentes dispositions, et une certaine force desprit, il manque des bases essentielles dune forte ducation positive. Je trouve trs honorable son caractre et son intelligence la vive admiration quil prouve pour vous, avec des moyens si imparfaits dapprcier votre supriorit scientifique.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.
361. TO JOHN AUSTIN1

Dear Mr Austin
The book2 you so kindly enquire about would have been in your hands by this time if I had decided to publish it this season. But the publisher, Parker, to whom by the advice of Lewis I had recourse on being rejected by Murray, & who has behaved so very well in the matter as to make me much more solicitous than I was before about the saleability of the book, thought it best to publish about Christmas next & to begin printing about this time: & I expect daily to hear that he is ready to commence. If you would like me to send you the sheets & Sir A. Gordon3 would be so kind as to let me know when he has good opportunities I will do so. I did not at all look forward to such good fortune as being reviewed by you, but I do not know of anything in the book to prevent it. It is true that the part relating to Induction is not more occupied with the mental & social than with the mathematical & physical sciences because it was more convenient to illustrate inductive methods from those subjects on which the conclusions elicited by them are undisputed. But I have chosen almost exclusively the simplest & best known cases, partly because my knowledge did not enable me to venture on any others without risk of making
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blunders, & partly because I did not wish to be unread by all who are not profoundly versed in physics. I do not think I have made much more use of mathematical & physical principles than Dugald Stewart & Brown.4 I have, besides, endeavoured whenever I could, to make my examples carry their own explanation with them, & to give, as I went on, the knowledge necessary for understanding my meaning. The scientific examples are for those who have not already scientific habits of mind, but those who have, will be enabled by those habits, to understand the examples themselves. If you do not review the book it will probably fall into the hands either as you suggest, of Sir W. Hamilton, or of Brewster.5 The first would be hostile, but intelligent, the second, I believe, favourable, but shallow: neither, therefore, would exactly suit me. I have hopes of a review in the Quarterly, grounded on the fact that Herschel6 writes in it, & his review of Whewell7 contains so much that chimes with my comments on the same book that he would probably like to lend a helping hand to a writer on the same side with him. If so, such ample justice will be done to the book in so far as it is connected with physical or mathematical subjects, that it is much more important to have an article in the Edinburgh, strong on the other & more difficult parts of the investigation. I have read the article on List8 & find it as good as even I expected. I have had no opportunity yet of knowing what other people think of it as it is not yet in the hands of the general publicbut I will watch the impression it makes & let you know. List seems to have as much confusion in his head as the advocates of prohibition9 generally have, but the state of public feeling to which such a book recommends itself is a very serious consideration. What chance there is of a change of policy here, no one can foresee. But it seems to me that the more any person knows of the state of the country, both as to mens circumstances & their minds, the more doubtful he feels of the possibility of going on as we are. There is a speech of Lord Howick10 in this very days paper which dwells upon what is becoming daily more apparent, the spread of Chartism among the middle classes: & there is certainly alarm in the Tory camp: Lockhart the editor of the Quarterly said to Sterling a day or two ago we do not know that we shall not have a French Revolution this very winter. Everybody thinks that the time is out of joint but nobody feels born to set it right. Lockhart says the landlords are mad if they think they can go on as they do, but the only remedy he dreams about is home colonization. He thinks if the parks were all cut up into square patches of arable & let (not given) to the labourers, things would go right, not seeing that it would be merely turning England into another Ireland. It makes one sick to see full grown men such babiesafraid to look the only real remedy in the face. I may as well inclose you my table of contents11 as it will shew you the arrangement of the topics.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill
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If the titles of my chapters should suggest to you any good examples, it is not too late for me to profit by them Do you know of any good German book on Roman history, subsequent to Niebuhr?12 I have engaged to write something for the Ed. on the Romans & their place in history & in civilization.

India House le 11 juillet 1842

Quand cette lettre vous parviendra, les doutes que vous aviez sur lpoque de la terminaison de votre grand travail seront dj leves, et vous saurez si limpatience de vos lecteurs doit se prolonger pendant quatre mois de plus. Il y avait pour moi une sorte de volupt intellectuelle dans lide de savourer ce dernier volume, comme il mest arriv a lgard des autres, dans les beaux jours de lt ou de lautomne, poque o lon se trouve ordinairement plus susceptible toute sorte de stimulations agrables, et o ma tte travaille toujours, sinon mieux, au moins avec une conscience plus joyeuse de son activit. Mais si je dois renoncer cette satisfaction luxurieuse [sic], et celle beaucoup plus srieuse de possder et dassimiler une portion si importante de vos ides philosophiques pendant que limpression de mon propre ouvrage sera encore dans ses commencements; je ne men prends qu la dplorable imperfection de notre organisation sociale, dont le principal tort, lgard des hommes du premier ordre est bien moins de leur refuser la considration et la dignit sociale qui leur est de, que de les contraindre user leurs forces et dpenser la principale partie dune vie dj si courte, en cherchant par des travaux tout fait subalternes les moyens mme les plus modestes de vivre. Jai dlibr sil ne conviendrait pas dajourner indfiniment limpression et la publication de mon livre pour le revoir en entier aprs la compltion du vtre. Voici ce qui men a surtout dtourn. Les bases gnrales de mon travail avaient t jetes et les deux tiers environ de louvrage taient faits, du moins en brouillon, avant que jeusse connaissance de votre Cours. Si javais p le connatre antrieurement, sourtout en entier, jaurais peut tre traduit cet ouvrage au lieu den faire un nouveau, ou si je lavais fait, jaurais vraisemblablement donn lexposition de mes ides, mme sans intention nette cet gard, une tournure un peu diffrente, et en quelques parties, moins mtaphysique par les formes. Toutefois en y rflchissant je trouve que la tournure quasi-mtaphysique des premiers chapitres est peut-tre mieux faite pour attirer les penseurs les plus avancs de mon pays, en me mettant en contact direct avec les questions qui les occupent dj, et en rattachant mes ides logiques aux traditions
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de lcole de Hobbes et de Locke, cole, comme vous savez, beaucoup plus prs de la positivit que lcole allemande qui rgne aujourdhui, et maintenant foule aux pieds par cette cole cause surtout de ce quelle a de mieux, sa rpugnance intime aux vaines discussions ontologiques. Je ne crois pas tre tromp par lamour-propre en croyant que si mon ouvrage est l et accueilli (ce qui me parait toujours trs douteux) ce sera le premier coup un peu rude que lcole ontologique aura reu en angleterre, au moins de nos jours, et que tt ou tard ce coup lui sera mortel: or ctait l chose la plus importante faire, puisque cette cole seule est essentiellement thologique, et puisque sa doctrine se prsente aujourdhui chez nous comme lappui national de lancien ordre social et des ides non seulement chrtiennes, mais mme anglicanes. Au reste je crois avoir tout fait pour ce quence qui depend de moi, la positivit seule profite de cette victoire, si toutefois elle est remporte. Or je crains que si je refondais mon travail pour le rendre tout fait conforme aux dispositions actuelles de mon esprit, je ne lui tasse une partie de ce qui le rend propre la situation philosophique de mon pays. Ce livre est lexpression de dix annes de ma vie philosophique, et il sera bon pour ceux qui sont encore dans les conditions intellectuelles o jtais alors, ce qui malheureusement suppose dj un public fort choisi. Jaurai donc moins de regret en le laissant essentiellement comme il est, en comptant pourtant ne pas livrer limpression la dernire partie, qui seule a des rapports directs avec la sociologie, avant davoir lu avec lattention et la dlibration ncessaires votre sixime volume. Vous me connaissez sans doute assez aujourdhui pour croire la sincrit de la sympathie que jai ressentie en apprenant que les dgots insparables dune position si peu convenable vos gots et votre porte intellectuelle se sont maintenant compliqus de douleurs morales. Je nose pas encore me permettre de vous demander, cet gard, plus de renseignements que vous ne men donnez spontanment. Plus tard peut tre, jaurais conquis le droit de chercher partager vos souffrances: quant les soulager, quand elles sont relles, il y a ordinairement de la fatuit se croire capable de cela. Pour parler maintenant de Gall, je crains de vous avoir donn une ide exagre de mon loignement actuel de sa doctrine. Je suis bien loin de ne pas la trouver digne dtre prise, selon votre propre expression, en srieuse considration; bien au contraire, je crois quelle a irrvocablement ouvert la voie un ordre de recherches vraiment positives, et de la premire importance. Si je nai pas paru autant frapp que vous avez p vous y attendre, de la polmique de Gall contre les psychologues, cela ne tient peut-tre qu ce quessentiellement elle ntait pas nouvelle pour moi qui avais tant de fois lu et tant mdit les parties correspondantes de votre Cours. Malheureusement je ne puis pas me flatter darriver de bonne heure des ides beaucoup plus arrtes sur la partie affirmative de la doctrine de Gall, puisque si luimme il na pas, selon vous, suffisamment connu la zoologie et lanatomie compare, je saurais encore moins, moi qui nai de ces sciences quune connaissance trs superficielle, apprcier la force relle des preuves quelles fournissent lappui des rsultats gnraux de la physiologie phrnologique, moins que quelque savant ne les recueille et ne les mette devant moi comme devant tout le monde, en fesent le travail important dont vous indiquez dans votre lettre la nature et la ncessit. Esprons quil se rencontrera quelquun dou des connaissances ncessaires pour entreprendre cette tche du point de vue sociologique. En attendant, et par des considrations tires
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seulement de lobservation ordinaire, je trouve comme vous vraisemblable quil nexiste pas moins de dix forces fondamentales, soit intellectuelles, soit affectives, sauf en faire le dnombrement exact et trouver pour chacune delles son organe propre. Malgr la profonde irrationalit, certains gards, de la classification faite par Gall des facults humaines et animales, je lui rends la justice de reconnatre quelle est, au moins dans sa conception gnrale, trs au-dessus de la classification banale des mtaphysiciens. Gall a du moins conu comme facults distinctes, des capacits ou des penchans visiblement indpendants lun de lautre dans leur activit normale, sauf leurs nombreuses sympathies et synergies, au lieu que les prtendues facults de lattention, de la perception, du jugement, &c. ou celles de la joie, de la crainte, de lesprance, &c. saccompagnent normalement dans leurs actions, se suivent dans leurs variations, et ne ressemblent quaux diverses fonctions ou aux diffrents modes de sensibilit dun mme organe. Vous accorderez probablement que ce quil a de vraiment important dans la critique que Gall a faite des thories psychologiques se porte surtout sur ce point capital.
Votre Devou
J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir
Your note is a considerable disappointment to Mr. Potter,2 as he had taken up the subject of his articles in no spirit of dilettantism but under the idea that it is specially applicable to the great questions of the present time & that by cramming as he writes into the Religion of Socrates, the Mysticism of Plato, the Utilitarianism of Aristotle, & the Syncretism of Philo, all of which he regards as products of a social period in many respects similar to our own, he was likely to evolve principles eminently adapted to the solution of our present moral & social difficulties. If you think the article does not sufficiently give evidence of this purpose you would, no doubt, be right in rejecting it. I fancied however when I read it that the object & spirit of the article would please you & suit your review though I could not judge whether the sentiments would. Will you kindly inform me to what place I should send for the ms.?
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Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill
364. TO WILLIAM LOVETT1

India House, 27th July, 1842.
Dear Mr. Lovett,

You will oblige me very much by letting me know when your Association2 sets about the formation of the library which I had the pleasure of hearing mentioned in Mr. Hetheringtons speech3 as I may have it in my power to offer them a few books & should in particular be glad if they would accept from me one of the few sets which I have retained of the London review & the L & Westminster Review during the time of my connexion with those works, that is during the whole of the time they bore those names. I have never yet met with any associated body of men whom I respect so much as I do your Association, or whom I am so desirous of aiding by every means & to every extent, consistent with my individual opinions. Those opinions, as you, at least, are aware, do not go with you to the full extent. The same horror which you yourself entertain of class legislation, makes me object, in the present state of civilization at least, if not on principle, to a legislature absolutely controlled by one class, even when that class numerically exceeds all others taken together. I would give you the choice of only a part, though a large & possibly progressively increasing part of the legislature but that part you should elect conformably to all the six points of the Charter4 & I should object as much as any of you to surrendering one iota of any of them. For these reasons even if I were a public man, which I am not, I should not join either your movement or Sturges,5 while I would give any help I could to yours rather than to his, because yours has a more comprehensive range of objects & is a far more powerful instrument of good. I do not obtrude these opinions upon you from any notion that their being my opinions makes them particularly worthy of attention, still less do I wish to convert you or your friends to them. Even if I could, I should not desire it. If you were not Chartists in the full force of the term, you would have far less power either of promoting the just claims of the numerical majority or of regulating their efforts and elevating their moral & intellectual state. But as I am really anxious to come among you, & to know you better, & to find out what means I have of aiding you, I think it useful & even honest to make all the explanations necessary for establishing a complete confidence, grounded on a full knowledge of each others views &
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purposes. When you know exactly how far I differ from you, & exactly why, you will be able to judge when & in what I can make myself useful to you. It is but little that I can do: I have no connexion with any party & none now with any portion whatever of the press: but I have access to it, & am personally acquainted with many of the most intelligent people in the country, over whom one can always hope to exercise more or less influence. Therefore I may at least be useful in giving you a good name, or in counteracting those who attempt to give you a bad one. If either in this or in any other way anything which I can honestly do for you is worth your acceptance, it would probably be worth your while that we should meet occasionally & discuss & understand each others principles & views. I have just now only an empty house to ask you to, but some few weeks hence if yourself & one or two of your friendsany of those who spoke on Monday who would think it worth their whilecould spare me an evening & would not mind coming so far, we might make a good deal of progress.
Yours Very Sincerely,

J. S. Mill
365. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. 6th Aug. 1842
My Dear Cole
I cannot remember any other interesting plants, beyond the bounds of Surrey, than the few I have here noted down. I have botanized very little in other counties, near London at least. If you have done with my Surrey Flora I should be obliged by your returning it.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill Plants found in the neighbourhood of London but not in Surrey Sisymbrium sophia, near Lower Halliford, Middlesexalso between Crayford & Erith in Kent. The following in the neighbourhood of Hayes & Keston in Kent: Lathroea squammarialane near Keston church
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Narcissus pseudonarcissusin a wood & adjoining thickets between Keston church & West Wickham Narthecium ossifragum } Drosera rotundifolia } in marshy parts of Keston Heath Hypericum elodes } Eriphorum angustifulium } Hieracium sabaudumHayes common and neighbouring fields. Potentille argenteain dry gravelly parts of Keston Heath Daphne laureolain a wood near Chiselhurst Hutchinsia petraeawall of Eltham churchyard. Sambucus ebulis, hedge between Loughton & Chigwell Lactuca virosa, border of a field near Loughton on the east side of the high road. Campanula hederaceain different parts of the forest.

9th August 1842.
I am really ashamed of having allowed so long a time to elapse without writing to you. My excuses must be, a great deal to do, many letters to write which could not be postponed, & latterly (I mean during the last two months in which I have every day intended to write to you the day after) the languor of ill health. I am still far from well but I will not any longer defer writing to you. First, I have to thank you for your discourse to the Acadmie franaise2 which I have read with great admiration, as to the most finished performance, both in point of style & in the elaboration of the ideas, which you have yet produced, at least to my knowledge, & sufficient in itself to justify your election to the body which represents or ought to represent the great writers of your country as you had already been deservedly placed in the still more illustrious body which represents its great thinkers.3 I must at the same time add that I have read this stirring performance with an unusual share of the deep & melancholic interest with which I have long been affected by everything relating to the present state of France. I confess that the profound discouragement or at least the deeply rooted doubts & apprehensions respecting the destinies of France, which to me at least seemed to pervade the concluding portion of your discourse, have added greatly to the strength of the misgivings which I myself felt about that country, to which by tastes &
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predilections I am more attached than to my own, & on which the civilization of Continental Europe in so great a degree depends. I have often, of late, remembered the reason you gave in justification of the conduct of the liberal party in the late quarrel between England & Francethat the feeling of orgueil national is the only feeling of a public-spirited & elevating kind which remains & that it ought not therefore to be permitted to go down. How true this is, every day makes painfully evidentone now sees that the love of liberty, of progress, even of material prosperity, are in France mere passing unsubstantial, superficial movements on the outside of the national mind & that the only appeal which really goes to the heart of France is one of defiance to ltranger& that whoever would offer to her satisfaction to that one want, would find the whole of her wealth, the blood of her citizens & every guarantee of liberty & social security flung down at his feet like worthless things. Most heartily do I agree with you that this one & only feeling of a public, & therefore, so far, of a disinterested character which remains in France must not be suffered to decay. The desire to shine in the eyes of foreigners & to be highly esteemed by them must be cultivated and encouraged in France, at all costs. But, in the name of France & civilization, posterity have a right to expect from such men as you, from the nobler & more enlightened spirits of the time, that you should teach to your countrymen better ideas of what it is which constitutes national glory & national importance, than the low & grovelling ones which they seem to have at presentlower & more grovelling than I believe exist in any country in Europe at present except perhaps Spain. Here, for instance, the most stupid & ignorant person knows perfectly well that the real importance of a country in the eyes of foreigners does not depend upon the loud & boisterous assertion of importance, the effect of which is an impression of angry weakness, not strength. It really depends upon the industry, instruction, morality, & good government of a country: by which alone it can make itself respected, or even feared, by its neighbours; & it is cruel to think & see as I do every day, to how sad an extent France has sunk in estimation on all these points (the three last at least) by the events of the last two or three years. Nothing can more destroy all impression of national strength, can more effectually prevent a nation from presenting an imposing aspect to its neighbours, than that determination neither to quarrel nor be friendsabove all there is nothing which the English can less understand when they see France unwilling to come to an open breach & yet her ill humour breaking out on all petty second-rate occasions, the impression made upon them is one of simple puerility; it makes them feel the French to be a nation of sulky schoolboys. I myself make, I hope, all due allowances, certainly very great ones, for all this, but there are not, I fully believe, half a dozen other persons in England who do so, or in Germany either according to the best information I can obtain. If the French people did but know how much higher they would stand in the eyes of the world if they shewed only a great deal less solicitude about the worlds opinion & less soreness about the consideration shewn them! for all the world knows that to be very uneasy about having ones importance recognized, shews that one has not much confidence in the grounds on which it rests. I have not yet thanked you for your very kind reception of my young friend Lewes, who feels it as he ought to do & always speaks in the warmest manner of you and Madame de Tocqueville. He is very capable of appreciating the superiority of your philosophical ideas & was as much struck as it was natural he should be with the
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extreme rarity of impartiality such as yours: he found no other example of it among those he saw at Paris. I hardly dare ask you to write to so bad a correspondent as I am, but a letter of yours has to me greater interest than that of a letter, it is like a new book, or a review article, giving materials for thought on great questions. I would rather have a monthly letter from you than read any monthly publication I ever knewso pray think of me sometimes.
Yours Ever Affectionately


India House le 12 aot 1842

Je commencerai ma lettre en rpondant la dernire partie de la vtre du 22 juillet, celle qui regarde la malheureuse famille dont vous me dpeignez dune manire si intressante la triste position.2 Depuis que votre lettre mest venue je nai pas cess, et ne cesserai pas de faire pour le jeune homme dont il sagit, la seule chose qui soit en mon pouvoir, c..d. de circuler parmi le petit nombre de banquiers et de ngociants influents que je connais particulirement et surtout parmi ceux qui connaissent votre nom, cette partie de votre lettre. La concurrence inoue qui est le flau de ce pays de mariages fconds, et lengorgement perptuel et en quelque sorte normal, de tous les canaux de lindustrie, rendent malheureusement fort incertain le succs de cette dmarche, laquelle du reste rien ne manquera de ma part. Quant lInde il est inutile dy penser. Vous avez trs bien senti quon tient naturellement ce que les places aux bureaux de la Compagnie soient remplies par des Anglais. Pour celles dans lInde, les plus considrables en sont destines aux parens ou aux protgs des diffrents membres du corps dirigeant, et les emplois quon ne donne pas des anglais sont rservs aux indignes du pays. Restent les places au service des princes indiens. Mais dabord on ne donne pas ces emplois en Europe: pour les avoir il faut aller les chercher dans le pays, et cela avec de trs bonnes recommandations; encore a-t-on trs peu de chances de les obtenir; sans compter que le gouvernement anglais, qui na pas perdu le souvenir des Bussy, des Deboigne et des Perron,3 dfendrait vraisemblablement aux princes qui sont dans leur dpendance, dentretenir leur service des trangers Europens, et surtout peut tre des franais. Vous voyez ainsi
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combien peu je puis faire pour votre intressant protg. Au reste, la connaissance quil a des langues europennes me fait croire quil se trouverait mieux dans quelque maison de commerce o lon aurait besoin de quelquun pour la correspondance trangre. En fesant donc connatre sa position aux chefs de quelques maisons de commerce et de banque, je fais probablement pour lui ce quil y a de mieux faire, au moins pour le moment. Si le plaisir quune lettre a donn pouvait se reproduire tout entier dans la rponse, celle que je vous cris aujourdhui serait certainement de toutes les lettres que vous avez eues de moi jusquici la plus agrable, car celle laquelle je rponds a t pour moi une vritable fte: surtout par la nouvelle quelle mannonait de lachvement de votre 6me volume et de sa publication toute prochaine, choses dont vos dernires lettres mavaient presque fait dsesprer. Il me tarde davoir ce volume et de le lire, et je me sens peu dispos en attendant, entamer avec vous des discussions philosophiques quelconques, que la lecture de la portion finale de votre systme pourra rendre sitt superflues. Cependant, jai toujours beaucoup dsir quune vritable et franche comparaison, en quelque sorte systmatique, de nos ides soit philosophiques soit sociologiques pt stablir entre nous deux; en sentant toutefois que cela exigeait ncessairement comme condition prparatoire que jeusse une connaissance complte de votre grand travail philosophique dans son ensemble, et mme que vous prissiez connaissance jusqu un certain point de ce que jai moimme crit, afin de pouvoir apprcier mon point de dpart et lordre de mon dveloppement intellectuel, ainsi que de suppler beaucoup dexplications et de faire porter la discussion, ds le commencement, sur les points rels et fondamentaux de divergence si toutefois il sen trouve finalement, ce dont je ne puis pas dcider. Je sais que je me suis toujours de plus en plus rapproch de vos doctrines mesure que je les ai connues davantage et mieux comprises, mais vous savez bien, en qualit de gomtre quun dcroissement continu nest pas toujours un dcroissement sans limite. Je vous remercie on ne peut pas plus des dtails que vous me donnez si aimablement sur votre position personnelle, ce que je ne compte pas comme la moindre des marques damiti vritable auxquelles vous maccoutumez toujours de plus en plus. En apprenant quel point, par suite de labsurde modicit des traitements en france, un homme comme vous est mal rtribu de ses pnibles et fatigants travaux, je me sens presque honteux en avouant que je retire dune seule place, importante il est vrai mais bien moins laborieuse que ce cumul denseignements mathmatiques qui vous est impos par le systme des petits traitements, peu prs le triple de votre rtribution: ce qui du reste, eu gard la chert plus grande des choses de consommation ordinaire et aux dpenses de position proportionnellement plus grandes, nquivaut probablement quau double. Il y a maintenant six ans que ce traitement mest chu par suite de ce que nous nommons une promotion au bureau:4 avant cela javais fait pendant treize ans essentiellement le mme travail moyennant une rtribution, qui en saccroissant annuellement ne dpassait gure la moiti de mon traitement daujourdhui. Jespre avoir encore une lettre de vous avant votre dpart pour lOuest. Je vous remercie de mavoir indiqu le moyen de vous faire parvenir des lettres pendant que
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vous serez en tourne. Jen ferai certainement usage, car aprs la lecture du 6me volume je ne pourrai assurment pas attendre votre retour Paris, pour vous exprimer ce que cette lecture maura fait prouver: Je suivrai votre conseil en laissant quelque port payer, afin de stimuler lactivit de Mm. de la poste. Puisque je suis sur ce chapitre je vous dirai par parenthse que la compagnie des Indes me fait lhontet de payer pour moi le port des lettres qui me sont adresses leur bureau. Ainsi je vous engage ne plus affranchir les vtres comme vous lavez fait jusquici, car je ne vois aucun inconvnient ce que les habitans de lInde supportent une partie des frais dune correspondance philosophique dont on peut se permettre desprer que lavenir de lhumanit, l comme ailleurs, pourra retirer quelque fruit. Je suis bien ais dapprendre que vous tes natif de Montpellier; cest encore une source de sympathie, car jai moi-mme pass dans cette ville les six mois les plus heureux de ma jeunesse, ceux de lhiver 1820/21. Cest mme l que jai pour la premire fois trouv un ami, cest--dire un ami de mon propre choix, la diffrence de ceux qui me furent donns par des rlations de famille. Cet ami, je ne lai pas revu depuis; nous avons longtemps entretenu une correspondance qui enfin a cess un peu par la faute de tous deux, et je ne sais pas mme sil est en vie; sil lest, il doit tre pharmacien Montpellier, et vous pouvez en avoir quelque connaissance. Il se nomme Balard;5 cest celui qui la chimie est redevable de la dcouverte intressante du brome: je ne sais pas si ensuite il a fait autre chose.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill.
368. TO WILLIAM TAIT1

India House 17th August 1842
My Dear Sir
Although in the inclosed note my friend Sterling speaks of his name as unknown to you, I have no doubt of its being known, & known very well. I should think the connexion he proposes a most desirable one for your Magazine. In case you chuse to write to him direct, his address is Rev. John Sterling Falmouth
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Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill The Election2 which he speaks of is one of the cleverest semi-satirical poems published since Beppo & Don Juan.

India House 22d August 1842 I write to you today without having much to say, in order to tell you what I have done or tried to do respecting your commissions. Senior2 never received your note, as he had set off before it reached me. He could not therefore have taken anything to you. I could have sent through Mr. Klingemann3 but I found that Laings book4 was out of print & a bookseller whom I employed was not able to procure me a copy. There is to be another edition soon, & when it comes out I will send it you if you think fit. But I would rather recommend your making Napier get it,5 as he certainly ought to do. I have no doubt a copy was sent to him.I could not send any sheets of my Logic because I have not yet begun to print it. The delay is not with me but with Parker who talked of beginning to print in July but has given no notice of being ready, & as the thing really does not press & he has behaved very well I do not chuse to urge him on the subject. It is very satisfactory that Napier has consented to take an article on the book from Mr Austin & I am particularly glad to hear of two articles on the stocks. It is a sign at least that Napier is not displeased with the reception of the former article,6 & he is likely to hear whatever complaints there are. As for dryness it is a fault belonging to the matter rather than the manner which was considerably more lively than I expected it to be though a little surcharged with classification in the first few pages. I had heard of that offer7 & of Mr. Austins refusal of it. Though I did not know the grounds of the refusal I felt that he was the best judge& that no bystander can possibly judge for any person in such a case, especially for a person of his peculiarities & of his superiority of intellect. The expression of regret however at his determination, has been by no means confined to the persons whom you mention. I have not heard any of them speak of it but I have heard, & heard of several others of whose friendship for you & Mr Austin you have less doubt, & who expressed, not dissent, much less had they the presumption to express disapprobation, but rather seemed to feel discouragement, from an idea of its being very unlikely that anything should offer itself which would be liable to fewer objections than this Malta plan. Now however when I know his reasons I do not think so: & at all events if you are better as you are than with this, you are better as you are than with anything only as good as this.
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I hope you will write other things like Steffens8 both for Kemble & for Napier. I am sure they would be successful & profitable. I should have thought just the same of that article if it had been written by anybody elseit tells people with elegance & in an amusing garb & lively manner a number of the things which they most need to be told. Thanks for your copious list of German books on Rome: I wish there was a chance of meeting with half of them, without buying chat en poche,there are too many of them for such an experiment, nor is the occasion worth it. I shall read Wachsmuth9 & one or two others if I can borrow them. I have already read to weariness about Rome for if one is particular about writing only what is true one has enough to do. I could have written a dashing article on the Romans such as Macaulay would write (though of course not so brilliantly) in a week, with the knowledge I had when I began to read up the subject. In the meantime I have been writing again for the old Westminster: Bailey of Sheffield has published a book to demolish Berkeleys theory of vision: & I have answered him,10 feeling it my special vocation to stand up for the old orthodox faith of that school. I will send the article to Mr Austin for it will have a chance of interesting him, though few people else. It is the first fruits of my partial recovery from a three months illness, or rather out-of-health-ness, & it at least helps to pay my debt to Hickson who used to write for the review without pay when I had it. It will be some comfort to get a real philosophical account of Prussia as the result of your winter in Berlin & I hope to hear from yourself somewhat more about the Berlinische Aufklrung from personal knowledge. From what you say I imagine it to be rather an un-German thing without the simplicity, cordiality, & above all the quietness, which are so agreeable in German life & ways to a person wearied with discontented, struggling (Benthamic) devil-by-the-tail-pulling England. But my notion of it is quite vague & may be all wrong.
Adieu
J. S. Mill.

India House 9th Sepr 1842
My Dear Friend
I can hardly justify myself for having left you so long without direct tidings of my existence, for I believe this is the first letter I write to you since we parted in London at the termination of your angels visit. I was not very busy, either, in the earlier part
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of the time; but of late, that is from the beginning of July I have been both busy & unwellthe latter to a degree unusual with me, though without a vestige of danger. I am now so much better as to consider myself well, but am still busy, partly with revising my too big book, & making it still bigger by the introduction of additional examples & illustrations, partly by reading for an article on the Romans which I have promised to the Edinburgh. To this twofold drudgery, for it is really so I shall have to add presently the correcting of proofs, for part of the MS is already in the printers hands. I hardly know what subjects to write to you about unless I could know what are those about which you have been thinking: as for myself I have scarcely been thinking at all except on the two subjects I have just mentioned, Logic & the Romans. As for politics I have almost given up thinking on the subject. Passing events suggest no thoughts but what they have been suggesting for many years past; & there is nothing for a person who is excluded from active participation in political life, to do, except to watch the signs which occur of real improvement in mankinds ideas on some of the smaller points, & the too slender indications of some approach to improvement in their feelings on the larger ones. I do believe that ever since the changes in the Constitution made by Catholic emancipation and the Reform Act,2 a considerable portion of the ruling class in this country, especially of the younger men, have been having their minds gradually opened, & the progress of Chartism is I think creating an impression that rulers are bound both in duty & in prudence to take more charge, than they have lately been wont to do, of the interests both temporal & spiritual of the poor. This feeling one can see breaking out in all sort of stupid & frantic forms, as well as influencing silently the opinions & conduct of sensible people. But as to the means of curing or even alleviating great social evils people are as much at sea as they were before. All one can observe, and it is much, is a more solemn sense of their position, & a more conscientious consideration of the questions which come before them, but this is I fear as yet confined to a few. Still one need not feel discouraged. There never was a time when ideas went for more in human affairs than they do now& one cannot help seeing that any ones honest endeavours must tell for something & may tell for very much, although, in comparison with the mountain of evil to be removed, I never felt disposed to estimate human capabilities at a lower rate than now. On other subjects I have been doing very little except reading Maurices Kingdom of Christ3 &, for the second time, his Moral Philosophy in the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.4 The latter I like much the best, though both are productions of a very remarkable mind. In the former your Society has a special interest: did that or other considerations ever induce you to read it? He seems to me much more successful in showing that other people are wrong than that Churchmen or rather that an ideal Churchman is in the right. The Moral Philosophy is rather a history of ethical ideas. It is very interesting especially the analysis of Judaic life and society & of Plato & Aristotle & there seems to me much more truth in this book than in the other. Our people5 have been at Paris and are just returned. I suppose their or rather our friends will soon hear of them. They are full of the subject of what they have seen & enjoyed & altogether the thing has answered perfectly. Certainly however pleasant
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home may be there is great pleasure in occasionally leaving it. I wish some of you thought so and that we lived in some place where you wanted very much to come.
Yours Faithfully
J. S. Mill.

India House le 10 Septembre 1842

Vous me croirez peine quand je vous dirai que mme aujourdhui je nai pas encore votre 6me volume. Personne ici ne la. Vous ne pouvez pas, sans en avoir fait lexprience personnelle, vous faire une ide convenable des lenteurs et de lindiffrence de ce petit nombre de libraires qui entretiennent chez nous le commerce des livres entre la france et langleterre. Moi-mme je ne croyais pas que ces lenteurs pussent se prolonger tel point, dautant moins que je nen avais pas eu connaissance loccasion des autres volumes, nayant appris leur publication Paris que par leur apparition ici. Aujourdhui mme pas un de ces libraires ne me donne une esprance certaine pour un jour donn. Si javais prvu de si longs retards, jaurais fait venir louvrage de Paris directement, au moyen de quelques personnes de ma famille qui sy trouvaient alors: mais comme elles ne devaient revenir quau bout de quinze jours, je ne voulais pas attendre leur arrive. Maintenant elles sont ici depuis huit jours, et moi, malgr ma faim, je suis encore jen de votre livre. Jamais je nai trouv plus difficile lexercice de lattribut essentiellement philosophique de la patience. Cependant cest le seul remde, car je sais, par exprience, que si je madressais quelquune des maisons de Paris qui font des expditions lAngleterre, il faudrait peut-tre attendre encore trois mois. On voit trs bien que lindustrie nest pas, au moins jusqu prsent, du ressort des Franais, car, bienque si veills tant dautres gards, ils font les affaires du commerce quasi en dormant. Leur dfaut total de ce que nous appelons ici ponctualit me parat expliquer leur infriorit industrielle par rapport plusieurs autres nations qui nont certainement sur eux aucune supriorit naturelle. Aujourdhui donc je nai vous entretenir que daffaires personnelles. Pour en commencer par celle de votre intressant protg,2 je vous dis avec regret que par suite de limmense concurrence dont laccroissement progressif est peine compens par toutes les amliorations industrielles des temps modernes, mes efforts pour lui ont t jusquici infructueux. Je vous envoie la rponse du banquier le plus important de Londres, homme recommandable tous gards, et trs distingu par son intelligence.
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Cest la plus favorable de celles qui jai reues, et la seule qui donne une lueur desprance: vous verrez comme cette lueur est faible. Toutefois je ne relcherai pas mes efforts, et si la chose est possible jespre que jy parviendrai. Vous pouvez vous figurer, beaucoup mieux que je ne saurais lexprimer, combien je dois sentir profondment lhonneur et la douceur de la preuve damiti relle que vous me donnez en vous ouvrant moi avec une si touchante confiance sur les chagrins de votre situation personnelle. Quant lvnement important de la rupture probablement finale de vos liens domestiques,3 je trouve trs naturelles les souffrances morales qui ont accompagn chez vous cette crise de votre existence affective, mais en rsultat je pense comme vous que cette sparation doit probablement exercer, sur votre avenir, une influence favorable. Lorsquune personne doue de llvation morale et intellectuelle quavec la noble impartialit qui vous distingue, vous accordez Mme Comtelorsque, dis-je, une personne pareille, et un homme de votre superiorit tous gards se trouvent fatalement condamns ne pouvoir vivre ensemble quen tat de lutte continu, je pense quils doivent, dans lintrt bien entendu de lun et de lautre, surtout sils nont pas denfans, se rsigner vivre sparment. De pareilles incompatibilits, qui souvent existent sans aucun tort vraiment grave de lune ou de lautre part, ont rendu pour moi, jusquici, la question du divorce une question indcise, comme plusieurs autres questions de morale particulire, depuis longtemps juges et decides pour vous. Je suis loin davoir sur ces matires, une opinion contraire la vtre; je nai pas, vrai dire, une opinion arrte, et je suis mme assez port croire4 . . . car pour en dcider irrvocablement il faudrait attendre une connaissance plus profonde de la nature humaine, soit en gnral, soit dans ses varits. Peut tre ma conversion, cet gard, serait une uvre rserve votre Trait de Politique. En tout cas je sens profondment ce quil y a damer dans la position dun homme fait comme vous pour le bonheur domestique, et dont les efforts pour y atteindre se terminent, aprs tant dannes, par un si triste dnouement. Cet isolement doit tre surtout pnible un homme qui par got et par habitude se tient retir du monde ordinaire et ne cherche que chez lui la satisfaction de ses besoins daffection. Du moins ceux qui vous faites lhonneur dadmettre en leur faveur des exceptions votre rgle ordinaire de vie, ne peuvent quprouver le dsir le plus vif de vous offrir des consolations sympathiques quelconques, tout en sentant linsuffisance profonde de toute compensation pareille. Quant aux conditions accessoires de la sparation, vous avez agi dignement, et dune manire convenable llvation de votre caractre. Je suis trs sensible votre dsir, si honorable pour moi, demployer les prmices du loisir comparatif dont vous allez jouir, vous informer de mes divers crits. Mais je serai charm si Marrast na pas pu vous donner les renseignements que vous vous proposiez de lui demander ce sujet. La plupart des articles que jai insrs dans des revues sont si intimement mls des choses du moment, et presque tous se caractrisent, plusieurs gards, par une si grande immaturit dides, que vous feriez mieux de vous borner, en ce qui les regarde, la lecture dun petit nombre dentre eux, que je me propose de rimprimer avec des suppressions et des mendations considrables. Quand jai parl de la lecture de ce que javais dj crit comme devant faciliter de votre ct la confrontation de nos ides philosophiques, javais principalement en vue louvrage systmatique dont limpression vient de commencer,
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et qui avec toutes les imperfections que je lui reconnais, et toutes celles que je ny reconnais pas, dpasse pourtant de beaucoup tout ce que javais fait antrieurement. Non seulement jy ai trait des questions plus profondes, et en les approfondissant davantage, mais aussi les concessions que je suis forc de faire aux opinions rgnantes y sont bien moins tendues, en raison du public plus choisi auquel louvrage est destin. Il ne me reste plus, pour le moment, qu vous faire les remerciements les plus sincres des renseignements si satisfaisants que vous mavez donns sur mon ancien ami M. Balard, que je croyais ne plus revoir. Jaccepte avec reconnaissance votre proposition obligeante de me servir dintermdiaire pour renouer mes relations avec lui, pourvu toutefois que cette aimable infraction en ma faveur dune de vos rgles dhygine mentale ne vous cote rellement pas.
Votre Devou
J. S. Mill.

I.H. 20 Sept. 1842
My Dear Friend
I write this line in haste to ask of you & your family an act of kindness for a destitute person, namely the little girl whose card, as a candidate for the Orphan Asylum, is enclosed. You know how these things are decidedby the majority of votes of an enormous number of subscribers: but the list, like all similar ones, swarms with the names of your friends the Friends & your interest with them would be equivalent to many promises of votes. I know nothing of the girl or her family personally, but one of the men I most respect is warmly interested for them, Joseph Mazzini, whom you have heard of (but whom I would not mention to everybody as his name, with some, would do more harm than good). Mrs Carlyle is also exerting herself for them. I will send to you or cause to be sent as many cards as you can make use of, in case your interest is not preengaged for other candidates to the full number. I am quite well again & everybody here is well, otherwise we have no particular news. Carlyle has been making a Cromwellian tour to Huntingdon, St. Ives, Hinchinbrook, &c. He will really, I think, write a Cromwellian book.2
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Ever Yours,
J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
I have been reading very much on the subject of the Romans, much more indeed than has turned out to be necessary or useful for the article I proposed to write. I am quite prepared to set about it if we could determine on what hook to suspend it. The following occur to me: 1. Michelets Roman History which I mentioned to you formerly.2 2. Walters excellent History of the Roman Constitution & Laws, published at Bonn in 1840.3 3. The Roman History in the Library of Useful Knowledge4 the objection to which however is its being unfinished. 4. Arnolds Roman History.5 Since reading this book again from the beginning it seems to me much more appropriate for my purpose than it did before. But as a posthumous third volume is expected this seems so far a reason for waiting until it comes out which I suppose will not be till the spring. If this therefore be the book we determine upon, I cannot write my article just yet& in the mean time if there is anything else which I could do for you I should like very much to do it. I would rather not write my review of Michelets Hist. of France at present because another historical subject would be apt to drive my Roman history out of my head. As I mentioned to your son, there is a metaphysical article of mine in the Westminster review just now published:6 would that have suited the Edinburgh? I ask the question because it is convenient to know what sort of articles you would be willing to receive from me.
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Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

Oct. 3, 1842 I am quite well and strong, and now walk the whole way to and from Kensington2 without the self-indulgence of omnibi.
375. TO J[AMES?] WHITING1

Sir
I feel it highly complimentary to a person so little known to the public as myself, to have been thought of by you and recommended by the distinguished men whose names you mention, for so honorable an office as that of assisting to decide on the merits of remedies for the evils of the present social and economical condition of the country. After giving, however, my best consideration to the nature of the task to which I am solicited by your flattering invitation, I do not feel that I could undertake it with any prospect of a result satisfactory to you or to myself. You have in view, if I understand your object rightly, something more than a mere dissertation upon the causes of commercial vicissitudes: No Essay would fulfil your intentions which did not include the whole subject of the condition of the labouring classes, and the means which might or should be adopted to alleviate the evils and improve the advantages incident to that condition. Now I will state to you candidly that I see little chance of the production of any essay which would appear to me adequate to so great a subject. It contains matter not for one essay, however able or comprehensive, but for many essays. The causes of existing evils, it seems to me, lie too deep, to be within reach of any one remedy, or set of remedies; nor would any remedial measure, which is at present practicable, amount to more than a slight palliative for those evils: their removal, I conceive, can only be accomplished by slow degrees, and through many successive efforts, each having its own particular end in view, and so various in their nature that a dissertation which attempted to embrace them all must be so general as to be very little available for the practical guidance of
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any. Although, then, I think it probable that many useful remarks and suggestions may be called forth by the competition which you propose to institute and shall watch its results with great interest, I have little expectation of its leading to the production of any paper to which, with the views I have stated, I could with any satisfaction join in awarding the prize, nor can I think that any person holding such views is one upon whom it would be agreeable to the competitors that the fate of their Essays should in any degree depend. I have the honor to be
Sir Your Obedient Servant

J. S. Mill J. Whiting Esq.

My Dear Sir
Your letter received this morning is extremely satisfactory as to the article on the Romans & I shall probably make Michelet & Walter the text of it.2 I could scarcely be ready by the January number, as when once one begins to read German books on historical subjects, the more one reads, the more one wants to read. I am rather glad that the Ed. Rev. should pay the tribute due from us all to the memory of Arnold,3 before I have occasion to speak of his History. And if an early publication of the posthumous volume should be announced, I could still wait for it. I do not know whether your approval of the article in the Westr,4 especially as to the composition, may not have a bad effect upon me by encouraging me to write hastily as the article was written in three days & was never meant to be a thing of any pretension. I should hardly have thought it worthy of the Ed. but I should probably have given you the refusal of it, if I had not been committed to the Westr before I contemplated anything more than one of the small-print notices which that review usually contains. I should never send there anything which you would take, if I were not under a sort of personal obligation to the present proprietor,5 not only for saving me the mortification of letting the review drop while in my hands, but as one of my principal contributors (& a gratuitous one) while I managed it. My reason for asking
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whether you would have taken this particular article, was that I might know what subjects suit your review & are not preengaged. The historical articles which I have been thinking of for you are things of great labour & require a long time for the preparation, but there are many things which I could write offhand, & should often do so if I knew that they would suit you. I could easily have something ready for the January number without detriment to my progress with the Romans, if we could hit upon any subject which suited us both. You have touched up Alison very well6 & it was time. My fingers have often itched to be at him. The undeserved reputation into which that book is getting, merely because it is the Tory history, & the only connected one of that important time, is very provoking.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill.

India House le 23 octobre 1842.

Les incroyables retards que jai prouvs lgard de votre 6me volume,2 et ensuite son ampleur extraordinaire et labondance de ses matires, ne mont permis den achever la premire lecture que la veille mme du jour ou jcris cette lettre. Ce volume a dignement complt un ouvrage ncessairement unique dans le dveloppement de lhumanit, car en supposant mme que vous neussiez pas pos les premires bases fondamentales de la doctrine sociologique positive, vous nen resteriez pas moins le fondateur de la vraie mthode sociologique, dans tout ce quelle a de vraiment caractristique et par suite celui de la systmatisation dfinitive des connaissances humaines. Quant aux doctrines spciales de ce prcieux volume, jtais, jose le dire, suffisamment prpar par lensemble des volumes prcdents et par notre correspondance, pour ne sembler trouver mme dans les parties les plus remarquables de cette laboration finale, que la confirmation et le dveloppement dides que je possdais dj, sauf quelques dissidences dopinion dimportance mineure, dont je mtais dj aperu et que la lecture de ce volume a notablement diminues. Une seule fois jy ai ressenti cette sorte de secousse que vos travaux mont souvent fait prouver, et qui rsulte de la subite apprhension dune grande ide lumineuse et nouvelle. Cest dans lendroit o vous parlez des hautes qualits sociales quon finira par trouver dans la vie industrielle, malgr le mobile essentiellement goste qui la dirige presque exclusivement aujourdhui. A ce sujet vous apprendrez
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peut tre avec intrt un rapprochement caractristique qui a lieu entre vos ides et celles dun de nos crivains les plus remarquables, dont le nom ne vous est pas probablement rest inconnu, M. Carlyle, qui bien que dou de facults plutt esthtiques que scientifiques, et procdant par intuition beaucoup plus que par raisonnement, a souvent des clairs de gnie qui en font en quelque sort un prophte et prcurseur du progrs social. Cet homme recommandable avec qui je suis li depuis onze ans, me disait dernirement quil ne fallait pas dsesprer de lidalisation potique de lindustrie; car, disait-il, voyez quelle grande posie on a su tirer de la vie militaire, quoiquil ny ait rien de plus naturellement laid que lacte de tuer, accompagn des diverses circonstances physiques qui sy rapportent; mais cependant en fesant convenablement ressortir ce que cette opration brutale comportait ou suscitait de dignit et de noblesse morale, on est parvenu trouver l dedans tout un monde de posie et dart. Cette rflexion ma vivement frapp, mais je nai pas dabord reconnu, pas plus que M. Carlyle, ce que vous avez si admirablement tabli, c..d. que les minentes qualits sociales de la vie militaire drivent toutes entires de son organisation, et de son caractre de fonction sociale, linstinct guerrier en luimme tant un de nos plus ignobles penchants, tandis que la discipline intellectuelle et surtout morale qui a rsult de lassociation dhommes plus ou moins civiliss pour faire la guerre, mme offensive, a t un moyen fcond, et dans une certaine poque le seule moyen possible, de dvelopper la sociabilit humaine. Une fois donc quon sera parvenu effectuer une vritable organisation de lindustrie, on lui imprimera par l mme les qualits sociales qui lui ont sembl jusquici les plus antipathiques, et dont la dcroissance apparente dans notre poque de transition a motiv tant de craintes exagres, que jai moi-mme partages, sur les tendances morales du type moderne de civilisation industrielle. Vous mavez rendu le service immense de dissiper irrvocablement, en ce qui me concerne toute crainte pareille, et cette grande ide a eu tout de suite pour moi, comme il en arrive souvent pareille occasion, un caractre dvidence qui fait quon stonne de ne lavoir pas rencontre plus tt et sans suggestion extrieure. Japprcie convenablement la sage rserve dont vous avez us en cartant comme prmature toute discussion immdiate sur la plupart des institutions politiques proprement dites, au moins dans lordre temporel. Vous avez trs bien fait sentir que la rgnration sociale dpend maintenant de lessor spirituel, ce qui devient au reste de plus en plus evident aux esprits clairs par limpuissance aujourdhui constate de toutes les tentatives thoriques et pratiques quon fait depuis bientt cent ans pour renouveler ltat de lhumanit par les seules institutions. Je crois mme cette heureuse rvolution spculative plus avance dans ce pays-ci que partout ailleurs, dsenchants comme nous sommes des institutions soi-disant libres raison dune plus intime familiarit pratique. Chez nous aujourdhui les proltaires croient presque seuls lefficacit rformative [sic] des institutions dmocratiques, encore les chefs les plus considrs du mouvement politique proltaire, parmi lesquels il y en a de trs recommandables, mnent aujourdhui habituellement de front avec leurs projets politiques, des ides de moralisation et de culture intellectuelle pour les masses populaires, diriges la vrit jusquici, comme il nen pouvait tre autrement, par une philosophie mtaphysique et ngative. Vous avez donc trs judicieusement employ vos efforts surtout caractriser le nouveau pouvoir spirituel, dont la naissance mme, et plus forte raison son incorporation dans le systme social,
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suffirait dj, dans un gouvernement temporel quelconque, dissiper en grande partie le dsordre, mme matriel, soit en rectifiant et en largissant les ides des classes dirigeantes, soit en leur imposant, de gr ou de force, une moralit meilleure. Vous vous tes donc sagement born, quant lordre temporel, poser le principe incontestable, que la direction en doit dsormais appartenir aux chefs industriels, en laissant indcises bien des questions, destines tre progressivement rsolues par les sociologistes positifs, et sur lesquelles je dsirerais bien entamer dj avec vous une discussion philosophique. Telles sont, par exemple, celle des moyens prendre pour attnuer linfluence invitable jusqu un certain point mais si exagre aujourdhui, que le hasard, celui de la naissance surtout, exerce en dsidant du personnel de la haute industrie, indpendamment des conditions de la capacit industrielle. Vient ensuite la question de la part dinfluence quil pourrait tre convenable de rserver, dans lordre politique, aux classes industrielles infrieures, question qui renferme lavenir des institutions reprsentatives, quant aux deux seules fonctions quon pourrait concevoir comme leur appartenant dans lavenir, dabord comme moyen denseignement politique pour les masses, et ensuite comme organe rgulier pour constater ou refuser ladhsion populaire aux rglemens gnraux mans des chefs. Je me propose maintenant, aprs un court intervalle, de reprendre la lecture de votre laboration sociologique depuis son commencement au 4m volume, afin den mieux saisir lensemble et de men rendre en mme temps plus familiers les principaux dtails. Je me suis rserv peu de place pour vous parler dans cette lettre, soit de la grande srie de travaux futurs que vous annoncez la fin du volume, soit de votre prface et de lindigne conduite de votre diteur et de son patron M. Arago.3 Quant ce dernier je me rjouis vraiment quil se soit emport tellement au del des bornes que la prudence aurait imposes tout homme moins aveugl par la vanit et par linstinct de la domination. Sil stait content de dire quil reconnaissait M. Sturm4 des titres mathmatiques suprieurs aux vtres, on aurait pu croire sa bonne foi, et sa rputation scientifique aurait donn son opinion, ainsi exprime, quelque poids auprs de la partie du public qui ne pouvait juger par lui-mme. Heureusement il a manqu de cette prudence vulgaire et a donn tous ceux qui ont lu mme partiellement vos deux premiers volumes, ainsi qu une gnration entire dlves polytechniques, le droit de lui dire avec pleine conviction quil en a menti: ce qui sera certes, beaucoup plus nuisible la considration publique et europenne dont il se glorifie, que son mensonge ne le saurait tre la vtre. Quant votre prface, javoue quavant davoir lu le volume lui mme je craignais que le dfi ainsi jet ceux dont dpendaient vos moyens actuels de vie ne ft de nature aggraver le danger quil signalait, mais ds que jai vu les dures vrits quavec votre franchise ordinaire vous avez dites dans le 57me chapitre sur lincapacit et la bassesse morale de la plupart des savans actuels, jai trouv profondment convenable une prface qui au fond ne contient rien de plus offensant pour eux que le livre lui mme et qui en dsignant personnellement les plus coupables est de nature inspirer aux autres une salutaire crainte.
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Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill.

I.H. Saturday [November 1842]2
My Dear Sterling
I have at last got the enclosed paper for you from Henry Cole. I have been reading your review of Tennyson3 for the second time, after an interval of several weeks. I have found more difference than I expected in our judgments of particular poems, & I will not pretend that I think yours the more likely to be right, for I have faith in my own feelings of Art, but I have read & reflected so little on the subject compared with you, that I have no doubt you could give many more reasons for your opinions than I should be fully competent to appreciate. Still, I think I could justify my own feelings on grounds of my own, if I took time enough to meditatebut I doubt its being worth whilethe thing is not in my fach. The preliminary remarks are very delightful reading, & I think they do as much as can be done to render this age, what Carlyle says no age is, romantic to itself. But I think Tennyson, having taken up the same theory, has miserably misunderstood it. Because mechanical things may generate grand results he thinks that there is grandeur in the naked statement of their most mechanical details. Ebenezer Elliott has written a most fiery ode on the Press,4 which is a mechanical thing like a railroad, but the mechanicality is kept studiously out of sight. Tennyson obtrudes it.
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill

I.H.
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Wedy [Nov. 1842]
My Dear Sterling,
I am very glad indeed to hear that you are writing the sort of paper you mention. As to Tennyson, you were right in getting so much praise of him into the Quarterly2 by no greater sacrifice than leaving some of the best of the earlier poems unmentioned. I do not differ from your principle that the highest forms of poetry cannot be built upon obsolete beliefsalthough what you say of the Ancient Mariner & Christabel seems to me true of the Lady of Shalott, and the objection does not seem to me to lie strongly against the Lotos eaters or none. But neither is the idyl one of the highest forms of poetryneither Spenser, Tasso, nor Ovid could have been what they were by means of that. And greatly as I admire Michael & its compeers, that is not the crowning glory of Wordsworth. And how poor surely is Dora compared with some dozen of Wordsworths poems of that kind. My remark on mechanical details does not apply to Burleigh, which seems to me Tennysons best in that stilenot much, if at all, to the Gardeners Daughter, a good deal to Dora which I do not likea little to some parts of Locksley Hall: but in a most intense degree to such things as Audley Court, Walking to the Mail, the introduction to Morte dArthur; & the type of what I object to is the three lines of introduction to Godiva, which he has stuck in, as it were in defiance. But, mind, I do not give my opinion as worth anything, to you especially& my feeling is only to be reckoned as that of one person, competent in so far as capable of almost any degree of exalt feeling from poetry. Have you seen Macaulays old-Roman ballads?3 If you have not, do not judge of them from extracts, which give you the best passages without the previous preparation. They are in every way better, & nearer to what one might fancy Campbell4 would have made them, than I thought Macaulay capable of. He has it not in him to be a great poet; there is no real genius in the thing, no revelation from the depths either of thought or feelingbut that being allowed for, there is real verve, & much more of the simplicity of ballad poetry than one would at all expect. The latter part of the Battle of the Lake Regillus, & the whole of Virginia, seem to me admirable.
Yours Ever,
J. S. Mill

I.H.
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Friday [Nov. (25?) 1842]
My Dear Lewes,
I return Sands letter which it was very pleasant to have an opportunity of reading. I have no right or claim to send any message to her but I should be very willing she should know that there [are] other warm admirers of her writings & of herself even in this canting landamong whom I am neither the only nor the best. I think your article on Gthe2 decidedly your highest flight, as yet. Without being the dernir mot on such a man, it recommends itself to my knowledge of him as truer than any other writing on the subject which I have met with. There are also some striking thoughts in it & although there is considerable Carlylism in the opening pages, & something of the tranchant manner which makes people call you by various uncomplimentary names indicative of self-conceit, both these defects disappear as you go on & full two thirds of the article seem to me to be in a stile infinitely nearer to excellence than any of your other writings known to me: for being perfectly simple & apparently unconscious, it shews its good points to the best advantage and wherever feeling is shewn, it is, consequently, really eloquent. All that seemed to me unsuccessful in the beginning of the Spinosa,3 because it looked artificial & studied, is here, for the contrary reason, completely successful. Please to observe here that I am by no means biassed in favour of the article by its compliments to myself,4 which rather tell the other way for I have a dislike to seeing my own ugly name in print. Tell the lady, with my best wishes, that I am getting very hungry.5
Yours (In The Dual Number)

J. S. Mill After receiving your tart note I reopen this to add my warmest congratulations.6

Dec. 5, 1842 I have not been very well, but am a little better.
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I.H. Wedy [Dec. 7, 1842]
My Dear Lewes,
I think your preface2 excellent & likely to be of extremely great use. You have hit off the characteristics of the different authors admirably, & the style is uniformly good & quite free from any of the defects which have been complained of. I intend reading it again & making a remark or two but they are really of little importance. Did you see the letter in the Times today in answer to your article on anonymous writing.3 Commend me to the respectable mre de famille.4
Yours
J. S. Mill

India House le 15 dcembre 1842

Depuis la venue de votre lettre du 5 novembre jusqu la rponse que jy fais maintenant, il sest coul un intervalle dune longueur qui, je lespre bien, se rptera rarement dans notre correspondance. Ce laps de temps a t fort rempli chez moi par des devoirs indispensables et par une sant momentanment drange, mais surtout par une lecture lente et approfondie de votre laboration sociologique dans sa totalit, lecture dont le commencement a t retard, bien malgr moi, et que jai voulu terminer avant de vous rien crire, rsolution dont je crois avoir me fliciter.
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Vous avez trs bien senti quun travail comme celui de vos trois derniers volumes ne pouvait tre pleinement jugeable que dans son ensemble, et mme aprs une lecture plusieurs fois renouvele. Jen ai fait moi-mme lpreuve la plus dcisive. Dabord je navais jamais, malgr plusieurs lectures trs attentives, convenablement senti la haute valeur scientifique du 4me volume, faute den avoir pu suffisamment assimiler les doctrines avant de les avoir vu complter par vos derniers travaux: jusque-l je ny voyais surtout que la prparation indispensable de llaboration historique du 5me volume, en sentant toutefois dignement la porte de votre grande conception de la statique sociale. Quant au 5me volume, je lui avais toujours rendu pleine justice, mais il me restait de men pntrer encore plus profondment. En ce qui se rapporte spcialement au 6me volume, vous avez d daprs ma lettre prcdente, me croire moins capable que je ne ltais rellement den apprcier la grandeur, qui dpasse peut-tre mes yeux, tout ce que vous aviez fait antrieurement. En effet, par un privilge rserv aux esprits pleinement systmatiques et comprhensifs, (mot anglais dont je ne connais pas dexact quivalent en franais) vous aviez jet dans les volumes prcdents de si fconds germes de toutes les principales conceptions du volume final, que les choses les plus merveilleuses que jy lisais me faisaient leffet de les avoir toujours connues. Cest en relisant successivement, et loisir, toutes les parties de llaboration, que jai prouv une impression finale et dcisive, non seulement plus forte mais essentiellement nouvelle, en tant que celle-ci est surtout morale. Je crois que ce qui se passe prsent en moi est une premire vrification spciale de la grande conclusion gnrale de votre Trait, laptitude de la philosophie positive, une fois organise dans son ensemble, prendre pleine possession des hautes attributions sociales jusquici trs imparfaitement remplies par les seules religions. Ayant eu la destine, trs rare dans mon pays, de navoir jamais cru en Dieu, mme dans mon enfance jai toujours vu dans la cration dune vraie philosophie sociale le seul fondement possible dune rgnration gnrale de la moralit humaine, et dans lide de lHumanit la seule qui pt remplacer celle de Dieu. Mais il y a loin de cette croyance spculative au sentiment que jpreuve aujourdhui de la pleine efficacit ainsi que de lavnement prochain de cette invitable substitution. Quelque bien prpar quon puisse tre, comparativement la plupart des esprits, subir les consquences mentales de cette conviction, il est impossible quelle ne dtermine pas une sorte de crise dans lexistence de tout homme dont la nature morale nest pas trop au dessous des devoirs quelle impose; soit en dmontrant clairement que le travail direct de la rgnration politique et surtout morale quon a toujours rve pour un avenir indfini, est rellement devenu possible de nos jours et que le temps est venu o les dvouemens individuels peuvent vraiment raliser un fruit apprciable pour une si grande cause, soit en dterminant, par une raction ncessaire, un sentiment amer des diverses imperfections particulires qui tendent nous rendre plus ou moins indignes dune telle destine. Il ny a du reste, aucune raison de croire que cette crise doive se terminer chez moi autrement que dune manire favorable soit mon bonheur individuel, soit lutilit de mon action sociale. Quant au dsir si honorable pour moi, que vous me tmoignez de savoir si, aprs une mre apprciation, je regarde vos derniers chapitres et surtout le premier des trois comme propres dterminer la constitution finale dune nouvelle philosophie gnrale, c. d. dune pleine systmatisation durable de lensemble de nos conceptions relles vous devez sans doute sentir dj, daprs tout ce que je viens de dire que je
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ressens trs profondment cette conviction, et que jadhre entirement aux conclusions gnrales de votre ouvrage, sauf quelques notions secondaires qui ne me semblent pas suffisamment claircies, et qui en supposant mme quelles ne le fussent jamais, naltreraient en rien le caractre essentiellement satisfaisant de cette immense systmatisation. A cela jajoute que bien que jaie longtemps pens quun esprit pleinement consquent ne peut exister que sous lascendant complet de la philosophie positive, je navais jamais cru quil pt exister dj, et ds le premier pas, une ralisation si complte de cette minente proprit de lesprit positif. Vous me faites peur par lunit et le complet de vos convictions, qui semblent par l ne pouvoir jamais avoir besoin de confirmation de la part daucune autre intelligence, et je sens que cette prcieuse sympathie que vous me tmoignez un degr trs au dessus de mon mrite rel et que vous avez proclame avec une si noble confiance tous les esprits philosophiques de lEurope dans la note que vous mavez consacre, mest bien ncessaire aujourdhui pour ne pas trembler devant vous. Avec cela il y a toujours des questions plus ou moins secondaires sur lesquelles je conserve encore, soit une opinion diffrente de la vtre, soit des difficults non encore rsolues. Quoique les unes et les autres tendent problement disparatre, je ne dois pas chercher attnuer ce quil peut exister entre nous de diffrence relle, dautant moins que je sens aujourdhui, lgard de toute opinion que vous avez sanctionne, la ncessit de me dfendre contre lentranement, toujours plus craindre dans ma nature particulire quun esprit critique exagr. Jajourne toute indication plus prcise de ces diffrences, jusqu lpoque trs prochaine de la publication de mon livre, qui vous en indiquera, soit directement, soit plus souvent indirectement, quelques-unes. Je vous dirai, propos de ce livre, dont les trois quarts sont maintenant imprims, quil me parat toujours, mme dans les parties qui ont lair le plus mtaphysique, trs propre faciliter, pour mon pays la transition de lesprit mtaphysique lesprit positif. Quant la valeur propre des conceptions positives qui sy trouvent, je ne puis avoir l dessus dopinion dfinitive que lorsquelles auront t connues et juges par vous, jusquici seul juge comptent ce sujet. Jai appris, avec le plus vif intrt tout ce que vous mavez dit dans votre dernire lettre sur les choses qui vous sont personnelles, dabord, leffet favorable de votre prface, que jai besoin au reste de savoir confirm par le rsultat de la rlection annuelle; ensuite lclatante punition que vous vous disposez faire subir vos indignes ennemis, et finalement, le programme des travaux que vous destinez votre anne de repos, qui serait certes une anne de trs forte contention intellectuelle pour tout autre que vous. Je crois que votre volume sur la gomtrie analytique2 pourra avoir un grand succs ici, ainsi que le trait de philosophie mathmatique que vous annoncez pour un temps plus loign. Il y a certainement aujourdhui chez nos jeunes gomtres un commencement de tendances chercher la rgneration scientifique des conceptions mathmatiques, tendances dont la mtaphysique allemande qui domine maintenant ici, commence semparer, sa manire, peu prs comme la mtaphysique franaise a tch de le faire par lorgane de Condillac. Je crois au reste daprs laccueil que plusieurs de nos savans ont fait vos deux premiers volumes, quils sont rellement mieux prpars que les savans franais sentir la porte de vos grandes conceptions de philosophie mathmatique qui mme aussi peu dveloppes
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quelles le sont dans le 1er volume ont t ds lors pour moi la premire preuve dcisive de la force et de la fcondit de votre gnie philosophique. Le M. Carlyle dont je vous parlai est tout autre que le clbre athe (Carl ile)3 qui navait rellement dautre mrite minent que celui de son courage et qui a fini, je crois, par une sorte de conversion christiano-diste. M. Carlyle est un homme trs suprieur a celui-l, quoique moins compltement mancip. Il est connu par plusieurs ouvrages, entrautres par une Histoire de la Rvolution franaise, prise dun point de vue imparfait mais progressif pour ce pays-ci, et remarquable par un vritable gnie pique, autant que ce gnie peut se dvelopper sans autre doctrine gnrale que ce quon peut appeler la critique de la critique. Cet ouvrage reprsente lesprit organique dans ltat vague, ou plutt lesprit du besoin dorganisation, et comme cest l lesprit qui rgne ici dans la partie la plus avance du public, louvrage a eu, malgr le style le plus excentrique, un grand retentissement. Je ne ngligerai aucune occasion de minformer plus particulirement sur les deux traductions allemandes de votre Cours. Je crois les penseurs allemands trs prpars abandonner, ds quon leur donnera quelque chose de mieux, leur tnbreuse mtaphysique, essentiellement puise aujourdhui dans son pays natal. Je vous suis toujours trs oblig de vos dmarches amicales auprs de M. Balard, et bien heureux quon se souvienne encore de moi Montpellier. Je serais bien aise de savoir les noms de ceux de vos amis qui me font lhonneur inattendu de ne mavoir pas oubli!4
Tout Vous Et Pour Toujours

J. S. Mill.

I.H. 19th Decr 1842
My Dear Friend
Do not think because I did not answer your last most interesting letter, that I either failed to sympathise with you with all in it that demanded sympathy or to appreciate the friendship and confidence shewn by your writing on such things to me. But it is little that can be done by words of consolation in such cases, & that little, few perhaps are less qualified to do than I, while you have those near you who are more than sufficient to do all that can be done. I do not feel the less but the more for your disappointment from the proof which the verses you sent me gave of your determination to be one of those to rise stronger & nobler from such trials.
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There are abundance of subjects on which I should like a little mental communion with you if I could get my thoughts together for the purpose. First, there is in public affairs, much in the wind. Your prediction about the Corn Laws seems in a way to be verified sooner than we either of us expected, & that is sure to lead to great changes in the condition & character of our rural population & above all in the relation of landlords & tenants which on its present footing is essentially an unwholesome relation & cannot last. Things have certainly come to a strange pass when the manufacturing majority must starve in order that the agricultural minority maystarve also. But these things, important as they are, do not occupy so much of my thoughts as they once did; it is becoming more & more clearly evident to me that the mental regeneration of Europe must precede its social regeneration & also that none of the ways in which that mental regeneration is sought, Bible Societies, Tract Societies, Puseyism, Socialism, Chartism, Benthamism &c. will do, though doubtless they have all some elements of truth & good in them. I find quite enough to do in trying to make up my own mind as to the course which must be taken by the present great transitional movement of opinion & society. The little which I can dimly see, this country even less than several other European nations is as yet ripe for promulgating. In the meantime I do not know that there was anything better for me to do than to write the book I have been writing, destined to do its little part towards straightening & strengthening the intellects which have this great work to do. The said book is printed as far as p. 160, vol 2, & will be published when Providence & the publisher see fit. I heard of you the other day from Philip Melvill2 who I believe brought the first intelligence which had reached the India House of such a thing being on the anvil. A propos, there was some time ago a very pretty, but very unnecessarywhat shall I call it? deprecation from your sister Caroline relative to this book & to something which occurred near the tombs of the old Templars.3 I do not recollect any more of what passed than that she accused herself of having impliedly instigated a very natural announcement which I made, certainly not for the first time then, touching the superfluousness of her troubling any bookseller respecting the two volumes in question, since I should as soon have thought of my own brother buying any book of mine as of any of your family doing so. You will certainly receive in due time what has been from the first destined for youI mean you in the plural number, for I never separate you in fact or in thought& the one who reads most of it may keep it, if the others chuse. George is quite well and vigorous, & promises much. I think he will do credit to his bringing up. My other pupil Mary4 is doing well too. As for the others you know them & they can answer for themselves. We are thankful for the exertions of you all about the little orphan.5 What her chances are I do not know. Such elections by universal suffrage are as you truly say a monstrous thing.
Ever Affectionately
J. S. Mill
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1843 385. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. Friday [Jan. 6, 1843]
Dear Cole,
I should like very much to make acquaintance both with the Michael Angelos & with Mr. Dilke,2 but if the weather & a bad cold permit me to go out I am supposed to go early & walk with Carlyle.
Yours Ever,
J. S. Mill.

India House 28 janvier 184[3]

Votre dernire lettre, que javais bien vivement dsire, ma fait grand plaisir sous tous les rapports. Dabord elle ma appris lheureux rsultat de votre procs avec Bachelier,2 rsultat qui fait honneur au tribunal de commerce et qui donnera sans doute une ide juste de laffaire ceux qui nen ayant aucune vraie connaissance, auraient pu ny voir quune question damour-propre entre vous et Arago. Quant ce qui sest pass dans la premire audience, je le savais dj par la Gazette des Tribunaux, qui en a rendu un compte sommaire, mais peu prs exact puisquil saccordait essentiellement avec celui que vous mavez donn. Il me manquait seulement de savoir quel effet cette discussion avait fait sur votre esprit, et si les indignes menaces quon avait os vous adresser lgard de votre rlection pouvaient offrir un danger rel. Jai appris avec joie, par votre lettre que ce danger
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nest pas fort craindre, et que les charlatans qui pour conserver leur propre considration croient avoir besoin de rabaisser la vtre, nuiront probablement moins vous qu eux-mmes. Jai appris aussi avec beaucoup dintrt que linsurrection des biologistes contre la domination oppressive et aujourdhui irrationnelle des gomtres, commence dj se prononcer. Votre dernier volume ne peut manquer de donner une forte impulsion cette tendance salutaire, qui son tour doit beaucoup favoriser lavnement de la nouvelle philosophie laquelle les biologistes sont ncessairement mieux prpars que toute autre classe de savans, au moins en france. Je dis en france, car je crains que si nos gomtres valent mieux certains gards que les vtres, il nen est pas de mme quant nos biologistes. Cela tient plusieurs causes. Dabord, malgr les dfauts de lducation scientifique en france, je la crois au fond beaucoup meilleure que chez nous. Soit par les tendances trop exclusivement pratiques de notre caractre national, soit par le fractionnement encore plus exagr quailleurs des diverses tudes positives, le vritable esprit scientifique est trs rare chez nous, et si quelques-uns le possdent jusqu un certain point, ils lont, le plus souvent, puis dans les livres franais; sauf peut-tre les cossais, chez qui lducation publique a un caractre plus franais quanglais, ce qui explique le mrite minent des penseurs cossais depuis Kaimes3 et Ferguson4 jusqu mon pre qui mort en 1836, fut le dernier survivant de cette grande cole. Quant la biologie, elle reste encore chez nous, plus que chez vous, dans cet tat provisoire si bien caractris par vous et mme par Bacon, celui dans lequel la science nest pas encore spare de lart correspondent. Sauf lhistoire naturelle concrte, qui a pris ici depuis douze quinze annes un lan trs vigoureux, les connaissances biologiques ne sont gure cultives que par des mdecins ou chirurgiens, qui, sils ont de la capacit, sont bientt absorbs dans les travaux accablants dun mtier ici surtout terrible. Sans doute la sparation des recherches biologiques davec lart mdical serait aujourdhui pleinement opportune; elle est trs bien prpare par ltat gnral du public scientifique, mais chez nous les prvisions sociales ne sont pas encore alles jusqu doter cette classe de savans du moyen de vivre comme tels, soit par la cultivation de leur science, soit par sa propagation. Cela est tellement vrai quun jeune biologiste de mes amis, le Dr Carpenter,5 que je crois tre sans contredit le plus philosophe de tous ceux qui chez nous tudient les lois des corps vivans, qui a crit les meilleurs traits de physiologie gnrale et humaine que nous possdons dans notre langue, et qui sil tait franais obtiendrait sans peine une des meilleures chaires de vos coles de mdecine, est encore chercher ici le moyen de gagner la subsistance mme la plus modeste en se consacrant la science. Ajoutez ceci que nos biologistes sont en gnral bien loin dtre mancips sous le rapport rligieux, quoiquils soient peut-tre plus prs de cette mancipation que les autres savans et vous verrez quil ny a pas de quoi sencourager beaucoup pour le progrs rapide de la nouvelle philosophie. A tout prendre, le public anglais ne me parat assez bien prpar qu la rception de vos principes de philosophie gnrale, en y superposant toutefois, par une transaction profondment irrationnelle, lide dune providence agissant par des lois gnrales; notion prpare et mme beaucoup travaille par les demi-philosophes timides qui ont rempli chez nous pendant le 18me sicle la place de lnergique cole ngative franaise. Mais je ne trouve pas beaucoup prs chez notre public le mme degr de
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prparation lgard de votre philosophie sociale, attendu que lun des fondements principaux de cette philosophie est la loi naturelle du dcroissement spontan de lesprit rligieux, doctrine qui effraie encore presque tous les esprits en Angleterre, au point que si moi-mme je la proclamais ouvertement on noserait pas me lire. Je risque dj quelque chose en dclarant hautement, partout dans mon livre, ladmiration que je ressens pour votre grand ouvrage, sans faire la moindre rserve thologique, qu ma place tout autre anglais, je crois, naurait pas manqu de faire. La publication de mon livre, aujourdhui trs prochaine, a t un peu retarde par le remaniement complet que jai cru devoir faire la dernire partie pour la mettre plus en harmonie avec ma manire actuelle de penser, depuis la lecture de votre 6 me volume et ltude plus approfondie que jai faite des deux volumes prcdens. Jy ai fait maintenant beaucoup plus de place la nouvelle doctrine, tout en la prenant du point de vue de mon propre travail, et je crois que, sous ce rapport, mon livre est maintenant le plus avanc que mon pays soit encore susceptible de recevoir. Jai dailleurs lespoir bien fond que tout ce qui chez nous est capable de comprendre votre ouvrage viendra apprendre chez moi o trouver quelque chose de mieux que moi. Je vous demande pardon de navoir jusquici rien dit en rponse au dsir que vous avez plus dune fois si aimablement tmoign de resserrer notre amiti par une entrevue personnelle prochaine. M. Lewes mavait mal compris: malheureusement jai toujours eu la presque certitude que des circonstances qui tiennent mes relations personnelles les plus intimes, me retiendraient cet hiver Londres, mais dans le cas o ces circonstances se prolongeraient beaucoup plus longtemps je suis trs dcid courir Paris, ne ft-ce que pour deux ou trois jours, et dans lunique intention de vous voir. Je suis bien aise de savoir les noms de ceux de vos amis Montpellier qui conservent encore quelque souvenir de mon sjour dans cette ville6 que je ne cesserai jamais daimer. Cela ne mtonne pas beaucoup de la part de laimable Romo Pouzin,7 avec qui jai t plus li quavec toute autre personne de Montpellier, lexception de Balard et de la famille Brard.8 Quant M. Emile Guillaume,9 il me fait un honneur qui me flatte dautant plus que je dois lavoir trs peu connu, puisque jai oubli jusqua son nom. Jattends avec un vif intrt le rsultat de la sorte dexprience sociale que vous allez faire louverture de votre cours annuel dastronomie et qui aura comme vous le sentez une grande importance par rapport la propagation libre de la philosophie pleinement positive. Heureux si je croyais quon en vnt jusque-l dans ce pays-ci, de mon vivant! Cette libert de discussion dont on jouit en france est la compensation de bien des misres. Nous en sommes bien loin encore, mais qui sait? dans un temps de transition morale les choses marchent plus vite quelles nen ont lair.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill
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India House 14 Feb. 1843
My Dear Friend
In a few days you will receive two ponderous volumes,2 concerning which you have shewn an interest that I desire very much they may justify. I have not defaced them with any marks because after going finally through the whole as it passed through the press I have come to the conclusion that it will not bear to be read in any way except straight through, & it is probably worth your reading it that way, while I am certain it is not worth it to your sisters being a kind of book so entirely abstract that I am sure they would never think of reading it if it did not happen to be written by one whom they know& to make that a reason for reading a book out of ones line, is to make friendship a burden. If I could fix on any part as capable of being read with any interest apart from the rest, it would be the fifth book, on Fallacies, & especially the chapter in the sixth book on Liberty & Necessity, which is short & in my judgment the best chapter in the two volumes. However as Sterling will have a copy and will certainly read it through, he will be able to tell your sisters if there is any part which he thinks would interest themin case they require any opinion besides yours. You will not suspect me of the stupid coxcombry of thinking that they could not understand it, which would be my own condemnation, for if they could not, the book would be a failure. I only mean that whatever be the value of the book, it is (like a book of mathematics) pure & not mixed science, & never can be liked by any but students & I do not want them to spoil themselves by becoming that, on my accountThey know that when I write anything on philosophy in the concrete, on politics or morals or religion or education or in short anything directly practical or in which feeling & character are concerned I desire very much to be read by them because there I can hope really to interest thembut any interest they could feel in this would be only like what I might feel in a treatise on mining. The last news I have heard about Sterling was not quite so satisfactory as before in respect to rapidity of recovery: will you write a line to me on the matter? Does he think of going away this spring? Our little girl did not carry her election,3 but the proxies were not lost, but bartered for an equivalent number next June, when Mazzini tells me she is sure of success, that is (I suppose) if those who gave their proxies this time will be kind enough to do so again.
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Yours Ever,
J. S. Mill.

le 20 fvrier 1843. Je vous envoie, mon cher Tocqueville, une letter que jai insre dans le Morning Chronicle2 votre intention. Je ne sais pas si on la lira, mais je sais quelle tait bien ncessaire, car ici on donne raison Lord Brougham contre vous. Les passions en sont aujourdhui au point o lon ne regarde plus assez prs pour faire des catgories parmi ses adversaires, et lon fait peser sur les plus modrs la responsabilit des choses les plus folles quon croit avoir t faites ou dites par les plus cervels. Il en est souvent ainsi entre deux partis, plus forte raison entre deux nations, qui arrivent plus difficilement sentendre par des explications mutuelles, et dont chacune lit encore plus exclusivement les organes de son opinion. Jai souffert de voir la manire dont on envisage ici votre conduite sur ces malheureuses questions de politique extrieure. On ne veut rien voir sinon que vous vous tes rang du ct du war party, et comme on sattendait autre chose de votre part, on se venge sur vous de sa propre incapacit de comprendre les ides et les principes qui vous ont inspir. Cela ne mtonne point; il est trs naturel que les Anglais ne comprennent pas la France, pas plus que les Franais ne comprennent lAngleterre. Vous mme navez vous pas dit, dans le discours en question, que les Anglais ont trouv le moyen de chasser la France de lEspagne? Ne dirait-on pas que comme la plupart de vos compatriotes vous croyez les Anglais tout occups dtendre leur territoire et leur importance au dehors? Je vous jure quil ny a pas deux Anglais qui se soient assez occups de lEspagne pour avoir un seul instant eu lide dy rivaliser dinfluence avec la France. Tout ce que vous voyez ce sujet dans nos journaux est une affaire damour-propre entre Palmerston et Peel, quoi le public hausse les paules. Heureusement notre public ne soccupe jamais daffaires trangres. Sans cela lEurope serait toujours en feu: voyez ce qui est advenu de ce que nous avons eu, un seul instant, un homme caractre franais notre Foreign Office. Vous savez que jaime la France, mais javoue quil en est assez dune seule en Europe. Vous voyez que je vous dis franchement ce que je pense, sans craindre de vous offenser et je vous dirai avec la mme sincrit que je trouve votre discours admirable et que je ne suis pas loign de votre opinion sur la question elle-mme. Je crois que si le gouvernement franais avait pris dans le commencement le ton que vous lui conseillez, cela aurait pu russir, mais aujourdhui ce serait impossible. LAngleterre ne voudrait pas cder aux provocations et aux menaces des forcens de la Chambre et du journalisme, soit libral soit conservateur, la Presse ou le National. Je voudrais quon crucifit le premier homme qui ost dire la tribune dun peuple des injures contre un autre peuple. Il faut des gnrations entires pour gurir le mal que cela peut faire dans un jour. Cela est bien mprisable dans un sicle qui a tant besoin du concours des hommes enrgiques et
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clairs de tous les pays avancs pour luvre difficile de rorganiser la socit europenne. Je suis charm que vous soyez content de M. Hickson:3 sans tre un homme de gnie, il est dun mrite rare et trs prcieux dans son genre, et je connais peu dhommes dun patriotisme et dune philanthropie plus active et plus claire. On le retrouve dans tout ce qui se fait de plus avanc chez nous.
Votre Devou

India House 28th Feb. 1843
Dear Mrs Austin

I should have answered your letter much sooner, if only on account of the proposal to Parker, but that he told me he would himself write & no doubt you have long since received an answer from him, more explicit as to details than the answer he gave me. The History of the Reformation2 he thought would not suit him, but the other book you mentioned, he thought would, & was quite willing to close with the project, but did not seem confident as to the sufficiency of such pecuniary terms as the state of the market in his opinion allowed him to offer. And as your doing the thing at all would of course depend upon his making it worth your while, it is for him to make his proposition. Au reste, everything I have seen of him is in his favour: pretending to no character but that of a tradesman, he has in every respect in which I have had to do with him acted like a gentleman, while Murray who sets up for a gentleman & a patron of letters seems to be in reality a mere tradesman & not a good one. I believe however this is not the same with the Oxford Parker,3 so that there may be a chance there if this fails. This one4 is bookseller to the University of Cambridge.In the meanwhile I am glad you are going on writing for the Edinburgh which I suspect is more lucrative work than even your translating & which you are so well qualified for. I liked your article on Mad. Schopenhauer5 very much, both as pleasant reading & for the tone of its remarks, which are of a kind very much wanted here, & now likely as far as I can judge to be well received, for the eyes of a great number of English people are decidedly opening to much of what is wrong in their own country & comparatively right elsewhere. I hear your article underwent much excision from
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Napier, & that he wants more painting of manners & less general reflection. I think him wrong, &, as he always is, arrire, for the Edinburgh review & the Hollandhouse set6 who preside over it are the last refuge of the ideas & tastes of a generation ago; but I suppose his mandates must be complied with, & he has left quite as much of valuable remark in this article as it needed & more than is in all the other articles taken together which he published along with it in his exceedingly poor extra number. What you tell me about Grote does not surprise me though I am sorry for it both on his account & yours. As for Mrs Grote, you know her, & would not expect either good feeling or good taste from her. But Grote has always seemed rather a sensitive personhowever he is a disappointed man, & has come to the time of life at which people generally fold their wings & take to their comforts. At that stage very few men, in my experience, retain their sympathies at all strongly towards those with whom they are not in habits of daily intercourse. Perhaps too, half of the evil in Grote is shyness; & not knowing how to express sympathy: especially being perhaps in some degree concious of having already shewn less of it than you had reason to expect.As to the calamity itself,7 I could have told you months before, all that he can have had to tell, but I thought you would know it quite soon enough. The concern has declared itself insolvent & is in the hands of trustees, but from what I hear I do not believe it to be hopeless that something may be saved for the shareholders, though in any such case the probabilities are of course against it. Grote, as you know, habitually looks at the gloomiest side of things. The Mississippi matter8 however is of much more importance really, as you were deriving no income from the money in the company before, so that in regard to present exigencies & interests the loss of the principal is only nominal. The Mississippi bonds I feel satisfied must ultimately be paid though I fear not quite so soon as I once thought. In the mean time I cannot help reverting to the idea I once threw out in a letter to you & which you promised to take into consideration at a proper time, & there seems none so proper as now. I really believe something might be done, though it is not very easy to hit upon the exact shape which would be best. I have sent the remaining sheets of my book, addressed to Mr Austin, in the parcel from Ashers correspondent here (Nutt of Fleet Street) which was made up yesterday. The book is to be published tomorrow. But do not let Mr Austin suppose because the sheets are sent that he is under any engagement to make the use of them which he so kindly proposed. I should of course have sent the book to him in any case & though he would be the best of all reviewers for it he must not plague himself about it. It must take its chance. I inclose a line from my sister Clara. I have neither encouraged nor opposed her project,9 of the feasibility of which nobody can so well judge as you. If it be otherwise feasible of course the cannot in her note is not to be taken literally, as long as there are others who can.
J. S. Mill.
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India House le 13 mars 1843

Avant de recevoir cette lettre vous aurez sans doute reu de ma part un exemplaire du livre en faveur duquel vous voulez bien admettre une exception votre rgime crbral habituel.2 Je souhaite quil mrite une distinction si honorable, et je me flicite toujours davantage de notre heureux rapprochement personnel, sans lequel je neusse pas p esprer dobtenir, sur mes spculations philosophiques le seul jugement qui ait pour moi une importance relle. Cest encore une bonne fortune pour moi que mon livre soit tomb prcisment dans ce que vous nommez votre anne de repos, et que vous puissiez en prendre connaissance sans dranger aucunement le cours de vos travaux. En sollicitant pour cet ouvrage toute votre indulgence jai besoin de vous indiquer que le premier livre date essentiellement de 1829, que le deuxime est un simple rifaccimento dun travail fait en 1832, sauf la polmique contre le reprsentant de la mtaphysique allemande, qui seule est rcente; et que le troisime lui-mme, o jentre enfin franchement dans la mthode positive, a t fait, dans tout ce quil a de plus essentiel, avant que jeusse pris connaissance de votre grand travail, mme quant ses premiers volumes. Cest peut-tre une chose favorable loriginalit de mon point de vue philosophique que davoir si tard connu ce qui devait exercer sur mon esprit une si grande influence, mais il est bien certain que mon livre en vaut moins, quoique peuttre il nen devienne que mieux convenable aux lecteurs quil aura. Quant ses chances de succs vous apprendrez avec plaisir quelles se dclarent dj dune manire pleinement satisfaisante, en gard lapathie spculative de notre public et lopposition tranche qui existe entre lesprit de ce livre et celui de la philosophie la mode. Je commence esprer que ce livre pourra devenir un vrai point de ralliement philosophique pour cette partie de la jeunesse scientifique anglaise qui ne tient pas beaucoup aux ides religieuses; et je crois cette mancipation essentielle moins rare, mme chez nous, quelle ne le parat. Surtout ce livre me semble propre servir de digne pour arrter le dangereux progrs de la philosophie allemande. Jusquici cette philosophie nous a t plus utile que nuisible; elle a dtermin chez nous une vritable tendance aux gnralits scientifiques et la systmatisation de lensemble des connaissances humaines; cela nous manquait presque entirement, et ne pouvait gure nous arriver par une autre route: Mais socialement parlant cette philosophie est aujourdhui chez nous pleinement rtrograde, quelle que soit la tendance sceptique quon lui ait reproch dexercer dans son pays natal, o en effet elle a rempli puissamment une fonction dissolvante envers les anciennes croyances, tandis quici on sen sert pour retremper philosophiquement ces croyances, contradiction qui ne rpugne en rien au caractre vague et arbitraire des prmisses logiques dune pareille philosophie. Depuis la chute irrvocable de la mtaphysique ngative, cette philosophie allemande a p se vanter doffrir seule
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lesprit humain une coordination systmatique de la pense; elle se prtend suprieure ses prdcesseurs surtout en ce quelle constate tous les phnomnes de la sensibilit et de lactivit humaine, et quelle en rend compte sa manire, tandis que les autres systmes nient tout ce quil ne savent pas expliquer selon leurs principes propres: et jusquici, personne nest venu se planter en face de cet ennemi, en remplissant convenablement les mmes conditions. Dsormais on pourra choisir; on ne sera plus rejet vers le camp allemand faute de trouver ailleurs un systme philosophique nettement formul. Chez nous aussi le positivisme a dploy son drapeau. Jattends maintenant avec un vif intrt les discussions philosophiques qui sengageront probablement avant peu entre nous deux et qui auront une grande influence sur mes travaux venir. Il est vrai que trs souvent dans mon livre je nai fait queffleurer les questions o ma manire de penser ne se recontrait pas encore prcisment avec la vtre, et il y en a mme que la nature du livre ne ma pas permis daborder. Cependant ce livre vous donnera le moyen de pntrer assez fond dans mon esprit, pour que les discussions partielles deviennent beaucoup plus faciles et plus commodes. Jajourne jusquaprs ces discussions tout projet srieux de travail nouveau. Lessentiel pour moi, quant prsent, cest de continuer ma propre ducation philosophique, et je ncrirai probablement, dici quelque temps, rien de plus important que quelques tudes historiques dun ordre secondaire. Jespre du reste recueillir de vos conseils amicaux un grand avantage en ce qui tien la direction de mon activit intellectuelle, surtout lorsque vous serez mieux en tat de juger mon genre de capacit caractristique. Cette esprance donne un nouvel attrait mon projet daller passer quelques jours auprs de vous, et il ne tiendra pas moi que ce projet ne saccomplisse avant la fin du printemps. En ce cas, votre aimable proposition de me recevoir chez vous serait trop agrable pour pouvoir tre refuse, dautant plus que ce serait le moyen de ne perdre, pour le but presque unique de mon voyage, que le moins possible dun temps ncessairement trs raccourci. Je vous flicite bien cordialement de la terminaison de votre travail classique, qui devait tre effectivement pour vous dautant plus ennuyeux quil a t moins fatigant; et je me rjouis avec vous de la reprise de vos promenades habituelles, dont japprcie la douceur par ma propre exprience. Comme vous jai toujours eu lhabitude de beaucoup marcher, et je prpare toujours les mditations un peu difficiles en me promenant: je trouve cet acte physique tellement favorable la pense que mme dans mon bureau je marche toujours, ne restant assis que strictement le temps quil faut pour crire des choses dj prpares debout. Votre trait de gomtrie analytique me sera encore plus prcieux parce que je le tiendrai de vous-mme. Ce trait est vivement attendu non seulement par moi mais encore par un jeune frre3 dont lducation ma t lgue par mon pre et qui par les dispositions scientifiques quil montre, jointes un heureux caractre, maide supporter la perte irrparable dun autre frre4 plus g, mort en 1840 avant lge de vingt ans, noble jeune homme qui a fait le charme des dernires annes de mon pre et sur lamiti duquel je comptais pour ma vie tout entire. Je suis bien sensible lhonneur que vous me faites en demandant mon avis sur votre project de prendre une connaissance spciale de la philosophie allemande. Je ne suis
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pas peuttre en droit de donner l-dessus une opinion trs dcide, nayant moi-mme lu ni Kant ni Hegel ni aucun autre des chefs de cette cole, que je nai dabord connue que par ses interprtes anglais et franais. Cette philosophie ma t, moi, fort utile; elle a corrig ce quil y avait de trop exclusivement analytique dans mon esprit nourri par Bentham et par les philosophes franais du 18me sicle: ajoutez cela sa critique de lcole ngative, et surtout un sens rel quoique trop incomplet des lois historiques et de la filiation des divers tats de lhomme et de la socit, sens qui est, je crois, le plus dvelopp chez Hegel. Moi javais encore besoin de tout cela, et vous ne lavez pas. Plus tard lorsque jai essay de lire quelques ouvrages philosophiques allemands, il sest trouv que je possdais dj tout ce quils avaient dutile pour moi, et le reste ma t fastidieux au point de ne pouvoir pas en continuer la lecture. En me mettant donc votre place, je doute si cette tude peut vous offrir un avantage suffisant pour dcider en sa faveur une infraction votre hygine crbrale, et je ne sache pas quune connaissance plus exacte des points de rapport entre cette doctrine et la vtre puisse vous servir de grand chose dans vos travaux. Je crois que pour tre lu et got en Allemagne, ce quil faut est surtout lesprit systmatique; cet esprit vous le possdez au suprme degr: et votre vritable point de contact avec les philosophes allemands est dans les faits concrets que vous expliquez bien tandis quils les expliquent mal. Cependant japprouve beaucoup votre dessein dapprendre la langue allemande afin de lire les grands potes de ce peuple. Les posies lyriques de Goethe surtout me semblent dignes des plus beaux temps de lantiquit par la perfection de la forme, et souvent bien suprieures par le fond, comme la matire esthtique moderne lest lancienne. Je nai pas besoin de dire que je verrai avec grand plaisir Mazhar Effendi,5 et que tout ce que je puis faire pour lui pendant son sjour ici lui est davance assur.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
391. TO GEORGE BENTHAM1

Dear Mr Bentham
I was very glad to see your handwriting again, though the mere fact of sending my book2 did not require or merit any acknowledgment from you. My object in writing to you now is to ask whether you are making or likely to make an English herbarium or whether you care about having English specimens because if you do I am likely to be
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thinking a little of botany this year & being in a different part of England from that in which you are now fixed,3 I should be much pleased by being permitted to collect specimens for you. Any that I already have I need hardly say I should be most happy to send but they amount to so little compared with what I should like & might hope to do that I hardly like to offer them. If however you would give me what lawyers call a roving commission, I would do my best. You probably have abundance of the Edinburgh Catalogues. However I enclose one in case you should be willing to take the trouble of returning it to me after marking any plants of which you might wish to have other English specimens from the south east parts of England. I could also send you a catalogue of Surrey plants & their habitats, tolerably large though very incomplete, being derived solely from my own individual observationsit would shew you what the plants are that I could most readily procure from this neighbourhood.
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
392. TO GEORGE BENTHAM1

Dear Mr Bentham
I am sorry you troubled yourself to send back the Catalogue, not having marked it. I will keep on the lookout for the rare Orchidiae &c. I fear none of those I have from Surrey &c. are decidedly rare ones. I collected a few rather rare species in Italy, the orchis romana, papilionacea provincalis, & a few other plants almost peculiar to the Roman Campagnathe rarest, I believe, being the Vicia tricolor. Nothing but the persuasion that you must certainly have all these has prevented me from long since offering you them or any others I have. If any of the two or three I have mentioned would be of the least value to you I should feel really obliged by your saying so, as I should try anything else however trifling which you would put it in my power to do for you or yours. I am very glad you are occupied in aiding the completion of the Prodromus as you have already done so essentially by your settlement of the Labiatae & Scrophulariacea.2 I am always to be seen or heard of here at 18 Kensington Square & though I am not often at the Athenaeum without some special cause, your being to be met with there would be cause sufficient.
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Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
393. TO SIR EDWARD LYTTON BULWER1

My Dear Sir Lytton

You very much overpraise my rather ambitious attempt, but I am very glad that you find enough in the book2 to repay the trouble of reading and I shall be amply satisfied if it is found to deserve half the good you say of it. I hope you may have time to give me the benefit of the doubts & suggestions you speak of. I can say quite sincerely & I believe from sufficient self-knowledge that I value the pointing out of an error more highly than any amount of praise. I am afraid the proposition that Morality is an Art, not a Science, will hardly be found on closer examination to have so much in it as you seem to have thought was intended. It follows as a necessary corollary from my particular mode of using the word Art, but at bottom I fancy it is merely what everybody thinks, expressed in new language. You would find Comte exceedingly well worth your better knowledge. I do not always agree in his opinions but so far as I know he seems to me by far the first speculative thinker of the age.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill

I.H. Saturday [Spring, 1843?]
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My Dear Austin
Your opinion of my Logic is very gratifying to me. I have read the little tract which you sent me from Mr Ramsay.2 There is much good in it; evidence of many right opinions & feelings & of some sound knowledge. The chief fault seems to me that of entire unpracticalness. I cannot surmise from it of what character Mr Ramsays ethical book3 may be, but if it falls in my way I will certainly make myself acquainted with it.
Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

India House le 20 avril 1843.

Aussitt que jai appris par votre lettre du 25 mars que mon livre ne vous tait pas encore parvenu, jai pris des informations chez lditeur, et jai trouv que par un retard du libraire Dulau qui sen tait charg, le paquet ne devait partir que le 30. Je me suis depuis assur quen effet il est parti ce jour-l, et jespre que lexemplaire est entre vos mains depuis 15 jours. Dans le cas contraire cest Bossange, du quai Voltaire, qui vous en rpondra. Ces sortes de dlais, auxquelles je suis fort habitu, indiquent, ainsi que le port monstrueux quon vous a demand, un tat de vritable barbarie dans lorganisation matrielle du commerce intellectuel entre nos deux pays. Quant aux difficults fiscales je crois que la faute est du ct de notre gouvernement, qui, suivant lesprit national, na jamais vu dans la propagation de la pense autre chose quune industrie particulire, et na pas plus song faciliter lenvoi des livres par la poste, que celui des draps; pas plus dans lintrieur quavec ltranger. Toutefois, puisque nous sommes entrs depuis quelques ans dans la voie des rformes postales, je crois que nous adopterons bientt dans cette matire spciale un rgime plus civilis. La disposition desprit qui permet de pareilles mesquineries change tous les jours: nous sommes cet gard en plein progrs; et la proccupation absolue des intrts industriels que nagure on pouvait encore regarder comme nationale, est dj trs gnralement fltrie comme indice dun esprit troit et dune ducation infrieure. La gnration actuelle vaut mieux, mille gards, que celle qui la prcde. On respire un air bien plus libre et plus pur que dans ma premire jeunesse.
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Je vous remercie mille fois de lenvoie de votre ouvrage classique.2 Jaurais volontiers commenc, selon vos conseils, par une premire lecture trs rapide, mais je navais pas dabord assez de loisir continu pour cela, et je tenais commencer sans dlai; ensuite, jai perdu depuis si longtemps lhabitude des lectures mathmatiques ou du moins algbriques, que jeusse craint de ne pas saisir rellement lesprit du livre si je ne mattachais pas y suivre, avec connaissance de cause, tous les calculs. Ainsi que beaucoup de ceux qui soccupent habituellement de mditations gnrales, jai la mmoire trs mauvaise pour toute sorte de dtails, mme scientifiques; et quoique je retrouve toujours avec une grande facilit tout ce que jai une fois appris, je ne puis jamais prsumer avec sret de la suffisance de mes connaissances actuelles dun sujet quelconque lorsquelles ne sont pas dacquisition rcente. Je me suis donc mis travailler comme un colier votre ouvrage, et je me flatte que je serai bientt capable de subir passablement un examen assez approfondi son sujet. Malgr la lenteur invitable de cette manire de lire, je nai pas manqu dapercevoir dans louvrage cette sorte de symtrie qui fait dun trait scientifique parfait, en quelque faon un ouvrage dart, et je ne doute point dprouver encore davantage ce sentiment une seconde lecture exclusivement dirige lapprciation de lensemble. Sous le rapport logique, je connaissais assez votre merveilleuse puissance de gnralisation philosophique pour ne mtonner nullement trouver dans votre manire de traiter ce sujet spcial un vrai modle de ce que sera un jour lenseignement mathmatique comme moyen dducation des facults spculatives de lhomme. Mais javoue que malgr la profonde impression faite sur moi par le premier volume de votre grand ouvrage, je navais pas senti aussi profondment que je la sens maintenant, laptitude minent de lanalyse mathmatique, convenablement tudie, pour dvelopper lesprit scientifique. Il est bien fcheux que jusquici cette heureuse qualit soit non seulement neutralise mais vraiment tourne en sens contraire par la routine irrationnelle qui prside partout lducation mathmatique. Votre ouvrage aura ici un lecture diligent dans la personne de Sir William Molesworth, que vous connaissez peuttre de nom comme ayant fait les frais intellectuels et pcuniaires de la belle dition des uvres de Hobbes,3 dont vous avez fait une mention honorable dans une note de votre 5me volume. Sir William Molesworth, dailleurs admirateur clair de votre grand ouvrage, a fait de fortes tudes scientifiques. Il soccupe beaucoup prsent de philosophie mathmatique, et comme il a une vritable capacit scientifique, malgr une certaine raideur intellectuelle qui gne un peu la marche de son intelligence, je mefforce de le dcider faire un livre ce sujet, en attendant celui que vous avez annonc et que vous avez d ajourner un avenir un peu lointain. Jespre quil se trouvera bientt parmi la jeunesse scientifique franaise des penseurs capable de rgnrer, sous linspiration de vos ouvrages et de votre conversation, les diverses branches de lenseignement mathmatique, travail si important que bien quil ne puisse pas vous appartenir, vou comme vous ltes des travaux encore plus levs, le temps que vous avez consacr en fournir un premier exemple dcisif nest certainement pas mal employ. Votre projet primitif dcrire votre cours populaire dastronomie offrait une utilit analogue, et jaurais regrett que ce projet ft abandonn si je ne craignais, pour une sant si prcieuse leffet dun nouveau travail sdentaire pendant lanne naturellement destine raffermir vos forces physiques pour la noble tche qui vous attend. Ne se pourrait-il pas que, dans limpossibilit o vous vous trouvez dcrire vos divers cours, quelquun de ceux qui ont lavantage de les suivre le fit votre place, comme on la fait quelquefois pour dautres professeurs?
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Une simple rvision par vous-mme pourrait alors suffire, et le succs pcuniaire ne manquerait gure de rcompenser suffisamment le travail du rdacteur. Je trouve que vous avez sagement fait en renonant votre vellit passagre de vous occuper de la philosophie des allemands et en vous bornant leur posie, dans laquelle Goethe est comme vous le sentez dj, sans rival. Je crois pourtant que le jugement svre que vous portez sur Schiller4 nest pleinement mrit que pour la premire moiti de ses crits, trs hautement condamns par lui-mme un ge plus mr. Vous trouveriez peut tre dans son Wallenstein, dans sa Jeanne dArc, dans son Guillaume Tell, et dans ses posies lyriques une capacit potique rele quoique de second ordre, et une ombre mme du gnie crateur de Goethe, avec une lvation morale que gnralement on ne reconnat pas dans ce dernier, ou qui du moins est loin dy tre aussi saillante. Il y a de trs belles choses dans Richter,5 dans Tieck,6 etc. mais le plus souvent sous la forme du roman en prose. Les romans de Goethe sont au contraire, mon avis, ce quil a fait de moins bon, soit par la forme, soit mme par le fond, quoiquil y ait sem une foule de penses justes et profondes et quon y trouve un grand nombre de tableaux dune posie admirable. Je me promets dcrire incessamment M. Balard que jespre aussi voir si, comme je le dsire, ma visite domiciliaire chez vous saccomplit avant la fin du printemps. Il se peut toutefois que je sois forc de lajourner jusquau mois doctobre, aussitt aprs la terminaison de votre tourne officielle. Dans ce cas-l je crains que M. Balard ne soit plus Paris quand jy serai. Je nai pas encore vu Mazhar Effendi, qui probablement nest pas arriv. Je lattends avec un grand intrt.
Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill. Jallais oublier de vous dire quen lisant votre ouvrage jai trouv dans les formules un assez grand nombre derreurs typographiques dont je vous donnerai si vous voulez la liste.

I.H. 26 April [1843] I do not write to you, my dear Sterling, with any such vain notion as of attempting to offer you any comfort under the double blow2 which has fallen upon youthe first so hard, the last so much harderthough I hardly know among possible things any which I would not do or which it would not be the truest joy to me to do if it could
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help to lighten your burden either of grief or of care. But it is a kind of mockery to talk of the great things one will never have the power of doingit is only little things one has the opportunity to be useful in, & little enough in them. Heaven knows there are few things which we, here, can do for you, & we have little claim to be preferred to others in regard to even those few; but I know how oppressive small cares are when they come on the back of great sufferings, & if any here could assist in relieving you from even the smallest of those, I do not believe you know, or can know, how pleasant it would be to do and how pleasant to think of when done. And with so many young creatures in your charge and your own health requiring so much care, even we might sometimes and in some ways be able to give useful help without intruding into the place of any who might be equally desirous & more capable. If it should be so, it will be real friendship & kindness in you to give us the opportunity. Do not think of writing in answer to this unless it be to tell us of something that can be donebut by & by, when you are better able, we shall wish very much to hear what your plans are both for yourself & the children & if possible, to be in some, if even the smallest degree, included in them.
Ever Most Affectionately,

J. S. Mill.
397. TO SIR JOHN F. W. HERSCHEL1

India House, 1st May 1843
My Dear Sir,
Permit me to acknowledge with much pleasure your kind note, which deserves much more of thanks than my sending you the book, since that was due to the very great help I derived from your speculations in writing it. You will find that the most important chapter of the book,2 that on the four Experimental Methods, is little more than an expansion & a more scientific statement of what you had previously stated in the more popular manner suited to the purpose of your Introduction.3 Besides, you were, perhaps, of all living Englishmen, the one by whom I was most desirous that my book should be judged, since most of those who would be competent judges of the metaphysical part are not thoroughly competent in the physical, and conversely. Mr. Benekes book4 I have heard of & intend to read. I feel little doubt of your finding Comtes book worthy your better knowledge. It is a book very likely to be undervalued on a partial inspection, especially as those of his opinions which are most objectionable to most Englishmen (& now I believe even to Frenchmen) lie on the surface.
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I am so conscious of superficiality in many of the departments of knowledge from which I have been forced to gather materials for attempting to methodize the process of investigating truth, that I should be very grateful if you could, without encroaching on time which is more valuably employed, note down some of the many errors I must have committed as well as of the important ideas I must have missed. It is very uncertain if I shall ever have an opportunity of improving the book by any such memoranda but for my own instruction I should value them much and could make them useful in other ways.
Believe Me Yours With Great Respect

J. S. Mill.

India House le 15 juin 1843

Je me reproche un peu davoir tant retard ma rponse vos deux lettres si pleines dintrt, lettres qui avaient droit la rponse la plus prompte, et qui lauraient sans doute obtenue de moi dans ltat normal de mes facults mentales; mais jprouve, pour toute communication avec vous, le besoin, ou du moins le dsir, de me sentir dans la plnitude de mes forces, et je suis tomb au contraire depuis quelque temps dans une sorte de langueur intellectuelle, pour ne pas dire morale, qui tient, ce que je crois, surtout des causes physiques. Sans aucune maladie bien dfinie, jprouve une faiblesse nerveuse et une affection quasi-fbrile chronique que jai, du reste, ressentie diverses poques antrieures de ma vie, et que je connais assez familirement pour savoir quelle ne durera pas longtemps. Le meilleur moyen de me rtablir entirement serait, je crois, un voyage de quelques mois, mais dfaut dun pareil remde, qui en effet me serait peu prs impossible, je suis sr de retrouver peu peu ma sant ordinaire si rien ne marrive de nature laffaiblir davantage. Les mdecins me conseillent en attendant de ne travailler que le moins possible, mais je ne suivrai leur conseil quautant que ma propre exprience peut men faire reconnatre la ncessit, la mdecine ne me paraissant pas tre parvenue un tat de positivit assez parfaite pour que la libert de conscience ait encore cess dans cet ordre dides. Pour en venir des choses plus importantes, je vous remercie bien vivement de mavoir donn de si amples dtails sur un sujet que vous avez cru avec raison devoir tre pour moi du plus vif intrt, celui de la lutte que vous avez eu subir lors de votre rlection.2 Dans lintervalle de vos deux lettres jai beaucoup rflchi sur
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lissue possible de cette lutte et sur la manire dont il y aurait lieu dorganiser la transition que peuttre il vous faudra oprer de votre position prsente une autre qui ne serait plus pnible quen ce quelle serait dabord plus prcaire. Lheureuse terminaison, au moins momentane, de cette crise, me dispense de vous entretenir aujourdhui des diverses choses qui me sont passes par la tte, au sujet surtout de la conduite tenir par vos amis dans le cas o laffaire aurait tourn autrement. Jai besoin pourtant de vous dire une chose qui est de celles quon peut dire hardiment lorsquon sadresse un caractre aussi suprieur toute fausse dlicatesse quincapable de manquer la vraie: Cest que, quelque avenir qui vous soit rserv, toute pense de dtresse matrielle relle vous est interdite, aussi longtemps que je vivrai et que jaurai un sou partager avec vous. Je crois mme quaprs votre premire lettre jaurais os vous faire en ce sens une proposition spciale, sans certains ventualits personnelles, qui seront sans doute dcides avant lpoque de la rlection de lan prochain et dont lissue influera ncessairement beaucoup sur la proposition faire. Comme ces ventualits se dcideront probablement en peu de temps jaime mieux en ajourner lexplication jusqu ce que je puisse vous en annoncer en mme temps le rsultat, qui au reste ne saurait, quel quil soit, mter la facult de servir dabri temporaire, sil y a lieu, celui qui de tous les hommes vivants, honorerait le plus une pareille offre en lacceptant. Quant ce qui dans votre lettre me regarde personnellement, il est presque superflu de vous dire avec quelle satisfaction profonde jai appris laccueil que vous avez donn mon travail philosophique, et la haute approbation que vous en tmoignez, approbation propre remplir mes dsirs les plus ambitieux, et qui dpasse de beaucoup mes esprances. Vous devez bien sentir que votre opinion, sur la valeur de cet crit, est la seule qui pouvait notablement influer sur la mienne propre, tandis que celle-ci ntait, et ne pouvait tre que provisoire, tant que la partie vraiement positive et dogmatique de louvrage navait pas reu la sanction du juge le plus comptent, et mme jusquici le seul comptent, dans les questions quelconques de mthodologie systmatique. Maintenant que cette sanction si prcieuse lui est acquise, il mest permis de me fliciter de lassurance dsormais inbranlable que je possde, dtre pour quelque chose non seulement dans la propagation initiale mais mme dans la fondation de la philosophie finale, quelque modeste que soit la part qui mappartienne dans cette noble uvre. Nous pouvons aussi nous rjouir ensemble de lheureux augure retirer pour cette philosophie dun tel accord spontan entre deux esprits qui seuls jusquici se sont srieusement occups dorganiser la mthode positive, aprs une prparation convenable ou mme passable, et qui partant de points trs loigns lun de lautre et ne se runissant qu deux tiers du chemin, se trouvent pourtant en harmonie sur tous les points essentiels. Un pareil accord serait lui seul une preuve presque suffisante de la vrit et mme de lopportunit de la nouvelle philosophie, en fesant juger quelle est propre dterminer de vraies convictions dans tout esprit qui runira les conditions ncessaires de connaissances positives et de capacit intellectuelle primitive. Rassur dornavant quant aux questions de mthode, o je ne crains plus aucune divergence srieuse, soit sur la thorie gnrale de la positivit, soit sur son application spciale aux tudes sociales, je nai plus qu souhaiter un accord galement parfait lgard des doctrines sociales. Jusquici cet accord existe surtout
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par rapport la partie de vos doctrines qui plus que toute autre vous appartient en propre. Je parle des lois gnrales de la dynamique sociale et du dveloppement historique de lhumanit, en y comprenant les corollaires pratiques si importants qui en drivent, et dont le plus essentiel est mes yeux le grand principe de la sparation des deux pouvoirs. A lgard des doctrines de la sociologie statique, que vous navez pas inventes mais bien acceptes des anciennes thories sociales, quoique vous les ayez soutenues avec votre nergie accoutume de conviction philosophique, il y a encore entre nous des dissentiments rels. Ces dissentiments ne tiennent, sans doute, plusieurs gards, qu ce que je nai pas encore atteint un tat de conviction complette sur des choses qui sont vos yeux dmontres. Tout en reconnaissant pleinement, par exemple, la ncessit sociale des institutions fondamentales de la proprit et du mariage, et en nadmettant aucune utopie sur lun ou sur lautre sujet, je suis cependant trs port croire que ces deux institutions peuvent tre destines subir de plus graves modifications que vous ne le semblez penser, bien que je me sente totalement inhabile prvoir ce quelles seront. Je vous ai dj dit que la question du divorce est pour moi indcise, malgr la puissante argumentation de votre 4me volume, et je suis atteint dune hrsie plus fondamentale encore, puisque je nadmets pas en principe la subordination ncessaire dun sexe lautre. Vous voyez quil nous reste encore des questions dimportance majeure discuter entre nous, discussion quil serait au reste fort oiseux dentamer la fin dune lettre. Ces matires tombent prcisment dans la partie de votre grande entreprise philosophique qui va vous occuper le plus prochainement, et dans laquelle cet ordre de questions obtiendra naturellement une discussion plus approfondie que dans votre grand ouvrage. Je suis bien heureux que mon livre vous paraisse capable dtre utile aussi en France, pourvu quil soit convenablement traduit en franais, et je suis forc croire que je pourrais moi-mme excuter cette traduction, puisque vous ne men jugez pas incapable. Ce serait cependant pour moi un travail trs pnible et trs ennuyeux, car si jcris passablement la langue franaise, je suis loin de lcrire avec facilit: jai dailleurs lieu de croire que la chose sera faite sans que je men mle. Avant limpression du livre, notre ami Marrast a exprim, avec une persistance amicale laquelle ja d cder, le dsir de le traduire en franais, et quoique, suivant ma prvision, il na pas trouv le loisir ncessaire pour une pareille occupation, il vient de me mander que le livre est entre les mains dun des professeurs de Paris les plus distingus qui, dit-il, profitera de ses premiers loisirs pour le traduire. M. Marrast ne ma pas encore dit le nom de ce professeur, mais il vous le dira sans doute, et lintrt que vous voulez bien porter cette entreprise aura peut-tre sur son excution une heureuse influence.3 Veuillez dire M. de Blainville4 combien je me sens flatt de lattention dont cet illustre savant veut bien honorer mon ouvrage. Quel que puisse tre son jugement ventuel sur ce livre, je mettrai toujours un grand prix avoir t lu par un homme que jai appris de vous estimer si profondment. Je me rjouis avec vous de lhonorable conduite de M. Poinsot5 dans la crise que vous avez subie. Jai rempli votre commission auprs de Sir William Molesworth qui aura, jespre, un jour lavantage de vous connatre plus directement.
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Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill.

I.H. Thursday [Probably June or July 1843]2
My Dear Barclay
Could you not manage on your way to Cornwall (which will be I suppose by the Great Western Railway) to halt for a day & see my sisters, who are at Marlow, only 5 or 6 miles from the Maidenhead Station? It would be a great pleasure to them & would not detain you long. I wish we could prevail on Mr & Mrs Charles Fox3 to do the same& I wish I could see them. How long do they remain in town?
Ever Yours
J. S. Mill.


Jespre que cette lettre vous atteindra avant le commencement de votre tourne officielle, qui du reste ne suspendra pas sans doute notre correspondance, et je ne doute pas qu quelque temps dici je serai plus en tat de vous crire convenablement. Le drangement passager que je vous ai annonc dans ma dernire lettre, de ma sant morale et physique, ne sest pas encore termin, tandis que le remde que vous jugez avec raison tre le mieux assorti cette situation, celui dun voyage de quelques mois, me semble plus loign que jamais. Il ne sensuit point
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cependant que je ne puisse pas me permettre une absence de quelques jours, et si mes esprances, cet gard, ne sont pas trompes, je compte toujours passer auprs de vous un court intervale vers la fin doctobre. Quant au conseil amical que vous me donnez, de me distraire autant que possible, ce conseil est un peu difficile suivre, par la raison que jai le malheur, si cen est un, dtre trs peu amusable. Je ne suis gure capable de goter longtemps aucun dlassement, moins quil ne se rattache, et mme assez directement, un grave intrt quelconque, et surtout lensemble de mes occupations srieuses: jajouterai mme que le demi-travail intellectuel qui a toujours t mon principal amusement, na le pouvoir de mintresser longtemps qu la condition dune alternation rapide avec le travail complet. Dans un tat de faiblesse chronique qui mempche de srieusement travailler, ma nature et mes habitudes ne comportent gure dautre remde efficace quun voyage, et celui-l nest pas ma porte. Cependant il ny a pas l de quoi vous inquiter sur ma sant venir car dans le cas o ce mal chronique viendrait sempirer beaucoup, les obstacles cesseraient probablement, et je pourrais mloigner pour un temps plus ou moins prolong. A prsent mme, tout irait mieux si je me trouvais dans ltat normal de mes occupations intellectuelles, c..d. occup suivre un travail commenc, ou mme une srie de travaux homognes; mais je ne me sens pas momentanment la vigueur desprit et de volont ncessaire pour entrer dans un nouvel ordre quelconque de travaux. Cette mme raison me dfend aussi dentamer ds prsent, comme je laurais dsir, la discussion srieuse des graves questions sociales sur lesquelles nos opinions ne saccordent pas encore. La confiance que vous mexprimez que cette divergence dopinion ne sera que passagre est pour moi un nouveau tmoignage de la haute estime que jai eu le bonheur dobtenir de vous et dont il me serait trs pnible de voir la moindre diminution. En effet, nous qui sommes si pleinement daccord sur lensemble de la mthode scientifique et qui sommes, jose le dire, galement mancips lgard des prjugs quelconques, soit rvolutionnaires, soit conservateurs; si nous ne devions pas nous accorder finalement sur les questions dont il sagit, notre dissentiment serait presque une preuve que les principes biologiques dont dpend en dernier ressort la solution de ces questions, ne sont pas encore suffisamment mris, ce qui assurment ne serait pas fort tonnant, v la positivit si rcente et si imparfaite des hautes tudes biologiques. Je crains pourtant que notre dissidence nait des racines plus profondes que celles que vous me signalez dans votre lettre. Je partage compltement votre manire de penser sur la tendance de notre poque rgler par les lois ce qui ne devrait dpendre que des murs, aberration for naturelle dans une poque de transition sociale, o lon respecte si peu les institutions quon les cre ou les dtruit avec la mme lgret, tandis que le dfaut de croyances communes prive lopinion gnrale de sa force normale de rpression morale. Je ne crois pas tre atteint, dans le cas dont il sagit, de cette tendance irrationnelle, et je ne prtends nullement dcider quelles devraient tre les lois sur lassociation domestique, ni que ces lois doivent tre autres quelles ne sont. Ce que nous aurions vider entre nous serait prcisment la question de murs: si nous pouvions nous accorder l dessus, je crois que nous nous rencontrerions bien facilement lgard des institutions. En attendant, ce que jaurais dire lappui de mon hrsie principale serait tir tout entier de principes biologiques, trs imparfaits sans doute, ce qui peut tenir linsuffisance de mes connaissances en biologie, mais peut tre aussi
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linsuffisance actuelle de la thorie biologique elle mme, dans sa partie la plus directement applicable aux spculations sociologiques. Il se peut mme que je mrite dtre rang parmi ceux que vous avez caractriss par une phrase de votre lettre, celle o vous parlez de ceux dont le cur est complice des dviations intellectuelles. Quant cela, vous en jugerez; toujours est-il que, tout en repoussant, de toutes les forces de mon esprit, lanarchique doctrine des temps rvolutionnaires, hautement contradictoire lensemble de lexprience humaine, que lattachement, mme passionn, exige labsence dautorit, et croyant comme je le crois fermement que dans ltat normal des relations humaines une sympathie relle et rciproque peut et doit exister entre le protecteur et le protg, et peut exister mme entre lesclave et le matre, je ne trouve pourtant pas que toutes les sympathies doivent tre dingalit: je ne crois pas que ce soit l leur dernier mot et je crois quil y a place aussi pour lgalit dans les affections humaines. Je ne la crois incompatible avec lharmonie que chez les natures infrieures, les plus livres aux penchants gostes, ou au moins lorsque lune des deux natures est de cette espce. Sans aucune vaine sentimentalit, je trouve que laffection quune personne dune nature un peu leve peut prouver pour un tre rellement subordonn son autorit, a toujours quelque chose dimparfait, dont on ne se contente qu dsespoir de pouvoir placer ailleurs une sympathie plus complte. Il est trs possible quen ceci je juge trop la nature humaine daprs la mienne propre, qui, plusieurs gards, est peut-tre exceptionnelle. Mais voici en quoi je ne crois pas que je puisse me tromper: cest que pour dcider cet ordre de questions la philosophie a besoin de lexprience des femmes autant que de celle des hommes, et cette exprience elle ne la pas encore. Ce nest gure que davant-hier que les femmes pensent, ce nest que dhier quelles disent leurs penses, et, ce qui est plus important encore, leur exprience de la vie: le plupart de celles qui crivent, crivent pour les hommes, ou du moins ont peur de leur dsapprobation, et on ne peut pas plus se fier au tmoignage de celles-l qu celui du trs petit nombre de celles qui sont en tat de rbellion ouverte. Or il me semble que linfluence sur la vie intime et morale, dune relation quelconque de dpendance ne peut pas se dcider uniquement sur les ides et sur lexprience des suprieurs. Ceci ressemble, je le sais, une ide mise par les saint-simoniens, qui, en effet, je reproche surtout quaprs avoir proclam leur propre incomptence dcider les grandes questions sociales quils ont souleves, ils ont eu la folie ou la charlatanerie den offrir une prtendue solution, dont ils avaient ainsi eux mmes reconnu davance labsurdit. Je navais pas, en commenant cette lettre, lintention dy tant dire sur ce sujet, mais je compte vous soumettre petit petit tout ce que je trouve dire l dessus, comme mon frre an, pour ne rien dire de plus, en philosophie. Je me flicite de la manire fraternelle dont vous avez accueilli une offre qui ne mritait pas la qualification que vous lui avez donne de gnreuse, puisque je me serais senti avili mes propres yeux en ne la fesant point. En effet, pensant ce que je pense de vous, et du rle que vous remplissez dans notre poque et mme en ne comptant pour rien notre amiti, si je vous savais dans la dtresse ou mme en danger dy tomber, et quayant les moyens de vous en retirer je nen usais point pour quel usage les rserverais-je? Je sens comme vous que ce devoir appartiendrait normalement dautres que moi, et je ne prtends pas leur drober lhonneur de son accomplissement, mais il mimportait beaucoup davoir lassurance que si, le cas
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arrivant, ceux-l ne vous tendaient pas la main, vous accepteriez la mienne, pendant la dure du besoin que vous en auriez. Quant au projet de traduction de mon livre, jaurai les yeux l dessus, et si ce projet sexcute, je tcherai dempcher toute suppression importante, surtout si elle tait de nature attnuer les expressions destines vous rendre une justice philosophique que je tiens encore plus vous rendre en france quen angleterre. Si malgr mes efforts le traducteur se permettait un pareil acte dinfidlit, je nhsiterais certes pas le dnoncer en France par une rclamation publique. Mon jeune ami Lewes, qui se range de plus en plus notre doctrine commune, vient dinsrer dans une revue anglaise, le British & Foreign Review, un article sur les diverses coles philosophiques,2 ou prtendues telles qui existent actuellement en France, dans lequel aprs une critique assez svre de toutes les autres, il finit par une apprciation sommaire et assez intelligente de votre systme, dont il fait un loge franc et vigoureux, accompagn de la haute expression dadmiration de votre minente supriorit intellectuelle. Je compte que cet article fera aussi sa part pour attirer sur votre grand ouvrage lattention des lecteurs anglais. Je ne manquerai pas de faire un emploi convenable des exemplaires que vous mavez addresss de larrt du tribunal de commerce, qui me semble aussi satisfaisant dans ses termes que dans ses conclusions.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill


Au moment dcrire cette lettre, c. d. aprs en avoir fait le brouillon, travail indispensable chez moi lorsque jcris en franais quelque chose dun peu important, je reois la lettre que vous a inspire votre aimable inquitude sur ma sant. Je suis heureux de pouvoir dissiper cette sollicitude. Si mon tat physique ne sest pas beaucoup amlior, il na certainement pas empir, et je commence rentrer, sous le rapport moral, dans mon tat ordinaire. Je me promets bien de rpondre dornavant vos lettres avec plus de promptitude et je me reproche les alarmes que mon silence a fait natre chez vous. Ce retard inusit tient effectivement un peu Mazhar Effendi, mais non pas de la manire que vous pensiez. Je dsirais seulement pouvoir vous
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parler un peu de lui. Il est venu mon bureau avec le Docteur Bowring,2 et ma donn votre lettre peu de jours aprs sa date: depuis cela il nest plus revenu, et comme il na pas non plus rpondu un billet que je lui ai crit, je crois quil doit tre parti pour lintrieur du pays, o en effet il trouverait, en fait dtablissements industriels et de travaux publics, des choses bien plus intressantes qu Londres. Dans ce cas-l jespre le voir davantage lorsquil sera de retour, dautant plus que la premire fois il nest pas rest assez longtemps pour que jaie pu faire vraiment connaissance avec lui. Lorsquil est venu, ma famille tait la campagne et ma maison encombre douvriers, mais son retour jaurai la facult de lui donner un accueil plus satisfaisant. Pour reprendre notre importante discussion sociologique, je crois comprendre ce que vous voulez dire en comparant la constitution organique du sexe fminin un tat denfance prolonge. Je nignore pas ce quont dit ce sujet beaucoup de physiologistes, et je sais que non seulement par les systmes musculaire et cellulaire mais encore par le systme nerveux, et trs probablement par la structure crbrale, les femmes sont moins loignes que ne le sont les hommes, du caractre organique des enfants. Cela pourtant est bien loin dtre dcisif pour moi. Afin quil le ft, il faudrait prouver que linfriorit des enfants par rapport aux hommes dpendt de la diffrence anatomique de leur cerveau, tandis quelle dpend videmment en majeure partie, sinon entirement, au seul dfaut dexercice. Si lon pouvait garder toujours son cerveau denfant, pendant quon en dvelopperait les fonctions par lducation et par un exercice soign et rgl, on ne resterait certainement pas enfant, on serait homme, et on pourrait devenir homme trs suprieur, tout en offrant, sans doute, des dviations notables du type ordinaire de lhumanit. De mme je ne nie pas que le type moral fminin ne prsente, en terms moyen, des divergences considrables du type masculin. Je ne prtends pas dfinir au juste en quoi consistent ces divergences naturelles et je ne sais pas si le temps est encore venu pour cela, mais je sais que des physiologistes trs minents prtendent que le cerveau des femmes est moins grand, moins fort par consquent, mais plus actif que celui des hommes. Daprs cela les femmes devraient tre moins capable de travail intellectuel continu et prolong, mais propres plus faire en peu de temps que les hommes, et faire mieux queux tout ce qui exige une grande promptitude desprit. Elles seraient donc moins propres la science, et plus propres au moins par leur organisation, la posie et la vie pratique. Ceci me semble saccorder assez bien avec ce qui sobserve dans la vie. Cependant on risquerait dexagrer beaucoup le degr de diversit relle, si on ne tenait pas compte de la diffrence dducation et de position sociale: car, que les femmes soient ou ne soient pas naturellement infrieures en capacit deffort intellectuel prolong, il nest pas douteux que rien dans leur ducation nest arrang de manire dvelopper en elles cette capacit, tandis que chez les hommes ltude des sciences, et mme celle des langues mortes, a certainement cette tendance. Dailleurs chez un grand nombre dhommes, surtout dans les classes suprieures des travailleurs, leurs occupations journalires exigent, ou du moins permettent, un travail suivi de la pense, tandis que chez la grande majorit des femmes lobsession perptuelle des soins minutieux de la vie domestique, chose qui distrait lesprit sans loccuper, ne permet aucun travail intellectuel qui ait besoin soit disolement physique, soit mme dattention suivie. Parmi les hommes eux-mmes on ne reconnat certainement pas une grande aptitude pour le travail de lintelligence chez ceux dont lenfance a t trangre toute tude
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tandis que les ncessits de leur vie postrieure nont pas remplac cet gard ce qui avait manqu leur ducation primitive. Je trouve aussi que dans les choses ordinaires de la vie, sur lesquelles lintelligence des femmes sexerce autant ou plus que celle des hommes, les femmes, mme mdiocres, montrent ordinairement plus de capacit que les hommes mdiocres. Un homme ordinaire na gure dintelligence, que dans sa spcialit propre, au lieu quune femme en a pour des intrts plus gnraux. Vous me direz que la vie affective prdomine plus chez les femmes sur la vie intellectuelle: mais vous avouerez vous-mme que ceci ne doit sentendre que de la vie sympathique: lgosme pur prdomine beaucoup plus chez les hommes: et si la sympathie devient le plus souvent chez les femmes un gosme plusieurs personnes, elle le devient de mme chez tous les hommes, sauf ceux qui une ducation, justquici trs rare, a dvelopp un haut degr le point de vue densemble et lhabitude denvisager les effets les plus gnraux dune conduite quelconque. Vous savez que cest l prcisment ce qui manque plus que tout le reste lducation des femmes, au point quon ne compte mme pas comme vertu leur sexe de donner la prfrence lintrt gnral sur celui de leur famille ou de leurs amis. Je ne veux pas pour cela nier que les femmes, comme tous ceux dont lexcitabilit nerveuse dpasse le degr ordinaire, ne doivent naturellement ressembler plus pour le caractre aux hommes jeunes quaux hommes gs, ni quelles naient naturellement plus de difficult que les hommes du premier ordre faire abstraction des intrts prsents et individuels; mais je crois que ce dfaut-l trouve une compensation spontane dans labsence dun autre dfaut particulier aux philosophes, qui souvent font abstraction non pas seulement dintrts immdiats mais de tout intrt rel; au lieu que les femmes, toujours places au point de vue pratique deviennent trs rarement des rveurs spculatifs, et noublient gure quil sagit dtres rels, de leur bonheur ou de leurs souffrances. Noublions pas quil nest nullement question de faire gouverner la socit par les femmes mais bien de savoir si elle ne serait pas mieux gouverne par les hommes et par les femmes que par les hommes seuls. Au reste il est peuttre trs naturel qu cet gard vous et moi soyons dopinion diffrente. Vous tes franais, et lon a remarqu de tout temps que le caractre franais tient dj un peu des dfauts, ainsi que des qualits, propres aux jeunes gens et aux femmes; vous pouvez donc penser quen fesant aux femmes une part plus large, on donnerait plus de force ce qui dj en a trop; au lieu que les dfauts du caractre anglais sont plutt en sens contraire. Sans entrer plus loin dans cette discussion subordonne, je vous ferai observer cette seule circonstance quon a toujours reconnu dans les franais, jusqu un certain point, lorganisation quon regarde comme fminine, et cependant quel peuple a produit de plus grands philosophes et des hommes dEtat plus distingus? En voil assez pour le moment sur cette grande question biologique et sociologique. Je vous dirai maintenant une bonne nouvelle. Nous avons fait pour notre philosophie commune une conqute de premier ordre: cest celui [sic] du jeune Bain, dont jai fait une mention honorable dans mon livre, que je lui avais communiqu avant sa publication, et quil a enrichi de beaucoup dexemples et mme de quelques ides utiles. Quoique g seulement de 26 ans il occupe depuis deux ans provisoirement en Ecosse une chaire de philosophie morale quil espre obtenir dfinitivement. Cest de tous les hommes de sa gnration moi connus, celui qui a pos le plus solidement les bases de lducation positive, par ltude approfondie des cinq premires sciences fondamentales dans leur ordre hirarchique: il a ensuite tudi mon livre, et cet t, le
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jugeant assez bien prpar, je lui ai fait lire le vtre, quil a tout de suite compris et apprci, et auquel il vient de consacrer trois mois dtude vigoureuse. Il avait reu de son ducation cossaise de fortes impressions religieuses, qui bien que dj un peu affaiblies, nont rellement cd qu linfluence directe de vos spculations. Par une exception rare de nos jours, il ne stait pas beaucoup occup de politique et de questions sociales: il avait vaguement lesprit progressif de notre sicle, et voil tout. Sous linfluence de la mthode positive quil a parfaitement comprise et dont ses antcdents intellectuels lui avaient donn lhabitude, lesprit de gnralisation scientifique quil possde un haut degr ne risque pas de sgarer dans le vague. Cest un penseur vritable, qui devait entrer sans effort dans la bonne voie ds quelle lui serait indique, et qui, soit par luniversalit, soit par loriginalit de son esprit, doit servir non seulement rpandre puissamment mais aussi perfectionner la sociologie positive. Sa position dans lenseignement public lui donne sous le premier rapport de grands avantages, dautant plus que je luis crois un talent didactique trs suprieur. Je vous flicite cordialement de laccomplissement de votre pnible corve de lhtel de ville. Vous me ferez grand plaisir en disant M. Romo Pouzin combien je suis sensible au souvenir si durable quil a gard de relations si courtes, souvenir aussi doux que flatteur pour moi. Je voudrais quil dpendit de moi daller le revoir avec vous Montpellier, o jespre bien retourner un jour. Si vous voyez M. Balard Montpellier, je serai charm davoir de ses nouvelles. Je lui ai crit il y a, je crois trois mois. A moins de quelque chose dimprvu, je ne doute pas de laccomplissement de la visite fraternelle que jai si longtemps dsire. Au revoir donc dans les derniers jours doctobre.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill.

[Sept., 1843] I am now vigorously at work reviewing Michelets History of France for the Edinburgh. I hope to do Napier, and get him to insert it before he finds out what a fatal thing he is doing.
403. TO JULES MICHELET1

India House
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le 12 septembre 1843
Monsieur
Il y a longtemps que notre correspondance est suspendue, et en effet jai eu honte de vous crire cause de la longue interruption de mon projet de donner dans la revue dEdinbourg une analyse de vos principaux ouvrages. Une sant faible et des occupations encore plus urgentes ont caus ce dlai inattendu, mais aujourdhui je moccupe srieusement dun article sur votre Histoire de France, o jai fait dj beaucoup de progrs, et je prends la libert de vous crire pour vous demander sil y a des explications quelconques que vous dsireriez quon donnt au public anglais et dont la revue dedinbourg serait susceptible de servir dorgane. Vous savez probablement quune revue anglaise, le British and Foreign Review, a fait, lanne passe, une assez vive sortie contre vous au sujet de Boniface VIII.2 Le critique prtend que vous avez fait un rcit fort peu exact de la vie de ce pape. Cette revue vous a fait depuis reparation jusqu un certain point en citant et en louant votre ouvrage,3 mais comme lattaque peut avoir laiss des traces dans quelques esprits, je serais bien aise de faire dire quelque chose l dessus dans lEdinburgh review si vous men fournissez les moyens. Agrez, Monsieur, lassurance de ma plus haute estime.
J. S. Mill. 404. TO AUGUSTE COMTE1

India House le 13 octobre 1843

Je vous cris la hte pour vous annoncer que notre entrevue si longtemps attendue est destine, cette fois encore, subir un empchement. Des circonstances, dont jai entrevu la possibilit mais que depuis quelque temps javais cess de croire probables, ont fini par devenir un obstacle dcisif mon voyage.2 Je suis, par plusieurs raisons, trs peu mme de pouvoir faire davance avec certitude des projets dabsence, ce qui fait que jvite toujours soigneusement de faire cet gard des engagements absolus. Toutefois je croyais, presquavec assurance, que celui-ci saccomplirait. Je regrette beaucoup que je naie pas pu vous avertir plustt, mais les circonstances ne se sont
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dcides quhier au soir aprs lheure de la poste. Je dsire infiniment que ceci vous parvienne avant le jour fix pour votre dpart de Montpellier. En rpondant la lettre que vous mavez crite de Bordeaux, je reprendrai la discussion sociologique que nous avons entame et que je regarde avec vous comme une des plus graves que la science puisse comporter. Mais je ne veux pas tarder vous exprimer ds prsent la flicitation la plus cordiale sur la perspective dune amlioration important dans votre position lcole polytechnique. Linfluence naturelle de ce changement, non seulement sur votre propre bonheur, si essentiellement li la scurit de votre avenir matriel, mais encore sur votre autorit intellectuelle et mme certains gards sur la libert de vos travaux, doit faire accueillir par vos amis toute esprance semblable avec la plus vive satisfaction.
Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill.

India House 14th Oct. 1843
My Dear Sir
I have been a good deal surprised & even pained by some passages relating to my father, in the article on Bentham just published in the Edinburgh Review.2 Several of the statements made on the authority of Bowring are incorrect in point of fact, but what I chiefly complain of is the insertion of some things reported to have been said by Bentham, calculated to give a most unfavorable, & as every one who really knew my father must be aware, an utterly false impression of the character & temper of his mind. Mr Benthams best friends well knewI have heard some of those who were most attached to him lamenthis entire incapacity to estimate the characters even of those with whom he associated intimately. The opinions he expressed of people depended very much upon their personal relations to himself: & as in the last few years of his life there was some coolness on his part towards my father, it is not unlikely that he may at times have said unpleasant things of him; but it is surely very blamable in a biographer to publish to the world every casual expression which such a man, or indeed any man, may have let fall to the disparagement of others. The additional publicity which your reviewer has given to the reflection on my father, was entirely unnecessary & uncalled for, in the place where it is introduced, (unless, indeed, lowering my fathers character was his express object): & you will, I know, excuse me for saying that I should not have expected, from so old a friend of my
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father & one who respected him so much as yourself, that you would have been a party to the needless publication of an attack upon him of the most personal kind, from a quarter so suspicious, & yet from the connexion of the reporter with Bentham (which is not commonly known to have been confined to the period of his extreme old age) so likely to be generally credited & circulated. I feel that something on my part to counteract the impression has now become indispensable. While the mischief was confined to the readers of Bowrings book, I thought it better to take no notice, but publication in the Edinburgh review is another matter. The silence of my fathers friends, & of his natural representative, would now amount to acquiescence, & an illhumoured remark, very probably misreported by Bowring, would go down to posterity as a true judgment of my fathers characterOn such wretched trifles depends the remembrance that mankind retain of those whose whole lives have been devoted to their service. I know I am asking an unusual thing, & though not I believe an unprecedented one, yet one with which I can hardly hope for your compliancebut would it be quite impossible for you to print, with the next number of the review, a short letter from me, containing my protest on the subject?3 If such a thing is ever admissible, I think this case gives a claim to it, & you are aware how difficult it will otherwise be to find a channel for communicating the truth as extensively & as efficaciously as your review will circulate the calumny.
Believe Me My Dear Sir Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill


Je dsire vivement que vous ayez reu, avant de quitter Montpellier, une lettre que je me suis trouv dans la fcheuse ncessit de vous crire pour vous avertir que notre projet dentrevue avait de nouveau chou. Quoique je susse toujours que dans certaines ventualits, cette visit amicale pouvait devenir impossible, de manire me dfendre ncessairement toute promesse absolue, cependant depuis quelque temps je croyais ces ventualits assez peu probables pour ne conserver plus aucun doute srieux sur la ralisation de notre projet. Cette attente a t trompe et jai, de plus, le regret de navoir p vous annoncer cette nouvelle que, pour ainsi dire, au dernier moment.
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Je ne vous cris aujourdhui qu cause de lincertitude si ma lettre antrieure vous est parvenue. Je me rserve de rpondre, au premier jour de loisir, votre discussion sur limportante question sociologique qui nous divise. Je nai dans ce moment-ci que le temps dcrire quelques mots de plus, et je les emploierai vous parler dun ancien ami de mon pre et de moi-mme, M. Austin,2 qui va passer lhiver actuel Paris et qui ma tmoign un vif dsir de vous connatre. Cest un homme dune haute intelligence et dune grande lvation de caractre, et je ne pourrais vous citer aucun homme dont lamiti me soit plus prcieuse. Par suite dune mauvaise sant et de son peu de got pour la socit ordinaire, il vite, comme vous, plutt quil ne recherche, toute liaison personnelle nouvelle. Cependant, malgr la superficialit de ses connaissances mathmatiques, et nonobstant plusieurs graves dissentimens dopinion davec vos thories sociales, votre ouvrage la tellement frapp quil regretterait beaucoup de demeurer Paris sans vous connatre personnellement. Sa femme,3 beaucoup plus connue que lui, a une certaine rputation de femme suprieure, rputation mrite quelques gards; elle a dailleurs une sociabilit presque franaise. Je crois vraiment que vous auriez quelque plaisir les connatre tous deux.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.

I.H. 21st October 1843
My Dear Sir
I am truly sorry that what seems to me a most natural feeling on the subject of the reflections on my father2 should appear to you unreasonable, & I am proportionally obliged to you for your friendly compliance with a request which you think uncalled for.3 I shall adhere to your conditions, as indeed I should have done if you had said nothing about them. No review can be expected to insert a controversy with itselfI have no claim upon you for more than an opportunity of correcting false statements or false impressions of fact. After the most honest self examination I cannot charge myself with any oversusceptibility in the matter. If I had been really chargeable with any, I should have found much more to complain of than I did; for there are other things in the article quite as injurious to my father as the passage which I wrote to you about. There are misstatements of fact, as well as true facts presented in a false light, respecting my fathers connexion with Bentham, sufficient to make any one believe that Bentham had conferred upon my father the most sacred obligations, for which he had shewn
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himself ungrateful. To this however I did not feel that I had any right to object since the statements were taken from Bowrings book, & had not, as you truly say, been contradictedindeed I did not know of their existence till I read them in the review. But I did feel hurt, when instead of reprobating the practice of publishing the idle words which one man may say of another in a moment of ill humour, your reviewer repeated & circulated, on no better foundation, general imputations against my father of a selfish, malignant disposition, which I thought you could have told him, from your own knowledge, were grossly unfounded. If he did not give his direct sanction to them, the impression on every reader must be nearly if not quite the same as if he had. Besides, in such a case not to defend is to attack, & the attack was more painful as coming from a friendly quarter. Neither can I agree with you that the needlessness of the citation is not a thing to be considered. Everybody must judge for himself whether it was needless or not, but whoever judges that it was, will draw his presumptions accordingly respecting the animus of the writer. The reason why I took no notice of Bowrings book was literally that I had not read it. I never attached sufficient value to anything Bowring could say about Bentham, to feel any curiosity on the subject. I was not then aware that the book contained any misstatement respecting my fathers private affairs. This particular passage I certainly was aware of, & intended to notice when I had again occasion to write anything either about Bentham or my father. But my experience of the literary estimation in which Bowring is held, & of his reputation for judgment & accuracy, was not such as to make me believe that the loose talk of Bentham, reported by him, would excite general attention, or pass for more than it is worth. The case is very much altered when that loose talk has received the imprimatur of the Edinburgh Review. I feel sure that you acted as you thought right, & that you did not know my father sufficiently to feel, in the way I thought you would, the injustice of the accusation. This is no small disappointment to me, but I cannot justly blame you for it, & I can sincerely say that I shall not retain, respecting yourself, any feeling of soreness whatever.
Believe Me My Dear Sir Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill My review of Michelet4 is finished, & I shall probably send it in next weeks parcel from Longmans. I am keeping it a few days for revision.
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My Dear Friend
I am ashamed when I think that I have not once written to you since you called upon me in your way homebut you would excuse me if you knew in how many ways my time and thoughts have been occupied. It is not, however, so much my work, in the proper sense, as by other things, for I have written little or nothing, extraofficially, except an article on the recent French historians, & especially on Michelets History of France,2 which I have just finished & which has brought my hand in again for work. You will see it in the Edin. Review unless Napier takes fright at some of the very heterodox things, in the eyes of an Edinburgh reviewer, still at the point of view of the 18th century, which the article contains. There is in particular some arrant Hildebrandism3 which I suspect will shock him especially after the Scotch kirk controversy.4 By the by you will perhaps see in the same number another communication5 from me, with my name signed to it, occasioned by a shabby, trumpery article on Bentham which has just appeared in the review. The writers object seems to be to bring down as much as he can the character both of Bentham and of every one whose name has ever been connected with his& he states facts & opinions respecting my father against which I have thought it imperative on me to protest publicly & have asked Napier to let me do it by a letter in his review, which he has consented to. I am sure if you have seen the article you will say it was high time. I went down for a day to Sterling at Ventnor6 a few weeks ago, & found him as cheerful & as well as could be hoped for after what he has gone through. He had got into his house, & what remained to be done by workpeople would soon be finished. Ventnor is a little cocknified place which has grown up on the site of a very small country village, but Sterlings is the most desirable situation in it, being the highestit looks over the village to the sea, & itself abuts upon the almost precipitous side of a walk down where the sheep bells tinkle close to his windows. Moreover there are just trees enough about the house to cover it up when you look at it from below. He is much pleased at the thought of having at last a fixed home & it is much in favour of his health & spirits that he is now, for the first time quite free from all anxiety about pecuniary matters. But here have I been describing the place to you as if you had not seen it. I have probably, indeed, a stronger impression about it than you, as I have lived in the house for 24 hours.Sterling is now in town, on business, for a few days. I have seen himhe continues well. His father though still appearing much broken, certainly seems a good deal better.
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Thanks for the votes which your (plural) persevering kindness has got for the little girl.7 With regards & remembrances to all
Yours
J. S. Mill. Clara continues well & prosperousshe is still at Frankfort.
409. TO CAROLINE AND ANNA MARIA FOX1

[Oct. 23, 1843]2 I just slip in this little bit of paper for the sake of remembrance & to sayno, to say that I do not know what to say to such a flaming panegyric as that bestowed on my unworthiness by a young lady who has done me the honour to learn fallacies under my tuition. In spite of so much encouragement I cannot in conscience take off my injunction against reading the remainder of the book (which however is, I assure you, quite as clever) so whoever does read any of it must know that she does it at her own risk & responsibility. The only as lofty panegyric that I have yet met with is from the Puseyite review the British Critic,3 which almost exhausts language in admiration of me & my book, & then adds that notwithstanding I shall certainly go to . I trust there was no such mental reservation in the praise of my other eulogist. I wish heartily I could walk to Falmouth (or Rome) one of these fine mornings. I want extremely to look upon the blue Cornish sea or the Mediterranean for one half hour, not to speak of the Ariadne in the Vatican, & the two young Cornish women whose names you will find somewhere on the envelope. J.S.M.

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Mon Cher Monsieur Comte,

Notre dissidence sur la question que vous caractrisez avec raison comme la plus fondamentale que puissent prsenter les spculations sociales ne doit certainement faire natre aucune inquitude sur la possibilit finale dune suffisante convergence dopinion parmi les gens instruits, sur des bases purement rationnelles. Mais cette dissidence, et la manire de penser que la discussion dvoile de part et dautre, me confirme dans lopinion que les bases intellectuelles de la sociologie statique ne sont pas encore suffisamment prpares. Les fondements de la dynamique sociale sont aujourdhui, mon gr, pleinement constitus: mais, quant la statique, lhistoire ny tenant plus la premire place, et ny pouvant servir qu titre dclaircissement en quelque sorte accessoire, quoique je ne me dissimule pas limportance de ce rle secondaire; le passage de la statique sociale ltat vraiment positif exige par consquent, comparativement la dynamique, une bien plus grande perfection de la science de lhomme individuel. Il suppose surtout un tat trs avanc de la science secondaire que jai nomme Ethologie,2 c..d. de la thorie de linfluence des diverses circonstances extrieures, soit individuelles, soit sociales, sur la formation du caractre moral et intellectuel. Cette thorie, base ncessaire de lducation rationnelle, me parat aujourdhui la moins avance de toutes les spculations scientifiques un peu importantes. Une certaine connaissance relle, mme empirique, de cet ordre de rapports naturels, me semble on ne peut plus rare, et les saines observations ne le sont pas moins, soit par la difficult du sujet, soit par la tendance qui prvaut le plus souvent dans cet ordre de recherches, regarder comme inexplicable tout ce quon nest point parvenu expliquer. Le genre dtude biologique commenc, quoique avec une grande exagration, par Helvtius, na trouv personne pour le poursuivre; et je ne puis pas mempcher de croire que la raction du 19me sicle contre la philosophie du 18me a dtermin aujourdhui une exagration en sens contraire, tendant faire aux diversits primitives une part trop large, et dissimuler, sous plusieurs rapports, leur vrai caractre. Je trouve trs naturel que vous expliquiez chez moi cette opinion par mon insuffisante connaissance de la thorie physique de la vie animale, et surtout de la physiologie crbrale. Je fais, et je continuerai faire mon possible pour faire disparatre toute objection semblable. Jai fait des tudes consciencieuses sur ce sujet; jai mme lu avec une attention scrupuleuse les six volumes de Gall. Jai trouv fort juste une grande partie de sa polmique contre la psychologie de ses devanciers, dont au reste javais ds longtemps dpass le point de vue: mais vous savez dj que les principes gnraux qui seuls selon vous sont jusquici constats dans la science phrnologique, ne me paraissent nullement prouvs par son livre, qui, au contraire, sil prouvait quelque chose, tendrait plutt, il me semble, conformment lintention de lauteur, dterminer lorgane crbral de certains instincts spciaux, soit animaux, soit particulirement mentaux. Jadmets la ncessit de prendre en srieuse considration tous les rapports quon peut esprer dtablir entre la structure anatomique et les fonctions intellectuelles ou morales: je saisirai avec empressement tout moyen de mclairer davantage sur ce sujet; si vous mindiquez dans ce but quelques nouvelles lectures faire, je les ferai: mais tout ce que jai lu ou pens jusquici me porte croire que rien nest vraiment tablique tout est encore vague et incertain dans cet ordre de spculations. Il me semble mme trs difficile quelles sortent de cet tat, tant que lanalyse thologique de linfluence des circonstances extrieures, mme
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gnrales, est aussi peu avance quelle lest; les diversits anatomiques ne devant rpondre qu des rsidus (pour me servir ici de ma terminologie logique),3 aprs quon a soustrait du phnomne total, tout ce qui comporte une autre explication quelconque. Si, dans notre discussion sur les tendances caractristiques des deux sexes, jai cit une opinion que je savais tre celle de plusieurs physiologistes minens, et qui ferait croire les femmes moins propres que les hommes aux travaux crbraux de longue haleine, partant aux sciences et la philosophie, ce nest pas que ce soit l mon opinion propre; je la donnais comme la seule parmi les thories de ce genre qui ne me semblait pas en contradiction flagrante avec les faits: encore si on ladmettait, elle nindiquerait de la part des femmes, aucune inaptitude pour la science, mais seulement une moindre vocation spciale pour elle. Maintenant, que cette thorie physiologique soit vraie ou non, cest ce que je ne prtends pas dcider; les progrs scientifiques le dcideront probablement un jour. Jcarterai donc, dans la suite de notre discussion, les considrations anatomiques en me tenant dispos accueillir tout renseignement nouveau que vous puissiez mindiquer ou qui se prsente de toute autre part. Vous pensez dailleurs quindpendamment de ces considrations, une analyse exacte de lexprience gnrale, tant usuelle quhistorique, suffit pour tablir vos conclusions. Quant lexprience usuelle, javoue que la mienne ne saccorde pas, en ce qui est en question, avec la vtre. Ne croyez pas que je me flatte aucunement de bien connatre les femmes; il est trs difficile de connatre intimement qui que ce soit; et la difficult pour tout tre mle de connatre rellement, je ne dis pas les femmes, mais une femme quelconque, est le plus souvent insuprable [sic]. Celui qui les connat le mieux certains gards, ne les connat pas du tout dautres. Cependant je crois le milieu anglais plus favorable, tout prendre, pour les connatre, que le franais. Daprs tout ce que jai pu apprendre, soit par les livres, soit par ma propre observation ou par celle des autres, lducation des jeunes filles est beaucoup plus sexuelle, pour ainsi dire, en france, quelle ne lest en angleterre. Je ne dis pas ceci dans le sens physique, quoique cet gard aussi ce soit vrai: je veux dire que leffet produire sur lautre sexe leur est habituellement prsent, pour ne pas dire habituellement propos, comme but principal de leur conduite, et mme ds lenfance. Cela est beaucoup moins vrai ici, cela nest mme pas vrai du tout, en thse gnrale, et cette diffrence a des rsultats immenses, non seulement sur le dveloppement propre de leurs facults mais sur la possibilit aux hommes de les bien connatre, puisquen france elles sont constitutes en tat permanent de simulation: ici, au contraire, il y a seulement, en gnral, de la dissimulation, effet de la compression sociale, encore celle-l mme est essentiellement involontaire, les femmes, le plus souvent, nen ayant, elles-mmes presque pas conscience. Elles se regardent certainement chez nous, et les hommes les regardent aussi, moins comme femmes, et beaucoup plus comme des tres humains en gnral. Leur ducation leur impose bien, en leur qualit de femmes, quelques rgles spciales de biensance, mais comme prceptes gnraux, et sans quelles les rapportent leur position envers les hommes, ou envers un homme quelconque. Leur dpendance sociale gne beaucoup leur dveloppement mais ne laltre pas autant quen france. Quoi quil en soit de cela, mes propres observations ne mindiquent rien qui puisse justifier le jugement absolu que vous portez sur les femmes, dincapacit pour toute
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direction des affaires quelconques. Dabord lgard du gouvernement domestique, il est, je crois, gnralement reconnu que les mnages sont mieux gouverns en angleterre que partout ailleurs, du moins en ce qui regarde la discipline et lobissance, tant lgard des enfants qu celui des domestiques. Ces derniers ont en gnral (si on excepte lEcosse) moins dintelligence quen France ou en Italie, mais ils font leur tche avec beaucoup plus dexactitude et de perfection matrielle, qui pourtant ne sobtiennent quau prix dune surveillance intelligente et continue. Or le gouvernement domestique appartient ici exclusivement la femme: le mari se croirait ridicule sil sen mlait: il est trs souvent dune ignorance et dune incapacit souveraine dans tout ce genre de dtails. Pour la direction industrielle, les femmes ne lont jamais exerce jusquici quen des tablissements dune tendue trs modre, o pourtant on na pas remarqu quelles sen soient plus mal acquittes que les hommes, ni que lesprit de suite leur ait manqu: effectivement quand on veut sentendre sur le sens des mots, je ne trouve pas que ce soit du tout ce qui leur manque. Lesprit de suite qui vous parat avec raison la principale condition du succs prolong dans les entreprises industrielles de premier ordre, ne peut pas tre la capacit de soutenir une forte contention intellectuelle pendant huit ou dix heures par jour: sil en tait ainsi, fort peu dhommes sen tireraient avec succs. Ce qui fait lesprit de suite, cest sans doute la persvrance dans un dessein arrt ou dans un plan donn, jusqu ce que lessai en soit suffisamment fait. Or je ne crois pas quon puisse contester cela aux femmes, comparativement aux hommes. Je ne crois pas que le caprice, que la mobilit, dont on les accuse (quoiquon soit bien loin de les en accuser en angleterre) sexercent dans les choses qui regardent leurs intrts permanents; je crois quon ne trouve nulle part, dans les desseins importants, plus de patience et de longanimit que chez elles: dailleurs je trouve leur caprice, mme dans les cas les plus caractriss, beaucoup plus apparent que rel, quoiquelles sachent quelquefois trs bien sen servir comme moyen dagir sur ceux parmi les hommes qui les envisagent, pour citer vos paroles, comme de charmans jouets. Vous les jugez moins aptes que les hommes la prpondrance de la raison sur la passion, cest-dire, plus portes suivre limpulsion prsente de tout dsir nergique. Je pourrais dire au contraire quelles le sont beaucoup moins, si je voulais juger cette question daprs lexprience journalire; car le renoncement aux choses quelles dsirent est chez elles lordre usuel de la vie, au lieu que chez les chefs de famille mles ces sacrifices narrivent gure que dans les grandes occasions, et que ces chefs se montrent ordinairement trs peu patients les supporter dans les choses o ils ne sen sont pas fait une habitude. Mais je ne veux rien fonder l dessus, parce que je reconnais dans la patience des femmes ainsi que dans limpatience des hommes en ce qui froisse leurs inclinations, leffet naturel de la puissance dune part et de la dpendance de lautre. Il faut donc dcider cette question par des considrations priori. Or il me semble que la prpondrance de la raison sur linclination est proportionne lhabitude quon a de sexaminer soi-mme, et de se rendre compte de son caractre et de ses dfauts. Celui qui nest point parvenu avoir la conscience exacte de son propre caractre, ne saura pas diriger sa conduite daprs sa raison. Il continuera dobir ses habitudes, soit daction, soit de sentiment ou de pense. Je crois que cet examen de soi-mme, malheureusement trop rare partout, lest pour le moins autant chez le sexe mle que chez les femmes. Une conscience intime de soimme, et lempire sur soi qui en rsulte, sont des faits trs exceptionnels chez les uns et les autres: mais si vous demandiez la plupart des anglais leur jugement sur ce
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point, vous trouverez chez eux, quelle que soit dailleurs leur opinion sur le compte des femmes, un prjug tout contraire la doctrine que vous soutenez; beaucoup dentre eux seraient ports croire les mles incapables dexercer sur eux-mmes une force de rpression morale gale celle quils regardent comme le propre des femmes. Sans partager cette ide exagre, je ladmets au moins comme indice que le tmoignage de lexprience nest pas exclusivement de lautre ct. Dailleurs, lopinion gnrale accorde aux femmes une conscience ordinairement plus scrupuleuse que celle des hommes: or quest-ce que la conscience, si ce nest pas la soumission des passions la raison? Je viens maintenant largument fond sur la persistance, jusqu notre temps, de la subalternit sociale des femmes, compare lmancipation graduelle des classes infrieures dans les nations les plus avances, quoique ces classes aient partout commenc par tre esclaves. Cette diffrence historique ne vous parat explicable que par une infriorit organique de la part des femmes. Je crois pourtant voir cet argument une rponse suffisante. Il est vrai que les esclaves sont parvenus, dans les populations dlite, slever jusqu la libert, et mme quelquefois lgalite sociale. Mais je ne crois pas que cela ait jamais eu lieu lgard des esclaves domestiques. Ceux-l ne se sont, je crois, jamais mancips eux-mmes: ils y sont parvenus la suite des autres esclaves, sans y avoir contribu par leurs propres efforts. Cest quil y a dans la dpendance continue, dans celle de tous les instants, quelque chose qui nerve lme, et qui arrte ds le commencement tout essor vers lindpendance. Le serf est dans une tout autre position: il a des devoirs plus ou moins fixes remplir envers son matre; ces devoirs remplis, il est peu prs libre: il a de la proprit lui; il est forc la prvoyance; il ne reoit pas le pain dautrui, il est charg du soin de sa propre subsistence: il a mme du pouvoir sur les autres; il est matre chez lui; il a femme et enfants, il est responsable pour eux, il sexerce dans le commandement, il apprend se croire quelque chose. Tout cela tait dj vrai, jusqu un certain point, chez les esclaves agricoles des anciens; et pourtant, le premier pas dans leur mancipation, celui de leur transformation en serfs, na pas, je crois, rsult de leurs propres efforts, mais de lintrt des matres, seconds par lautorit morale de lglise. Cest seulement depuis ltat de servage que leur lvation sociale a t essentiellement du eux-mmes. Or il faut reconnatre que la position spciale des femmes, quoique sans doute trs suprieure en Europe ce que furent jamais les serfs, est dpourvue de cette demi-indpendance, de cette habitude de diriger, entre certaines limites, leurs propres intrts, sans aucune intervention suprieure, qui a toujours appartenu aux serfs, et qui a t, ce me semble, la principale source de lessor par lequel ils se sont peu peu levs la libert. La servitude des femmes, quoique bien plus douce, est une servitude sans intermission, et qui stend tous les actes, et qui les dcharge, bien plus compltement que les serfs de toute haute prvoyance et de toute vraie direction de leur propre conduite, soit envers la societ, soit mme dans le sens de lintrt individuel. Cela tant, la douceur comparative de cette servitude est une raison de plus pour quelle se prolonge. Je ne crois pas quil y ait un homme sur cent mille, qui, nayant jamais joui de la libert, soit capable de la prfrer ltat desclave caress, tat si conforme la paresse qui est universelle et la lchet qui est trs gnrale dans notre espce. Jamais dailleurs des esclaves quelconques nont t si soigneusement levs, ds la premire enfance, dans la ferme croyance quils doivent toujours tre assujettis dautres hommes, et que les affaires relles de la vie
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ne sont pas du tout de leur ressort, que le sont et lont toujours t les femmes. Tous les ressorts sympathiques de leur nature particulire sont employs leur faire chercher le bonheur non pas dans leur vie propre, mais exclusivement dans la faveur et dans laffection de lautre sexe, ce qui ne leur est accord qu condition de dpendance: peu importe alors quun grand nombre dentrelles vivent et meurent sans se lier aucun homme, puisque la direction exclusive de leur esprit et de leur ambition dans ce sens pendant leur jeunesse doit empcher plus tard, si ce nest dans des cas tout fait exceptionnels, tout lan rel dans une autre direction, mme en supposant une suffisante indpendance pcuniaire, et le milieu social le plus favorable. Il est inutile de vous parler de linfluence que doit exercer lintimit toute particulire de cette classe de dpendants avec leurs matres, intimit si au-del de celle qui peut exister dans tout autre cas; je ne parle pas non plus de linfluence morale de linfriorit en force physique, qui, mme en ne supposant, du ct des mles, aucun abus direct de leur puissance musculaire, doit ncessairement amener un certain respect involontaire, et une certaine habitude de dpendance, qui finit mme souvent par stablir entre deux mles dont lun est plus faible que lautre, sils sont trs lis ensemble. Ces considrations me paraissent plus que suffisantes pour expliquer un retard presquindfini de lmancipation sociale des femmes, sans quon puisse induire del quelle ne doive jamais arriver. Au moins vous avouerez quelle ne pouvait avoir lieu que longtemps aprs celle des serfs, qui nest pas elle-mme un fait trs ancien. Il me semble, au reste, que llvation des femmes est dj aussi avance, et quelle savance aussi vite, quon pourrait sy attendre, daprs la thorie de lgalit naturelle. Elles ne peuvent pas faire comme les serfs, qui ne se sont affranchis quen formant des socits part, cest--dire les villes, o mme, le plus souvent, ils ont eu soutenir une longue lutte militaire avec leurs seigneurs: lutte dans laquelle leur supriorit en nombre, accompagne dgalit en forces physiques, fut une compensation puissante de leur infriorit en ducation militaire. Les femmes, au contraire, ne pouvaient slever socialement quen prouvant de plus en plus, par des efforts individuels, dans toutes les carrires qui ne leur sont pas interdites, quelles sont capables de plus grandes choses quon ne leur accordait auparavant. Il me semble qu cet gard elles font de rapides progrs, et que par ce moyen, le seul possible, leur affranchissement soprera par elles-mmes. Depuis un sicle chaque gnration a dpasse la prcdente quant au nombre et au mrite de leurs crits: ce mouvement progressif est surtout devenu trs acclr en France et en Angleterre depuis 50 ans. Plusieurs femmes se sont mme leves, dans leurs crits, jusquau gnie crateur; quoique les facults qui le constituent ne dussent servir le plus souvent, chez le sexe qui ne fait pas dordinaire des tudes srieuses et qui na pas vivre de son travail, qu titre dornement, ou tout au plus au bonheur de la vie intrieure. Ce qui leur a principalement manqu jusquici en littrature comme dans les beaux-arts, cest une forte originalit; mais il est trs naturel que cela manque, surtout dans les commencemens, ceux qui viennent les derniers: ce sont les romains qui viennent aprs les grecs. La littrature fminine a ncessairement commenc par imiter la masculine; elle sest conforme aux types et aux ides reues, et ce nest que daujourdhui quon voit des femmes qui crivent comme femmes, avec leurs sentimens et leur exprience fminine. Elles feront cela, je crois, de plus en plus, et je ne doute pas qualors on ne voie cesser le reproche quon leur a fait de navoir rien su
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crer de premier ordre, car toute grande cration suppose ncessairement une conception originale. Je ne dirai quune chose de plus. Dans la haute direction des affaires humaines, le rle de reine est le seul qui ne soit pas ferm aux femmes. Ce rle seul, par une anomalie accidentelle que vous qualifiez de ridicule, et qui lest en effet par son contraste bizarre avec lensemble de leur position sociale, leur est rest ouvert dans la plupart des pays europens. Or, partir du tems o la royaut a cess dexiger surtout la capacit militaire, jusqu celle [sic] o elle a commenc ne plus exiger, ni mme en quelque sorte comporter, aucune capacit quelconque; dans cet intervalle d peu prs deux sicles, les reines nont-elles pas honorablement rempli leur fonction sociale? et lhistoire ne montre-t-elle pas dans ce temps tout autant de grandes reines, proportion garde, que de grands rois? Je le crois du moins, et cette exprience, faite en des circonstances qui sont trs loin dtre favorables, ne doit pas avoir peu de poids, ce qui men semble, dans la question de leur capacit gouvernementale. Je vous envoie, comme vous voyez, mon cher Monsieur Comte, un trait au lieu dune lettre.4 Je ne men excuse pas, car sans doute vous pensez comme moi quune question si fondamentale mrite quon la retourne de tous les cts, et quon ne perd pas son temps la discuter longuement. Je tiens dailleurs beaucoup ce que vous ne croyiez pas que ce soit ici de ma part une ide lgrement adopte: il y a peu de questions que jaie plus mdites, et bien quen gnral je sois connu pour ne pas tenir des opinions une fois admises, ds quon me prouve quelles sont mal fondes, celle-ci a rsist chez moi tout ce quon lui a oppos jusquici. Comme vous avez aussi de votre part une opinion trs arrte, il nest gure probable quune discussion pistolaire, ou mme orale, fasse disparatre notre dissentiment, mais elle peut, sans cela, nous tre, de plus dune manire, trs utile. Il me reste peu de place pour vous parler dautre chose. Jai fait part M. Austin de votre aimable intention de faire en sa faveur une exception votre rgle dviter les nouvelles connaissances. Il y est trs sensible et se propose daller vous voir. Je pense que vous vous en trouverez bien: cest un homme trs digne de votre sympathie, et dont la conversation est pleine dides justes et profondes. Je ne connais personne qui juge plus sainement langleterre, et aussi, autant que je puis prononcer l dessus, lallemagne, o il a longtemps sjourn. Mon jeune ami Bain est digne de tout votre intrt, et tout annonce quil ne trompera pas nos esprances. Il mcrit souvent de lEcosse des lettres admirables de bon sens et de profondeur. Il trouve les esprits, mme dans ce pays si religieux en apparence, merveilleusement bien prpars pour lavnement final du positivisme. At a distance, dit-il, one can hardly believe, how very few points of every day human life are touched by theologic views. Theology is descending rapidly to the mere Esthetic & to a bond of social agglomeration, the desire of which last is its greatest hold.
Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill.
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Nov. 3, 1843 My review of Michelet is in Napiers hands. If he prints it, he will make some of his readers stare.

Le 3 novembre 1843. Vous savez, mon cher Tocqueville, combien tout ce qui vient de vous mest agrable et vous ne pouvez douter du plaisir que ma donn lopinion si flatteuse que vous venez de me tmoigner lgard de ma Logique, et qui est dautant plus prcieuse quelle vient dune lecture lente et consciencieuse. Cest un grand bonheur dcrire pour des intelligences et pour des caractres comme la vtre, quand on est assez heureux pour obtenir leur approbation. Je vous suis dailleurs redevable de tant dinstruction et de plaisir intellectuel que jai toujours trs vivement dsir de pouvoir un jour payer in kind, comme nous disons, et de mriter auprs de vous lhonneur dtre regard comme un collaborateur rel dans la cause du progrs intellectuel et social. Jprouve un grand plaisir en apprenant que vous partagez mes ides sur la mthode propre perfectionner la science sociale: les suffrages quon doit le plus ambitionner en pareille matire sont ceux du trs petit nombre des penseurs qui, comme vous, ont rendu des services vraiment importants cette science. Votre approbation du point de vue do jai envisag la question de la libert humaine mest aussi trs prcieuse. Je regarde moi-mme ce chapitre-l2 comme le plus important du livre: il est lexpression fidle des ides o jtais arriv depuis bientt quinze ans, que je navais jamais crites, mais dans lesquelles je puis dire que javais trouv la paix, puisquelles seules avaient satisfait pleinement chez moi au besoin de mettre en harmonie lintelligence et la conscience, en posant sur des bases intellectuelles solides le sentiment de la responsabilit humaine. Je ne crois pas quaucun penseur un peu srieux puisse jouir dune vraie tranquillit desprit et dme, jusqu ce quil ait accompli quelque solution satisfaisante de ce grand problme. Je ne desire pas imposer ma propre solution ceux qui sont satisfaits de la leur, mais je crois quil y a beaucoup dhommes pour qui elle sera, comme elle a t pour moi, une vritable ancre de salut. Je compte bien, suivant vos aimables conseils, ne pas en rester ce seul ouvrage, quoique je ne me trouve pas de force traiter systmatiquement une science aussi difficile et aussi peu avance que celle de la politique. Jai lespoir dy contribuer quelque chose par des travaux partiels quoique je naie pas encore dcid ce quils seront. En attendant je moccupe un peu de faire connatre en Angleterre les bons crivains franais: je viens de faire un article sur les historiens et notamment sur
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Michelet.3 Et vous, que ferez-vous? Vous consacrerez-vous maintenant uniquement la politique? Je le regretterais beaucoup, car tout en apprciant trs hautement la valeur de la chaire politique (si cette expression est permise), je crois quil y a plus dhommes capables de faire le peu quon puisse faire prsent dans la vie publique quil y en a qui peuvent crire des livres tels que vous pourriez les faire. Ne traiterezvous jamais la France comme vous avez trait lAmrique? Vous lavez bien commenc dans ce petit crit dont vous parlez dans votre lettre et qui dj jette une lumire importante sur plusieurs questions sociales et historiques gnralement trs mal comprises. Merci mille et mille fois de votre invitation amicale. Il ny en a point laquelle je me rendrais avec plus de plaisir mais je nose rien promettre, cause de la raret et de la courte dure de mes vacances qui, par consquent, sont presque toujours remplies par des obligations indispensables. Ne viendrez-vous jamais ici? Votre tout dvou J. S. Mill. India House.

[Autumn, 1843] There is no chance, for Social Statics2 at least, until the laws of human character are better treated.
414. TO HENRY COLE1

I. H. Tuesday [Nov. 14, 1843]
My Dear Cole
A year or two ago when you said something to me about paying the 100 which I had the pleasure of accommodating you with formerly, I said to you pay me last. Now however I have certain reasons for wishing to call in all money due to me2 & I therefore write to retract what I then said.
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I have always considered the help I then gave you as a just & proper support to the honorable & public spirited course you took at that time.3 If you had been thrown out of office and emolument permanently by your conduct at that time I should never have asked you for payment nor regretted the loss. Nor have I ever said a word to you about it until now. Now however I should really be very glad if you would make the earliest arrangements for the payment, either at once or by instalments, as would not interfere with you & your familys comfort & convenience, and I only mention this because, though I always knew you would pay me if you lived & had the means, you might suppose that the time of payment still continued to be altogether unimportant to me, which however is no longer the case.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill
415. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. Thursday [Nov. 16, 1843]
My Dear Cole
Your letter is all that is right & honorable, & kind also. No explanation was requisite of your not having paid the money, as I always ascribed it to the causes you mentionexcept that I did not know how you had acted about the Guide,2 which does you great honour. The reasons which induce me to wish for the money are not so urgent as to time, as to require that you should put yourself at all out of the way to pay me in a shorter time than that you mention. Nor even, if it should prove more inconvenient than you expect, would I have you make a point of doing it even in that time unless my need of it should grow stronger than I can at present foresee. All I intended to ask of you was exactly what you saythat it should be put in train as among the first things to be settled.
Ever Yours With Sincere Regard

J. S. Mill
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Mon Cher Monsieur Comte,

Puisque vous jugez que la discussion qui a tenu dernirement une si grande place dans notre correspondance, est maintenant parvenue au point au del duquel elle ne peut plus tre porte avec avantage, je mabstiendrai de la prolonger en y ajoutant des observations quelconques sur votre dernire lettre. Cette lettre na nullement branl ma conviction, comme, en effet, elle ny tait pas destine, mais seulement mieux constater les points de divergence entre nos deux manires de penser. Je dois dire pourtant que plus je mdite cette question, et plus je me raffermis dans mon opinion, qui, de trs ancienne date chez moi, ne sest pas trouve dmentie mais certainement confirme par les faits qui se sont prsents mon observation dans la vie; en quoi elle diffre de beaucoup dautres opinions que javais seulement acceptes de la philosophie ngative de mon temps et que jai depuis modifies ou abandonnes. Permettez-moi de dire aussi que notre discussion, par cela mme quelle na pas chang mon opinion, a ncessairement tendu la fortifier; car malgr llaboration plus complette que vous vous proposez de donner cette question dans le Trait dont vous allez commencer la prparation, je suis bien persuad que vous possdez parfaitement tout ce quon peut dire de mieux lappui dune doctrine laquelle vous tenez si fortement, et je crois que ce qui vous reste dire ne pourra plus tre que le commentaire, en quelque sorte, de ce que vous mavez dj indiqu. Cette discussion a laiss chez moi, dautres gards, des traces permanentes, et je pense quelle aura un certain effet sur la direction de mes travaux venir. Je vois de plus en plus que cest la statique sociale qui maintenant appelle surtout les esprits convenablement prpars. Vous avez fond dfinitivement la sociologie dynamique, et nul esprit mancip, suffisamment pourvu de connaissances positives, ne peut manquer reconnatre dans votre grande loi du dveloppement humain et dans ses divers corollaires, une explication vraie de lensemble du pass social, et la prophtie dun avenir indfini. Il importe prsent que la statique sociale soit maintenue au niveau de la dynamique, qui sans elle, ne peut pas tre, comme vous le dites trs bien, suffisamment rationnelle, ni surtout servir nullement contrler lanarchie actuelle des doctrines sociales. Pour cela je crois quil faut surtout travailler perfectionner, ou plutt, on peut presque dire, crer lEthologie; en apprciant convenablement la nature et le degr des effets thologiques produits soit par lorganisation, soit par les diverses circonstances extrieures. Je conviens avec vous que dans ces spculations, o la mthode des rsidus doit ncessairement devenir dun usage trs tendu, lordre des soustractions partielles nest rien moins quindiffrent. On doit, ce me semble, commencer par soustraire les influences dont leffet comporte, avec le plus de facilit et de prcision, lapprciation directe: ce seront, le plus souvent, celles qui ont le plus
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dimportance relle; mais peut tre pas toujours. Au reste, on devra probablement procder tantt du dehors en dedans, tantt en sens inverse, suivant les moyens quon a dapprcier directement les effets ds soit une position extrieure quelconque, soit un type quelconque dorganisation. Je me promets, ce propos, de lire le cours de M. de Blainville, ou du moins la partie quil en a livre au public: je regrette beaucoup que ce travail ne soit pas publi intgralement. Jai commenc lire les uvres anglaises de M. Spurzheim, et je ne ngligerai pas les ouvrages que vous mavez indiqus de cet auteur. Je voudrais essayer de me rendre propre faire quelque chose pour lEthologie, qui sera probablement, quoique je ne sache pas encore sous quelle forme, le sujet du premier livre que jcrirai. Je compte sur la lecture trs prochaine de votre petite brochure sur lcole polytechnique, qui, daprs votre indication, doit tre peu prs termine, et qui, si elle ninflue pas immdiatement sur la constitution donner cette importante cole, attirera du moins, sans doute, lattention publique par lopportunit de sa publication. Je dsire vivement que les mutations faire dans le personnel polytechnique soprent de manire vous rendre enfin la justice quon vous refusa si indignement la dernire occasion, et jattends avec impatience le dnouement de cette sorte de crise. Quant mon traducteur, dont Marrast ne ma jamais dit le nom, je ne sais rien son gard, que ce que je vous ai dj annonc. Jcrivis Marrast, il y a plusieurs mois, une lettre un peu chaleureuse pour le dterminer veiller sur la fidlit de la traduction, notamment en ce qui regarde le juste hommage que jai rendu votre ouvrage et vous-mme. Je nai pas reu de rponse, ce qui tient peut-tre de la part de Marrast, son tourdissante occupation de journaliste, qui lui permet rarement de mcrire. Au reste je ne compte pas beaucoup sur cette traduction, et je ne serai nullement tonn si elle na jamais lieu, ce qui vaudrait beaucoup mieux que des suppressions quelconques. Je suis bien flatt de lhonneur que M. de Blainville a rendu mon livre par une lecture soigneuse et par la haute approbation quun esprit si suprieur a bien voulu lui tmoigner. Dans mon propre pays cet ouvrage a un succs bien au-del de ce que javais espr: la plupart des esprits comptents soit juger, soit seulement profiter de ce genre de spculations, ont pris, ou se prparent prendre, connaissance de ce livre, et les opinions quils expriment lui sont jusquici trs favorables. Ce qui vous tonnera peut tre, lcole Anglo-Catholique, sur laquelle je vous donnai autrefois quelques renseignements et qui a pris une importance trs considrable, quoique seulement passagre dans notre public spculatif, a trouv bon dafficher une haute protection de mon ouvrage: leurs divers organes lui ont consacr des articles2 quelquefois assez remarquables, et on me dit qu Oxford o ils sont trs puissants, tout le monde me lit. Cest peu prs comme si De Maistre prconisait votre grande ouvrage. Vous comptez bien quils font ceci avec de nombreuses rserves, surtout sous le rapport religieux, mais cela vaut mieux tous gards que sils me louaient sans restriction. Dun autre ct, on me lit Cambridge pour se prparer aux examens de luniversit, car M. Whewell y interroge les lves sur son propre ouvrage, et comme on pense quil dirigera volontiera des questions dans le sens des doctrines que jai combattues, on lit mon livre afin de savoir ce quelles sont.
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Je nai pas revu Mazhar Effendi. Je suis parvenu savoir quil a quitt Londres, o probablement il nest pas encore revenu. Quand il sera de retour il trouvera mon dernier billet, et jaurai fait son gard tout ce qui dpendait de moi.
Votre Dvou,
J. S. Mill

[Late 1843] I do not know when I shall be ripe for beginning Ethology.2 The scheme has not assumed any definite shape with me yet.
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1844 418. TO ALEXANDER BAIN1

Jan. 8, 1844 I am reading a German professors book on LogicBeneke2 is his namewhich he has sent to me after reading mine, and which had previously been recommended to me by Austin and by Herschel as in accordance with the spirit of my doctrines. It is so in some degree, though far more psychological than entered into my plans. Though I think much of his psychology unsound for want of his having properly grasped the principle of association (he comes very close to it now and then), there is much of it of a suggestive kind.

India House 10th Jany 1844
My Dear Sir
Your note of the 6th arrived safe, & permit me to thank you for the very handsome remittance inclosed in it. I do not feel confident of having the Guizot2 ready for your next number, even if you should have room for it. When I can speak more positively on the subject I will inform you. The insertion of the words my father required no apology. I should very willingly have inserted them myself, if you had asked me: although of myself I should not have used themthe ground on which I begged you to insert my letter3 not being filial feeling but the desire to correct an injustice. However, considerations which affect only manner, are always, in my eyes, of quite subordinate importance to matter. Seniors article4 is full of excellent matter, though I think he is too hard upon OConnell & the Repealers. With cordial return of your kind wishes on the occasion of the new year, believe me
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Yours Very Truly,

J. S. Mill

India House le 17 Janvier 1844

Je suis comme vous voyez un peu en retard pour ma rponse votre dernire lettre, ce qui tient surtout un nouveau drangement chronique de ma sant qui gne considrablement ma facult de penser. Je crains que ma lettre actuelle ne se ressente un peu de cet affaiblissement, dautant plus que la paresse desprit qui en est la suite, me dcide pour la premire fois depuis le commencement de notre correspondance vous crire sans faire de brouillon. Je vous prviendrai ce propos, que malgr mon habitude cet gard je ne suis pas, par rapport la conservation de notre correspondance, en meilleur tat que vous: je garde soigneusement toutes vos lettres, mais je nai pas conserv les miennes, pas mme en brouillon, except toutefois les parties qui se rapportent notre grande discussion rcente que jai transcrite en entier sur vos lettres et sur les miennes et recueillie dans un livre. Il est fort peu probable que je me trouve naturellement amen imprimer quelque chose dun peu important sur la question dont il sagit, avant davoir eu loccasion de lire votre trait de sociologie, malgr le retard ncessairement produit par votre intention de ne le faire paratre quintgralement. Quant cette rsolution elle-mme, bien que jen doive ncessairement retirer un vrai dsappointment, en ne lisant pendant plusieurs annes rien de vous et en ne pouvant suivre comme je lai fait jusquici le progrs de votre grande entreprise philosophique, je dois pourtant applaudir votre dcision. Cette laboration, en effet, ne me parat pas susceptible dtre apprcie ou mme tudie avec fruit, si ce nest dans son ensemble. Vous avez dj donn toutes les ides de philosophie sociologique qui soient mon sens, vraiment propres tre accueillies titre de prparation: il reste prsent tablir systmatiquement, dans leur connexit, les principales doctrines de la science sociale; et une publication partielle serait aussi peu propre remplir ce but-l, quelle let t dans le cas par exemple, de mon propre livre. Je croyais avoir donn dans lavant-dernier chapitre de mon ouvrage,2 une adhsion publique complette votre loi fondamentale de lvolution humaine. Jen avais certainement lintention bien arrte. Je nai pas le moindre doute, ni sur la vrit et luniversalit de cette grande loi, ni sur sa susceptibilit de servir de fondement lexplication des principaux faits secondaires du dveloppement humain ce que je
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naurais jamais cru possible, un degr si complette, avant les preuves nombreuses que vous en avez donnes dans votre grand ouvrage, en ralisant, tant dgards importants, cette explication. Cest parce que le travail dynamique se trouve par l dans un tat dj assez avanc que je regarde ltablissement des principes de la statique comme devant occuper la place la plus importante dans la phase prochaine de notre entreprise. Je serai vraiment heureux si la traduction de mon libre vient enfin dpendre du jeune Bernard3 que je prfrais de beaucoup un professeur quelconque ignor, non seulement par ce que vous men dites, mais encore plus parce que vous exerceriez naturellement sur lui une autorit morale qui empcherait toute atteinte grave lexactitude soigneuse quexige une pareille tche. Je suis trs content de limpression quont faite sur vous M. et Mme Austin.4 Le premier mrite bien tout ce que vous dites sa louange, soit sous le rapport de son intelligence, soit par lvation de son caractre et par la noblesse de ses sentimens. Cest dailleurs lhomme le plus dnu de prjugs, conservatoires [sic] ou rvolutionnaires, religieux ou antirligieux, quon puisse trouver peut-tre dans toute langleterre. Sa femme est non seulement trs aimable mais vraiment suprieure, quoique je connaisse des femmes qui la dpassent infiniment. Cest par le bon sens des ides et par la clart et llgance de lexpression quelle excelle le plus, soit dans la conversation, soit dans le peu quelle a crit. Quant la tendance blue je crois quelle sen dfendrait trs vigoureusement: Son genre de vanit me semble tout autre, cest du reste, un reproche qui atteint tout naturellement toute femme qui se mle de littrature. Mon ami Bain me mande qu sa recommandation un libraire dAberdeen y a fait venir deux exemplaires de votre grand ouvrage. Il ajoute: The Bookseller who ordered them found it impossible to procure them in London, which he ascribed, I know not with what truth, to a great and sudden demand for the book through the country. Il est certain que votre nom se rencontre aujourdhui beaucoup plus souvent dans les feuilles priodiques. Je ne vois pas encore beaucoup de citations une peu considrables, si ce nest dans les articles de notre ami Lewes.5 Les tentatives des meneurs jsuitiques auprs de vous mamusent beaucoup. Je crois nos chefs anglo-catholiques beaucoup plus consciencieux. Il y a meme parmi eux quelques esprits suprieurs.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

I.H.
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5th Feb. 1844
My Dear Sir
It will not be in my power at present for reasons connected with my other engagements & with my health, to furnish you with the paper you wish for, nor am I sure that if I could furnish one, it would be of the kind you wishso much new light having been thrown on banking questions by the discussions of the last few years that my former opinions require much reconsideration. I should be glad to hear anything you can tell me about Professor Nichol, as he has written to me very seldom of late years.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill.

India House 26th February 1844
Dear Mrs. Austin

I had heard a favourable account of Mr Austin from Lewis2 before I received your letter, & I am very glad to have it confirmedthe experiment of whether Paris agrees with his health & whether he likes it as a place to live in, which is one great element of health, was well worth trying & I congratulate him on its having succeeded thus far. I hope he is well enough to go on with what he had begun to write. It seems to me of more importance than ever that the public should have his account of Prussia & the Prussian government since I have read Laings.3 I want to see his view of that view of Prussian affairs. There is a real faculty of observation & original remark about Laing which is likely to give his book considerable influence here, whenever his prejudices coincide with the common English ones, which in spite of many appearances to the contrary, they generally do. It is strange to find a man recognizing as he does that the Norwegian, & German, & French state of society are much better for the happiness of all concerned than the struggling, go-ahead English & American state, & yet always measuring the merit of all things by their tendency to increase the number of steam engines, & to make human beings as good machines & therefore as mere machines as those. His attacks on the peculiarities of the German governments are likely to have the more influence because they are in all probability exaggerations of truths.
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Comtes taking to you is what I should have expected. I do not find that his profession of avoiding society stands good at all towards those who seek, or whom he thinks likely to value, him. He is at war with most of his cotemporaries, & is disposed to like those who give him the appreciation he thinks unjustly withheld by others: reste savoir whether his liking would hold unless kept up by homage or services to himself. Thanks for your invitationbut there is nothing in the state of my health to require change, that being much the same as it was when I saw you last& I do not wish to leave London or apply for any holiday at present. I am looking forward to a real holiday in summer which will set me up for some time
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill

My Dear Friend
Many thanks for your writing to tell me of your present & prospective happiness.2 I had heard of it through your sisters & mine, but it was pleasant to receive the intelligence from yourself. If this important event in your life turns out as favourably as you have apparently the best reasons to expect, there are as I often think, few persons whose lot in life is more favourable than yours or who have more reason to look forward to a happy existence. In any case you have my sympathy & good wishes in the fullest measure. I am sorry for what you tell me about Sterling. I had not heard of or from him for some time, nor indeed had I written to him lately, having been rather unsocial & neglectful of such duties for the last few months. I have the most agreeable remembrance of a visit to him last October.3 The brightness of that sea & air have often flashed upon the inward eye between that time & this.
Yours Most Truly

J. S. Mill
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My Dear Sir
The opinion you expressed the other day that those Pol. Economy papers2 of mine if printed would have a good chance of selling enough to pay their expenses, induces me to ask you whether you would be inclined, on that chance, to take the risk of publishing them. I have never hitherto offered them to any publisher, but if you were really inclined to it I should think seriously of the matter. I should probably think it right to offer them first to Parker, but I have no idea that he would publish them.
Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill. W. Tait Esq.

My Dear Sir
I have been urged by various people to publish certain Political Economy essays2 which I wrote some years ago & have kept by me in manuscript, in which form several of my friends have read them. They are of too abstract a character for popularity, but the most important of them has a direct bearing upon the question of Reciprocity which has been raised by Col. Torrens in his Budget3 & so much discussed of late & therefore, among political economists, they would doubtless excite some attention though not, I am afraid, among the general public. I should not have thought of proposing to any publisher to take the risk of printing them, if I had not lately had an offer to that effectbut having had such an offer I
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should at once close with it if I did not wish first to ascertain whether you would undertake the publication. I should prefer you as publisher to any one else, though I do not feel at all confident that it will suit you. The Essays will I think make an octavo volume of some 250 pages.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

India House le 3 avril 1844

Depuis plusieurs jours deux exemplaires de votre Discours2 me sont parvenus par lintermdiaire de Madame Austin, qui men promet encore trois par la premire occasion et je viens den recevoir cinq directement. Je commence les placer le plus convenablement que je le puis, en vitant den donner ceux sur qui on peut compter pour en acheter et qui le peuvent sans aucun inconvnient. Ce petit sommaire mest parvenu au moment o je faisais une nouvelle lecture srieuse de votre sixime volume, qui en raison de sa publication plus rcente, et aussi parce que je lavais laiss emporter en Ecosse par mon ami Bain, tait celui de tous que javais lu le moins souvent. Jai trouv dans le Discours un rsum admirable des conclusions gnrales de votre Systme, avec quelques claircissements accessoires. Mais plus jy rflchis, plus il me semble merveilleux que vos artisans parisiens puissent comprendre cela. Sans doute puisquils y portent un intrt soutenu ils doivent en recueillir un certain fruit, et je suis bien persuad que ce quils en retirent doit ncessairement leur profiter beaucoup. Mais il me semble trs difficile, mme pour les intelligences trs cultives, de se placer au point de vue philosophique de ce petit Trait sans sy tre lev graduellement par la prparation des six volumes de votre grand Trait. Je trouve, de mme, quil ne pourrait rsulter quun avantage trs problmatique de la traduction actuelle de votre Discours en anglais. Les principes logiques noncs dans ce Discours dans une forme ncessairement abstraite feraient ici peu deffet, sans avoir t prcds de lexposition concrte; ceux mme qui ces principes ne rpugneraient pas nen sentiraient probablement pas assez la valeur et la porte, tandis que des lecteurs mal prpars, qui craignent le travail lent et fatigant dune tude suivie de votre Cours, se croiraient le droit de juger dfinitivement votre philosophie daprs une apprciation rapide dun petit crit qui leur semblerait tort destin en prsenter les titres, ainsi que les principaux rsultats. Le seul attribut caractristique de la nouvelle philosophie, dont on aurait par cet crit une suffisante connaissance relle, ce
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serait son incompatibilit radicale avec toute thologie quelconque, et cest prcisment ce quil importe beaucoup quon ne reconnaisse pas encore, parce que cette ide, gnralement rpandue, dtournerait de cette tude un grand nombre desprits, surtout jeunes, qui, si on ne les effrayait pas dans le commencement, finiraient par saccoutumer toutes les consquences, mme anti-religieuses, du positivisme. Le temps nest pas venu o sans compromettre notre cause, nous pourrons en angleterre diriger des attaques ouvertes contre la thologie, mme chrtienne. Nous pouvons seulement lluder, en lliminant tranquillement de toutes les discussions philosophiques et sociales et en passant lordre du jour sur toutes les questions qui lui sont propres. Par consquent il me parat que le propagandisme que vos ouvrages ne manqueront pas dexercer en angleterre comme ailleurs, aura lieu par leur lecture directe. Ceux qui ajoutent une certaine culture scientifique une mancipation ou mme une demi-mancipation religieuse, sont presque toujours capables de lire votre livre en franais et la traduction ne leur en serait daucune utilit. Jattends avec beaucoup dintrt votre Cours populaire dastronomie. Je dsire vivement apprendre la manire dont vous prsentez cette science des esprits sans aucune prparation mathmatique srieuse. Nous avons chez nous des traits populaires dastronomie, assez bien faits au reste, mais qui se contentent, comme lordinaire, den faire connatre empiriquement les rsultats, sans donner, comme vous avez d le faire, une ide nette et juste, quoique gnrale, de la mthode par laquelle la raison humaine est parvenue dcouvrir et dmontrer les lois des phnomnes soustraits en apparence ses principaux moyens dexploration. Jai reu dernirement une nouvelle preuve de limpression gnrale produite par le succs de ma Logique. Un libraire ma fait la proposition dimprimer un petit recueil de discussions en conomie politique,3 que jai crites il y a longtemps et que ce mme libraire avait autrefois refus de publier. Il y a l des choses qui peuvent encore tre utiles et je me suis dcid daccepter la proposition en ajoutant ce petit livre la rimpression dun article de revue4 dans lequel javais autrefois expliqu, propos de lconomie politique, les principes de la mthode dductive. Jai mme encore lide, puisque mes mditations thologiques ne seront pas mres de longtemps, de faire en attendant ce qui ne serait pour moi quun travail de quelques mois, cest--dire un trait spcial dconomie politique,5 analogue celui dAdam Smith qui nest certainement plus au niveau de ce temps-ci, tandis que sa place nest pas encore convenablement remplie. Je sais ce que vous pensez de lconomie politique actuelle: jen ai une meilleure opinion que vous, mais si jcris quelque chose l dessus ce sera en ne perdant jamais de vue le caractre purement provisoire de toutes ses conclusions concrtes, et je mattacherais surtout sparer les lois gnrales de la production, ncessairement communes toutes les socits industrielles, des principes de la distribution et de lchange des richesses, principes qui supposent ncessairement un tat de socit dtermin, sans prjuger que cet tat doive ou mme quil puisse durer indfiniment, quoiquen revanche il soit impossible de juger les divers tats de la socit sans prendre en considration les lois conomiques qui leur sont propres. Je crois quun pareil trait peut avoir, surtout ici, une grande utilit provisoire et quil servira puissamment faire pntrer lesprit positif dans les discussions politiques.
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Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
After receiving your note I determined to publish the Essays & accordingly made a tender of them in the first instance, as I felt bound to do, to Parker, who after a few days consideration contrary to my expectation consented to publish them. I am therefore precluded from closing, as I should otherwise have done, with your proposition. But I consider you as completely the primary cause of their being published, as I should not probably have thought of offering them to any publisher if you had not mentioned the subject to me. You certainly do not lose much profit by not being the publisher.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

I.H. Saturday [May (?) 1844]
My Dear Sir
I have commenced an article on Duveyriers Lettres Politiques2 & expect to have finished it in a fortnight or three weeks when if you are inclined to take such an article I will send it to you.
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Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House 10 May 1844
My Dear Sir
This will introduce to you my friend Mr. G. H. Lewes who wishes to converse with you on the subject of a literary work projected by him.2 Of course I cannot judge how far such a work would suit you as a publisher but I have a very high opinion of Mr Lewes qualifications for undertaking it.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
My friend Mr David Masson,2 of Aberdeen, has requested me to give him a line of introduction to accompany an article on Wallace3 which he proposes offering to your review. I think you will find that he has treated the subject in a way by no means commonplace or trite & I consider him likely to be a valuable contributor to any review. If I were still an editor myself I should certainly print the article.
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Believe Me Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sterling
For some time after I heard of your last dreadful attack I was afraid to write to you, your father having given me what seemed strong reasons against doing sobut as these do not seem any longer to exist, I venture to write. I do most earnestly hope that you will not give way to discouragement about your state, although I know by painful experience how natural it is to do so & what mere idle words everything must appear that can be said to you by persons who have so much less means of judging than yourself. But there is a surprising elasticity in your constitution which has carried you through shocks which would have been fatal to many a stronger person, & that is what we have to rest hope upon. And there is one thing which cannot be said to you too often, because I have seen before that there was real need of saying it. If there should be but little chance of your recovering anything like solid or perfect health, or even of your possessing permanently & safely such a degree of it as you have sometimes had for considerable periods together, in the last few years, I am afraid you will think that anything short of this is not worth having or worth wishing forthat you will be useless & helpless & that it is better to be dead. I enter most perfectly into such a feeling & should very likely feel the very same if I were as I have several times thought I might be, in your circumstancesbut I cannot conceive anything more completely mistaken than in your case such a feeling would be. If you were never able to go through any active exertion, or to write a single line, except an occasional letter, or to exercise any influence over mankind except the influence of your thoughts & feelings upon your children & upon those by whom you are personally known and valued, you would still be, I sincerely think, the most useful man I know. It is very little that any of us can do, except doing good to those nearest to us& of what we can do the smallest part, in general, is that which we calculate upon & to which we can attach our name. There are certainly few persons living who are capable of doing so much good by their indirect & unconscious influence as you are & I do not believe you have ever had an adequate conception of the extent of influence you possess & the quantity of good which you produce by it. Even by your mere existence you do more good than many by their laborious exertions. I do not speak of what the loss of you would be, or the blank it would make in life even to those who like me have except for short periods had little of you except the knowledge of your existence & of
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your affection. None of us could hope in our lives to meet with your like again& if we did, it would be no compensation. And when I think how many of the best people living are at this moment feeling this, I am sure that you have much to live for. All connected with me whom you know are feeling deeply interested about you, including Clara,2 who has repeatedly written most anxiously wishing to know all that can be known about your health & intentions. She is now at Dresden & has been much interested & excited by the change of scene & manner of life; her ?3 has been a completely successful experiment & she does not seem at all disposed to return soon. George is now working under me in the India House to which he has been appointed by the Directors in a way very kind & agreeable to me. He is learning his business very successfully & is in other respects of great promise. I myself have been writing several review articles, one on Guizots essays4 & lectures, at the request of Napier though I do not know when he will print it, & one on the Currency,5 which is just coming out in the Westminster. I have also been able to get published some Political Economy essays,6 written fourteen years ago. This is one effect of the success of the Logic. I think my next book will be a systematic treatise on Political Economy, for none of the existing ones are at all up to the present state of speculation.
Ever My Dear Sterling Yours Most Affectionately

J. S. Mill


Vous devez recevoir bientt, si vous ne lavez pas encore reu, un exemplaire dun petit volume de moi2 que je vous ai fait adresser par lditeur, quoique je ne puisse pas esprer quil vous intresse beaucoup ni que fous fassiez en sa faveur une nouvelle exception votre rgle dhygine crbrale, laquelle vous avez drog dune manire si honorable pour moi, en faveur dun ouvrage plus important. Je ne le vous ai envoy que pour mmoire, et parce que je ne voudrais pas quil part quelque chose en mon nom, sans que vous en eussiez connaissance. Je ny mets pas au reste beaucoup dimportance; cest un recueil de discussions dconomie politique, crites il y a 14 ou 15 ans et restes depuis lors en manuscrit, lexception dune seule qui se rapportant principalement la mthode, comportait un intrt plus gnral et qui a paru dans une revue en 1836.3 Puisque je les avais crites et quon ma propos de les publier jai cru quelles valaient la peine de les imprimer mais non celle de les refaire, sauf des corrections verbales et quelques suppressions motives par le progrs
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postrieur de mes conceptions logiques, progrs essentiellement d votre grand ouvrage. Je me flicite de lapprobation que vous voulez bien donner mon projet de faire sur lconomie industrielle des socits un trait un peu plus systmatique. Je ne me sentais pas auparavant suffisamment assur de votre adhsion ce projet, qui pouvait vous paratre essentiellement anti-scientifique, et qui le serait en effet si je navais le plus grand soin de bien tablir le caractre purement provisoire de toute doctrine sur les phnomnes industriels qui fasse abstraction du mouvement gnral de lhumanit. Je crois que ce dessein, sil pouvait tre convenablement excut, aurait lavantage de prparer lducation positive de beaucoup desprits qui soccupent plus ou moins srieusement des questions sociales, et il me semble aussi quen prenant pour modle gnral le grand et le beau travail dAdam Smith, jaurais des occasions importants de rpandre directement quelquesuns des principes de la nouvelle philosophie, comme Adam Smith a fait pour la plupart de ceux de la mtaphysique ngative dans ses applications sociales sans veiller les dfiances ombrageuses en dployant aucun drapeau. Je crois dailleurs quun tel ouvrage a aujourdhui des chances favorables pour semparer de son terrain spcial, en cartant les traits existants, tous essentiellement suranns mme par rapport ltat actuel de lopinion publique, qui si elle ne trouve pas bientt quelque chose dun peu mieux, se dtournerait certainement de cet ordre dtudes, sans que ce dgot puisse encore profiter autre chose qu lempirisme systmatique qui nie toute doctrine gnrale en matire sociologique. Je vous remercie vivement de vos remarques philosophiques sur la discussion pendante en France sur la libert denseignement. Sans avoir suivi les diffrentes phases de cette discussion javais saisi ce quil y a danormal et de contradictoire dans les positions respectives des thologiens et des mtaphysiciens lgard de cette lutte, o leurs rles sont comme vous lavez si bien dit, essentiellement renverss: ce qui du reste a lieu aujourdhui dans presque toutes les grandes discussions politiques, non seulement en france mais mme ici, o les situations, malgr des diffrences superficielles, sont les mmes au fond. Le parti des anciennes ides a cess, ici comme ailleurs, de gouverner: quel que soit le parti dominant, il ny a des diffrences relles de doctrine que chez ceux qui suivent: les chefs se conduisent toujours dans des intentions de juste milieu; ils nont que les prmisses convenues de leur parti politique, en renonant toutes les consquences. Cest seulement depuis quelques ans, et surtout depuis le dernier avnement du parti tory,4 que cette situation commence tre gnralement comprise; et cest surtout aujourdhui quelle se dessine trs fortement par les attaques systmatiques quune partie des Torys,5 dirige par quelques jeunes gens assez remarquables, a entrepriss au nom des anciens principes, contre la politique actuelle du parti conservateur. Cest l encore une phase indispensable de notre mouvement social et intellectuel. Les doctrines ngatives tant tombes en discrdit avant davoir accompli leur uvre, il est indispensable que les anciennes doctrines sociales reprennent un peu de leur influence antrieure afin quelles aussi puissent de nouveau dmontrer exprimentalement leur impuissance actuelle. Cest ce quelles ne tarderont pas faire. En attendant tout cela sert ranimer les spculations sociales. Dans les temps modernes la pense nest jamais, au fond, ennemie de la pense: tous les penseurs sont tellement en danger dtre
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opprims par les mdiocrits de leur propre parti que leur sympathie mutuelle est peu prs assure, sauf des rivalits personnelles directes. Je regrette beaucoup, quoique je nen sois nullement surpris, que vous ayez prouv un drangement physique auquel il est trs difficile dchapper quand on travaille comme vous, peu prs sans intermission. La cessation totale de travail crbral soutenu, pendant quelques mois, que vous me recommandez avec un intrt si amical, vous serait probablement encore plus avantageux qu moi. Je ne manquerais pas de profiter de votre conseil si une pareille relche me devenait rellement importante, et dans ce cas-l je naurais aucune difficult obtenir un cong de la longueur suffisante. Il ny a lieu aujourdhui aucune dmarche pareille, puisque je me porte mieux que je ne me suis port depuis deux ans, et je me sens aussi propre qu lordinaire toute espce de travail intellectuel. Jespre my livrer beaucoup cette anne. Ne vous mettez pas en peine lgard de la traduction de mon livre; il en sera comme il pourra. Si, comme je lespre, le professeur de Marrast ne la fait pas, il sera toujours libre au jeune Bernard6 de lentreprendre, pourvu toutefois quil y ait un diteur qui veuille sen charger, ce qui peut-tre ne se trouvera pas, par des raisons que vous sentirez trs facilement, car les doctrines de mon livre sont tout aussi opposes celles de toutes les coles rgnantes en France, que celles du vtre, et si de mon ct je nai attaqu personne, au moins je vous ai lou, en mabstenant de louer aucun chef de coterie. Si par ces raisons le livre nest pas traduit, nous lavons bien merit.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

I.H. 6th June 1844
My Dear Sir
I have been disappointed by not finding time to finish my article on Duveyrier.2 Part of it is completed & the first draught made of the rest but I have been so taken off by things of more immediate emergency & especially by official work that I have not been able to get it completed & now I am about to go out of town for some weeks during which it must be suspended. I have no doubt however of being able to let you have it before the end of August, which I suppose will be in time for your autumn number.
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Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House le 12 aot 1844 Il fallait, mon cher Monsieur Comte, que la premire de vos lettres qui ne me ft pas venue promptement ft prcisment celle dont la prompte arrive importait le plus. Jarrive aujourdhui dun cong court et dont la destination tait depuis longtemps rigoureusement fixe et je viens seulement de lire cette lettre et dapprendre tout ce quelle contient. Vous me connaissez, jespre, assez pour croire que je massocie on ne peut pas plus votre indignation et que je me rjouis cordialement que les indignes menes de ceux que vous avez avec votre franchise philosophique si justement dnoncs vous aient moins nui quil ny avait dabord lieu de craindre. Quoique le rtard de ma rponse vous ait probablement dcid vous adresser directement M. Grote, je nai pas perdu un moment lui faire part de votre lettre; il est la campagne et je nai pas pu encore avoir de rponse. Je connais assez son caractre et je suis assez sr de lestime profonde quil a pour vous pour que je neusse pas hsit, mme si vous ny aviez pas pens, demander ses conseils dans un pareil cas, en lui offrant loccasion de participer par lui-mme et de provoquer la participation de ses amis riches une uvre qui ne peut manquer de faire honneur ceux qui y prennent part. Comme vous le dsirez, par des raisons dont je reconnais la justesse, je rserverai mes propres ressources pour le cas o leur emploi serait indispensable ce dont je pourrai mieux juger en quelques jours dici. Je vous cris, mon cher ami, au milieu des embarras de toutes sortes dont on est entour quand on arrive. Je vous crirai au long le plustt possible.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

India House 14 aot 1844
233
Mon Cher Ami

M. Grote prend sur lui la moiti de la somme ncessaire. Demain jespre pouvoir vous dire dfinitivement do viendra lautre moiti. En tout cas les six mille francs sont assurs.
Votre Devou
J. S. Mill

I.H. 14th Aug. 1844
My Dear Sir
How much time can you give me to finish Duveyrier2 for your next number. I have just returned & find myself loaded with occupation.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

I.H. 16 Aug. 1844
My Dear Sterling
The trifling thing you ask might have been done without asking& if there is anything in which I can ever be useful or helpful to you or yours, you cannot do me a greater kindness than by telling me of it. I have never so much wished for another life as I do for the sake of meeting you in it. The chief reason for desiring it has always seemed to me to be that the curtain may not drop altogether on those one loves & honours. Every analogy which favours the
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idea of a future life leads one to expect that if such a life there be, death will no further change our character than as it is liable to be changed by any other important event in our existenceand I feel most acutely what it would be to have a firm faith that the world to which one is in progress was enriching itself with those by the loss of whom this world is impoverished. If we lose you, the remembrance of your friendship will be a precious possession to me as long as I remain here, & the thought of you will be often an incitement to me when in time of need & sometimes a restraint. I shall never think of you but as one of the noblest, & quite the most loveable of all men I have known or ever look to know. J.S.M.

Mon Cher Ami

Nous tenons une partie de la seconde moiti du dficit, et je suis assur dobtenir le reste sans recourir mes propres fonds. La chose a tran un peu, seulement cause de labsence de tous ceux qui on devait sadresser de prfrence et qui ne sont pas Londres dans ce tems-ci. Dun jour lautre je puis tre mme de vous annoncer le rsultat dfinitif de mes dmarches. Je ne tarderai pas faire parvenir M. Whewell de votre part un exemplaire de votre Discours.2 Il men reste encore, puisque je ne le donne qu ceux que je juge capables den profiter, et pas assez riches pour devoir lacheter. Comme mon libraire-diteur est aussi celui de M. Whewell, il mest facile de me servir de son intermdiaire dans le cas dont il sagit. Je dsire beaucoup savoir de vous la nature de cette nouvelle crise polytechnique. Il me semble quelle offre lautorit un puissant moyen de changer tout ce quil y a de nuisible dans le rglement de lcole.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
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Mon Cher Ami

Il est ouvert en votre faveur chez MM. Delamarre Martin Didier et Co banquiers, Rue des Jeuneurs, Paris un crdit de 3000 francs et le 1er fvrier prochain une autre somme pareille sera votre disposition chez les mmes banquiers. La somme provient tout entire de M. Grote et de sir William Molesworth, M. Grote stant oppos formellement ce quon essayt dy associer dautres. Il a trouv plus convenable de ne sadresser qu des esprits compltement mancips sous le rapport religieux, jugeant que nul autre ntait capable de vous apprcier suffisamment. Sans cela je neusse pas craint de madresser deux dentre les chefs de banque les plus distingus, qui admirent beaucoup vos ouvrages: chez lun deux surtout jai pu massurer personnellement quil avait pour vous une admiration sentie, malgr ses opinions religieuses assez prononces. Cependant je trouve avec M. Grote que la chose est mieux comme elle est. Lui et Sir William Molesworth sont tous deux assez riches pour que vous ne puissiez pas vous croire oblig en conscience de les rembourser jamais, et je sais que vous leur feriez plus de plaisir en ne les remboursant pas. Ainsi tout est arrang pour le mieux, et vous pourrez ainsi jouir sans inquitude de votre loisir inaccoutum, et vous occuper en tems opportun du commencement de votre second grand ouvrage.
Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill

India House le 5 october 1844

Mon absence de Londres, quoique courte, a laiss aux affaires du bureau le temps de saccumuler de manire mavoir laiss jusquici peu de loisir pour moccuper
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dautre chose que de mes devoirs officiels et daffaires domestiques. Aprs deux mois de travail et de proccupation qui ne mont permis ni aucune tude ni le trs peu de distractions dont jai lhabitude, ce nest vraiment que depuis hier que je me suis trouv assez libre doccupation et de pense pour pouvoir songer vous crire. Je nai, par consquent, rien de bien intressant vous apprendre sur mon propre compte, sauf ltat de ma sant, qui sans tre forte, est maintenant peu prs bonne et capable de supporter tout ce que je serai probablement en lieu dexiger delle. A cet gard le cong que jai obtenu ma rendu un service vritable. Puisse le loisir inusit qui vous est chu cette anne vous avoir pareillement servi, en dissipant le drangement exceptionnel que votre sant semblait avoir subi sur les commencemens de lanne, que la crise que vous avez traverse tait de nature empirer, mais qui tait apparemment de la sorte de drangement qui lorsquils ne sont pas de trop longue date, nont gure besoin pour la gurison, que dun changement suffisant dhabitudes, et surtout dune intermission de travail. Si, en outre, cette intermission vous a permis de commencer votre seconde grande laboration philosophique, je nai assurment pas besoin de vous dire que je men rjouirai profondment. Plus on savance dans la vie, et mieux on sent le prix du temps. Jai souvent besoin de me rappeler avec une motion pnible, combien lincertitude de la vie fait un devoir chacun de mettre le plutt possible labri de tout hasard les choses utiles quil peut faire mieux que les autres ou que les autres ne peuvent ou ne veulent pas faire. Peu dannes scoulent sans que cette rflexion soit douloureusement fortifie par quelque perte irrparable. Je viens den subir une, par la mort prmature dun du trs petit nombre de ceux pour qui jprouvais une amiti vive et une estime parfaite.2 Il runissait lun des plus nobles caractres qui puissent exister, une profondeur de sympathie qui tient de lidal fminin et quon ne trouve que fort rarement en angleterre si ce nest dans les femmes et encore trs exceptionnellement. Avec une grande tendue de connaissances et une forte intelligence, il navait pas le vritable esprit positif; il tait pourtant trs au del de nos coles mtaphysiques les plus avances. Ecclsiastique anglican, il avait depuis longtemps cess dappartenir par ses opinions une glise quelconque, et en juger par ce quil avait fait et par les progrs de son intelligence pendant dix ans dune sant faible et fragile, il et rendu de trs grands services au progrs moral et intellectuel par linfluence quil aurait exerce sur des esprits auxquels le positivisme pur ne peut pas encore avoir accs. Il est mort de phtisie pulmonaire lge de 38 ans. M. et Mme Austin lont connu et aim, sans avoir t, je crois, autant que moi en tat dapprcier sa valeur. Je trouve toujours que le positivisme marche ici, mais il y a encore trs peu dhommes qui par la force primitive de leur esprit et par le degr de leur prparation, soient capables de sapproprier compltement la mthode et de faire faire des progrs la doctrine. Je ne vois que Bain en qui, si je mourais demain, je serais sr de laisser un successeur. Vous avez pu juger notre digne ami M. Grote. Il a bien dpass son Benthamisme primitif, mais la mtaphysique ngative fait toujours le fond de sa culture intellectuelle. Molesworth, avec les mmes tendances gnrales, a lesprit plus libre; il est, aussi plus jeune mais son intelligence est plus dductive quinductive; sa nature est gomtre: il est par nature ce que jtais il y a quinze ans par mon ducation. Austin sest lev trs lentement et trs pniblement au-dessus de ce niveau, mais sa dplorable sant, limperfection de son ducation scientifique, et son incapacit maladive de rien terminer, empchent malheureusement de pouvoir
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compter sur lui pour des choses du premier ordre, quil est, tout autre gard, fait pour dignement accomplir. Restent donc les jeunes gens, et parmi ceux de ma connaissance je ne vois que chez Bain ltoffe dun esprit du premier ordre, avec des habitudes intellectuelles parfaitement bonnes. Et nous pouvons nous vanter, vous et moi, davoir dcid de sa direction. Sil vit, et il a heureusement une organisation forte, il fera de grandes choses, et il soutiendra dignement la cause du positivisme chez nous. Je compte sur lui pour former beaucoup dlves Aberdeen, o il enseigne publiquement avec un succs remarquable. Je crois dailleurs que la philosophie positive trouvera plus daptres actuels en cosse quen angleterre, non seulement cause de linfluence des antcdents philosophiques de ce pays, qui sont, comme vous savez plus voisins de lesprit positif, mais encore par plusieurs autres raisons. Dabord, linstruction suprieure y est beaucoup plus rpandue quici: les coles suprieures et les universits sont de nature mettre cette instruction porte de la classe moyenne, et mme de quelques fils de paysans, classe qui a fourni noblement son contingent la gloire intellectuelle de lEcosse. Ensuite cette instruction elle mme est moins exclusivement littraire et plus scientifique quen angleterre. En troisime lieu, bien que les croyances religieuses soient restes plus fortes chez le peuple cossais, linfluence ecclsiastique y est beaucoup plus faible, ce qui est aujourdhui plus ququivalent. Enfin, je trouve quil y a une analogie relle dans la tournure de lesprit cossais et de lesprit franais. Vous navez certainement pu mconnatre quel point les Hume, les Ferguson, les Adam Smith, les Millar,3 les Brown, les Reid,4 mme les Chalmers ressemblent intellectuellement des franais, tandis que nos philosophes anglais, en exceptant peut tre Hobbes, appartiennent une type diffrent: chez Locke, chez Berkeley, chez Hartley, chez Coleridge, ches Bentham mme, cest un ordre dides et de tendances intellectuelles profondment disparates, et je pense quun esprit vraiment anglais, sorti de notre ducation publique, et tranger toute culture continentale, est, beaucoup dgards, plus loign du vritable esprit positif quaucun autre homme instruit. Vous vous plaignez avec raison de ltat du public franais, dont lincapacit positive tient aujourdhui, ce me semble, des causes plutt morales quintellectuelles. Ici nous avons encore beaucoup de chemin faire pour nous placer au niveau intellectuel de Guizot, et ce sont dj des hommes trs suprieurs au vulgaire qui ont accompli ce progrs, quelque minime quil doive paratre au point de vue de la vraie positivit. Je ne sais si je vous ai dit que javais excut votre commission auprs de M. Whewell, en lui faisant parvenir un exemplaire de votre Discours. Javais, comme vous, reu son petit opuscule.5 Je conois que ne connaissant probablement pas ses autres ouvrages, vous ayez vu avec une juste indulgence ce quil y avait de bon dans cette brochure. Pour moi je lai trouve trs faible: tout ce quil a dit, il lavait beaucoup mieux dit ailleurs, et ce qui my a le plus frapp cest quen reproduisant, trs imparfaitement, les objections de son critique, il en a montr si peu dintelligence quil oppose ses objections les mmes choses quil avait dites auparavant sans tenir aucun compte des rponses. Le critique auquel il rpond, et que moi-mme jai cit dans lavant-dernier chapitre de mon 2me livre, est lillustre physicien sir John Herschel, que je trouve trs suprieur M. Whewell. Je ne sais (par parenthse) si je vous ai dit quil ma mand que mon livre lavait dcid tudier le vtre: je ne sais sil la fait avec fruit. On me dit que M. Whewell se propose de me rfuter aussi, dans le premier ouvrage quil publiera.6 Jai toujours comt un peu sur son got
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polmique, pour engager une discussion utile. Dailleurs il mrite toute notre reconnaissance par les amliorations importantes quil a faites dans le systme denseignement de Cambridge et par lattention quil a attire sur les grandes questions philosophiques. Il a trouv lesprit philosophique assoupi: il est un de ceux qui ont le plus fait pour le rveiller.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
Are you provided with an article on Johnstones [sic] Travels in Southern Abyssinia?2 & if you are not, should you be disposed to insert one in the Magazine if on seeing it you find it suitable?
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
442. TO HENRY S. CHAPMAN1

India House 8th November, 1844
My Dear Chapman,
I am afraid you must by this time think that I have forgotten my promise to write to you, but I have never ceased to bear it in mind, although in the matter of letter writing there is usually a long interval with me, between purpose and performance. I have not much personal news to tell you. My own life goes on just as it did, and I see very few people, Roebuck, Graham, and our other friends, as seldom as anybody else.
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You will rather, I suppose, expect to hear from me about public matters; but even these I have scarcely anything prominent or prononc to relate, in the way of events. It is rather the state of the public mind which is curious and interesting. There is a prodigious current setting in every day more strongly, of superficial philanthropy. English benevolence can no longer be accused of confining itself to niggers and other distant folks; on the contrary everybody is all agog to do something for the poor. A great many things have conduced to this, some good, some bad. The anti-poor-law cry; the state of the houses of the poor, and their sanitary condition, as made known by Chadwicks official investigations; the conditions of large masses of people as shown by the enquiries of Commissions about factories, mines, etc., then in another way the speculations of Carlyle,2 the Puseyites,3 and others, about the impossibility of any social stability or security if there is not a habitual bond of good offices and sympathy between the ruling classes and the ruled, especially the poorwhich speculations would have had no effect whatever if there were no chartism and socialism to frighten the rich. One sees plainly that while the noise is made up by a few sincere people, the bulk of the following has for its motive the desire of preventing revolution, and perhaps still more, the desire of taking the popularis aura out of the sails of the Anti-Corn-law league.4 In both these things they will fail. The Corn Law must go, and very soon,5 and as for revolution, there has been nothing in our day so calculated to produce it as the talk now in vogue, none of which is lost upon the working class, who do not thank them for it one jot, but whom it greatly strengthens in the faith that it is other peoples business to take care of them, that all of the rich have more than they is a wrong to them, and that the rich themselves are partly ashamed of this wrong, and partly afraid of its consequences and desiring to buy them off at the expense of those who are better off, is always asserted; and I never remember a time when any suggestion of anti-population doctrine6 or of forethought and self-command on the part of the poor was so contemptuously scouted as it is now. The Times is at the head of this movement, and has contributed very much to set it going. Strange to say, I believe it is sincere. There has been a great change of late years in the Times, owing it is said, to young Walter,7 who is a sort of Puseyite, and the Times falls in with everything which Puseyism has set going. There is a great appearance of honesty now about all it does. You are not to suppose, however, that all is bad and stupid about this philanthropy-movementon the contrary there is very much good in it, and it will lead to many very good things being done. Among other things I have no doubt it will lead in time to a considerable move in favour of colonization, and to shew what other things it leads to, the Times already talks occasionally of the great benefits of the labourers being proprietors of land! Things never seemed to tend so rapidly to a complete bouleversement of our social system, though whether peaceably or violently, none can tell. I am thinking of saying out my say on all these things in a treatise on political economy, not in the abstract manner of Ricardo and my father, but in the practical and popular manner of Adam Smith. The whole science requires extremely to be recast, incorporating, of course, Wakefields and all the other new doctrines and shewing how they do not contradict but fit into the others, and such a book if one were able to do it well would at once supersede all the existing treatises, which are, one and all, effete and useless except as matter of history, and would give a right direction to the revived interest which begins to be felt in the study, and which languishes for want of a book at once free from gross error and teaching the applications along with the principles, which it is the beauty of
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Adam Smiths book that he did. A propos, I published, last spring, the political economy essays which you know of. The success of my Logic brought an offer from Tait to publish them,8 whereupon I made an offer of them to my own publisher, Parker,9 which he accepted, and to my surprise the trade subscription was nearly 100. I have not heard anything about the sale; I should fear it is but small. However, Parker has no reason to complain, as it was his own choice, and he has made money by me. On the 25th March we had already divided profit on the Logic, and I expect it will soon be out of print. It has had a degree of success I never expected, and has got into the hands of almost everybody who could be supposed to read such a book. There is no probability of any change of Ministry here; the Whigs are in as much discredit as ever, Peel is much greater than ever, but nobody wants him turned out, because his hinges are so well oiled and he yields to pressure. I fully expect every session to shew concessions to liberalism, and every year certainly helps to disorganise all the old order. I only wish for personal changes, because I wish that illconditioned fellow Stanley10 to be out of his post of mischief. The Governor11 he has sent you seems to be hardly better than the last, although so much better was expected from him. I hope to hear from you soon, as I am very much interested both in the prospects of the Colony and in your own. I fancy that I can figure to myself the position of a New Zealand settler better than I can that of most distant objects, sufficiently well to make it really interesting to me. I hear a little about Nelson12 by means of Bells circulars,13 but I am more curious about Wellington, though I have no land there. Give my kind regards to Revans,14 and will you kindly ask him if he was out of pocket in any way by my rascal of a relation John Burrow.15 His draft of 10 was paid. If there is anything more I will repay it.
Ever Yours Truly,

J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir
I have been feeling lately a very great inclination to write something on the doctrines & projects which are so rife just at present on the fashionable subject of the Claims of Labour2 & the little book so called, would furnish an appropriate text, if you
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are inclined to the subject, & would not prefer seeing it in other hands. It appears to me that along with much of good intention, & something even of sound doctrine, the speculations now afloat are sadly deficient, on the whole, in sobriety & wisdomforgetful, in general, of the lessons of universal experience, & of some of those fundamental principles which one did think had been put for ever out of the reach of controversy by Adam Smith, Malthus, & others. The general tendency is to rivet firmly in the minds of the labouring people the persuasion that it is the business of others to take care of their condition, without any self control on their own part& that whatever is possessed by other people, more than they possess, is a wrong to them, or at least a kind of stewardship, of which an account is to be rendered to them. I am sure you will agree with me in thinking it very necessary to make a stand against this sort of spirit while it is at the same time highly necessary as well as right, to shew sympathy in all that is good of the new tendencies, & to avoid the hard, abstract mode of treating such questions which has brought discredit upon political economists & has enabled those who are in the wrong to claim, & generally to receive, exclusive credit for high & benevolent feeling. I do not know of anything so important at the present time as to attempt to place these subjects in their right position before the public& it can nowhere be done so well as in the Edinburgh reviewwhere I hope it will be done even if it should not suit you that I should do italthough I know no reason for thinking that the manner in which I should treat the subject would be unsuitable to you.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
I send you the article on Johnston,2 which as you will see, is not mine. It is a light amusing article, chiefly of extracts, & I think it will be pleasant reading for the readers of the Magazine. The few words said about Harriss book3 are, I should hope, not sufficient to come into unpleasant collision with anything you have said before. Johnstone [sic] & his book are, I think, worthy of better treatment than they have receivedthe book seems to me both more amusing & more interesting than Harriss. I have ordered a copy of the Essays4 to be sent to you. I ought to have done so before, as you had certainly a good claim to a copy. I have given away scarcely any. As for
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Parker it is not his way to give copies, either to the press or to any one else. But I ought myself to have looked to your receiving one.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill W. Tait Esq.

My Dear Sir
The article2 which I have in view would, according to my present conception of it, be rather one of principles than of details; & would, so far, admit the more easily of being brought within the space to which you consider it necessary to confine it. My object would be to examine & controvert what appears to me an erroneous theory of the condition of the labouring classes. The practical consequences of the theory break out in all sorts of propositions of things to be done for the poor either by the Government, the millowners, the landowners, or the rich in general; some of which propositions have more or less of utility & good sense in them, others are quite chimerical & absurd, but all are absurd when looked to as things of great or permanent efficacy. The discussion of the theory will naturally involve a consideration of the real nature of the duties both of Government & of the various classes of society towards the poor; tending mainly to the conclusion, that the greater part of the good they can do is indirect, & consists in stimulating & guiding the energy & prudence of the people themselves: in all which I should wish to use details copiously for purposes of example & illustration, but without laying any particular stress upon them, & still less undertaking to specify with any minuteness what particular things either the Government, or the employers of labour, ought to do or attempt. According to this idea of what the article would be, it does not seem to be of any special importance that it should precede in its appearance any particular discussion in the House of Commons; but of very considerable importance that it should appear soon: the question being, as you justly remark, the greatest of the day, & moreover most emphatically the question of the day: & although the interest of it with thinkers is not likely to abate, anything written on the subject would both be more useful, & much more successful, if it appeared before the subject has been overlaid by the
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wearisome longwinded discussions of all the periodicals & all the speakers in parliament. The Times gives us little else from day to day& the other newspapers are beginning to be full of it. For a time, this works in favour of the interest of the subjectbut after a time it will work the contrary way, by exhausting the freshness of the ideas. We seem quite to agree in our general view of the subject & if you think favorably of the sketch I have now given you of the mode in which it should be treated, I will set about it & write the article while my mind is full of the subject.
Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill Guizot of course can wait indefinitely.3

India House le 25 novembre 1844

Vous ne vous trompiez pas en jugeant que votre volume astronomique2 ne mtait pas encore parvenue lorsque jcrivais ma dernire lettre. Il ne mest arriv, comme de coutume, que trs tard, ce qui a depuis longtemps cess de me surprendre. Cest seulement depuis une huitaine de jours que jai pu achever la lecture de ce travail intressant, dont la valeur a dpass mes esprances. Il est vraiment heureux que vous vous soyez dcid crire ce Trait: quoique dune importance secondaire en rapport votre grande entreprise philosophique, il nen est pas moins fait pour exercer une notable influence en htant la formation dune vritable cole positive, et il me semble que vous mme vous napprciez pas encore suffisamment sa valeur cet gard. Nous reconnaissons lun et lautre de plus en plus combien on doit peu compter pour la cause du positivisme sur ceux qui en possdent dj les bases scientifiques. Il importe donc infiniment, sous tous les rapports de mettre le plus tt possible la porte des intelligences convenables, non fournies dinstruction scientifique spciale, ce quil faut de connaissances positives pour sapproprier les ides fondamentales de la mthode scientifique, sans les assujettir pralablement de longues et pnibles tudes techniques, qui leur rpugneraient le plus souvent au point dempcher tout dveloppement ultrieur de leur capacit scientifique, attendu que pour sentir rellement limportance de cette prparation positive, il faudrait possder dj lesprit positif. Pour sortir donc de ce cercle vicieux, il ny a rien de plus urgent que davoir
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un Cours de science positive, prliminaire naturel de votre Cours de philosophie positive. Or ce petit ouvrage en remplit admirablement les conditions, autant que le comportent son tendue et son caractre de spcialit. Depuis quelque temps les traits scientifiques lusage du public paraissent chez nous en grande abondance; il y en a dassez bien faits; J. Herschel lui-mme a fait un trait populaire dastronomie.3 Mais dans ces traits on nessaie pas mme de faire servir de si mmorables conqutes de lintelligence humaine constater la manire dont elle doit procder pour en faire de nouvelles. Il est mme, je crois, heureux que ces crivains naient pas tent denseigner la mthode, mais seulement la doctrine, vu linsuffisance de leurs propres notions logiques; insuffisance tellement prononce quil ny a presque pas un seul trait de science positive, soit classique, soit populaire, qui ne tende sous quelques gards notables fausser le vritable esprit de la marche scientifique. Or il me parat que vous avez combl, dune manire admirable, cette dplorable lacune. Je ne croyais gure quil ft possible de donner des lecteurs qui on supposaerit si peu de prparation mathmatique une connaissance si pleinement satisfaisante du vrai caractre de la science astronomique, et des procds scientifiques qui lont cre. Aprs un pareil exemple, nous pouvons nous flatter de voir prochainement des ouvrages au moins passables du mme genre, par rapport aux autres sciences fondamentales. Ce sera je crois le fruit que nous recueillerons de la premire extension notable de la philosophie positive parmi les intelligences du second ordre. Aujourdhui mme je sens que les difficults du propagandisme positif commencent saplanir par suite de ce que vous avez fait. Le dfaut dinstruction scientifique pralable nest plus un obstacle pour faire comprendre ce que cest que le positivisme ceux quon pourrait dcider lire votre petit Trait. On peut mme dire quaprs cette seule lecture une intelligence bien organise se trouverait mieux prpare aux spculations sociales que la presque totalit des savans actuels, sans parler des mtaphysiciens. Jai appris avec une joie vritable que la mprisable taciturnit de la presse franaise votre gard allait enfin tre rompue, et je suis bien aise que ce soit par M. Littr,4 qui depuis longtemps jai vou une haute estime. Je le connais trs bien de rputation; je lai mme vu, en 1836, Paris, o sa figure de savant solitaire et son maintien calme et modeste mon beaucoup frapp. Probablement, il ne se souvient gure de notre entrevue. Je ne savais pas quil ft en sympathie avec la nouvelle philosophie, et je men rjouis vivement: son accession, quelquincomplte quelle puisse tre, est du plus heureux augure, et jattends avec impatience son apprciation de votre grand ouvrage. Si cette publication seffectue dans le National, ou mme dans un journal quelconque, elle attirera sur la philosophie positive lattention de beaucoup de lecteurs qui nen tenaient auparavant aucun compte, qui nen avaient peut-tre pas mme entendu le nom, et parmi eux il doit sen trouver de bien prpars pour sa rception complte. Si vous pouviez menvoyer les numros du journal qui contiendront ces articles ce serait me faire un trs grand plaisir: ceux-l on peut les confier la poste. Dans tout cas je compte sur vous pour men indiquer les dates. Jespre que vous tes depuis longtemps parfaitement rtabli des suites du trouble physique que vous avez subi le mois dernier. Une maladie ruptive par suite dune surexcitation nerveuse est certainement un exemple trs remarquable, quoique dun genre aujourdhui trs familier, du consensus biologique, et surtout de cette
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complication des phnomnes de la vie animale avec ceux de la vie organique qui a rendu si difficile et si tardive leur sparation logique, sans laquelle pourtant la biologie ne pouvait nullement devenir positive. Jai appris avec un vif intrt le rsultat de vos observations spontanes sur les effets intellectuels du jene, et je vous flicite davoir surmont la plus srieuse difficult de votre nouvelle laboration philosophique. Je juge essentiellement comme vous le genre desprit de M. Herschel, et je ne fonde aucun espoir srieux sur sa lecture de votre Cours, qui, je crois, aura peu dinfluence, ici comme ailleurs, sur les hommes dont la rputation est faite. Je trouve toutefois dans la critique quil a faite de la philosophie de Whewell, des marques dune certaine capacit philosophique: au moins il a chapp aux influences germaniques, ce qui chez nous nest pas peu de chose. Je nai jamais lu Vico5 mais autant que jen puis juger je crois votre opinion de lui trs bien fonde.
Tout Vous,
J. S. Mill
447. TO ADOLPHE DEICHTHAL1

India House 10th December 1844
My Dear Adolphe
I was truly disappointed the other day when I found that you had been here & that I had missed you. Wednesday is a day on which I am usually engaged with the Court of Directors, as it is the day of their meeting. I should have enjoyed greatly seeing you once again & comparing notes with you (as we say) on a great many subjects. I have read with very great interest the papers you sent me, the report on the caisse de retraite, & the four numbers of the Moniteur Grec.2 The first is very important, & all the views & propositions seem to me extremely well-considered & reasonable: what is the probability of their being adopted? The Greek paper is well written & seems candid. I have always been inclined to think well of Coletti3 because I knew him to be a friend of yours & of your brothers & I knew Gustaves high opinion of him, & I was not inclined to think the worse of him for being attacked by our newspapers with which I am as thoroughly disgusted as I am with yours. But I do not know how to get over the gross illegalities which his party seem to be committing in the exclusion of the partisans of the former ministry from the chamber on any or on no pretexta thing which the Moniteur Grec in its fourth number seems to admit, or at least to be unable to deny. It is impossible for me to think otherwise than ill of any minister to whom a constitution & laws are a dead letter which they think nothing of
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violating& the infamous conduct of your government in the affairs of Spain inclines every one here to put the worst construction on whatever is done in any constitutional country by the party which is supposed to have the support of the French diplomatic agent.I doubt if I could induce any English newspaper of influence to insert the correspondence which you proposebut I could perhaps succeed either with the Times or the Morning Chronicle, both of which however would probably combat in their leading articles the views of their correspondent. Still, if you think it worth while, I will try& I should for my own part have much pleasure in doing so. I owe a letter to Gustave in return for one he wrote to me communicating the interesting fact of the birth of his son, on which I beg you to offer to him my sincere congratulations. Although I have not been a very frequent correspondent lately, either with him or my other friends at Paris, I have not lost any of my regard for them & there is no one I shall be more glad to see again than him.
Ever & Most Truly Yours

J. S. Mill


Cest avec une peine extrme que jai appris le dplorable rsultat, en ce qui vous regarde, de cette tentative avorte de rorganisation dans lcole polytechnique,2 qui devait au contraire, suivant toute apparence, consolider votre position de manire vous mettre labri de toute attaque future de la part de ceux que votre franchise philosophique a soulevs contre vous. Malheureusement il y a lieu de sattendre une inimiti plus forcene de leur part, en raison directe de limportance croissante de la nouvelle cole. On peut croire que les savans, ainsi que les prtres, auraient pu se soumettre vous laisser tranquille dans la position modeste qui vous tait chue, sils avaient pu compter que par un silence calcul ils pourraient vous ensevelir dans lobscurit: mais, lorsquils saperoivent que votre nom commence percer, et que partout o lon vous fait une place quelconque, on vous en fait une trs leve, ds lors, ce nest plus seulement la vanit blesse qui est en jeu, cest toute limportance sociale dune classe puissante qui se trouverait compromise si on ne parvenait touffer une voix quon sait bien ne pouvoir rduire au silence quen vous tant tout moyen de vivre ou du moins de loisir. Vous aurez donc des ennemis de plus en plus
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acharns, et plus ils vous auront nui, plus ils chercheront vous nuire. Il est certes bien digne de vous, de voir dans cet ensemble de circonstances, si fcheuses en ce qui vous regarde personnellement, des motifs de consolation fonds sur le retentissement social auquel ce duel mort doit donner lieu et qui sans doute, comme vous en faites lobservation, serait rest dans des proportions minimes si nulle existence sociale ne se trouvait compromise dans la lutte. Il faut esprer du moins que si vous subissez les peines du martyre vous en aurez aussi les honneurs, et que lhumanit en recueillera le fruit. Il ny a desperi rel que dans lopinion, et ce sera une importante exprience sociologique qui dcidera si aujourdhui une classe sociale peut perscuter un philosophe isol sans avoir mme le concours du gouvernement. Il est trs malheureux que la fermet du marchal Soult3 ne se soutienne pas: je craindrais bien que linfluence auguste dont on vous a parl ny soit pour quelque chose. Le devoir du gouvernement serait, sil rpugne casser larrt du nouveau conseil polytechnique sitt aprs lavoir organis, de vous enlever cette carrire, en vous en faisant une autre, plus importante, en vous nommant, par exemple, quelque chaire du premier ordre, qui conviendrait quelque partie du cercle immense de vos connaissances scientifiques et historiques. Ce serait pour M. Guizot une belle occasion de montrer de la magnanimit, sil en a, suivant le noble exemple de M. Poinsot, et jai appris avec un vrai plaisir que dans la question immdiate au moins, un homme de sa capacit, auquel je nai jamais pu refuser une certaine estime, sest montr dispos bien agir. Il est fcheux que cette affaire doit probablement traner en longueur, et que vous ne pouvez pas savoir au plus tt, quoi vous en tenir. Si malheureusement vous tes rduit de nouveau la ressource de lenseignement priv, comptez sur tous mes efforts et sur ceux de tous mes amis qui vous connaissent ou sur lesquels je puis exercer quelque influence. Je ne connais actuellement aucun anglais riche qui habite Paris, mais il doit sans doute y en avoir que je pourrais mettre en mouvement, du moins indirectement. Vous mindiquerez le moment o il conviendrait de commencer cette tentative, si malheureusement il y a lieu. Les articles de Littr4 sont excellents. Je ne mattendais nullement une si pleine adhsion, et je la trouve du plus heureux augure. Quel que soit le gnie de lauteur dune thorie quelconque le public ny prend pas beaucoup dintrt tant quil reste seul de son avis, trouvant fort naturel quun homme tienne ses propres ides: mais ds que ces ides sont solennellement adoptes par un second penseur dune supriorit reconnue, la bataille est presque gagne; les esprits suprieurs ne tardent plus y affluer en foule. Cest une vritable poque dans la nouvelle crise sociale, que cette importante adhsion, qui me rappelle celle de Berthollet aux doctrines de Lavoisier.5 La mienne ntait pas, beaucoup prs, aussi importante, ne pouvant gure agir sur la France, seul pays vraiment prpar aujourdhui pour la rgnration philosophique. Je voudrais bien savoir quelle rception lAllemagne donne votre grand ouvrage. Jai lieu de croire que le mien y est mieux accueilli que je ne pouvais my attendre, si je puis me fier aux rapports dun allemand que je vis il y a huit jours et qui me raconta entrautres choses quil avait lu un article trs favorable ce sujet dans un journal publi dans la petite ville de Hohenzollernquelque chose (jai oubli le reste du mot) ce qui quivaudrait au plus un simple chef lieu de dpartement au centre de la France et quon y disait que ctait le meilleur ouvrage philosophique que langleterre a produit de nos jours, en y ajoutant que ce ntait certainement pas de la philosophie allemande. Je pense quil y a en allemagne un
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commencement trs dcid de raction contre la philosophie quon appelle allemande et que la mthode positive y trouvera de lappui plus tt quon ne pouvait le croire. Il doit y avoir parmi les physiciens et physiologistes et mme parmi la jeunesse active qui dsire soccuper de politique, une sincre aversion, dun ct pour le vague et dun autre ct pour les tendances quitistes de la mtaphysique de Schelling et de Hegel.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
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1845 449. TO SARAH AUSTIN1

India House January 18, 1845 . . . About poor Comtes affairs, he has himself written to me very fully,2 and informed me of the final close of the whole matter, so far as his restoration to the examinership is concerned. I am glad on every account that you interested yourself with Guizot for him, and that you mentioned my name in the manner you did,3 although it would hardly have been warrantable in me to take any direct measure of the same kind, as my acquaintance with Guizot is so very slight. It may be useful to Comte on future occasions to have given evidence to Guizot of our interest in him. He himself seems to bear up bravely against his misfortune. I perceive he has considerable hope that when a vacancy occurs in any one of the several other Polytechnic offices, the opportunity may be taken of repairing the injustice done him; and I hope the occasion may occur soon, as I have much doubt about the success of his other plans. The private lessons in mathematics may answer, notwithstanding their high price, but not, I fear, if he relies at all upon the rich English. What do you think of his Review project?4 To me it seems a very doubtful one; and I fear, too, he will be disappointed by the very little help I shall be able to give him in writing for it, although I will do all I can. About Comte himself I have formed very much the same opinion that you have,5 both as to his good and bad points of character. He is evidently (either from character or the tendencies of a solitary thinker, little appreciated by the world), most obstinately bent upon following his own course, regardless not only of giving offence (which might be a virtue), but of compromising his means of livelihood.6 He piques himself exceedingly upon being the only Frenchman who speaks out his opinions without any compromises or reserves, and he has gone so far in that course that I think he would do himself more harm than good now by swerving from it. At all events, I am certain he will not abate one jot of his franchise philosophique, and therefore there is not much use in advising him to do so. He is a man one can only serve in his own way. What you say about Guizot and his family interests me exceedingly.7 A man in such a position as his, acts under so many difficulties, and is mixed up in so many questionable transactions that ones favourable opinion is continually liable to receive shocks, and I have for many years been oscillating in Guizots case between great esteem and considerable misgivings. Nothing I ever heard of him tells so much in his favour as the feeling you express about him after familiar intercourse. If he was an angel he would be sure to be misunderstood in the place he is in. I do not know
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whether to wish or to deprecate his being thrown out of it, which seems now so likely to happen. I have been chiefly occupied lately in writing an article for the Edinburgh Review on the claims of labour.8 I never knew a time when so much nonsense, and mischievous nonsense, too, was afloat on that subject, and I thought it a most useful thing to enter a protest against the intolerable mass of pseudo-philanthropy now getting into vogue, and to commit the Edinburgh Review at the same time (if possible) to strong things in favour of good popular education and just laws. I am afraid, however, that some of the strong things I have said on both sides will frighten so timid a man as Napier, and that he will not dare to print them unmodified. He always, of himself, seems to like my articles, and evidently always hears so much said against them afterwards, by the octogenarian clique, Rogers,9 Sidney Smith,10 etc., whom he looks up to, that he has now, I think, a constant terror lest I should get him into a scrape. Is there any chance of the article on Prussia soon, or of a book rather than an article, or of a reprint of your husbands former book,11 with the second volume which he projected? I feel certain that a book with his name would be read by numbers of people to whom it would do good, and nothing but books seems to do good now. The time for writing books seems to have come again, though unhappily not for living by doing it.
Ever Affectionately Yours,

J. S. Mill

India House le 27 janvier 1845

Comme vous me lavez demand dans votre dernire lettre, jai mrement rflchi sur le projet de revue qui vous a t propos par M. Littr, et jai consult ceux de mes amis les plus comptens en pareille matire, qui se trouvaient porte de communication. Avant de vous en donner le rsultat gnral, je dois mexpliquer pleinement en ce qui regarde ma coopration personnelle. Je trouve des obstacles insurmontables ce quelle soit aussi tendue que vous le dsirez, ou mme assez tendue pour que vous puissiez beaucoup compter l-dessus. Le degr de coopration que vous me demandez me prendrait peu prs tout le temps dont je puis habituellement disposer pour crire, mme en renonant toute publication ultrieure
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en mon propre nom. Ensuite quand cette difficult nexisterait pas, je ne comprends pas assez ce que serait la revue, ni mme ce quelle pourrait tre, pour que je puisse aujourdhui prendre un engagement absolu de collaboration. Tant quil sagit de mthodes philosophiques, de doctrines historiques, des lois du dveloppement social pass et prsent, je sais quoi men tenir: je ne crois pas quil y ait entre nous deux aucune divergence dopinion trs srieuse. Mais en fondant une revue, et surtout en la fondant au nom dun systme de philosophie, on prend lengagement de se jeter dans toutes les questions, dune certaine importance, qui se discutent aujourdhui: et sur ce terrain-l il ny a pas prsumer quil y aurait une harmonie suffisante dans nos opinions. Je pense que si vous tiez appel vous prononcer sur toutes les questions et dire toutes vos ides, nous nous trouverions en dsaccord plus souvent et plus srieusement que vous ne semblez le croire, et que moi-mme je ne lavais dabord espr. Ce nest quaprs avoir vu au moins un ou deux numros de la revue que je pourrais dcider avec connaissance de cause jusqu quel point je pourrais utilement y prendre part. En mexpliquant ainsi sur ce qui me regarde, je vous indique dj les doutes que jprouve sur lopportunit du projet en lui-mme. En effet, le positivisme ne me parat pas encore bien en tat de se produire avec avantage comme cole. Pour en faire une aux yeux du public il faudrait un corps commun de doctrine, et il ny a encore quune mthode et quelques principes trs gnraux, qui mme ne sont pas encore reconnus par la majorit de ceux qui acceptent le principe essentiel du positivisme, celui de rejeter absolument toute spculation sur les causes premires, en se bornant la recherche des lois effectives des phnomnes. Dans lintrt donc du dveloppement spculatif, cet essai de propagande me paratrait prmatur: voil du moins quel serait mon avis, si lon pouvait faire abstraction de la lgitime influence des circonstances personnelles. Sous ce dernier rapport, tout dpend des chances du succs, dont je ne suis pas, comme observateur loign, en position de juger; mais lopinion dun homme tel que Littr, fortifie par celle de M. de Blainville et des autres amis que vous mindiquez, doit avoir un grand poids. Quant lAngleterre, tout mavertit quil y a peu esprer. Je vous dirai ce que me mande, ce sujet, M. Grote. Il dit quil ne connat, outre lui-mme, que deux individus qui probablement sabonneraient la revue. Ce sont Molesworth et le docteur Arnott,2 mdecin trs estim, auteur dun trait de physique populaire, et qui a connu mme avant moi les premiers volumes de votre Cours. Il peut tout au plus se trouver, selon M. Grote, quelques savans qui liraient la revue avec plaisir pour y recueillir des ides philosophiques sur les sciences physiques: encore serait-ce de rares exceptions, vu la tendance aujourdhui si prononce transiger avec la thologie par des concessions gnrales, en se rservant la libert tacite des dtails, qui seuls importent des esprits emprisonns pour la plupart dans leur troite spcialit. Comme le dit M. Grote, nous sommes prsent dans un temps o le philosophe se prosterne avec affectation devant le prtre. Je serais plein despoir si je croyais lpoque venue o lon pourrait, avec succs, arborer un drapeau franchement positif, en secouant ouvertement tout lambeau des doctrines du pass (sauf leur valeur historique) et refusant toute concession, mme tacite, envers les thories surnaturelles. Je ne crois pas cette poque aussi loigne quelle parat bien dautres: il ny faudrait peut tre quun peu de hardiesse, et je ne serais pas trs loign den faire moi-mme lessai. Mais alors ce serait dans un livre. Comme en toute rvolution spculative, il faut que les livres prcdent les revues. Je
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pense bien que votre grand ouvrage fait du chemin ici; on en parle peu, mais on y fait de tems en tems des allusions, et Bain, qui frquente plus que moi le monde savant, me dit quil en voit des preuves croissantes. Quoique je craigne que ceci ne regarde principalement les premiers volumes, ces volumes mmes doivent tendre accoutumer ceux qui les lisent llimination totale de llment thologique, comme ils lont dcide chez Bain lui-mme. Mais cette action sur les penseurs isols serait plus gne que hte par une tentative quelconque de constituer publiquement une cole anti-religieuse, qui en effrayant le public et en entamant des discussions prmatures du moins en angleterre, donnerait probablement ici une nouvelle force la raction religieuse. Au reste M. Grote ma tmoign son intention de se faire inscrire comme actionnaire. De mon ct je vous engage minscrire pour cinq actions et mindiquer lpoque o jaurai verser la premire souscription. Si je fais des articles on pourra me les compter jusqu concurrence des versements ultrieurs, mais je ne veux pas accepter dautre rtribution pcuniaire. Quant lavis que vous me demandez sur le choix dun titre, lun ou lautre de ceux que vous me dsignez me semble admissible mais il me paratrait plus simple de dire tout court, revue positive, en vous dsignant ensuite comme directeur. Quant aux autres questions, nous avons le temps dy songer.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
451. TO DR. WILLIAM BENJAMIN CARPENTER1

31 Jan. 1845 I had heard the Vestiges2 several times attributed to you, but I have always said I was certain you were not the author. I do not think I ever told you that I heard from Comte that M. Littr, the very distinguished editor & translator of Hippocrates,3 values very highly your General Physiology4 & that Comte saw the book at Littrs house & from a hasty inspection of it thought very favourably both of the plan & execution.
452. TO HENRY COLE1

I.H. 5 Feb. 1845
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My Dear Cole
Many thanks for the cheque, which I did not expect to receive so soon.2 I hope your sending it is a good sign of the success of the Hist. Register.3 Above all I hope you have not sent it at any inconvenience. If you have, pray tell me so & I will refund it. The remaining 45 can wait your perfect convenience.
Most Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
453. TO HENRY C. CAREY1

East India House London 15th February 1845
Sir
I have to acknowledge, with thanks, the letter which you did me the honour to address to me on the occasion of my sending you a smal volume of Political Economy Essays. I have also to repair my omission to acknowledge the receipt of the systematic Treatise2 which you were so good as to send to me some time before. I was fully prepared to find that you would differ widely from many of the opinions I had expressed, as I do from many of those contained in your more elaborate work. Those differences do not surprise me, on a subject so imperfectly understood, a subject too, which independently of all defects in the manner of studying it, is, I cannot but think, in its own nature much more complicated than you appear to believe. It is fortunate that political economists do not differ so radically in their conclusions, as the diversity of their premisses might lead any one to expect, & that your doctrines point as directly as those of any follower of Adam Smith or Ricardo, to the gradual abandonment of the restrictive, or as it is improperly called, the protective policyto which I am not the less rootedly hostile because I differ from you in thinking that in certain exceptional cases, the conditional maintenance of some part of the system may be justified or even required by self-protection. I thank you very sincerely for having taken the trouble to express your sentiments so fully & freely on those parts of my little book which you disagree with. I could give what would appear to me sufficient answers to your objections, but it will perhaps be preferable to state in few words what I conceive to be the principal difference between your scheme of Political Economy, as very clearly set forth in your book, & my own. Most of what appears to me erroneous in your opinions, flows by direct consequence
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from your refusing to admit (as of any influence in practice) any other source of exchangeable value than labour. In the case of all useful articles which admit of indefinite increase by means of labour, the labour required for producing them is, no doubt, the regulator & measure of their value; & I look upon it as one of the chief merits of Ricardo to have established in its full generality this law, which is still far from being admitted by the common herd of political economists. It therefore gave me pleasure to see so fundamental a principle thoroughly recognized & enforced by an American political economist; but it seems to me that you overlook half the truth when you deny that a different law governs all cases of either natural or artificial monopoly, & that cases partaking more or less of that character are so far from being exceptions, that they constitute a full half of all the cases which arise; land & its produce being the most conspicuous, but very far from the sole, example. In the case of land, this principle of value would indeed be of no practical importance if you were right in your doctrine that the effect of an increase of capital & population is to enable the increased agricultural produce thereby required, to be obtained at a smaller instead of a greater cost. This is true up to the point of density in population, which is indispensable to the use of costly machinery & to the adequate combination & division of labour. The limit cannot be fixed precisely. But, that there is a limit, it is hardly possible, I think, for any one living in an old country, to doubt; & that when this point is attained, the natural law by which (in any given state of knowledge) a double expenditure on land yields less than a double return, prevails, on the average, over the antagonist influence of new inventions & discoveries. I cannot help attributing the contrary opinion which you entertain on this subject, to your living in a country where population does not yet press upon the productive powers of the soil, & where, consequently, the value of land does not yet much exceed a compensation for the capital expended in clearing & bringing it into cultivation. The nature & tendencies of our difference of opinion need not be further explained to one who has shewn so correct a comprehension as you have, of the doctrines which he contends against; & I need only further add my congratulations upon the increasing cultivation of these speculations in so important a portion of the civilized world as the United States, & my unfeigned acknowledgment of the spirit of complete fairness, so rare in controversial writers, with which you have throughout treated the opinions & writers that you controvert.
Believe Me With Sincere Respect Yours

J. S. Mill
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My Dear Sir
I did not know, or had forgotten, that the review was or considered itself committed on Wakefields2 principle & on small holdings, otherwise I should not have written on them as I have, nor have written on them at all without communicating with you. I am sorry that the great power of the Edinburgh Review is engaged on what appears to me the wrong side of two of the most important questions which political economists or statesmen have to do with, & I am sorry too on account of the article, which will suffer very much by the excision of those two discussionsI cannot consider them excursions from the subject of the article,3 which I take to be, not solely the things which cannot, but also those which can, be done for the labouring classes. The grand defect of the subject, both in itself & with a view to effect, was, that almost everything to be said was negativethat there was so little positive to propose& even of that little the article now loses the greater part, & that to which I chiefly trusted for gratifying the disagreeableness & unpopularity of the other branch of the argument & shewing that the doctrines called Malthusian do not as is vulgarly supposed, imply that in ones opinions on social arrangements one looks only to amount of production & not to the producers. However since it is as you tell me, there is no more to be said. I have struck out all that I had written on colonization, expressly reserving that question to be discussed separately, & merely expressing an opinion that something is to be done in that wayfrom which opinion I hope the review does not dissent. I cannot think it even possible to pass over the subject of allotments.4 If that were left out, in addition to colonization & the short time question, it would be leaving out not the part of Hamlet merely, but all the principal characters, those three being the only projects now afloat, for improving the condition of the poor, to which any one really attaches any serious importance. In treating of this I have attempted, without expressing my opinion in favour of small holdings, to retain, for the sake of the general argument, as much of what I originally said on that subject, as may serve to shew that the allotment question as it now presents itself is quite independent of that larger question, & that one may be in favour of small holdings, under some institutions & in some circumstances, & yet disapprove of allotments. This is quite necessary to the strength of our case against allotments & unless it can be managed I do not see how I could make a satisfactory thing of the article. Since the whole is actually in type as I originally wrote it, I should be very much obliged if you would have struck off for me one copy (two or three would be still better) before the alterations in the last half sheet are made; that in case of the republication which I meditate, my opinions may be represented fairly,5 which in the
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present case unfortunately they cannot be in the review. In the hope that you will thus oblige me I have corrected the printing of the passages which are to be cancelled. In the various minor matters you will see that I have endeavoured as far as possible to comply with your wishesexcept in one instance, that of the word ideas in page 7, which I cannot admit to be not English as there used; it is used in the ordinary sense in which we speak of men of ideas or of a book as being wanting in ideas or say that a writers ideas are better than his mode of expressing them &c &c. I should not wish to retain the word if I could find any other that would replace it, but I have tried every cognate word that I could think of, & for different reasons all are objectionable. If that were altered the whole of the first part of the paragraph must be recast & I am sure I could not express the meaning as well in any totally different arrangement & phraseology. As for a heading, would there be any objection to The Claims of Labour? It gives at once a complete notion of what the article is about, & as it happens also to be the title of the book reviewed, the review will be relieved from the responsibility of any little tinge of affectation that there may appear to be in the phrase. I have made a few alterations of my own in different parts of the article, all tending towards curtailment.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill.

[March, 1845] Have you seen Wards book, The Ideal, &c.?2 It is a remarkable book in every way, and not the least so because it quotes and puffs me in every chapter, and Comte occasionally, though with deep lamentations over our irreligion.

India House 21 April 1845
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My Dear Sir
I have this morning received your remittance, which, as on former occasions, is extremely liberal in its amount. I hope you will be much benefitted by quiet & country air & that the next accounts will report a great improvement in your health. It could scarcely be expected that the review would be much noticed by the press in the thick of the Maynooth discussions,2 but the effect of the Ed. Rev. is not dependent on newspaper notices. The great majority3 makes the victory over religious bigotry a most valuable triumph. Since so much opposition to a reasonable Irish policy still exists we may rejoice that it has collected itself in such force to be so completely beaten. Peels & Grahams speeches4 are of most favourable augury, though one is glad that they received personally their deserts from Macaulay5 & others.
Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

India House le 26 avril 1845

Depuis le jour o jappris que la crise polytechnique stait termine, au moins pour le moment, votre dsavantage, je nai perdu aucune des occasions, malheureusement assez rares, qui se sont prsentes pour faire connatre votre nouvelle position ceux qui pourraient avoir des relations quelconques avec des anglais riches demeurant Paris. Je ne sais pas si ce que jai p faire produira quelque fruit, mais jusquici ce fruit ne sest pas encore montr. Je crains quil ny ait besoin dune grande persvrance pour en obtenir. Les riches anglais, mme lorsquils ne demeurent pas en angleterre ont lhabitude bien tablie denvoyer leurs fils Oxford ou Cambridge. Pour tre admis ces tablissemens-l on exige peine les premiers lments de la gometrie et de lalgbre; et lon dsire si peu chez nous les connaissances mathmatiques en elles-mmes, que nagure encore il ne se trouvait presque pas un seul bon professeur ou matre de mathmatiques Londres. Il ny en avait gure qu Cambridge. Aujourdhui cet tat de choses sest un peu amlior. Toutefois on peut encore dire que ce quil a de got pour les tudes mathmatiques
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chez nous sest concentr Cambridge, et que le peu dhommes riches, qui dsirent que leurs fils sen occupent, les y envoient, le plus souvent sans aucun enseignement prparatoire digne du nom. Il est donc fort douteux sil se trouve Paris un seul anglais qui serait dispos profiter de vos leons quand mme on serait parvenu lui faire croire sur parole votre minente capacit scientifique que certainement trs peu de mes compatriotes sont en tat dapprcier directement. Voil les difficults quon ma faites, et dont je reconnais la gravit. M. Grote saccorde l dessus avec moi, et comme moi il sefforce de les vaincre. De mon ct je ne me dcouragerai pas et peuttre le hasard nous favorisera. Je moccupe prsent principalement de lectures prparatoires au trait populaire dconomie politique dont je vous entretenais dernirement. Entre autres livres plus ou moins intressans je nai pas manqu de lire celui de M. Dunoyer,2 dont le nom ne mtait dj pas inconnu: je lavais mme vu autrefois chez J. B. Say et ses travaux dans le Censeur avec votre homonyme,3 mtaient connus depuis longtemps. Son ouvrage actuel me parat, plusieurs gards, trs digne dloge. Il est certainement beaucoup trop absolu dans ses ides ngatives: cependant, on ne peut gure regretter une opposition, mme exagre, la tendance qui porte faire par les lois ce qui ne devrait dpendre que des murs. Je lui reproche davantage de navoir pas mme entrevu la ncessit, si prononce pourtant dans son systme, dun pouvoir spirituel. Il est bien tonnant aujourdhui quun homme clair puisse faire un systme social, dans lequel ncessairement il suppose la rception gnrale de ses propres opinions morales et politiques, sans cependant soccuper le moins du monde des conditions que suppose essentiellement lexistence dun systme dopinions communes faisant autorit. Il est vraiment trop naf de croire aujourdhui que la simple libert de discussion suffise pour cela. Cependant, puisque dans votre avis la ngation totale de toute organisation spirituelle est prfrable la mauvaise bauche dorganisation qui existe prsent, il serait probablement dsirer quon essayt dappliquer les ides de M. Dunoyer dans leur simple nudit. Ce serait une grande exprience sociologique. Je sais beaucoup de gr M. Dunoyer pour la mention honorable quil a faite de votre Cours, tout en se reconnaissant incomptent pour le juger dfinitivement. A propos de cela, nous avons obtenu, vous et moi, les honneurs dune publicit assez clatante par lintermdaire dune des chefs de lcole anglo-catholique, M. Ward, qui fit paratre, il y a une anne ou davantage, un assez gros volume4 dans lequel il peignit en de trs noires couleurs ltat actuel de lglise anglicane, et de la socit anglaise, se dclara trs nettement contre la rformation de Luther et appela lglise anglicane rentrer dans le giron du catholicisme romain. Cet ouvrage fit grand scandale ici, et lUniversit dOxford vient de priver lauteur de ses grades universitaires comme ne faisant plus partie, au moins en droit, de lglise anglicane. Ce nest que dernirement que jai lu son ouvrage, bien que jeusse entendu quil y tait question de moi. Je my suis trouv cit dans chaque chapitre et plus souvent encore, avec dimmenses loges, entremls de plaintes sur mon incrdulit et sur la tendance athistique de mes crits: il disait, de plus, avoir lu la plus grande partie de votre Cours, sur la foi de ce que jen disais; il va sans dire quil vous tance encore plus vertement que moi sur votre irrligion; cependant il cite plusieurs passages, il fait lloge de votre capacit, et mme de vos intentions; il dit que vous reconnaissez avoir pris bien des choses chez de Maistre, mais quil vous trouve trs suprieur en
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profondeur ce penseur. Suivant lui, il faut en venir notre irrligion nous, si on ne revient pas la philosophie catholique car il prne la philosophie du catholicisme tout autant que la foi. Cest une chose assez amusante que nous trouvions un appui si dcid dans ce camp-l et que M. Ward soit accus par ses adversaires dans la Quarterly Review,5 davoir tir plus denseignements de mon cole que de celle des thologiens anglicans. Mon ami Bain vient de se servir de votre trait dastronomie pour son enseignement universitaire. Il a fait cette anne-ci un cours de physique, au lieu du cours de philosophie morale quil avait fait trois annes de suite. Il ntait malheureusement que supplant, dans la dpendance absolue du professeur,6 vieux radoteur qui ne voulait plus de lui cette anne, malgr le vu gnral de ses collgues. Bain a t recommand au gouvernement par six professeurs pour la chaire de physique, mais on y a nomm un autre, trs infrieur probablement lui. Il ny a t nomm que par interim. Je ne sais par consquent ce quil fera dornavant.7 Il est dcid se prsenter comme candidat la chaire de philosophie morale quand elle viendra vaquer, ce qui probablement aura lieu bientt, mais nayant que son mrite et lappui des professeurs, il peut se voir de nouveau mis de ct. Il dit sur votre cours dastronomie I never saw a finer specimen of philosophical or scientific arrangement. There is almost a startling propriety in the places alloted to each point. Herschels book is a mere chaos in comparison.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.
458. TO JOHN HAMILTON THOM1

My Dear Sir,
I have purposely delayed thanking you for your present of the Memoirs and Portrait of our friend Mr Blanco White, until I had time to read the book regularly through. It is a book of very solemn and painful interest. If, as Carlyle says, there is the fifth act of a tragedy in every peasants death-bed,2 we may say that the tragedy of Mr Blanco Whites life is both of a deeply pathetic and of a truly heroic character. I feel something almost amounting to remorse when I consider that, having had the privilege of knowing such a man, I have so few of the recollections which I so envy you the possession ofrecollections of having contributed by sympathy and service to soothe the sufferings of his last few years. But though I always respected him
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highly, I never knew a tenth part either of his nobleness or of his sufferings, and still less that yearning for sympathy which seems to have been his characteristic through life, and which so greatly enhances the honour due to his repeated sacrifices of all earthly ties and friendship to the love of truth and of duty. It is always so. Mens worth is only known when they are dead and we can do nothing more for them. But, to change from the elegiac to the epicthe third volume appears to me of great intrinsic worth, and likely to serve the cause for which he suffered so much in an eminent degree, by the clear, strong, earnest manner in which it declares things which when spoken are almost too obvious not to be admitted, but which hardly any one dares to speak. Believe me, with great respect, yours sincerely, J. S. Mill


Cest avec bien de la peine que jai appris linsuccs des dmarches que vous aviez prises jusqu la date de votre dernire lettre, pour reprendre lenseignement priv. M. Grote a vivement partag mon regret, et malheureusement nous navons eu ni lun ni lautre un meilleur succs dans tout ce que nous avons tent ici en votre faveur. Il y a parmi les anglais en gnral une indiffrence profonde envers lducation scientifique. On regarde la science comme une spcialit qui nest laffaire que des savans par tat, ou qui touche tout au plus certaines fonctions industrielles, comme celle dingnieur, encore dans ce mtier mme on se contente presque toujours de connaissances empiriques. Nous sommes cet gard trs en arrire de la France, malgr le fcheux effet qui rsulte certains gards chez vous, de lorganisation prmature dune classe savante qui nest pas au niveau de sa destine venir. En France le cas quon fait de la science est prouv par labus mme que les savans peuvent faire de leur influence, et dont vous avez t malheureusement mais trs naturellement la victime, prcisment parce que la grande rforme que vous vous efforcez daccomplir dans les choses humaines sannonce comme devant commencer par la classe savante ellemme. En retournant dans ma pense votre position actuelle et les moyens dy remdier, jai eu lide de vous proposer de faire lessai de notre milieu anglais dune nouvelle manire. Quoique, dans mon opinion, le temps ne soit pas venu o une revue franchement positive aurait ainsi la moindre chance de succs, il nen est pas de
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mme lorsquil ne sagit que de faire pntrer lesprit positif dans lintelligence publique dune manire plus graduelle, au moyen des revues existantes. Laccueil quon a fait ici ma Logique est une preuve entre plusieurs quil existe chez nous un public capable de goter des discussions, mme trs leves, dans lordre positif, sauf quelques rserves indispensables mais faciles: ces discussions serviraient mme donner de la rputation la revue qui les ferait paratre, quoique ne pouvant pas en faire le fond. A cet gard, lAngleterre est peuttre en ce moment-ci mieux prpare que la France. Je conois trs bien que mme en ne supposant pas les obstacles quy opposerait lesprit de coterie de la presse franaise, il pourrait vous rpugner dentrer en relation avec des ouvrages priodiques quelconques en France: mais il me semble que la chose serait plus practicable ici, dautant plus que les rapports pourraient ntre quindirects, par mon intermdiaire. Je vous engage donc rflchir sil ny a pas telle ou telle question secondaire que vous pourriez traiter, ou tel ou tel travail scientifique ou historique par exemple, dont vous pourriez faire la critique, dune manire qui conviendrait quelque revue anglaise. Je ferais moi-mme la traduction, ou la ferais faire sous mes yeux, et dailleurs mon dfaut il nest pas douteux que Bain ou Lewes tiendraient honneur de la faire. Il est vrai que cette sorte de travail accessoire drangerait ncessairement jusqu un certain point votre rgime crbral habituel; mais tout prendre, le pnible mtier de lenseignement priv exigerait peut tre des frais dnergie crbale encore plus considrable, sans laisser esprer une aussi grande utilit secondaire. Ce dont je vous parle, je lai toujours fait moi-mme. Pendant llaboration de mon ouvrage scientifique, et mme quelquefois depuis, jai publi dans des revues de petits opuscules que je pouvais faire avec facilit, mais que je savais bien navoir quune valeur transitoire ou mme momentane, et qui ntaient gure pour moi, en effet, quune sorte de dlassement intellectuel. Cela na pas laiss dtre utile au succs de mes travaux plus srieux; jy dois trs probablement la majorit de mes lecteurs, sans compter que je leur fais un peu, par ce moyen, une sorte dducation prparatoire. Je crois quil y a sous ce rapport, quelque chose faire, que cela pourrait tre utile aussi bien que lucratif, et si ce projet vous semble excutable je vous offre tout ce que je puis faire pour en surmonter les diverses difficults. Bain est trs flatt de ce que son jugement favorable de votre trait astronomique vous a fait plaisir, et il dit His remarks of sympathy with my disappointment and difficult position, I received with sincere delight. Il est ici depuis quelques jours. En ce moment-ci il est sans position, et sans aucune perspective certaine den avoir; mais il a plusieurs chances plus ou moins prochaines: il est jeune et dheureux caractre, et il ne manquera pas dobtenir tt ou tard une digne rparation. Au reste ses tribulations sont bien loin dtre aussi graves ni aussi injustes que les vtres. Il est maltrait parce que sa supriorit nest pas encore assez connue, et non pas cause de sa supriorit mme.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill
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Depuis samedi, jour o je vous crivis ma dernire lettre, voici ce qui est arriv. Je viens de voir un anglais ou plutt un cossais de ma connaissance nomm Williamson2 dont le fils,3 g d peu prs 21 ans, sest beaucoup occup dtudes positives. Il dsire placer son fils en pension Paris chez quelque professeur ou savant, pendant lhiver prochain, et peut tre plus longtemps encore, pour y profiter des avantages scientifiques de cette capitale du monde savant. Jai pens que cela pourrait vous convenir. Je ne connais le fils que par ce que men dit le pre. Daprs celui-ci, le jeune homme a fait de bonnes tudes mathmatiques et biologiques mais il sest appliqu encore davantage la chimie et llectrologie. Il a tudi Giessen en Hesse sous le clbre Liebig,4 qui en a, selon le pre, la plus haute opinion, et qui en parle comme dun homme destin faire des choses importantes dans la chimie. Il parat stre attach avec zle aux recherches originales et au perfectionnement des gnralites scientifiques. Le pre dsirerait en faire un professeur. Le pre, exemploy de la compagnie des Indes, nest pas, je crois, un homme trs intelligent, mais il a longtemps demeur en France et en allemagne, il sest dsappris de tout prjug insulaire, il aime beaucoup les Franais, et, chose importante, il na, pas plus que son fils, aucune croyance religieuse, au contraire, il y rpugne profondment. Cest au reste un homme dun caractre irrprochable. Sans tre riche il jouit dune certaine aisance. Je lui ai parl de vous, en lui disant que je ne savais pas sil vous conviendrait de prendre son fils en pension, mais que je vous en parlerais. Il aurait prfr quelques gards, pour son fils, une vie de famille, mais, daprs ce que je lui ai dit de vous, il ne regarde pas votre vie de clibataire5 comme un obstacle insurmontable; et je crois que vous pourriez vous entendre avec lui, soit pour des leons spciales de haute science, soit pour la direction gnrale des tudes scientifiques du jeune homme, mme dans le cas o il ne vous conviendrait pas de le prendre en pension, ou ne vous conviendrait qu des conditions que le pre regarderait comme inacceptables. En attendant jai conseill au pre de faire lire au fils votre grand ouvrage, et jai pris sur moi de dire que vous lui donneriez volontiers des conseils dami, si mme vous ne pouviez pas accueillir laffaire dune autre manire. Le pre part en quelques jours pour la Saxe, par consquent si la chose vous semble digne de considration ce ne serait pas mal de me le faire savoir au plus tt.
Tout Vous,
J. S. Mill
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[June, 1845]

Ce petit mot est destin servir dintroduction auprs de vous pour MM. Williamson, pre et fils, qui vous sont dj assez connus par mes lettres. Je nai pas besoin de les recommander de nouveau aux bons offices et conseils que vous mavez dj permis de leur promettre en votre nom.
Votre Tout Dvou

J. S. Mill
462. TO THOMAS CARLYLE1

I.H. Monday [July 7, 1845]
My Dear Carlyle
I have no pretium affectionis nor any other kind of pretium attached to the Whitelocke2 & I should think it money wasted on your part to provide me with another, for which I shall probably never have any use. The tools to him who can use them & it would be a real pleasure to me if you will keep the Whitelocke, with your annotations & come to me some evening without, instead of with, another to replace it.
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill
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Votre lettre Mme de V.2 est sans doute fort propre adoucir les prventions de ceux ou de celles qui, dj moiti dtachs des anciennes ides, tiennent fortement par limagination et par les affections la satisfaction que lancien systme, en tant que systme organique, offrait et devrait offrir la partie morale et sympathique de notre nature. Par ces raisons mmes je la crois impropre au public anglais. Poser le positivisme en contradiction ouverte avec toute religion quelconque est peut tre la seule manire de le prsenter dont il serait mon avis trs inopportun de faire usage aujourdhui en angleterre. Un temps viendra o ce sera peut tre trs utile de donner ici de la publicit cet opuscule: ce sera le temps, peut tre prochain, o vous serez publiquement attaqu et dnonc ici comme athe. Alors il conviendra peut tre de faire voir et comprendre au public lintervalle immense qui spare votre athisme de celui, seul connu ici, de lcole de Diderot et dHolbach.3 Aujourdhui je pense quil faudrait, en crivant pour langleterre, se taire absolument sur la question religieuse, sauf porter indirectement aux croyances religieuses tel coup quon voudra. Cette rserve serait surtout ncessaire de la part dun crivain dj connu pour avoir profess ouvertement des opinions anti-religieuses parce que les directeurs des revues y regarderont de plus prs que dans tout autre cas. Cest au reste la seule rserve dont vous auriez besoin. A tout autre gard il ny a rien dans vos crits qui puisse servir dobstacle ce quon les accueille ici. Je conois au reste limpossibilit de laisser ct la question religieuse dans un ouvrage systmatique, ou mme en traitant une seule question sociale du premier ordre: mais, tant quil ne sagit que de critique ou des questions secondaires, on pourrait, ce me semble, se contenter de traiter le sujet comme si la religion nexistait pas. Mais aujourdhui la publication, en anglais, dun opuscule en votre nom, o toute croyance religieuse serait ouvertement repousse, vous fermerait trs probablement toutes les revues de ce pays-ci. On craint et on repousse ici les mots antireligieux bien plus que la chose. Je trouve au contraire trs convenable lAngleterre votre ide dcrire sur la situation des sciences et des savans en france et en angleterre: seulement je conseillerais que ce ne ft pas en forme de lettres: les revues chez nous ne voudraient pas de cette forme, et les magazines, outre quils rtribuent moins leurs collaborateurs, ont beaucoup moins dimportance intellectuelle et sociale. Je conseillerais dcrire, en tte de larticle, le nom de quelque ouvrage rcent, ayant un rapport plus ou moins direct au sujet trait: sauf nen dire que deux mots, si louvrage ne mrite pas davantage: vous pourrez, aprs cela, nen plus tenir compte.
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Quant la question pcuniaire immdiate, je compte, de manire ou dautre, entamer auprs de M. Grote la question dun subside supplmentaire, de faon sonder sa disposition y cooprer: malheureusement le jour mme o je devais le voir, et o je comptais discuter avec lui votre proposition, il sest trouv dans la ncessit de partir subitement pour les eaux de Kissingen cause de la sant de M me Grote. Il compte tre de retour avant le milieu daot. Quant Molesworth, une plus grande dlicatesse mest commande par diverses raisons. Dabord jai t, en partie, la cause pour lui dune perte pcuniaire considrable par une revue quil fonda sous ma direction;4 ensuite, il ny a pas un an quil sest mari, et quil a fait plusieurs dpenses considrables qui lont empch de fournir au subside de lanne passe une aussi forte part quil en avait je crois, trs sincrement le dsir. Je lai peu vu depuis son mariage, et cest surtout M. Grote qui est intervenu auprs de lui et sil sagissait dune seconde intervention je crois quelle se ferait le plus avantageusement par le mme moyen. Je ne sais pas si M. Grote vous a averti dans le temps (je pense que ctait surtout lui de le faire) que par suite de gne momentane de Molesworth, il (M. Grote) avait admis contrairement son intention premire, et pour la somme de 50 livres sterling, un troisime coadjuteur, M. Raikes Currie, banquier et dput.5 Au reste, voici probablement ce que se diraient ces messieurs. Sils croyaient certain que, dans un temps dfini et pas trop prolong, vous obtiendriez soit une rparation officielle, soit dautres ressources quivalentes, je ne doute nullement que ceux qui vous ont aid jusquici, seraient disposs prolonger leur secours, pour vous pargner soit la ncessit de dranger vos habitudes permanentes par un motif temporaire, soit lennui et la perte de temps qui rsulteraient dune tentative pour obtenir des ressources auxiliaires dont bientt vous nauriez plus besoin. Cest la question de temps, et de lindfini, qui seule pourrait les faire hsiter. Je trouve donc quil serait utile que sans faire aucune dmarche auprs deux vous madressiez une lettre destine leur tre montre, o vous exposeriez simplement, et comme avertissement gnral vos amis dici, ce que vous pensez sur votre avenir pcuniaire en France. Par suite de labsence de Mr. Grote, on ne pourra rien faire qu une poque qui approchera trs prs du terme fatal du 1er septembre, mais sil vous arrive par l quelque inconvnient, vous savez quen cas durgence je suis l. M. Williamson6 est reparti pour la Saxe. Je lui ai donn pour lui et pour son fils, une lettre dintroduction adresse vous. Il sera Paris en octobre et cest alors quil pourra tre question de leons donner au jeune homme.
Votre Dvou
J. S. Mill

India House 9th July 1845.
266
My Dear Sir
The correspondence which took place between us, two years ago,2 must be my warrant, if the object I have in view requires any, for taking the liberty of writing to you respecting a passage in the Address which you delivered to the British Association for the Advancement of Science at its first evening meeting on the 19th of last month.3 In that discourse you spoke of a recent publication of mine in so handsome a manner as would have more than satisfied a much greater degree of vanity than I possess. But my purpose in writing to you is not to make acknowledgments for your politeness nor to express my gratification at your favourable opinion, but to call your attention to an act of injustice which you have, I am sure unintentionally, committed against the scientific reputation of a distinguished man. You have publicly imputed to M. Auguste Comte, not only a gross blunder in reasoning, but one inconsistent with the most elementary knowledge of the principles of astronomical dynamics. If M. Comte had been capable of such a blunder, he would have been quite incapable of writing any one chapter of the Cours de Philosophie Positive, & I am sure nothing is necessary but a more careful reference to that work, to convince you that he never was guilty of it. You say that for the purpose of giving a numerical verification to the hypothesis of the nebular origin of the solar system, M. Comte computes the time of rotation which the sun must have had about its axis so that a planet situated on its surface should not press upon that surface. That as the basis of this calculation M. Comte employs the elementary Huyghenian theorems for the evaluation of centrifugal forces, in combination with the law of gravitationa combination which, I need not explain to those who have read the first book of Newton, leads direct to Keplers law, and then you accuse him of gravely turning round upon us and addressing the coincidence of the resulting periods compared with the distances of the planets with this law of Kepler, as being the numerical verification in question. Well may you add where is there a student to be found who has graduated as a Senior Optime in this University, who will not at once lay his finger on the fallacy of such an argument, & declare it a vicious circle. But, that Mr. Comte has fallen into this vicious circle is a statement only to be accounted for by supposing that you have not read the astronomical portion of M. Comtes work, but only referred, & that cursorily, to a single passage of it. It would be difficult for even the shallowest person to have attempted to give a philosophical outline of astronomy without being aware that the evidence by which Newton proved the law of gravitation was the fact of its leading demonstratively to Keplers laws; & that Keplers law of the relation between the distances & the periodic times, was deduced from the law of gravitation combined with the Huyghenian measure of the centrifugal force. Accordingly if you refer to an earlier chapter in the same volume of M. Comte, being that in which he unfolds the evidence of the law of gravitation, you will find (pp. 227-231) that all which you so contemptuously bring forward in condemnation of M. Comte, is brought forward by him. You will find the same exposition repeated in the corresponding chapter of his very striking Trait Philosophique dAstronomie Populaire. It was impossible that
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the accordance of Keplers law with the premises from which he knew & said that it demonstratively followed, could appear to him to be a numerical verification, not of those premisses, but of something quite unconnected with them, viz. the nebular hypothesis. And if you only refer again to the very passage, to which I venture to think that your former reference must have been a very hasty one, I am confident that you will see how completely you have mistaken its import. It was not the coincidence of the resulting periods of the planets with this law of Kepler that M. Comte considered as a numerical verification of their nebulous origin; it was the coincidence (within certain limits of error) between the periods, as resulting from the calculation, & the actual periodic times of the planets, as known by observation. The reference to Keplers law is only incidental, & the sole use made of it is to dispense with the necessity of performing the calculation separately for each planet, since, when it has been made for any one, Keplers law gives the correlative result for every other. I speak without any knowledge of the Memoir or Memoirs on the subject, which M. Comte read before the Academy of Science, and with which you appear to be equally unacquainted. A reference to them would doubtless shew both the steps & the data of his calculations, which could not have been given with any propriety in the Cours. I also write without communication with M. Comte, who is probably quite unaware of the attack made upon him. But on the face of the Cours itself & of the very passage from which you quote, it is evident to me that the attack has been made under a misapprehension, & I cannot doubt that your love of justice will induce you to reexamine the subject. A judgment from you, delivered with preparation, & on an occasion of so much publicity, must have a serious effect upon the scientific reputation of any author: and you cannot be unaware how little chance anyone, who may dispute its justice, would have of obtaining, from the scientific or from the general public of this country, even a hearing, against your authority. So great a power involves a proportional responsibility; and when it has been inadvertently exercised to the injury of anyone, I cannot doubt your being most desirous that the error should be pointed out.
I Remain, Yours Very Truly

J. S. Mill Sir J. F. W. Herschel, Bart.

India House
268
14th July 1845
My Dear Sir
I beg to acknowledge your letters of the 10th & 13th. If you will permit me I should like to send the Athenaeum2 to M. Comte as from yourself, with a copy of your last note,3 which I think would be more agreeable to him, or to any man, than the direct communication of your animadversions could be disagreeable. The question raised by your criticism of M. Comte appears to me, I confess, to be one which a mere reference to his book would decide. In saying (as he does) that a theorem compounded of Huyghens and Newtons laws leads directly to the law of Kepler, does he represent this as a verification of the nebular hypothesis? In your address you say he does. I continue to think, that if you refer again to his book, you will see that he does not; & moreover that he does, elsewhere, represent that same logical sequence as a verification not of the nebular hypothesis, but of the law of gravitation. What may be the value of what he does bring forward as a numerical verification I cannot pretend to say; I am not acquainted with what he has written expressly on the subject; & if I were, it would become me to express myself much more modestly on that question. The verification would of course consist in the agreement of the periodic time of each planet, with what would be the period of the suns revolution if it were suddenly expanded so as to touch the planet. For computing that period the elements would be, the present period of the suns rotation, the suns equatorial radius, the mean distance of the planet from the sun, andKeplers law. I therefore presume that M. Comte must either prove or assume (as stated in your letter) that Keplers law applies to the successive states of the sun itself, & not merely to the planets when detached from it. On what grounds he does so, his own dissertation must shew. Admitting, however, the impossibility of proving the proposition stated in your letter, still it cannot be considered a mere arbitrary assumption; & if it can be shewn that the present rotation of the sun takes place in the same time in which it ought to take place supposing that proposition & the nebular hypothesis to be true, would not that be of considerable weight as an additional argument in favour of the nebular hypothesis? A proof, it would not be; but M. Comte, you will observe, distinctly disclaims the pretension of having proved the hypothesis. And now, without troubling you further on this subject, permit me to say, that I thankfully accept your offer4 with respect to my own book. I am well aware that any one, not a mathematician by profession, is likely in going over such a field as I have done, to have committed many such errors as those you propose pointing out; & for myself, though I formerly went quite through the usual course of mathematics & its applications & have occasionally revived my recollection by recurring to parts of it, I do not pretend to have retained any accurate memory of more than the outline. I have therefore always hoped that if my book had any success, some of those who possess
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the requisite knowledge would take the trouble to free it from errors of this description, & I shall endeavour to profit to the utmost by every indication you may give.
I Remain Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir,
I have now nothing more to do than to thank you for the fullness and explicitness of your letter2 received this morning, & to say that I will immediately send a copy of it to M. Comte.3
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill.

18 juillet 1845

Dans une lettre trs rcente vous vous tes flicit du ton bienveillant et amical dont vous aviez t trait jusque l par vos critiques anglais. Il tait impossible que cela durt trs longtemps, et dj cela ne dure plus. Comme, par la nature de votre grand ouvrage il ne devait gure tre connu encore que des savans, cest de leur part quest venue la premire attaque, et elle porte sur une question isole, celle de votre vrification numrique de lhypothse cosmogonique de Laplace. A la runion annuelle des savans anglais qui eut lieu cette anne Cambridge, sir John Herschel a prononc un discours douverture dont vous trouverez dans le journal The Athenum2 une copie corrige par lauteur, que je vous envoie de sa part. Quoique je fusse
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nomm avec loge dans ce discours, je nen ai pas eu une connaissance immdiate. Layant enfin lu, je me sentis bless de linjustice quil me semblait montrer votre gard, et encore plus par le ton de supriorit quil stait permis envers vous et je lui adressai la premire lettre de la correspondance ci-jointe. Les lettres suivantes3 sexpliquent toutes seules. Jy ajoute (numro 6) une autre attaque dune main diffrente, qui a paru dans la revue dEdimbourg.4 Lanne passe un ouvrage anonyme a paru ici, ouvrage trs superficiel, mais dont lauteur inconnu mrite, au moins par ses intentions, beaucoup dloges. Sous le titre de Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation il tche de deviner une sorte de cosmogonie positive, en y ajoutant, sous une forme diffrente et moins absurde, lhypothse de Lamarck sur la transformation des espces, &c. &c. Quoique dune valeur purement ngative, cet ouvrage na pas laiss de faire ici une sensation assez prononce, et je crois quil tend prparer un peu les esprits pour le positivisme. Son succs a t un grand scandale pour les gens religieux et pour beaucoup de savans, et la revue dEdimbourg vient de publier un long article plein de rancunes savantes et sacerdotales, que je sais de bonne part tre dun nomm Sedgwick, professeur de gologie Cambridge, avec lequel jeus des dmls autrefois.5 Or, lauteur des Vestiges cita votre vrification de lhypothse de Laplace. Cest, je crois, ce qui dtermina lattaque de Herschel, et Sedgwick vous attaque de mme dans le passage ci-joint. Vous verrez que celui-ci parle un peu plus en connaissance de cause, puisquil parat avoir lu votre mmoire original, tandis que Herschel ne parle que daprs le Cours de Ph. Positive. Vous verrez que jai pris bien garde de ne pas vous compromettre dans ce que jai os dire, de ma propre part, en votre dfense. Cest maintenant vous de juger sil vous convient ou non de repousser ces attaques, dune manire publique ou prive. Jai appris avec le plus grand intrt ce que vous me mandez sur la maladie nerveuse dont vous venez de sortir, et dont vous avez si heureusement profit pour dterminer par des mditations dcisives, le caractre distinctif de vos travaux sociologiques venir. Jai envoy de suite votre billet M. Raikes Currie. Je tombe daccord sur lineptitude de notre usage de donner tous les articles de revue la forme dun compte rendu: malheureusement, cela est de rigueur dans toutes nos grandes revues, qui outre leur importance plus grande, sont aussi les seules qui rtribuent convenablement leurs rdacteurs. Mais cette obligation nest que de forme; vous pouvez y mettre le titre de ldition la plus rcente de quelque ouvrage bien connu: il arrive quelquefois que, sauf le titre mis larticle, il ny est pas une seule fois question de lcrit dont on prtend rendre compte. Ayant obtenu un cong, beaucoup plus court pourtant que celui de lanne passe, je vais partir pour une tourne dans laquelle mon adresse sera trop incertaine pour quon puisse menvoyer des lettres. Ce temps ne sera pourtant pas perdu pour vos affaires. Comme M. Grote sera peut tre de retour avant moi, je lui adresserai la lettre que vous mavez crite ma demande,6 et je laccompagnerai des observations qui me paratront convenables, de manire ce quil les reoive ds son arrive. Il en arrivera alors ce quil pourra. Le succs me parat le rsultat le plus probable.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
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468. TO GEORGE GROTE1

[July, 1845]
Dear Mr. Grote,

A short time ago Comte, finding that his attempts to replace by private teaching the deficit in his income did not promise any immediate success, asked my opinion as to the possibility of a prolongation, for a short time, of the aid so generously afforded to him last year. I thereupon advised him to write me a letter2 containing an exact statement of the grounds of his expectations of a change for the better in his position, after which I would have a consultation with you on the subject. This letter, as you will probably be in London again before I shall, I enclose. In Comtes position I think my conduct would have been different: in the first place, I should have endeavoured by saving to provide a fund for such emergencies, and if this failed I should have preferred living as I could upon my reduced income so long as it was physically possible. But it is to be said for him, on the first point, that he had every reason to believe his income a permanent one, and on the second, that it is harder to be advised to break up all his arrangements and to alter his confirmed habits from a cause which he firmly believes to be not only temporary, but of very short duration. If, therefore, you think that it would be possible and advisable to raise another subscription for him I should be happy, in case of need, to contribute my part towards it. At the same time, as he certainly does not mean to be understood as asking for such a favour, so, if the answer be negative, it need not have the character of a refusal.

India House le 22 septembre 1845

Je suis de retour ici depuis longtemps, mais M. Grote ne lest que depuis quelques jours, et votre lettre est reste chez lui pendant son absence. Aussitt aprs son retour nous nous sommes vus, et nous avons caus sur votre position. Il a d lui-mme vous annoncer le rsultat, qui ne parat pas devoir tre de nature remdier vos embarras.
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Quant Molesworth, dont je nai eu que plus tard la rponse, tout en tmoignant un regret sincre que la gne de vos affaires se soit encore prolonge il ne parat nullement dispos renouveler son subside moins dune ncessit absolue quil ne juge pas tre arrive. Je ne connais aucune autre personne laquelle je puisse convenablement madresser dans un cas pareil. Je ne veux pas mler des causeries ordinaires lannonce dune chose srieuse, et je me bornerai par consquent vous dire que je nai cru devoir mettre aucune suite ma correspondance avec Herschel. Si je lui avais dit que vous naviez pas lintention de lui rpondre, il naurait certainement pas apprci les raisons que vous avez pour cela: il ny aurait vu quun aveu indirect de lirrfutabilit de son raisonnement, surtout si de mon ct je mabstenais galement de le rfuter; ce que je ne pourrais certainement faire sans avoir connaissance de votre mmoire en manuscrit, moins de recevoir de vous-mme des renseignements quivalents. Mandez-moi bientt ce que vous comptez faire.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
470. TO HENRY REEVE1

India House 23rd Sept. 1845
My Dear Sir,
You can hardly feel more interested in preventing the removal of Captain Meadows Taylor from Shorapur2 than I do myself, because (to say nothing of personal considerations), I have a very high opinion of the merits of his administration of Shorapur. I may say, indeed, that his being at Shorapur now is owing to me, for some expressions of approval and praise in a dispatch written by me was what induced the Indian Government to suspend their intention of replacing him by a civil servant of the company, and to refer the matter home. I have endeavoured to induce the Court of Directors to negative the proposition. I do not, however, expect to obtain anything so decided, as they do not think it right to fetter the Indian Government in its choice of instruments. But as the Court will certainly give no encouragement to the project, I think it will blow over, and Captain Taylor will remain.3 Very truly yours, J. S. Mill
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471. TO HENRY REEVE1

[Late Sept., 1845] Whatever may be the cause that is working against Captain Taylor, I am convinced that Fraser2 has nothing to do with it. Fraser, as far as I know, has always written to Government very much in his favour. Captain Taylor is quite in error if he supposes that the Nazarana3 business has done him any harm. Fraser did not agree with him on the subject, but the home authorities and Sir H. Hardinge4 did, and do most strenuously,


Jespre que vous ne trouverez pas mauvais que je regarde toute nouvelle intervention auprs de sir W. Molesworth comme peu convenable de ma part. Pour lautoriser il faudrait tre beaucoup plus li que je ne le suis avec lui. Il ny a jamais eu dintimit entre nous; et depuis longtemps nous ne nous voyons presque pas, si ce nest une ou deux fois par an peut tre, chose assez frquente Londres, comme vous savez sans doute, mme entre de trs anciennes connaissances. Il y a plusieurs ans que je ne suis pas entr une seule fois dans sa maison. Vous voyez donc que je ne suis gure en droit de faire un appel quelconque, surtout ritr, sa liberalit, lorsquil ny a pas lieu de compter davance sur un accueil favorable. Ensuite, quant la sorte de communication indique dans votre lettre, vous me pardonnerez, jespre, si je ne trouve pas que dans le cas actuel, elle soit justifie par sa rponse antrieure. Il ny a, en effet, rien de nouveau lui annoncer. Il sait dj quelle est votre position, ou peu prs. Je conois bien combien il est dur de se voir priv de la moiti dun revenu quon croyait assur, et sur lequel on avait rgl ses habitudes; je sens combien est minime, pour un homme comme vous, la rtribution de cinq mille francs qui vous reste. Mais enfin, puisque vous avez encore cette somme, Sir W. Molesworth a sans doute jug que votre gne, quelque regrettable quelle soit, ne fait pas un cas de ncessit absolute. Voil les raisons qui me dtourneraient personnellement de faire auprs de lui une nouvelle dmarche quelconque. Mais ces raisons, vous tes vousmme en tat den juger; et si vous tes dispos lui crire directement en votre nom, son adresse est Sir William Molesworth Bart, M.P. I Lowndes Square, Knightsbridge, London.
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Je regrette vivement que ce que je puis avoir dit sur les chances dun nouveau subside vous ait donn une confiance que jtais loin de vouloir vous inspirer, et qui a abouti un dsappointement. Quelles que puissent tre ces chances, jai pens et mme dit quelles devaient dpendre de lopinion quauraient MM. Grote et Molesworth sur lextrme probabilit dune prompte terminaison de votre crise actuelle: or cest apparemment cette opinion qui sest trouve en dfaut: la perspective quoffrait votre lettre leur aura paru trop indfinie, et ils auront pens quun secours modique ne farait que retarder le moment de sacrifices pnibles sans remdier leur ncessit. Il est heureux que les mutations dtermines par le choix quon fera au poste de directeur des tudes vont fournir un moyen de voir plus clair dans les chances dune rintgration officielle. Si les nominations faire dpendent, comme celle dexaminateur, du conseil polytechnique, vous aurez probablement lieu de juger, par lallure que prendra le conseil loccasion de votre candidature, sil est vraiment dispos changer de conduite envers vous. Si, dun autre ct, les nominations dpendent du gouvernement, vous pourrez galement juger de sa bonne volont. Je dsire beaucoup que de manire ou dautre, loccasion puisse amener, sinon une rparation, au moins lindication sre dune disposition laccorder prochainement. Je nai pas encore commenc, sauf quelques lectures prliminaires, le travail dconomie politique qui doit moccuper pendant lhiver. Le plan de louvrage est tout fait, et je suis assez familiaris avec la plupart des matriaux pour pouvoir esprer que lorsque jaurai commenc crire, javancerai vite, et que le livre sera termin avant lt.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill.

My Dear Sir
Your liberal remittance reached me duly, & I thank you for it, and also for the separate copies which you were so considerate as to think of although I neglected to ask for them at the proper time. The omission of the concluding paragraph2 I do not regret: it could be well spared, & though I am fully convinced of the truth of all it contained, I was not satisfied with the
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manner in which it was expressed. You are of course quite right in not printing what you think would expose you to attack, when you do not yourself agree in it. At the same time, I do not know how a public writer can be more usefully employed than in telling his countrymen their faults, & if that is considered anti-national I am not at all desirous to avoid the charge. Neither do I think that the English, with all their national self-conceit, are now much inclined to resent having their faults pointed outthey will bear a good deal in that respect. I am glad you find the reception of the article satisfactory. I am not acquainted with Gilbert Stuarts writings:3 those of Millar4 I have long known, & there is as you say, a considerable similarity between some of his historical speculations & Guizots. With regard to a review of the Logic, I am not disappointed by your having had to give up the attempt. As far as the compliment is concerned, the wish is equivalent to the deed& for the interests of the book itself, which is the main point, the notice of the Ed. Rev. might have been of essential importance to it, but as things have luckily turned out the book has reached nearly everybody who could be expected to buy or read a book of the kind. By the bye, it has narrowly missed being reviewed in the Quarterly by Herschel but he also has abandoned the intention.5 Believe me
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
I have just finished an article which I am desirous of offering to the Edin. Rev. It is a review2 of a book which I had occasion to mention in a note to the article on the Claims of Labour, Duveyriers Lettres Politiques. But as the title of the book gives little or no indication of the contents of the article, I have taken the liberty of sending it at once through Longman. It is the last I mean to write, for the present on any French topic& its subject is, not French history or literature, but present French politics, introducing, however, remarks & speculations of a more general character. I cannot of course judge whether it will suit you, but I have put nothing into it which seemed inconsistent with its admission into the Edin. Rev. If you take it, pray let it wait your own time for insertion& the more so, as it may be some little time before I have leisure to write another article on any subject.
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Whewells book,3 which you kindly suggest, I have not yet read, but from turning over the pages I do not think it is a book on which I should be at all desirous of writing.
Believe Me Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

India House 12th November, 1845.
My Dear Chapman,
Thank you exceedingly for your long and interesting letter. Since it was written the troubles of the Colony are, I hope, nearly blown over, the fool Fitzroy2 being recalled, and matters made up between the Company and the Government. As the revenue cannot get up again immediately, and as there has been so much extra expense I suppose they will not be able to pay your arrears at once, but doubtless you will succeed in getting put upon the Parliamentary vote in April. You have been very illtreated, but that is what may be said of everybody in New Zealand, and indeed of many in almost all the other colonies, in the hands of Stanley, a man who has no conscience, and has I believe, not the ordinary feelings of honouronly pettishness and petulant self-will. It is fortunate you have been able to live with what they have paid you, and with the produce of your landyour account of which has very much interested me. I lost no time in asking Dr. Royle3 for the Himalayan seeds, and he says there is no use in sending them from England when they can so easily go direct. He will write immediately to Dr. Jameson,4 Superintendent of the E.I. Companys botanical garden at Saharunpore (at the foot of the Himalayas) asking him to send you seeds of any useful plants that are likely to suit your climate, and you can at once place yourself in communication with Dr. Jameson, and send him New Zealand seeds for trial in India. Many thanks for thinking of ferns for me. If you have anybody there who can name them it would be useful, as there are probably no books here on the botany of New Zealand; but if not, I will find someone to name and describe them here, as in any case there are likely to be new ones among them. Any other plants would be interesting as well as ferns,all is fish that comes to my net, and there may be among plants picked up indiscriminately in a new country, as many and as interesting nondescripts as there were in Grahams Mexican collection.5 We have had but two subjects of much public interest in England this year; the one is railways, for which there has been a perfect frenzy. On the return of prosperity after
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the depression of the last few years, all the speculation which usually arises at such times, has taken that one direction, and not only a railway, or four or five rival railways are planned between almost every two towns of the smallest importance in the Kingdom, but all Europe, India, and the Colonies are to have railways made for them by English capital. If the thing had gone on a month longer I am convinced someone would have brought out the Great New Zealand, Auckland and Wellington Junction railway company. However, there has just been a collapse, numbers having, under the allurement of premiums, taken many more shares than they could pay calls or even deposits on, intending to sell all or part of it in case the market at last began to fall and money to get scarce, as people wanted to borrow that they might not be obliged to sell immediately. The rate of interest rose, and at last the Bank raised its rate of discount; this gave the alarm, and being followed by some thundering articles in the Times, in which all the schemes or most of them were scouted as fraudulent bubbles, the long-eared public changed from ignorant and mad confidence to equally senseless distrust. Down came shares, and some of the very most promising schemes could not be proceeded with, because of those who had asked for shares and obtained them not one third would or could pay even the deposits. While the thing lasted there were enormous gains made, many people made large fortunes, and there must be corresponding losses to those who bought at high premiums, unless they are able and have courage to hold on, in which case the greater part will lose little. The second subject which is occupying the public is the potato disease. It is certain that a very large proportion, nobody knows how large, of the potato crop is destroyed or in course of destruction, by this disease, not only in Ireland and Great Britain but in Belgium and Germany. It is also just discovered that the wheat crop is very deficient, a thing I expected from the prevalence of wind and rain at the blooming time. This also is general throughout Europe. In Russia there are already meal mobs, and exportation has been, I believe, prohibited. The deficiency is very great in North Germany, Holland and Belgium have suspended their corn laws; France and the South of Europe have little or no corn to spare, and we have only America to look to. The best quality of wheat is already at 74 sh. here, but the bad quality of the crop, which was very badly got in, keeps down the averages; and everybody feels that the sliding scale is an entire failure, bonded corn actually leaving this country to go elsewhere. Of course everybody thinks and says that the corn laws must go this winter, and the question only is whether any, even the smallest duty shall be suffered to remain. There have been four Cabinet Councils in almost successive days, and a general belief or hope existed that an Order in Council would be issued opening the ports, but the Ministers have separated and gone to the country without doing anything. It is rumoured that they are divided, Peel being on the side of remission; but I do not believe the rumour to be founded on anything except its abstract a priori probability. Peel always misses the moment; but it is so universally seen and admitted by friends and enemies that the corn laws are doomed, that they can hardly escape their fate. I think there will be such a demonstration on the subject before Parliament meets as will finish them, and most happy will that be, for that odious question stands in the way of all others. If it is given up in the coming session we shall certainly see free trade victorious in America too, for J. K. Polk6 and the party who brought him in are avowed friends of a tariff for revenue only, and the repeal of the corn laws by giving them the Western States would make them irresistible. As for Europe, at least France
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and Germany, any approach to free-trade there has now become hopeless. They are receding further from it every day as their industrial interests grow stronger and require more power in the State; and in Germany the rising feeling of nationality all tends in that mischievous direction. It is not a matter of calculation now, but of passion, and I sincerely believe that there is in the public eye both of France and of Germany a strenuous desire to bring down the wealth and power of England, if they can. They wish to get wealth and power themselves by imitating England, that is, by having manufacture and an import trade, and besides that they are jealous of England, dislike the English ascendancy, and would have pleasure in weakening it though they were to get nothing by it. I believe this feeling to have been greatly heightened if not created by the meddling, mischievous Palmerston policy in 1841,7 which besides irritating France, excited intense disgust in Germany. There is, however, a considerable and rising school of sound political economy in France now; the Revue des Economistes, a monthly publication in which Dunoyer, Passy,8 Horace Say, and a number of other rational men write, and which is edited by Dussard (did you know him when he was in England? He then learnt the English political economy very well) has a very tolerable sale, which I am sure no such book would have in England. Dunoyers book De la libert du travail, is one of the books best worth reading which have come out lately. I have now actually begun the book I meditated, and hope to complete it by the end of winter. I shall profit by your remarks on Wakefields plan, which seems perfectly just, especially as to the lottery system.9 Absenteeism is an evil in a new settlement, and might have been a much greater one. Wakefield by the way has very uncertain health now and is very much unfitted for work or activity. Whenever he gets at all excited, and you know his excitability, he is threatened with apoplexy. The New Zealand Company have done very wisely in allowing the holders of the land at Nelson to exchange it on favourable terms for the earlier numbers which, by a measure I always thought very questionable, had been withheld from them. I mean to use the option with regard to my town and rural allotments; the accommodation land has answered very well. You, I remember, had land at Nelson too, but yours were better numbers. However, I daresay you will be able to exchange some of them to advantage. I had not heard of Revans10 failure, which I infer from your speaking of his execution creditor. I am very sorry for it, but in a place like Wellington I suppose he will soon re-establish himself. Pray write sometimes; I will not wait for your next, but will write again in three or four months if I find anything interesting to relate. With kind regards to your family,
Yours Ever Faithfully,

J. S. Mill
279

India House 19th December 1845
My Dear Sir
Some time ago, you did me the favour to intimate that you would have no objection to communicate to me some of your remarks on my System of Logic,2 particularly those parts of it in which physical and mathematical subjects were adverted to. I have so little claim to ask you to take this trouble, that I am almost ashamed to remind you of your intentionbut as I am informed by the publisher that he is about to prepare for a second edition, the advantage which I hope to derive from your criticisms would be peculiarly valuable if it could be afforded in time for that purpose.
I Remain Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House 29th Decr 1845
My Dear Sir,
Pray receive my thankful acknowledgments for your letter. I had already been convinced by other criticisms, that the chapter on which you comment required to be seriously reconsidered & that Laplace was not so far wrong as I had ventured to think him.2 The other point however,3 on which I differed from him, is one on which I have not hitherto been shaken, but I have not the smallest reluctance to acknowledge myself wrong on this also if it turns out that I am so. With many thanks, & sincere hopes for the termination of your indisposition
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J. S. Mill
281
1846 478. TO GEORGE GROTE1

1st January, 1846
My Dear Mr. Grote,

Since our last conversation on Comtes affairs, I have had two letters from him,2 a short and a long one, both of which I enclose. The latter of them is so little creditable to his delicacy or gratitude, or, rather, shews an inordinate self-importance overriding both, that I should have been ashamed to send it to you if it had not seemed to be his intention that I should. The shorter letter was written when he first heard from me that Molesworth was not disposed to renew his subscription. In answer3 to it I declined applying further to Molesworth, saying that he would not, probably, consider the case one of necessity while Comte had still 200 a year. Two months after, I received the long letter. As you will see that he then expressed himself as if I had led him to count upon the success of an application for a second subscription, I must say to you, what I said to him, that I did not intentionally give him any confidence, for I felt none myself. His sanguine disposition ran away with him in this, as in other cases. I said to him (as I once told you) that very likely he might receive further help if it were only wanted for a short, and definite, but not for an indefinite time. I do not remember saying anything else, except that the letter he sent to me, and which I sent to you, seemed to me well suited for its object: that I said, because he referred it to my judgement.
Ever Yours Truly,

J. S. Mill P.S.I hope the first two volumes of the History4 will soon be out; I long to see them.

India House
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le 12 janvier 1846

Votre lettre du 18 dcembre exige de moi une rponse srieuse, et qui aurait t immdiate, si je neusse t forc dattendre un moment o je pourrais le faire loisir, et avec la reflexion convenable. Votre apprciation de la conduite tenue envers vous en Angleterre me parat reposer sur une erreur de fait. La svre condamnation morale que vous portez sur ceux qui ont cess de vous accorder lappui pcuniaire quils vous avaient donn temporairement, se pourrait tout au plus concevoir, en leur supposant des opinions, des sentiments, et, tous gards, une position morale envers vous, qui nexistent pas, et dont ils nont certainement jamais fait profession. Sils vous avaient accept comme leur chef spirituel, sils vous regardaient comme le reprsentant de leurs convictions, comme laptre dun systme de doctrines et de sentimens auquel ils adhraient essentiellement; je ne sais pas sils se seraient crus moralement obligs de prolonger leurs subsides, mais je suis persuad quils lauraient fait, et je les estimerais peu si je pensais quen pareil cas ils croiraient avoir assez fait dj. Mais de la sympathie partielle quils prouvent pour vos opinions, et de ladmiration trs relle quils ressentent envers vos talents, il y a loin cette intime solidarit dopinions et de sentimens. Cest leur prter, sans fondement, vos propres convicitions, que de dire quils se sont crus moralement obligs faire pour vous ce quils ont fait. Je ne vois dans leur procd autre chose quun sentiment de philanthropie envers un philosophe minent, pris au dpourvu par une perscution inattendue. Sans doute ils ont tous les trois une haute admiration pour votre grand ouvrage; ils le regardent comme une trait philosophique du premier ordre; ils reconnaissent en avoir beaucoup appris; et Grote, dont je parle le plus parce que je le connais le mieux, avoue quil y doit des modifications dans plusieurs de ses opinions. Grote, et probablement Molesworth, acceptent encore aussi pleinement que vous-mme lide mre de vos travaux, c. d. la substitution du point de vue scientifique au point de vue religieux, et lapplication aux tudes sociales de la mthode philosophique qui prside aujourdhui irrvocablement toutes les autres tudes. Ils pensent encore, je puis peu prs lassurer, du moins quant Grote, que vous avez, le premier, conu la mthode positive dune manire qui la rend propre cette dernire extension. Il y a bien l de quoi motiver une haute estime philosophique. Mais quant votre manire particulire de concevoir la sociologie dogmatique, ils sont si loin de la partager, que pour me borner Grote, qui en est encore probablement le moins loign des trois, je crois savoir que sauf la question religieuse, la plupart des doctrines sociales que vous professez sont trs en dsaccord avec ses opinions et bien que cette dissidence ne lempche pas de rendre justice votre haute valeur philosophique, elle importe beaucoup lobligation que vous lui supposez de concourir la propagation active dopinions sociales dont beaucoup ne lui semblent ni vraies ni utiles propager. Il ny a donc pas lieu daccuser, en ce cas, la faiblesse des convictions actuelles. Ce nest pas un cas de demi-conviction ni de demi-volunt; cest un cas de conviction trs arrte dun dsaccord essentiel dopinion. Vous vous trompez davantage encore en pensant quun sentiment troit de nationalit y soit pour quelque chose.
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Contrairement lopinion gnrale du continent, je suis davis quil y a moins de nationalit chez les anglais que chez tout autre peuple civilis. Ils ont aujourdhui beaucoup moins de prjugs et de prventions nationales que les peuples du continent; on peut seulement, cet gard, les accuser dindiffrence; ils font peu dattention aux autres peuples, et ignorent en gnral ce qui sy fait; mais ceux parmi eux, qui ne partagent pas cette ignorance, ceux qui connaissent assez le continent pour en juger, soit par leurs tudes, soit par leurs voyages, ceux-l sont cosmopolites au del de ce que vous pouvez vous imaginer; et sil y a des hommes dont cela est surtout et particulirement vrai, ce sont prcisment ceux qui vous avez eu faire. Quant au projet de revue, et la manire dont il fut accueilli, vos reproches retombent surtout sur moi: les autres nont eu dans cette affaire quun rle passif. Je nai mme parl l dessus quavec Grote, et sans le consulter, pas plus que Molesworth, sur la rponse vous faire. Je lui a demand son avis sur la probabilit de pouvoir placer des actions et trouver des abonns en angleterre, parce que ma propre opinion, quelque dcide quelle ft, ne pouvait pas vous suffire. Je ne lui ai pas seulement demand sil y prendrait part. Lui seul pouvait juger jusqu quel point cela lui convenait, tant personnellement quen gard ses opinions. Sous ce dernier rapport jaurais espr que la franche explication que je vous donnai sur la question de ma propre coopration, aurait suffi, et peut tre plus forte raison lgard des autres. Mon hsitation fut exprssement motive sur le dfaut dun accord suffisant dopinion. Je pense comme alors que lacceptation commune du principe positif, et mme un accord essentiel dides sur la mthode, ne sont pas une base suffisante pour une entreprise commune de propagation sociologique; sans toutefois rien prescrire lgard de ceux dont les opinions sociales, en tant quarrtes, sont daccord. Cette harmonie initiale est bien loin dexister entre nous deux, pour ne rien dire des autres: sans cela, aurais-je accueilli la proposition comme je lai fait? et la tentative que nous avons faite pour vider notre diffrence dopinion sur une seule question fondamentale, na pas t assez heureuse pour nous encourager en entamer dautres, ou pour faire croire que le positivisme puisse bientt offrir au monde un systme social capable de runir tous ceux qui acceptent sa mthode. Plus jy rflchis et moins je crois la proximit dun rsultat semblable, qui me parat exiger plusieurs progrs antrieurs, non suffisamment effectus, et surtout un notable perfectionnement de la science positive de lhomme. Les dissidences qui existent en matire sociale entre deux penseurs consciencieux, qui se ressemblent daussi prs que vous et moi dans leurs principes logiques, doivent tenir ce que lun ou lautre nentend pas assez bien les lois de la nature humaine. Une connaissance plus approfondie de ces lois me parat une condition ncessaire dune thorie sociologique rationnelle. Personne aujourdhui ne soccupe convenablement de lever cet obstacle, et je crois de plus en plus que cest l le genre de tentative philosophique par lequel un penseur bien prpar pourrait aujourdhui rendre le plus de service, tant la thorie qu la pratique sociale. Je dois encore dcharger MM Grote et Molesworth de la responsabilit de lallusion que jai faite leurs sentimens prsums sur ce qui constituerait votre gard le cas de ncessit. Ils ne mavaient pas articul un seul mot, ce sujet, et je suis seul responsable dune explication qui, je le vois avec peine, vous a bless. Cependant je ne doute pas, non plus qualors, que jai exprim leurs vritables sentimens. Je pense, certes, comme vous, quil serait trs dplac de la part de qui que ce soit, de prtendre
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vous imposer des rgles de conduite dans vos dpenses prives, et que vous tes pleinement en droit de ny avoir gard qu votre opinion propre. Cela est mme presque superflu dire. Sils ont pris ce sujet en considration, ce nest pas pour rgler votre conduite, mais la leur. Votre jugement est dfinitif pour vous, le leur lest galement pour eux. Quant leur droit de se faire une opinion l dessus, il me semble dcouler ncessairement du fait mme de lintervention pcuniaire, et je trouve trs simple quon ne se croie pas tenu faire pour laisance dun philosophe ce quon ferait volontiers pour sa subsistence. Vous jugez trs svrement ceux qui du sein de leur opulence mettraient un tel avis. Sans doute, tant quil y aura des riches, et quun homme possdera plus quun autre sans avoir plus de mrite personnel, il y aura toujours quelque couleur de justice de pareilles plaintes. Pour moi je ne les trouve nullement bien fondes. Je conois quon ne compte pas avec ses amis personnels les plus chers, ou avec celui quon regarderait comme son chef spirituel et matre rver, ou mme peut-tre avec celui pour le jugement duquel, dans toute question de conduite, on aurait, daprs une intime connaissance personnelle, un respect et une dfrence telle, quon se reposerait aveuglment sur lui, en se dispensant de se faire une opinion propre. Mais partout o ces conditions nexistent pas, il me semble permis quon ait gard la possibilit dune conomie sur les dpenses de celui quon veut aider, et je ne pense pas que, pour cela, on mrite laccusation de simmiscer tort dans les affaires dautrui. Vous voyez, mon cher Monsieur Comte, quen donnant mon avis, avec une pleine franchise, sur votre lettre, je ne la juge pas daprs des considrations de dlicatesse arbitraire et de convention, dont je crois quun homme srieux, dans un cas important, peut se dispenser. Cest le fond mme de la question que nous nenvisageons pas de la mme manire. Mais nous sommes daccord sur votre droit incontestable de travailler dsormais pour votre aisance prive, dussiez-vous par l retarder la suite de vos travaux spculatifs. Vous avez bien assez fait pour navoir pas besoin de justification, quelque parti que vous preniez cet gard. Jai fait part de votre lettre Grote et Molesworth, mais ils nont aucune participation directe ou indirecte ma rponse, que je ne leur ai pas mme communique. Vous me demandez des nouvelles de M. et Mme Austin. Je les ai vus tous deux Londres, o ils ont pass aprs leur retour dAllemagne. Ils se portaient alors assez bien. Ils doivent tre maintenant Paris, o vraisemblablement vous avez eu de leurs nouvelles.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill
285

India House 20th February 1846
My Dear Sir
With many apologies for troubling you so much on the subject of my Logicwill you permit me to ask whether there is anything in the first volume on which I may hope for any remarks from you? I ask this because I am much urged by the publisher to send the volume to press for a second edition.

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir,
Many thanks for your remarks, all of which shall be attended to. As to the firstI was quite aware that the tendency of the moon to the earth was not known to be as 1/D2 before Newton, but as Newtons name is not mentioned in that passage which only traces the successive order of the discoveries as an illustration of method, I had not thought it necessary to guard the phraseology on that collateral point. I shall now do so.2 On the 2nd pointI knew that the shock of a comet could only alter the ellipse to some other conic section & to avoid the apparent ignorance I will change the wording.3
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What you say on the difference between the evidence of a medium in the cases of light & of gravity, ought, in justice to the advocates of a medium, to be brought in somewhere, & I will take care to do so.4 I will omit the reference to M. Comte on the subject of pathological phenomena.5 I have never read Dr. Hollands book,6 & I got the remark from Comte.7 Nothing has happened to make your observations on the other proposition of Laplace of less importance to me.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House le 26 mars 1846

Je nai pas jug ncessaire de rpondre promptement votre lettre du 23 janvier. Il ma sembl inutile de prolonger la discussion sur le sujet spcial de votre lettre. Nous avons suffisamment fait connatre lun a lautre notre faon de penser. Cette communication na nullement diminu la divergence qui existait dabord, et qui concerne, comme vous avez reconnu, les sentiments autant que les ides et les principes. Je bornerai donc ma rponse quelques explications sur ce qui, dans votre lettre, me regarde personnellement, sans quoi vous pourriez croire que jaccepte vos observations comme fondes, ou que je les repousse sans raison aucune, ne pouvant y rpondre. Dabord, il est certain quil ny a pas eu, comme vous semblez le croire, de malentendu sur la nature de la coopration pcuniaire que vous espriez obtenir en Angleterre pour le projet de revue. Vous avez alors trs clairement expliqu la nature du projet, et indiqu les ressources pcuniaires ncessaires pour le mettre en excution. Votre lettre a t soumise MM. Grote et Molesworth. Ils ont d croire et ils ont certainement cru en effet, que cela quivalait leur faire la proposition de fournir eux mmes les fonds en tout ou en partie. Jai ensuite demand spcialement M. Grote son avis sur la possibilit dobtenir ces fonds, et ctait linviter, autant que je trouvais convenable de le faire, se prononcer sur sa coopration personnelle. Il sen est abstenu en pleine connaissance de cause.
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En second lieu, je ne dois pas passer sous silence quelques unes de vos observations sur lintensit particulire que vous attribuez aux prjugs nationaux en Angleterre. Votre opinion cet gard, loin dtre aucunement affaible, vous conduit ne voir dans ma persuasion contraire quun nouvel exemple du fait que vous croyez signaler, puisque, dites-vous, une prvention nationale sur lexcellence du caractre propre la nation anglaise, vous parat seule pouvoir en faire ainsi mconnatre le principal dfaut actuel. Vous me pardonnerez si je dis que la supposition que vous faites mon gard est propre faire sourire tous ceux qui connaissent un peu la tournure habituelle de mes ides et de mes sentiments. Je suis depuis longtemps dans une espce dopposition ouverte contre le caractre national anglais, qui, plusieurs gards, mest antipathique et qui je prfre, tout prendre, le caractre franais, allemand, ou italien. Vos propres expressions tmoignent assez combien je sens plus profondment que vous les dfauts du caractre anglais, puisque vous regardez comme le plus grand de ses dfauts les prjugs nationaux, tandis que moi je lui en trouve dautres plus graves, plus fondamentaux, et surtout plus difficiles corriger. Je crois au reste que sans devenir suspect de prvention nationale, on peut faire beaucoup moins de cas que vous ne faites de lopinion gnrale du continent en pareille matire. Il est fort naturel que les trangers se trompent sur le caractre dun peuple: le ntre, trs peu expansif, offre moins de prises lobservation quun autre; et comme les peuples continentaux se ressemblent beaucoup plus entreux quils ne ressemblent aux anglais, ils doivent se comprendre mieux et se juger mutuellement avec moins dinexactitude quils ne jugent lAngleterre. Pour moi qui depuis ma premire jeunesse, me suis occup dtudier le caractre anglais, jaurais peine vous dire combien les observations faites l dessus par les trangers les plus clairs, mme quand elles sont justes, me semblent superficielles, et jusqu quel point, mme lorsquil y a lieu des critiques svres, toutes celles que je lis me paraissent manquer le but, en donnant une interprtation franaise ou allemande des phnomnes anglais. On donne aux anglais galement des dfauts et des qualits quils nont pas; souvent ceux quon leur donne sont lexact contraire de ceux quils ont rellement. Pour en venir maintenant lexplication que vous donnez de nos diffrences dopinion sur la seule question biologique et sociale que nous avons expressment discute en sens contraire, celle de la prtendue infriorit intellectuelle des femmes. Vous vous rendez raison de ce dissentiment par linsuffisance de mes tudes et de mes mditations biologiques. Je pense quil y a, sous ce rapport, quelque malentendu. Je ne crois pas avoir moins tudi la biologie que toutes les autres sciences fondamentales. Je crois la connatre peu prs aussi bien. Je connais assez bien la mthode, et les principales gnralits de toutes, y compris la biologie. Peut tre mme je me tiens plus au courant des derniers progrs de cette science que de ceux des autres. Quant aux mditations, cest surtout, chez moi, sur les questions biologiques quelles portent. Mais enfin, que mes connaissances anatomiques et physiologiques rpondent ou non lide que vous vous en faites de votre point de vue, il mest galement, du mien, permis de croire que jai plus tudi, et mieux apprci, certains gards, la thorie des phnomnes intellectuels et moraux que vous navez d le faire, v le mpris que vous professez pour la psychologie, dans laquelle vous comprenez toute tude directe des phnomnes mentaux, en fesant abstraction de leurs conditions organiques. Donc, en supposant de votre part et de la mienne, une chance gale dinsuffisante comptence, je croyais avoir fait la part, sans
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prvention aucune, de nos points de vue respectifs. Je pense que jaurais pu rclamer pour moimme la supriorit de chances, aussi bon droit que vous la rclamez pour vous; et mme meilleur droit peut tre, puisque, de mon ct, je ne mprise pas vos avantages comme vous mprisez les miens; je moccupe, au contraire, de me les donner moimme, en augmentant, autant que possible mes connaissances biologiques, ce qui, je le remarque par parenthse, au lieu daffaiblir mes convictions antcdentes na tendu jusquici qu les fortifier. Quant lappui que vous croyez tirer de la concordance entre vos conclusions philosophiques et lopinion vulgaire, il me semble que lexistence dune opinion ne peut en faire prsumer la vrit que dans le cas o lon ne pourrait donner dautre explication raisonnable, de son existence; comme vous le reconnaissez vous mme par rapport aux opinions religieuses, et dans bien dautres cas encore. Quoi quil en soit, je tends de plus en plus faire de ltude des fonctions intellectuelles et morales ma principale occupation philosophique, en la menant toutefois, comme vous le conseillez, de pair avec les spculations sociales, car je reconnais pleinement quon ne peut pas connatre lhomme individuel en fesant dfinitivement abstraction de la socit, dont il est indispensable de savoir apprcier philosophiquement les diverses influences. Toutefois je persiste croire que la sociologie, comme science, ne peut plus faire aucun progrs capital sans sappuyer sur une thorie plus approfondie de la nature humaine. La force des circonstances peut amener des amliorations pratiques importantes, mais la thorie sociologique ne me parat comporter actuellement que des progrs secondaires, tant quon ne soccupe pas en mme temps de perfectionner la thorie intellectuelle et morale de lhomme. Je tche de payer mon tribut ces progrs secondaires par le trait dconomie politique dont je moccupe et qui savance rapidement. Aprs cela je destine mes principaux efforts cette autre grande tentative,2 et je me propose bien de ne ngliger aucun genre dtudes qui puisse me rendre plus propre la poursuivre. Llection annuelle dexaminateur doit avoir eu lieu: quel en a t la rsultat? Auraiton rpar linjustice commise envers vous? ou est-ce un parti pris que dy persvrer?
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

289
My Dear Sir
The printers have come to an end with reprinting the first volume of my Logic & I am pleased to send them what is ready of the second. I attach great importance to being right on the point of difference with Laplace, which occurs in the last chapter of Book III,2 on which, too, even if the views I at present entertain are right, they evidently require to be stated more clearly & at greater length. Should I not, therefore, be favoured with any remarks from you before the printers reach that chapter (which at their present rate of progress will be very soon) I shall make them halt at that point, as long as I find in any way compatible with the interests & wishes of the publisher.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill
484. TO HARRIET GROTE1

India House 1st April, 1846
Dear Mrs. Grote,

McV. Napier has now, some days since, accepted my offer to review your History2 (for the Edinburgh Review).3 He wishes that it should not be later than the October number, and by that time I expect to have it ready. The article for the Spectator is in Rintouls4 hands. It is rather long, but its length does not seem to frighten him. I have taken my extracts from the 2nd vol., which has not yet been quoted, I believe, people not having had time to master it. You will see by the article that I like it very much. I was excessively sorry when I got to the end of it, and am impatient for the next volume.
Yours Ever,
J. S. Mill
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Napier says that Lewis5 had offered to review the book for the editor, so that I have prevented an article from him. It would have been such a very good one that I hope he will write it and print it somewhere else.

My Dear Sir
Your second letter has, as you anticipated, convinced me. An analysis of the cases, such as you have given, is the last appeal when there is any doubt, & if I had resorted to it (which would have been more in conformity with my usual mode of working) I could not have fallen into the error which I committed, & which I am greatly indebted to you for causing me to rectify. I have written a new conclusion to the chapter,2 in which I hope I have presented Laplaces principle in a light which will prevent others from falling into my error. I do not, however, think that Laplaces example is a fair type of the universal character of what are called Coincidences. But what I have to say on this point does not at all infringe upon the logical soundness of Laplaces principles.3 I had already entirely rewritten the chapter on the general Doctrine of Chances,4 on which subject I now entirely agree with Laplace. I have there too, as knowing by experience where the shoe pinched, been able, I think, to ease it a little. Having benefitted so much by your criticisms I need hardly say how glad I should be of any others.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House 1st May 1846
291
My Dear Sir
Before I received your letter, I had already acknowledged to Edinburgh, your remittance which was larger than I expected & for which I now renew my thanks. I cannot complain of your having left out the passage2 controverting the warlike propensity of the French, though I should have been glad if it had been consistent with your judgment to have retained it. The opinion is a very old & firm one with me, founded on a good deal of personal observation & I do not think you will find that Englishmen or other foreigners who have lived long in France & mixed in French society, are, so generally as you seem to think, of a different opinion. I have certainly heard, from such persons, the same opinion which I have expressed, & quite as strongly. And I am sure you will admit that national importance, & consideration among other nations, may be very strongly desired & sought by people who would rather have it in any other way than by war. I venture to say thus much because I think the Edin. has lately been sometimes very unjust to the FrenchI allude to Seniors otherwise excellent articles3 which he & I have sometimes had disputes about. Touching Whatelys Rhetoric4 I have read it twice, first when it came out, & again within the last few years, & I think of it as of all his other books, that it is full of ideas, & would make a good article in itself, but still more so if the occasion were taken(which would be worth while as I think the Ed. has never done it)for a general estimate of the man & of his writings. Senior is as you know a personal intimate & his admiration of Whately is probably much less qualified than mine isbut W. is certainly a very remarkable & even eminent man, & one whose merits & faults are both very important to be pointed out. Your son has given me a reference to Merivales5 article which I shall lose no time in reading. I forget whether I remembered to mention that I should like half a dozen copies of the article in the Edin. though I know you were kind enough to ask me the question. If I omitted to say so perhaps you could still procure me two copies from the waste
Believe Me Ever Yours Truly

J. S. Mill

India House,
292
4th June, 1846.
My Dear Sir,
My friend Mr. Alexander Bain, wishing to be a contributor to your magazine, has asked me to give him an introduction to you, which I do with great pleasure. I have said incidentally in my Logic the very high opinion I have of Mr. Bain and the great use he was of to me in making the book fit to present to the public and I need only say that I think he would be a most valuable contributor to any liberal periodical.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

East India House le 13 aot 1846.

Votre petit billet du 10 mest parvenu la veille mme du jour que javais fix dfinitivement pour rompre un silence effectivement trs prolong. La cause du retard na pas t une perturbation quelconque de ma sant, qui est reste peu prs comme lordinaire. Ce fut dabord une de ces absences occasionnelles2 (quoique non strictement priodiques) auxquelles vous faites allusion: ensuite aprs mon retour je me suis trouv accabl doccupations qui mont fait diffrer de jour en jour la lettre qui vous tait de. Ces occupations pressantes ne se sont termines quhier, et je vais maintenant pouvoir reprendre mon travail dconomie politique, suspendu depuis deux mois, et que jespre dsormais pouvoir continuer sans intermission jusqu sa compltion dfinitive. Votre lettre du 6 mai contenait en effet des choses graves, auxquelles je naurais pas manqu de rpondre promptement, si javais cru pouvoir par l donner quelque soulagement sympathique une juste et profonde douleur.3 Je sais ce que doit tre, pour tout homme capable dune affection profonde, un vnement tel que celui que vous mavez annonc. Mais de pareils malheurs, quand ils sont rels et fonds, ne me paraissent comporter dautre soulagement que le triste affaiblissement spontan qui suit du temps et de la rflexion. La perte dune unique sympathie personnelle, est toujours au-dessus ou au-dessous de toute consolation. Cest une blessure dont la gravit ne saurait tre apprcie que par celui qui la subit.
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Quant au reste du contenu de votre lettre, je trouve dans la publication hollandaise que vous mindiquez, et dans la lettre dont vous mavez envoy copie, une nouvelle preuve du progrs des ides positives en europe. On sattendrait peuttre moins quailleurs un tel tmoignage dans un pays comme la Hollande, qui semblait ne plus sintresser aux questions spculatives et dont le dveloppement philosophique a sans contredit beaucoup perdu lisolation littraire o elle se trouve cause de sa langue particulire, depuis que les penseurs ont renonc se servir dune langue europenne. Ce signe de vie, et mme dune activit mentale assez avance, est dautant plus intressant quil est plus inattendu. Tout indique au reste que les principes de votre grand ouvrage ont pris irrvocablement leur place dans la discussion europenne, et que rien dsormais ne pourra les touffer. Ds que ce point a t atteint, tout est fait. Cest tout ce que les penseurs peuvent accomplir, ou sont tenus accomplir pour leurs ides. Ds quelles sont coutes; ds que les partisans des doctrines contraires sont forcs de les connatre et den tenir compte, la cause est gagne; elles deviennent ds lors une force sociale relle, et plus ou moins puissante, en raison de la portion de vrite et dimportance relle qui leur appartient. La critique systmatique que vous mannoncez devoir tre faite de votre ouvrage par un des principaux organes de lcole mtaphysique, indique encore plus dcidment, que vous en tes venu l. Je crois que ce temps va bientt arriver aussi pour moi, quoique je naie encore prouv que des attaques trs faibles. Je mefforce au reste den hter le moment par lcrit dont je moccupe actuellement, crit plus en rapport que le premier avec lesprit pratique et politique de langleterre, et o je mabstiendrai encore moins que dans lautre, de heurter les opinions reues. Je crois le temps trs favorable pour toute doctrine nouvelle capable de soutenir une discussion approfondie. Toutes les anciennes ides sont depuis peu trs visiblement dchues, aux yeux mmes de tout le monde, et lon demande grands cris des principes nouveaux. Sil y avait ici seulement deux ou trois hommes gnralement considrs, qui fussent moralement et intellectuellement au niveau des besoins de lpoque, nous pourrions esprer de conqurir bientt la libert dont la France jouit heureusement, celle de tout dire: cest surtout ce qui nous manque prsent, car les seules questions qui ne font point aujourdhui de progrs sont celles dont lopinion interdit toute vritable discussion.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

September 1846 I have just corrected the proof of my review of Grote,2 in which I have introduced no little of the Comtean philosophy of religion. Altogether I like the thing, though I wrote it in exactly four days, and re-wrote it in three more, but I had to read and think a good deal for it first. . . . [I have] got on well with the Pol. Ec. I am on the point of finishing the third book.3
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490. TO HENRY COLE1

India House, 7th September, 1846.
My Dear Cole,
Having been out of town I have only just received your note and its enclosure. I am truly glad of the improvement in your circumstances, and should have regretted much if you had paid me before it was perfectly convenient. I have the pleasure of remembering that I have rendered you a service at a time when you needed it, and needed it on account of conduct for which you merited reward instead of loss.2
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

India House 22nd October 1846
My Dear Sir
Your very liberal remittance arrived safely, & I return you my best thanks for it. I have no other subject at present in view & shall probably be otherwise occupied for some months. The new number of the review2 seems to me a very good one.
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill
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492. TO JAMES BENTHAM MILL1

Nov. 2, 1846 [. . . a letter to his brother James (2nd Nov.) shows that he was labouring under illness:] had been ill, now better, but still a bad cold.
493. TO ALEXANDER BAIN?1

Mid-November 1846 [In the middle of November, he wrote that the articles2 ] have excited a good deal of notice, and have quite snatched the initiative out of the Times. [He adds] It is a capital thing to have the power of writing leaders in the Chronicle whenever I like, which I can always do. The paper has tried for years to get me to write to it, but it has not suited me to do it before, except once in six months or so.
494. TO ALEXANDER BAIN?1

28 December 1846 I continue to carry on the Pol. Econ. as well as I can with the articles in the Chronicle.2 These last I may a little slacken now, having in a great measure, as far as may be judged by appearances, carried my point, viz., to have the waste lands reclaimed and parcelled out in small properties among the best of the peasantry.
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1847 495. TO RICHARD MONCKTON MILNES1

I.H. Wedy [1847?]
My Dear Milnes
It would be very agreeable to me to breakfast with you on Saturday, but I cannot venture to play truant from my office to the extent which that would require.
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill
496. TO SIR ALEXANDER DUFF-GORDON1

India House Jan. 27, 1847
My Dear Sir Alexander,

I regret to hear that Mr. Austin is again suffering from illness, which has, perhaps, been brought on by the application required in writing his admirable article in the Edinburgh,2 and by the very natural and intelligible reaction after it was finished. In his bad health he must at least have the consolation of feeling himself useful, for the article is exactly one of those things which he can do so well, and which so few are capable of doing at alla thorough discussion of the subject it treats of, going down to the roots and fundamentals of a matter never treated in that way beforeeminently calculated not only to give clear ideas and to correct vague feelings and confused notions on that particular subject, but also to educate the minds of those who wish to study such subjectsa class that would probably be much more numerous if there were not so lamentable a paucity of such helps to them. One of the persons of greatest intellect that I have known said, after reading the article, What a pity the same man does not, in the same manner, precisionize other and even more important questions
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of political morals; and I do hope that he will now be encouraged to do so. There is really some hope of this now that he has actually finished something; for his inability to satisfy himself is the only thing except ill health which has ever seemed to me to stand in the way.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

27 January 1847 You will have seen by this time how far the ministry are from having adopted any of my conclusions about Ireland,2 though Lord J. Russell3 subscribes openly to almost all the premises. I have little hope left. The tendency of their measures seems to me such that it can only bring about good to Ireland by excess of evil. . . . I have so indoctrinated the Chronicle writers with my ideas on Ireland, that they are now going on very well and spiritedly without me, which enables me to work much at the Political Economy, to my own satisfaction. The last thing I did for the Chronicle was a thorough refutation, in three long articles, of Crokers article on the Division of Property in France.4
498. TO GEORGE JACOB HOLYOAKE1

[February 22, 1847]2 Of practical conclusions there are also several from which I should decidedly differ, particularly Communism. The use made of the word morality is likely to give an idea of much greater agreement with the ordinary moral notions, emanating from and grounded on religion, than I should suppose you intend. Most people do not understand by morality a subject as open to discussion as any other, and on which persons have different opinions, but think it a name for the set of opinions they have been accustomed to.

India House
298
9th March, 1847.
My Dear Chapman,
My conscience has been reproaching me for months with not having yet redeemed my promise of writing to you again, especially after having received your interesting letter of April last. But you must, I am sure, know by experience how difficult it is to keep engagements of that sort when ones mind and time are much occupied, and when the distance of ones correspondent and the long time requisite for an interchange of letters prevents communication from being habitual and in a manner spontaneous. To give you an idea of some of my hindrances I will just tell you what my occupations are. In the first place, a great increase of my India House business, both from the general and progressive growth of the correspondence, and also from my having the charge of a second department in addition to my own, being responsible for a branch of the correspondence which is now carried on by my brother George. In the next place I have had a book to write which will be as large a one when printed as the Logic, and which I have now (within the last week) completed, sauf the revising, or rather rewriting, which is an indispensable part of anything of importance which I write. This book is the one you had had some incorrect information about, as you thought it was to be an edition of Adam Smith, whereas it is a book to replace Adam Smith, that is, to attempt to do for political economy what A.S. did at the time when he wrote, to make a book which, while embodying all the abstract science in the completest form yet attained, incorporating all important improvements, should at the same time be essentially a book of applications exhibiting the principles of the science in the concrete. I was the more prompted to do this inasmuch as it would enable me to bring in, or rather to bring out, a great number of opinions on incidental matters, moral and social, for which one has not often so good an opportunity, and I have used this privilege as freely as Adam Smith did, and I fully expect to offend and scandalize ten times as many people as I shall please, but that is all in a days work, and I always intended to make that use of any standing I might get among publicists. I have got a certain capital of that sort by the Logic, and I now cannot too soon use it up in useful investments. That then, has been my second occupation. My third has been to write a good deal this autumn and winter on the questions of the day, especially the Irish question,2 on which people seem to me to be running mad, each more than the other. No one idea that has been started for using this opportunity to effect anything for the permanent good of Ireland has met with any favourable reception; the whole English people are rushing frantically to expend any number of millions upon the present exigency, without much caring how, and taking their revenge on the Irish gentry by the infliction of a lavish poor law which if it passes will as it seems to me render the evils of Ireland incurable except by an universal seizure of the land and expulsion of the proprietors; and almost all the men on whom one counted for resisting any such monstrosity, have thrown themselves headlong into the very midst of the stream. Roebuck, of all men in the world, is quite an active leader in the movement, and as for the first time in his public life he is enlisting his talents in support of the madness of the movement, he has suddenly made himself a person of much more importance than he ever was before, and is continually flattered by the Times, which is the real author and leader of this movement and the substantial ruler
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of the country. Molesworth, except that he has only made one speech3 instead of fifty, is just as bad. Lord J. Russell and Lord Lansdowne4 six weeks before the meeting of Parliament, expressed in private the strongest opinions against any such measure as the one they have now introduced. I find nobody but Senior and Grote who are true to their colours. The English Poor Law, with the strongest profession of adherence to its principle, is in fact to be thrown overboard by abolishing the Central Board and substituting a functionary who is to sit in Parliament and to be virtually a member of the Ministry. Of course every little workhouse squabble will become a Parliamentary affair, and to avoid a debate in Parliament everything will be given up. Have not these people just ordered a day of fasting and humiliation5 merely to escape a debate on a motion by Mr. Plumptre,6 the man who thinks that the potato failure is a punishment from Heaven for the grant to Maynooth?7 Besides this new officer will go out with every Ministry, and besides, he will never be able to get elected without giving pledges inconsistent with a faithful discharge of his duties. I have never felt so thoroughly disgusted with the state of public affairs. The only good I see likely to arise out of all these things is that I think they are sure to give a great stimulus to colonization, for Ireland will be in a state next year that will make the landlords sell the clothes off their backs to get rid of the people. But it will be a colonization wholly of Irish, and of the very worst sort; and with an outdoor relief poor law they will just set about peopling again, and will replace even two millions in half a generation. The only propitious circumstances is the great progress of free trade. Our repeal of the Corn laws is working wonders; first the great relaxation of the American tariff, next the triumphal progress of Cobden8 through Europe. Think of the French Government authorising a League (Societe des Libres Exchangite)9 and permitting public meetings and speeches. I have great sympathy too with the fine old Pope.10 I hope he has many years to live; he is much younger than Popes usually are, but unhappily they say he has had epileptic fits when a child, and has had a return of them lately. The priests will poison him if they can, as the Jesuits are said to have poisoned Ganganelli.11 OConnell is done up,12 and probably dying, killed, I should think, by the death of OConnellism.
Yours Most Truly,

J. S. Mill

March 27, 1847 The people are all mad, and nothing will bring them to their senses but the terrible consequences they are certain to bring on themselves, as shown in Whatelys speech yesterday2 in the House of Lordsthe only sensible speech yet made in either House on the question. Fontenelle said that mankind must pass through all forms of error before arriving at truth.3 The form of error we are now possessed by is that of making all take care of each, instead of stimulating and helping each to take care of himself;
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and now this is going to be put to a terrible trial, which will bring it to a crisis and a termination sooner than could otherwise have been hoped for.

13th April 1847.
Dear Mr. Austin,

There is no occasion to send anything you may write to me by any circuitous channel. If I did pay postage I should not grudge it for your letters, but in fact I do not. The I.H. pays all my letters except penny post letters which everybody pays before sending. The notice in the Chronicle,2 to which I am indebted for your letter, was, as you supposed, mine. It is really a pity that all the trouble you must have taken with the article on Centralisation should have produced nothing more than a review article. I am very glad that you should write anything whatever; but I hope especially now when your pecuniary affairs are settled in the manner you desire, that you will rather write books than reviews. An entirely unknown person, whose books no one would read, must begin by reviews, but you have written a book which, for the kind of book, has been very successful, and what you write is more likely to be read with your name than without it. A book gives much more scope than a review for your peculiar forte, the analysis of a subject down to its ultimate scientific elements. A review is not a slight thing to you; you take the same pains with it as you would with a scientific treatise, which in fact it is; & all who can be benefited by it at all would prefer to have it in a permanent form. It seems to me that reviews have had their day, & that nothing is now worth much except the two extremes, newspapers for diffusion & books for accurate thought. Every thinker should make a point of either publishing in his life if possible, or at any rate leaving behind him the most complete expression he can produce of his best thoughts, those which he has no chance of getting into any review. There are two books I have heard you speak of as projects: a continuation of The Province of Jurisprudence that is in fact a publication & completion of your lectures: this would be the easiest to you, so much of it being already done: the other which would be more important is a systematic treatise on morals. This last may wait long for any one with the intellect & the courage to do it as it should be done. And until it is done we cannot expect much improvement in the common standard of moral judgments & sentiments. Of the two subjects you mention in your letter, the province of government is no doubt important in itself, & peculiarly a question of the present time. I have necessarily thought a good deal about it lately for the purposes of a practical treatise on Pol. Economy & I have felt the same difficulty which you feel about the axiomata media. I suspect there are none which do not vary with time, place, & circumstance. I doubt if much more can be done in a scientific treatment of the question than to point
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out a certain number of pros and a certain number of cons of a more or less general application, & with some attempt at an estimation of the comparative importance of each, leaving the balance to be struck in each particular case as it arises. But that subject is I think tolerably safe as far as theory is concerned, for the thinking minds of the Continent & of England have fairly thought up to it & it is sure to be amply discussed & meditated upon for the next ten or twenty years. It is hardly a subject for any one who is capable of things much in advance of the time. On the other subject, The antecedents of the Revolution, I much doubt if what you propose to write will do any good to those whom you hope to influence by it. I think with you that the English higher classes (of the German I know nothing) mean well, what little they do mean as my father said of some person. They have grown good even to goodiness, as they shew every year more & more. But also every year shews more & more their pitoyable absence of even that very moderate degree of intellect, & that very moderate amount of will & character which are scattered through the other classes but of which they have certainly much less than the average share, owing to the total absence of the habit of exerting their minds for any purpose whatever. I used to hope, as my father did (with all his democratic predilections), that when their political monopoly was taken away they would be induced to exert themselves in order to keep ahead of their competitors, but I have quite ceased to think so. If there is anything of which experience convinces me more & more it is that (beyond a certain point) facilities, as they are called, are hindrances, & that the more the path to any meritorious attainment is made smooth to an individual or a class, from their early youth, the less chance there is of their realising it. Never to have had any difficulties to overcome seems fatal to mental vigour. The doctrine of averting revolutions by wise concessions to the people does not need to be preached to the English aristocracy. They have long acted on it to the best of their capacity, & the fruits it produces are soup-kitchen and ten hours bills. As far as I see, the influence of democracy on the aristocracy does not operate by giving them any of the strength of the people but by taking away that which was their own; making them bend with a willing submission to the yoke of bourgeois opinion in all private things, and be the slaves, in public matters, of the newspapers which they dislike & fear. I confess I look less & less to that quarter for anything good. Whatever is valuable in the traditions of gentlemanhood is a fait acquis to mankind; as it is really grounded on the combination of good feeling with correct intellectual perceptions, it will always be kept alive by really cultivated persons; the most complete parvenus now in this country have as much of it as people of family, & for its diffusion must not our real reliance be on the extension & improvement of education? I have even ceased to think that a leisured class, in the ordinary sense of the term, is an essential constituent of the best form of society. What does seem to me essential is that society at large should not be overworked, nor over-anxious about the means of subsistence, for which we must look to the grand source of improvement, repression of population, combined with laws or customs of inheritance which shall favour the diffusion of property instead of its accumulation in masses. It is, I dare say, very natural, that living in France, you should be much impressed with the unfavourable side of a country that has passed through a series of
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revolutions. The inordinate impulse given to vulgar ambition, down to even a low class, & the general spirit of adventurership are I have no doubt disgusting enough, but may not much of them be ascribed to the mere accident of the brilliant fortune of a certain lieutenant of artillery (as Stendhal says), & much to the habitual overgoverning by which power & importance are too exclusively concentrated upon the Government & its functionaries. In England on the contrary I often think that a violent revolution is very much needed, in order to give that general shake-up to the torpid mind of the nation which the French Revolution gave to Continental Europe. England has never had any general break-up of old associations & hence the extreme difficulty of getting any ideas into its stupid head. After all, what country in Europe can be compared with France in the adaptation of its social state to the benefit of the great mass of its people, freed as they are from any tyranny which comes home to the greater number, with justice easily accessible, & the strongest inducements to personal prudence & forethought. And would this have been the case without the great changes in the state of property which even supposing good intentions in the Government could hardly have been produced by anything less than a Revolution? I judge M. Guizots conduct in the Spanish affair3 as you do: he is evidently not above low tricks & equivocations, which seem to be quite excused to every Frenchman by their being for the supposed honour & glory of France.4 Guizot I wished to think better of, but after all this only brings me back, and that not altogether, to my first opinion of him, which some parts of his public conduct from 1839 downwards had modified.5 Your impression of Comtes delinquencies is a fine instance of the growth of rumour: your informants must be either ill-informed or such exaggerators that I wonder you should have believed them. In the first place, Comte (to whom I did not give money, but Grote and Molesworth did) never wrote to Grote anything but what was perfectly convenable. He wrote a letter to me which he authorised me to shew to G. & M. if I thought fit, & I did think fit; but it contained nothing like reproaches.6 It contained a theory that, in default of the government, it is the duty of rich individuals to subscribe their money to enable philosophers to live and carry on their speculations. I do not agree in his theory.7 I thought it an instance of the importance of a man to himself but even with the addition of his not having economised the money previously given to him this is a totally different thing from what you have been told. The judgment to be passed on this incident would involve the wide subject of how the degree in which a person should be judged by his own deliberate principles should be combined with ones judgment on the principles themselves, and ones opinion of the causes which made him adopt them.8 You ask what I think of the Irish measures. I expect nothing from them but mischief, or if any good, only through excess of evil. If you were here you would, I believe, think as I do. The Government & the public seem both alike to have quite parted company with experience & common sense. There is not one man in the H of C [House of Commons], & only two or three in the H of L [House of Lords] (Whately being one) who seem to have a single sound or rational idea on the whole subject: those from whom one had most right to expect better are just as bad as the rest. I
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doubt if outdoor relief would do for Ireland under any mode of administration, but as it is they are holding out to the people the most unbounded expectations, & if the poor law is to be worked without fulfilling them, the life of no guardian & no relieving officer will be worth a weeks purchase, & the country will be ungovernable except by military occupation of every village. The only good I expect is that the result must produce a strong reaction in the public mind against the present wild notions about the mode of being good to the poor.9 I expect to be in Paris shortly with the friends with whom I always endeavour to pass my holidays but it is uncertain if they will remain long enough to admit of my going to see anyone; if I do I will certainly call on you.10
Ever Sincerely Yours,

J. S. Mill

5th May 1847 [Before arriving in London this year, I had another letter (5th May). He delays to commence rewriting his book till he sees the upshot of the Irish business.] The conduct of the ministers is wretched beyond measure upon all subjects; nothing but the meanest truckling at a time when a man with a decided opinion could carry almost anything triumphantly.
503. TO WILLIAM E. HICKSON1

India House Saturday [May 8, 1847]
My Dear Hickson
It would not be convenient to me at present to write an article on currency. Neither could I write the article wanted just now, without a much greater knowledge than I possess or could easily acquire respecting the facts of the money market. My opinions on the general subject with the latest additions & corrections will come out next winter in my book.
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I believe I agree with most of what you say in your note.
Yours Ever
J. S. Mill

India House le 17 mai 1847

Je pense quil pourrait vous tre intressant davoir quelques renseignements sur les choses qui se passent actuellement en angleterre et en Irlande, dautant plus quelles me semblent caractriser, dune manire frappante, une sorte de crise sociale. Vous savez que le sicle o nous sommes est celui des transactions, et surtout de la grande transaction qui se renouvelle sans cesse des conditions variables, entre les pouvoirs anciens et les ides modernes. Vous savez aussi que lAngleterre est le pays des transactions par excellence. Ce que, peut-tre vous ne savez pas, cest la forme particulire que revtit aujour-dhui chez nous la grande transaction europenne. Nous sommes entrs plein voile dans le systme du gouvernement charitable. Il y a longtemps quon prche aux classes suprieures quelles ne remplissent plus leur mission, quelles sont tenues faire quelque chose pour ceux dont le travail les nourrit, quelles nont le droit de gouverner qu condition dtre moralement responsables du bien-tre de la socit, et notamment de la classe pauvre, etc. Or, comme cette remontrance amicale leur est venue dun ct tandis que le chartisme et le socialisme apparaissaient de lautre, elles ont d, quelle que ft leur insouciance, y obtemprer quelque peu, et petit petit elles sont venues jusqu prendre au srieux ces doctrines de responsabilit gouvernementale, qui, au fond, ne laissaient pas dtre passablement flatteuses leur amour-propre daristocratie. Seulement, elles ont entendu cette obligation de la manire dont elles le pouvaient, c. d. de la manire la plus facile et la plus ignoble, en la rduisant aux proportions de laumne. Aujourdhui il nest question que de donner aux pauvres; non seulement de largent, mais aussi, il est juste de le dire tout ce quon croit leur tre utile, comme le raccourcissement des heures de travail, une meilleure police sanitaire, de lducation mme, chrtienne et protestante surtout, mais sans exclusion de quelques connaissances terrestres. Il sagit enfin de les gouvernor paternellement, et la cour, les nobles, les riches sy disposent tout tranquillement, sans jamais se douter quil faille pour cela autre chose que de la bonne volont, et en concevant le but selon la mesure de leur propre capacit intellectuelle et morale, c. d. dabord en fesant abstraction complte de la dignit morale de la classe pauvre. Cela est trs naturel, attendu quils
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nont que faire de ce sentiment pour eux-mmes, nayant plus la dignit morale du pass, et nayant pas encore celle de lavenir; dailleurs sils en avaient, ils ne la croiraient pas faite pour des gens pauvres, pour des ouvriers. Ensuite ils oublient compltement, ou plutt ils nont jamais su, que le bien-tre ne saccomplit pas par les seules qualits passives, et quen gnral ce quon fait pour les personnes ne leur est utile qu condition de seconder seulement ce quelles font pour elles-mmes. Ils se flattent que le bonheur des proltaires dpend des riches, et ne se doutent pas quen dfinitif il dpend de lnergie, du bon sens et de la prvoyance des proltaires euxmmes; que le philanthrope le plus haut plac ny peut rien, quen clairant et en renforant ces prcieuses qualits chez les pauvres et que si au contraire il y porte attente, sil tche de mettre lintervention sociale la place de ces vertus individuelles, il devient ncessairement nuisible au lieu dutile. Mais de cela nos philanthropes comme il faut nont pas la moindre ide, dnus quils sont de toute connaissance approfondie et ptris de suffisance aristocratique. La tendance que je viens de caractriser, et qui se signale depuis plusieurs ans dune manire croissante, arrive aujourdhui une exprience dcisive, amene par la disette irlandaise. Cette le malheureuse, victime si longtemps de la tyrannie et de lintolrance anglaises, dont maintenant elle na plus se plaindre, semble destine tre victime encore une fois de notre philanthropie. Vous connaissez le dplorable tat industrial de ce pays, partag entre une multitude dmesure de paysans paresseux et affams, et un petit nombre de grands propritaires insouciants et la plupart endetts, qui tirent du sol tout ce quil peut rendre, en ranonnant les paysans non pas par la force brutale mais par la concurrence effrne de ces malheureux, toujours prts promettre plus que la terre ne produit. Depuis longtemps ce flau est signal lopinion publique: les Anglais reconnaissent le mal, ils dsirent y remdier, mais ils y ont toujours chou devant leur propre incapacit politique et sociale; nayant dautre ide damlioration gnrale que celle de faire entrer tous les pays dans le systme anglais, tant politique quindustriel, tandis que ce systme est tout fait impropre lIrlande. Cest un grand malheur pour lIrlande que de se trouver sous la domination dun pays tout exceptionnel, et dont les principes ne sont en toute chose que la gnralisation de lexception, tandis quelle appartient, elle, au type normal europen, et que ce sont des ides continentales quil lui faut. Pour tout autre penseur quun anglais, le remde est clair, cest le systme de la petite proprit convenablement modifie. Il faudrait assurer aux propritaires actuels, en rente fixe, le revenu net de leurs terres, en laissant la terre elle mme la disposition absolue des cultivateurs. Avec cela on aurait probablement en peu de temps, une production triple ou quadruple de celle daujourdhui, et une population aussi laborieuse, aussi prvoyante, et aussi indpendant que les paysans franais. Or, les anglais ne comprennent rien ce systme; ceux qui croient en savoir quelque chose, et cest le plus petit nombre, sont remplis des ides les plus fausses. Ils nont jamais pu concevoir dautre amlioration en Irlande que den faire une autre angleterre, c. d. un pays grande culture, avec une population de laboureurs salaris. Or, sans rien prjuger sur lavenir lointain de lhumanit, il est certain quaujourdhui en Irlande ce systme-l ne vaut rien. En le supposant mme possible avec le caractre Irlandais, il entranerait la suppression de la presque moiti de la population ouvrire actuelle. Ne pouvant donc pas raliser cette heureuse ide, que fait-on? On jette lIrlande une loi des pauvres. On dcrte que la population ouvrire tout entire vivra daumne. On lui promet au moins que
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tous les indigens auront de laumne autant quil leur en faut, et les indigens cest toute la population agricole. Pour moi je ne vois de cette loi dautre rsultat probable pour lIrlande que celui de rduire tout le monde au niveau de la misre gnrale, aprs quoi je mattends une dissolution sociale complte. Lorsquon aura pass par daffreux malheurs, il faudra procder la reconstitution de la socit, du sein dune dsorganisation totale, sans une ide constructive quelconque, et aprs avoir fait prendre au peuple des murs essentiellement anarchiques, car je ne connais pas de gouvernement possible l o la majorit a pris lhabitude de demander grands cris la subsistance et le bonheur aux autres au lieu de les chercher par elle-mme. Certes, on na pas eu de pareilles ides en 1793, et on na aujourdhui chez les communistes rien daussi profondment antisocial. Ce qui en sortira, impossible de prvoir. Jy vois pour seule consolation, une raction certaine contre le systme du gouvernement charitable. On aura une grande preuve exprimentale de cette vrit quon ne peut pas traiter louvrier comme on traite le btail, c. d. le faire travailler pour les autres en lui donnant une bonne nourriture et un bon gte. Cela ntait possible que lorsquon y ajoutait le fouet. On ne peut pas plus en industrie quen autre chose, faire marcher lancien systme en lui tant lun aprs lautre tous ses moyens daction.
Tout Vous
J. S. Mill

My Dear Hickson
I send you a short review of a political economy treatisewritten by my youngest sister,2 who is a student in political economy and who wishes to take the chance of your thinking the paper fit for insertion. It is the first attempt of a beginner in writing for the press & you will not therefore expect anything very brilliant. I am able to countersign the political economy of the article. In other respects & indeed in all respects you will of course exercise your own judgement. The writer has no such great opinion of her own performance as to be astonished at a decision in the negative, but I do not think the paper will do you any discredit, or I would not have undertaken to propose it to you.
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Ever Your Truly,

J. S. Mill

India House Wedy [June? 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
After much consideration I have come to the decision that my best course will be to sell the certificates if I can get 20 per cent for them. But I do not know how to effect this unless you will kindly manage it for me. If you would have no objection to ask your correspondent to dispose of 6000 more of the certificates, if it can be done on the same terms as yours, you would confer an obligation on me & I would in that case send you the certificates in time to be sent over by the packet on the 4th. I have found the printed Case & I will give it my best attention.
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

I.H. Friday [June? 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
I have read this letter2 carefully through twice & I have nothing to suggest for the improvement of it except the correction of numerous clerical errorsthese I have either corrected in pencil, or made a mark opposite to them when I was unable to supply the correction.
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I should have returned it sooner, but not having had a pencil with me when I first read it, I waited till I had time to read it again.
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill Such a letter ought to satisfy any statesman of his good fortune in having the writer of it at his disposalbut whether any of these men have sufficient brains to appreciate brains in another, remains questionable.

Kensington Saturday [June 19, 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
You have a most powerful case in your own defence & against the Commissionersreinforced with great effect by Tufnells letter.2 There are only two things which I can suggest: first, that you should dwell more on the point which Lord J. R. the other day laid almost exclusive stress upon as an accusation against you. viz. your telling the Asst Comrs that their representations of abuses would be far from welcome3 (N.B. I have no doubt you told them in that respect the exact truth) & secondly a careful revision of the composition. The long paper4 in particular is full of unfinished & ill constructed (sometimes ungrammatical) sentencesthis is evidently owing in many cases, but not always, to incorrect copying. I am extremely obliged both to you & to Mrs Chadwicks relation for your kindness about the certificates.5 With regard to the power of attorney, as some of the certificates belong not to me but to my sisters, do you suppose they must all give powers of attorney (which would be difficult, they are so scattered, & some of them out of England) or is it sufficient that I, being empowered though not formally, by them to dispose of their certificates, should give a single power of attorney for the whole lot? As I suppose you went through the same formalities in your own case, you can also tell me in what manner the Lord Mayor is to attest the power. The letter you sent me is worded as if the Lord Mayor had personally to appear before the Consul.
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Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

I.H. Friday [June or July?, 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
Many thanks. I will do as you direct. I have received the Settlement Evidence2 & have read a great part of yours with pleasure & admiration. It will be of much use to me. I differ from you as yet only on one (not fundamental) point.
Yours
J. S. Mill

Kensington Monday evg. [Aug. 20, 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
The enclosed speaks for itself & I have written it on a separate paper that it may more conveniently be sent to Mr. Stuart2 if you see no objection. I should have spoken to you about it when I saw you, as well as renewed my thanks to you & Mrs Chadwick, if I had found you alonebut you will easily understand that I did not wish to admit any other persons to unnecessary confidences on my money affairs or those of my relations.
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Ever Your Most Obliged

J. S. Mill.

[Summer?, 1847]
My Dear Sir
I write this note to introduce to you Miss Hall,2 who being unacquainted with the name of the present editor of Frasers Magazine but understanding that you are now the publisher, is desirous of addressing herself to you on the subject of a contribution to the Magazine. I was well acquainted with her mother, the late Mrs. Hall, for whom I had a great respect & who had contributed several things to Frasers Magazine in the time of Dr. Maginn.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

My Dear Sir
When I wrote to you hastily the other day about the Political Economy proposing that the conditions of our agreement should be the same as for the Logic, I had not referred to the agreement itself, & I did not know what I find to be the fact, that our engagement for the Logic was for all future editions. In the present case I do not wish to bind myself for the future, but to engage only for one edition, leaving the question entirely open as to future editions in case they should be wanted. This is the more reasonable, as there cannot this time be any considerable risk of loss, since the present book being on a popular subject is pretty sure to sell as many copies as will pay its expenses. It would probably be much more to my advantage to publish the Political
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Economy on my own account, which I am quite ready & disposed to do, if the publication of a single edition at half profit should not be agreeable to you.

J. S. Mill

India House 15 Nov. 1847
My Dear Hickson
To enable me to make up my mind decidedly on the question of resuming the Westminster or not, it would be necessary for me to know exactly the position & circumstances of the review. & in particular 1st the Average No of copies sold. 2nd the annual expenses 3rd what replies per number it affords on the average for the payment of contributors. If I had this information I could very speedily give you an answer.
Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

India House 19 Nov. 1847
My Dear Chadwick
It would be great injustice to this article2 to compare it with the review of the same book by Croker in the Quarterly,3 but I am still more sorry to read it because its evident honesty and carefulness will make it a great deal more mischievous.
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What I thought about Rubichons book I have said in the Morning Chronicle of the 9th, 11th, 13th & 16th of last January.4 It is I think right that the author of the article should see those papers, & should be aware of the facts & books there cited. He will easily detect one error in the second article of the Chronicle, into which the Quarterly reviewer misled me. But it does not touch the main question. I have acquired some additional facts of importance since that time: among others the last Census of the French population. I strongly recommend to the writer of the article M. Legoyts paper on the Census, in the Journal des Economistes for March & May last.5 He will there find among other things that for the last quarter of a century the number of births has been stationary, & that the population is regularly though slowly increasing solely by diminution of the number of deaths, which is less in each quinquennial period. I ask any one whether that could be the case if M. Rubichons representation of the state & tendency of things in France were true.
Ever Truly Yours

J. S. Mill.

[Dec.?, 1847]
My Dear Chadwick
I have mislaid Mr Stuarts2 address & as I do not know if a letter addressed simply Liverpool would reach him, will you kindly fill up the address of the inclosed & send it to the post with your own letters. It is to inform him that the bill he remitted has been duly paid I congratulate you on the immediate success of your first recommendation to the Govt.3 It looks promising & like people in earnest
Most Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

India House
313
6th Decr 1847
My Dear Barclay
I could almost reproach you for having thought it necessary to ask me whether I agree in the sentiments expressed in your letter. They are to me part of my daily bread, & I have expressed them in the book you allude to (which is on the point of going to press) not as things in any way disputable, or requiring to be asserted, but as things undeniable by anybody who has the smallest capacity for speculating on the future. Such people however are miserably few, or we should not see the wretched attempts of newspaper writers at this very moment to persuade the English people that London will be sacked by the French if they dont protect it by a militia of 180,000 men & batteries all along the coast.2 Such things are enough to drive one mad. I am very happy that you still think of me sometimes. Pray give my kindest regards & Claras to our friends at Falmouth. My other sisters are all away. Ferraboschi3 is Janes name. It is an Italian name, not a Slavonic. Have you heard of the forthcoming reprint of some of Sterlings writings?4 It is coming out with a kindly & graceful biographical introduction by Archdeacon Hare,5 full of interesting extracts from his lettersdoing justice to Sterling & mildly commenting on his heterodoxy
J. S. Mill

India House Monday [Dec. 6, 1847]
My Dear Hickson
I have just received some slips of your article2 which I will read carefully. I do not know anywhere of any full discussion of the difference between the rate of interest & the value of the circulating medium. Writers have generally supposed that it may be sufficient to point out the ambiguity & have noticed it as Tooke does in chap. 13 of his Inquiry into the Currency Principle.3 I have gone a little more into it in my forthcoming book.4
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Yours Ever
J. S. Mill
518. TO J. F. MOLLETT1
[Dec., 1847]
Sir
I have much pleasure in enclosing a subscription towards the testimonial to Mr. Lovett,2 whom I respect as the chief among that portion of the Chartists who make the improvement of the working classes as much an object as their emancipation, & who are free from the reproach commonly made against democrats of desiring to bring political franchises down to their own level but no further. By including the political equality of women among their principles they shew that their object is the general good & not merely their own. In expressing however my concurrence in the purpose3 [interlined] of the circular you have addressed to me, may I be allowed to declare my dissent from that portion of it in which a refusal to serve in the militia is put forward as a claim to admiration,4 as I regard such a refusal as one of the mistakes of youthful enthusiasm, & the mention of it as a blunder.5 I am Sir
Yr Obedient Servant
JSM I have handed the circular to such of my acquaintance as I thought likely to feel interested in the6 subscription.
519. TO WILLIAM ELLIS1

[Dec., 1847]
Dear Ellis.
Have you seen the inclosed Circular? it may perhaps not have been sent to you, and has only been sent to me within the last few days.2 They do not seem to be taking any effectual means of making it known3
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520. TO J. F. MOLLETT1
30th December 1847
Sir,
Your note of the 30th places Mr. Lovetts refusal to serve in the militia2 in a different light from that in which I had considered it. Knowing nothing of the fact except from your circular, I had surmised that it might have been founded on such principles as those professed by the Peace Society,3 principles with which I wholly disagree, as, though I think it an effect of the progress of improvement to put an end to war, I regard war as an infinitely less evil than systematic submission to injustice. With the principles on which it appears that Mr. Lovett really acted I have much more sympathy, though I do not think, to use your words, that he would have been false to the principles he professed had he acted otherwise, any more than I think him bound by those principles to refuse the payment of taxes. To resist a social system which one thinks wrong by disobeying the laws in detail must, I think, depend for its justification in each particular case on the circumstances and motives which dictated it; but if adopted and acted upon as a principle it would render government impossible under any institutions yet devised, since, in a democracy, minorities might claim and exercise the right of obstructing the execution of all laws which they disapproved.
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1848 521. TO AUBREY DE VERE1

India House February 3, 1848
My Dear Sir,
I am ashamed not to have sooner acknowledged your kind present of your book on Ireland,2 especially as I read it immediately on receiving it. Anything you write on Ireland must be well worth attending to, as no one can doubt who has read your Evidence before Lord Monteagles Committee3 to say nothing of anything else. No one can sympathise more than I do in the feeling which pervades your book, that England is not entitled to throw the first stone at Ireland, being, so far as that expression can be used of a nation, guilty of all the guilt as well as of all the suffering and folly of Ireland. I have always strenuously urged the same doctrine in all I have ever written or said about Irish affairs, which is not a little in quantity at least. I agree too in most of the opinions you express, except that I look much more than you do to reclamation of waste lands and alteration of landed tenures, and less to emigration as a remedy. Perhaps also I should not let off the generality of Irish landlords quite so easily as you do, though there are among them not a few of the most meritorious landlords (probably) upon earth.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

India House 22d Feb. 1848
317
My Dear Austin
The enclosed pages, of which I beg your acceptance, contain the only alterations in opinion in the 2d edition of the Logic. Whatever other alterations were made, are little more than verbal. I do not suppose the Pol. Economy will call upon you for any changes of opinion, as I imagine you agree with me in sticking pretty closely to Ricardo on the points which he touched. I doubt if there will be a single opinion (on pure political economy) in the book, which may not be exhibited as a corollary from his doctrines. Your approbation of the Logic is of great value to me.
Yours Ever Truly

J. S. Mill

India House. 29 February, 1848.
My Dear Chapman,
I have owed you a letter for a long time, and I am now very glad that I put off writing, as it enables me to be one of the first to tell you of the extraordinary events of the last week at Paris, a second three days ending in the proclamation of a French Republic.2 I am hardly yet out of breath from reading and thinking about it. Nothing can possibly exceed the importance of it to the world or the immensity of the interests which are at stake on its success. I need not go through the course of the events, as you will learn all that from the newspapers, and I hardly know at what end to begin in commenting upon it. The republicans have succeeded because at last they had the good sense to raise the standard not of a republic but of something in which the middle classes could join, viz., electoral reformthen the madness of Louis Philippe and Guizot in forbidding, at the last moment, the reform banquet at Paris, stirred up the people, and after three days very like the former three, in each of which some great concession was made just too late, ending with Louis Philippes abdication and flight, the republicans remained masters of Paris and France, and formed a Provisional Government in which the two most powerful men are Marrast, editor of the National, and, who would ever have thought itLamartine!3 In my meditations and feelings on the whole matter, every second thought has been of Carrelhe who perhaps alone in Europe was qualified to direct such a movement, to have perished uselessly, and the very man who killed him, now a prominent reformer4 the man
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who went to Louis Philippe and told him that he must abdicate! Without Carrel, or, I fear, any one comparable to him, the futurity of France and of Europe is most doubtful. Hitherto, however, nothing can be more admirable than the conduct both of the Provisional Government and of the people. It makes even base English journalists enthusiastic. The whole thing also is very well taken here. Nobody seems the least uneasy or terrified at the idea of a French republic. Indeed they do not seem half as much alarmed as there is reason to be. The dangers are, first of war: an article in the National to-day is, however, very rassurant, shewing so exactly the right feeling and opinions on the subject that one could not wish to alter a word. Still, the state of Italy and the certainty of an immediate rising all over Lombardy which I cannot believe that the other nations would look on and see put down, will make it hardly possible to hold back the French people from interfering. Secondly, Communism has now for the first time a deep root, and has spread widely in France, and a large part of the effective republican strength is more or less imbued with it. The Provisional Government is obliged to coquet with this, and to virtually promise work and good wages to the whole labouring class: how are they to keep their promise, and what will be the consequences of not keeping it? Meantime a National Assembly is to be called, elected no doubt by universal suffrage, in which all the sense and all the nonsense of France will be represented, and in which there is pretty sure to be at once a schism between the bourgeois and the operativesa Gironde and a Montagne, though probably without any guillotine. What an anxious time it will be. If France succeeds in establishing a republic and reasonable republican government, all the rest of Europe, except England and Russia, will be republicanised in ten years, and England itself probably before we die. There never was a time when so great a drama was being played out in one generation. I pity those who, like you, hear of these things from the Antipodes. But I can tell you nothing worth hearing that you will not learn from the journals. I really know nothing myself, for though I know several of the marked men I do not know whether they have in them ideas and knowledge and vigour for such a task as they have before them. In a month or two I shall be able to give you a better opinion about probabilities. Thanks for the information you sent me about New Zealand affairs, and thanks for your beautiful set of ferns which arrived safe, in perfect condition, and gave me great pleasure. I shall wish much to hear how the colonists like the suspension of their Constitution,5 and what you in particular think of it. I have no inclination to write about any minor or personal matters at such a time as this. I saw John Revans yesterday, who had come over on sundry matters, but in particular to push a scheme of his for a general Tax on Expenditure on which he published a very clever pamphlet.6
Yours Always,
J. S. Mill
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Dear Mrs. Austin

I suppose by this time you are quite convinced that the English at Paris are not in the smallest danger,2 & that there is no likelihood of any manifestations by the English Government or press which can give umbrage to the French people. I presume the roads are now open, & passports may be had by those who desire them. It was very natural that the Provisional Govt should exert its temporary dictatorship to prevent a precipitate flight of foreigners en masse, not only because a panic always tends to spread, but because a sudden diminution of employment for the population of Paris would have been a great element of disorder. Next to the admirable conduct of the people & of the new authorities, the most striking thing in these memorable events is the evidence afforded of the complete change of timesThe instantaneous & unanimous acquiescence of all France in a republicwhile in this country as far as I can perceive, there is not a particle of the dread & uneasiness which there would have been a few years ago at the idea of a French republic. There is a strong, & a very friendly interest felt in the position of France, & in the new & difficult questions which the republican government will have to solveespecially those relating to labour & wages. For my part I feel the strongest confidence that what will be done or attempted on that subject will end in good. There will be doubtless a good deal of experimental legislation, some of it not very prudent, but there cannot be a better place to try such experiments in than France. I suppose that regulation of industry in behalf of the labourers must go through its various phases of abortive experiment, just as regulation of industry in behalf of the capitalist has done, before it is abandoned, or its proper limits ascertained. Who can it be that takes Mr Austins name in the Times,3 & attempts to imitate his style? I am afraid the letter signed John Austin must have been seen by many who never saw the disavowal of it, in an obscure corner of the paper: & there were several things in it which it is very disagreeable that Mr Austin should be supposed to have writtenespecially the flattery of the Times, the meanest, most malicious & most hypocritical among our very low newspaper press.
Very Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill
320

March [?], 1848.
Dear Mrs. Austin,

I return to you Mr. Austins letter. I never thought I should have differed from him so widely in feeling on any public event as it appears I do on this. But I cannot think myself unfeeling because I do not attach all the importance which (no doubt from his and your personal relations with some of those concerned) he seems to attach to the effect of the Revolution on individual interests. The monetary crisis in London last October produced quite as much suffering to individuals as has arisen, or, as far as I can see, is likely to arise, from an event which has broken the fetters of all Europe.2 If it had done no more than emancipate some millions of serfs in Hungary,3 that, in my eyes, would have been a hundredfold compensation. As for future prospects, nobody, I suppose, is so foolish as not to see that there are many unfavourable chances. But to suppose that the unfavourable chances preponderate seems to me, I confess, as much a dream as the contrary expectation appears to you. And my hopes rise instead of sinking as the state of things in France unfolds itself.
526. TO ARMAND MARRAST1

[May?], 1848
Mon Cher M. Marrast,

Je vous ai adress un exemplaire dun trait dconomie politique que je viens de publier,2 et dans lequel je discute quelques unes des grandes questions sociales dont le gouvernement rpublicain et lassemble nationale auront soccuper. Je ne puis esprer quau milieu des graves occupations qui vous obsdent,3 vous ayez du temps disponible pour la lecture dun ouvrage thorique. Mais, comme je crois pouvoir affirmer que lesprit de ce livre est propre lui assurer votre sympathie, je vous loffre, afin que si vous ne le lisez pas, vous puissiez, au moins, si vous le jugez propos, le faire lire dautres. Jai encore un autre but en vous crivant. Je ne veux pas mtendre en phrases gnrales sur la sympathie profonde que jprouve et dois prouver pour luvre de rgnration sociale qui se poursuit maintenant en France. Il faudrait navoir aucun sentiment de lavenir de lhumanit pour ne pas reconnatre que, grce la noble initiative prise par la France, ce qui se dbat aujourdhui sur son terrain est laffaire du genre humain tout entier. Je voudrais ne pas me borner une strile admiration, je
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dsirerais apporter cette grande uvre mon contingent dides et tout ce que jai dutile dans lintelligence, du moins, jusqu ce que mon propre pays, si arrir beaucoup dgards compar au vtre, en ait besoin. Je sais que vous ne dirigez plus le National, mais votre influence y doit encore dominer; je vous demande, donc, sil pourrait convenir ce journal daccepter de moi quelques articles que je ferais de temps en temps, soit sur ltat de choses en Angleterre, soit portant sur les questions de politique, gnrale et sociale. Jessaierais de faire en sorte quon pt se dispenser dun traducteur si vous trouvez mon franais assez supportable pour quaprs une rvision pralable il puisse passer. Il me semble quen designant cette correspondance par une pigraphe particulire, comme par exemple, Lettres dun Anglais,4 on mettrait suffisamment couvert la responsibilit du journal tant lgard du style qu celui des opinions. Au reste, la correspondance serait compltement dans le sens du National, en tant quil sest prononc, jusquici; je ne puis donner trop dloges au bon sens dont le journal a fait preuve en toute occasion depuis fvrier. En tout cas, que mes ides se trouvassent en unisson ou en dsaccord avec celles du journal, la rdaction resterait seul juge de leur opportunit. Si lon accepte ma proposition, il va sans dire que cette collaboration sera gratuite, en ce que concerne la rtribution pcuniare.Votre dvou, J. S. Mill
527. TO EUGNE SUE1

[May?], 1848.
Monsieur,
Jai pris la libert de vous adresser un exemplaire dun trait que je viens de publier sur lconomie politique et sur quelques unes de ses applications la science sociale. Ne vous effrayez pas du nom de cet ouvrage. Je vous loffre pour deux motifs principaux, dont lun me regarde plus particulirement moi-mme, tandis que lautre se rapporte mes sentiments envers vous. Quant au premier, javoue que jai eu envie de vous prouver quon peut tre conomiste, et mme professer un grand nombre des opinions de Malthus et de Ricardo, sans tre pour cela un Duriveau,2 ou un flatteur des Duriveau. Je vous dirai en outre comme fait, que quant aux Duriveau de mon pays si toutefois il y en a, ceux qui se font tous instruments, non seulement, ne professent pas les opinions de ces conomistes, mais en gnral les puent et les conspuent, presquautant que vous. Mon second motif cest le dsir de vous tmoigner la vive sympathie que jprouve pour le noble esprit de justice et de progrs dont vos derniers romans sont pntrs, et pour quelques ides capables dont vous vous y tes fait lorgane. Mon livre vous prouvera que sur la grande question de lhritage je suis absolument de lavis du
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docteur Just;3 tandis que sur le mariage et sur lentire galit de droits entre les hommes et les femmes les opinions de lauteur de Martin et du Juif Errant4 sont non seulement les miennes mais jai la conviction profonde que la libert, la dmocratie, la fraternit, ne sont nulle part si ce nest dans ces opinions, et que lavenir du progrs social et moral ne se trouve que l.
528. TO EDWARD GIBBON WAKEFIELD1

India House Thursday [1848]
My Dear Wakefield,
I am very glad that you think the public statement in my book,2 of what is so justly due to you both as a colonizer & as a political economist, likely to be of use at this particular time. I am still more glad to hear that you are writing the book you speak of.3 I have long regretted that there does not exist a systematic treatise, in a permanent form, from your hand and with your name, in which the whole subject of Colonization is treated, as the express subject of the bookso as to become at once the authoritative book on the subject. At present people have to pick up your doctrines, both theoretical & practical. I cannot help urging you to complete the book, with as much expedition as is consistent with the care due to your health, which your life is too valuable to permit any relaxation of.
Ever Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill

India House 18th August 1848
My Dear Hickson
M. Desainteville2 whom you perhaps remember, has written to me to say that he wrote, as long ago as 1840, an article on the Polytechnic School3 which he offered to you, through me; which was accepted, & for which he was to have 10, & did receive
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5 on account, but has never since heard anything of the other 5 or of the article. I remember something passed about an article on the Polytechnic School by Desainteville, but not what it was. You may perhaps have a more precise recollection. He says that 5 would be of consequence to him just now. He says also that if the article is not to be made use of he much wishes that it could be found & returned to him.
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill

I.H. Monday [Aug. 21 (?), 1848]
Dear Hickson
My best plan is to send you Desaintevilles letter which contains all the information I have. From my own recollection I am unable to say anything on the subject. D. seems to be unaware of the articles having ever appeared in the review.2
Very Truly Yours

J. S. Mill I sent the Pol. Ec. to the Journal des Economistes as I thought, i.e. I sent it to Dussard as editor. I must however inquire about it.
531. TO JOHN PRINGLE NICHOL1

India House, 30th September, 1848.
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My Dear Nichol,
You may well call Comtes a strange book.2 I agree with you too that it is well calculated to stir the mind and create a ferment of thought, chiefly, I think, because it is the first book which has given a coherent picture of a supposed future of humanity with a look of possibility about it, and with enough of feature for the reason and imagination to lay hold of it by. To me the chief worth of the book seems to consist in, first, the systematic and earnest inculcation of the purely subordinate role of the intellect as the minister of the higher sentiments. Second, in making much clearer, than to me they ever were before, the grounds for believing that the culte delhumanit is capable of fully supplying the place of a religion, or rather (to say the truth) of being a religionand this he has done, notwithstanding the ridiculousness which everybody must feel in his premature attempts to define in detail the practices of this culte. In most of the other doctrines of the book I wholly dissent from him. With all his science he is characteristically and resolutely ignorant of the laws of the formation of character; and he assumes the differences which he sees between women and men, philosophers and men of action, rich people and proletarians (or rather between the limited specimens of each class which come within the scanty means of knowledge of a recluse, whose knowledge even of books is purposely restricted)all these differences he assumes as ultimate, or at least necessary facts, and he grounds universal principles of sociology on them. These principles too, when reduced to practice, would be the most contrary to human liberty of any now taught or professed; for it seems to me that he would make everybodys way of life (or at all events after one choice) as inexorably closed against all change of destination or purpose, as he would make the marriage-contract. In all this, and most emphatically in all his doctrines about women, I think and have always thought him in a radically wrong road, and likely to go farther and farther wrong, and I think his political writings (apart from his admirable historical views) likely to be mischievous rather than useful; except qu socialist, that is, calling for an entire renovation of social institutions and doctrines, in which respect I am entirely at one with him. It is wretched to see the cause of legitimate Socialism thrown so far back by the spirit of reaction against that most unhappy outbreak at Paris in June.3 Still it makes one better pleased with Humanity in its present state than I ever hoped to be, to see that there are, at least in France, so many men in conspicuous station who have sincerely every noble feeling and purpose with respect to mankind, which one thought was confined to perhaps a dozen people in Europe. I believe that the principal members of the Provisional Government, and many of the party who adhere to them, most purely and disinterestedly desired (and still seek to realize) all of liberty, equality and fraternity, which is capable of being realized now, and to prepare the way for all which can be realized hereafter. I feel an entireness of sympathy with them which I never expected to have with any political party. If you have not read it, read Lamartines beautiful Histoire des Girondins.4 I think his whole conception of the great socialist questions, so far as there stated, and especially of the question of Property, as summed up in his criticism on the measures of the Convention at the end of the fifth volume, everything that can be desired; and the whole book (which I have never read till now, indeed I have not yet finished it)
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exactly such as I should have expected from his consistently noble conduct since February. I also sympathise very strongly with such socialists as Louis,5 who seems to be sincere, enthusiastic, straightforward, and with a great foundation of good sense and feeling, though precipitate and raw in his practical views. He has been abominably treated about the insurrectionary movements, of which I believe him to be as innocent as you or me. Our newspaper writers, and especially those of The Times, ought to be flogged at a carts tail for their disguisting misrepresentations and calumnies of such men, directly in the face of the evidence they pretended to found their assertions upon; and I would very willingly help to apply the cat to any one of them. Thanks for the pamphlet of which I have only yet read the title-page, but that proves to me that the author is in the right road.
Ever Most Truly Yours,

J. S. Mill
532. TO JOHN JAY1

[Nov., 1848]
Dear Sir,
Permit me to return you my best thanks for your handsome present of the American edition of my Political Economy.2 . . . I am obliged to you also for the North American Review containing an article on my book.3 The article is laudatory enough to satisfy an appetite for praise much stronger than mine. But the writer is one whose tone of thinking and feeling is extremely repugnant to me. He gives a totally false idea of the book and of its author when he makes me a participant in the derision with which he speaks of Socialists of all kinds and degrees. I have expressed temperately and argumentatively my objections to the particular plans proposed by Socialists for dispensing with private property; but on many other important points I agree with them, and on none do I feel towards them anything but respect, thinking, on the contrary, that they are the greatest element of improvement in the present state of mankind. If the chapter in which I mention them had been written after instead of before the late revolutions on the Continent I should have entered more fully into my opinions on Socialism and have done it much more justice. On the population question my difference with the reviewer is fundamental, and in the incidental reference which he makes to my assertion of equality of political rights and of social position in behalf of women, the tone assumed by him is really below
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contempt. But I fear that a country where institutions profess to be founded on equality, and which yet maintains the slavery of black men and of all women, will be one of the last to relinquish that other servitude.
533. TO GEORGE JACOB HOLYOAKE1

India House 7th Decr 1848
Sir,
What in your note of the 22nd you ask me to do, would be to write a dissertation on morality, which at present I have not time for. But the root of my difference with you is that you appear to accept the present constitution of the family & the whole of the priestly morality founded on & connected with itwhich morality in my opinion thorough deserves the epithets of intolerant, slavish & selfish. It was quite unnecessary to return my notes,2 as it is a matter of complete indifference to me whom they are seen by.
Yours Truly,
J. S. Mill
534. TO MILE LITTR1

22nd December 1848
Monsieur,
Jai eu lhonneur de recevoir votre circulaire au sujet de M. Comte. Je vous envoie cijoint un billet de 250 francs comme contribution mais non comme cotisation annuelle. Je vous prie de vouloir bien men accuser rception. Je regrette dapprendre que la position pcuniaire de M. Comte vient dtre encore empire.2 Jai une trs haute estime pour ses travaux en ce qui regarde la thorie de la mthode positive, mais je suis trs loign de sa manire dappliquer cette mthode aux questions sociales. La plupart de ses opinions sociologiques sont diamtralement opposes aux miennes.
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Additional Letters 23A. TO THOMAS COATES1

1 Queen Square Westminster 23d January 1829
Sir,
I have the honor to request that you will submit to the Committee of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, the accompanying Treatise, which if thought worthy of a place in the Library of U.K. [Useful Knowledge], I beg may be considered as a gratuitous contribution to that work. Some expressions will be found in this tract, implying the previous publication of a Treatise on Wages, which has already been submitted to the Committee by Mr Edward Strutt. Should that Treatise fail of being accepted by the Committee, it will be necessary that the present one should be materially altered, or perhaps entirely withdrawn.2
I Have The Honor To Be Sir Your ObedT ServT

J. S. Mill. Thomas Coates Esq.
184A. TO THOMAS CARLYLE1

I.H. Friday [Dec. 9, 1836]
My Dear Carlyle
Let it be Wortley2 by all means, & I will immediately get the book.
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209A. TO HENRY MILL1

[July 6, 1837] ? . , ? , ? ??, ? ??, ? ? ? ?, ? ?, ? ? ? , ? ?? ? ? , , . ?, ? , , ? ?, ? ? ? ? ?, ? ?, ? ? ??. . ?. [1. ]MS at Kings. [2. ]Abraham Hayward. [3. ]A review of Miss Martineaus Retrospect of Western Travel, LWR, XXVIII (Jan., 1838), 470-502. The offending passage (pp. 477-78) excoriated not only Hayward but also, among others, Lockhart, Wilson, Barnes, DIsraeli, and Theodore Hook for deserting their class to do the base work of the aristocracy, fighting for them, writing for them, joking for them, blackguardizing for them, and . . . lying for them. . . . The review was signed H.W. A note was subsequently appended to Vol. XXIX of the LWR with reference to Hayward, stating that neither against him nor against any of the other persons named was any distinct and personal charge made, because we were not in possession of proofs on which our charges could have been made distinct and personal. [4. ]This postscript is written at the top of the first page. [1. ]Addressed: J. H. Burton Esq. / 9 Warriston Crescent / Edinburgh. Postmarks: LS / 23JA23 / 1838, and JAN / C 25+ / 1838. Original in possession of Professor John Burton Cleland, of Adelaide, South Australia; copy supplied by Professor J. A. La Nauze, Dept. of History, University of Melbourne. [2. ]See Letter 226, n. 2. [3. ]Richard Smith, identified only as of the Stamps and Taxes Office. He had translated from the French and edited The Rationale of Reward (1825) and The Rationale of Punishment (1830). For a list of his contributions to the collected edition of Benthams Works, see vol. X, p. 548. [4. ]MS torn.
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[1. ]Addressed: Albany Fonblanque Esq. / 5 Pine Apple Place / Kilburn Road; readdressed in another hand: N 4 Up, Seymor St. West. Postmarks: 4 EB 4 / JA 30 / 1838, and 12 NN 12 / JA 31 / 1838. MS at LSE. Excerpt published in Life and Labours of Albany Fonblanque, ed. E. B. de Fonblanque (London, 1874), p. 32. [2. ]Mr E. Bulwer and Mr Grote, Examiner, Jan. 28, 1838, p. 50: The name of philosophical Radicals was bestowed by themselves by the gentlemen whose opinions are represented by the London Review. . . . To us it appeared better . . . that the world should find out that they were philosophical, than that they should proclaim it of themselves. But this is a matter of taste, and they are fond of calling themselves by good names, and, like ladies, seem glad to change them; so they have been philosophical Reformers, and thorough Reformers, and earnest Reformers, and better still, entire Reformers. [3. ]In the House of Commons on Jan. 23, 1838. [4. ]Thomas Wakley. [5. ]Major John Cartwright (1740-1824), the father of Parliamentary Reform. [6. ]An attack on JSMs article Lord Durham and the Canadians (LWR, XXVIII [Jan., 1838], 502-33): It is by the writer of the political manifesto of the preceding number [Parties and the Ministry, VI (Oct., 1837), 1-26] and is characterized by the same ability, the same absence of shrewd discernment in the adaptation of means to ends, and in the estimate taken of individuals, and the same tone of infallibility which were displayed in that production. The writer being thoroughly persuaded of the impossibility of himself and his friends being ever in the wrong, might take for his device nul na raison que nous et nos amis, and possesses not a few of those qualities which in the days of the Inquisition would have made a good member of that tribunal. (Morning Chronicle, Jan. 29, 1838, p. 3.) [1. ]Published by Towers, pp. 68-69. MS at LSE. Dated by Mrs. Towers as of 1837 during the Canada coercion and rebellion; the last paragraph, however, apparently refers to the preceding letter, to Fonblanque. [2. ]Edward Ellice (1781-1863), Whig leader. [3. ]Edward John Stanley (1802-1869), then chief government whip and Secretary of the Treasury, who had been a disciple of Lord Durham. [4. ]The preceding letter. [5. ]No such letter to John Black, editor of the Morning Chronicle, appears to be extant. [1. ]Addressed: Albany Fonblanque Esq. / 48 Connaught Square. MS at LSE. [2. ]Letter 231.
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[3. ]See Letter 217, n. 7. [4. ]See especially Tory Radical Consistency, Examiner, Sept. 3, 1837, p. 563, and The Spectator and Ourselves, ibid., Sept. 17, 1837, p. 595. [5. ]Lord Durham and the Canadians, LWR, XXVIII (Jan., 1838), 502-33. [6. ]Part covered by seal. [7. ]From 1812 to 1827. [1. ]Addressed: Albany Fonblanque Esq. / 48 Connaught Square. Postmark: 2 AN 2 / FE 6 / 1838. MS at LSE. [2. ]The leading article in the Examiner for Feb. 4, 1838, p. 65, Look Before You Leap, was a slashing attack on JSMs LWR article for Jan., Lord Durham and the Canadians, in which, said Fonblanque, is propounded the Bobadil [sic] plan for overthrowing Ministry after Ministry till a Government can be formed satisfactory to the extreme section of Reformers commonly called the Ultras, but whom we . . . should rather designate as the Detrimentals or Wrongheads. . . . [The Bobadil plan for carrying a fortresstwenty more, kill them too; twenty more, kill them too. See Ben Jonson, Every Man in his Humour, Act IV, sc. 5.] [1. ]Addressed: Albany Fonblanque Esq. / 48 Connaught Square. Postmark: ???? / FE 7 / 1838. MS at LSE. One excerpt published in Life and Labours of Albany Fonblanque, ed. E. B. de Fonblanque, p. 31. [2. ]No. 3 Eccleston Street, to which Mr. and Mrs. Grote had moved in Oct., 1836. See Mrs. Grote, The Personal Life of George Grote (London, 1873), p. 108. [3. ]Lord John Russells declaration of Nov. 20, 1837, as to the finality of the Reform Act of 1832. See Letter 225, n. 4. [4. ]See Letter 228. [1. ]MS at UCL. Published in M. C. W. Wicks, The Italian Exiles in London, 1816-1846 (Manchester, 1937), p. 288. Dr. Wicks reports (p. 176) that JSMs and other testimonials were first sent to Carlyle and in his absence forwarded to the Secretary by Erasmus Darwin. [2. ]Count Carlo Pepoli (1796-1881), formerly professor of philosophy at the University of Bologna, at this time in exile in England. Pepoli received the appointment at University College and held it until 1847. [3. ]Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), Italian patriot and revolutionary, was in exile in England from 1837 to 1848. He became a close friend of the Carlyles and contributed to the LWR as well as other English periodicals.
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[1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]Page torn. The double dashes throughout the remainder of the letter indicate missing portions. [3. ]What remains of the last line is crossed through, and illegible. [1. ]Addressed: Edward Lytton Bulwer Esq. MP. / 8 Charles Street / Berkeley Square. Postmark: 6E6 / MR3 / 1838. MS in the possession of Lady Hermione Cobbold. Collated by Dr. Eileen Curran. Published in Elliot, I, 107-9. [2. ]Bulwers leading article, The Position and Prospects of the Government, Monthly Chronicle, I (March, 1838), 1-15, discusses JSMs Lord Durham and the Canadians. In the last number of the London and Westminster Review, we find the following advice: Turn out the Whigs, to bring in the Tories: turn out the Tories, in order to bring in the Radicals. With all due respect to the distinguished propounder of this doctrine [JSM], we must say that his device seems to have been pre-allegorized by Pope, in the Apologue to Sir Balaam: Asleep and naked as an Indian lay, An honest factor stole a gem away; He pledged it to the knightthe knight had wit, So kept the diamondand the rogue was bit. [3. ]Memoirs of Sir William Knighton, ed. Dorothea Lady Knighton (2 vols., London, 1838). Knighton (1776-1836) was physician, private secretary, and keeper of the Privy Purse to George IV as Regent and King. Bulwers review, Courts of British Queens, appeared in the Aug. number of LWR, XXIX, 281-308. [1. ]Addressed: Edward Lytton Bulwer Esq. M.P. / 8 Charles Street / Berkeley Square. Postmark illegible. MS in the possession of Lady Hermione Cobbold. Collated by Dr. Eileen Curran. Published in Elliot, I, 110-12. [2. ]A leading article attacking Molesworth, Leader, and the extreme Radicals, Morning Chronicle, March 5, 1838, p. 3. See also The Position and Prospects of the Government, presumably by Bulwer, in his Monthly Chronicle, I (March, 1838), 1-17. [3. ]Col. T. Perronet Thompson on March 2 was badly defeated by the Tory Lord Teignmouth. For Thompsons behaviour, see Spectator, March 3, 1838, pp. 200-201. [4. ]In his article Parties and the Ministry. See Letter 217, n. 7. [5. ]On Feb. 20 Sir William Molesworth had fixed March 6 for his motion for an address to the Crown expressing no confidence in the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg. Molesworths speech on March 6 was a sharp attack on the governments colonial policy; his motion was defeated.
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[6. ]Brackets in this sentence indicate where page is torn. [7. ]See preceding letter, n. 3. [8. ]No political article appeared in the next (the April) number of LWR. [9. ]JSM originally wrote, what my relations are likely to be, and then amended it as shown. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]Hunt contributed the article to the Aug., 1838, LWR, XXIX, 433-61. [3. ]Richard Monckton Milnes, Poems of Many Years, privately printed, 1838, reviewed by JSM in LWR, XXIX, 308-20. [1. ]MS in Liverpool University Library. Excerpts published in J. H. Thom, Archbishop Whately and the Life of Blanco White, Theological Review, IV (Jan., 1867), 112. [2. ]John Hamilton Thom (1808-1894), Unitarian minister, editor of the Christian Teacher, and editor of the life of White. [3. ]Probably the article Memorials of Oxford, QR, LXI (Jan., 1838), 203-38, which has been identified as by the Rev. William Sewell (1804-1874), who was later to break with the Tractarians because of the Romanizing tendencies of their movement. [4. ]No such article appeared. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 65. MS at LSE. [2. ]Probably Bulwers Courts of British Queens, LWR, XXIX (Aug., 1838), 281-308. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 62. MS not located. Dated by Mrs. Towers as Probably September, 1837, but the letter concerns the Aug., 1838, number of the Review. [2. ]John Sterlings Montaigne and his Writings, LWR, XXIX (Aug., 1838), 321-52. [3. ]The printing office at 16 Little Pulteney St., Westminster, of Charles Reynell, printer of both the LWR and the Examiner. [4. ]The Arctic Discoveries, signed S.R., LWR, XXIX (Aug., 1838), 373-92. [5. ]Sir George Simpson (1792-1860), administrator of the Hudsons Bay Companys territory. He had evidently been asked to check the accuracy of Robertsons article. [6. ]Harriet Martineau. Her article, Domestic Service, did appear in the Aug. number, pp. 405-32.
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[1. ]From copy supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon, University of Illinois, of the MS in his possession. [2. ]Coles Modern Wood Engraving, LWR, XXIX (Aug., 1838), 265-80. [3. ]John Jackson (1801-1848), wood engraver. [4. ]Allen Robert Branston (1778-1827), wood engraver. [5. ]James Henry Vizetelly (d. 1838), publisher, father of Henry Vizetelly (1820-1894), pioneer of the illustrated press. [6. ]John Orrin Smith (1799-1843), wood engraver. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]Simonides, LWR, XXXII (Dec., 1838), 99-136. [3. ]In a letter of Sept. 4, as yet unpublished; MS at Kings. [4. ]See Sterlings article (cited in n. 2 above), p. 112. [1. ]Excerpt published by Fawcett, p. 65. MS not located. The portion in brackets is Mrs. Fawcetts summary. [2. ]Thomas Woollcombe, Sir Williams solicitor and friend. Molesworth, not wholly in agreement with JSMs political views and wearied of the financial burden of the Review, had yielded the proprietorship to JSM. See Letter 231. [1. ]Addressed: John Robertson Esq. / 13 Pall Mall East / London. Postmarks: B / 4 OC 4 / 1838, and Axminster / 150. Published, with omissions, by Towers, pp. 66-67. MS at LSE. [2. ]La Philosophie chimique et la philosophie biologique (Paris, 1838), Vol. III of his Cours de Philosophie positive. [3. ]The next number of the LWR is dated Dec., 1838. [4. ]The publication of a second edition of the Aug. number had permitted JSM to add his timely article, Lord Durham and his Assailants, XXIX, 507-12. [5. ]A Chartist meeting on Sept. 17, 1838, addressed by, among others, William Lovett, Henry Hetherington, Ebenezer Elliott, and Feargus OConnor. [6. ]Mazzinis article, Prince Napoleon Louis Bonaparte, appeared in the Dec. LWR (XXXII, 85-98). [7. ]Probably Samuel Lucas (1811-1865), journalist and politician.
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[8. ]The leading article of the Dec. number was Harriet Martineaus The Martyr Age of the United States. [9. ]Brackets in this sentence indicate where page is torn, but printed in Towers. [10. ]Not identified. [11. ]The postscript is written at the top of the first page. [1. ]Published by Fawcett, pp. 203-4. MS not located. [2. ]Charles Buller had served as Chief Secretary to Lord Durham in Canada. [3. ]Edwin Gibbon Wakefield accompanied Durham to Canada as an unofficial adviser; he and Buller were responsible for much of Durhams famous Report. [1. ]Published by Fawcett, p. 204. MS not located. [2. ]On learning that the government had disallowed his ordinance banishing to Bermuda some of the leaders of the Canadian revolt, Durham on Oct. 9 issued a proclamation of the act of indemnity passed by Parliament and of the disallowance of his ordinance. He further made the proclamation a defence of his policy in Canada. [3. ]A letter of Bullers to JSM, dated Quebec, Oct. 13, 1838, is published in the Dominion of Canadas Report of the Public Archives for the Year 1928 (Ottawa, 1929), App. F, pp. 74-77. The MS of another, dated Oct. 19, is at LSE. [4. ]The LWR for Dec., containing JSMs Lord Durhams Return (XXXII, 241-60), was published Nov. 26, 1838. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 68. MS not located. Dated by Mrs. Towers as of 1837 during the Canada coercion and rebellion, but the reference to Wakefields letter to Rintoul seems to establish approximately the same date as the preceding letter to Molesworth. [2. ]I.e., joining with the Radicals to form a new Liberal party or continuing with what JSM in the preceding letter called the pseudo-Radicals of the Whig party. [3. ]It is improbable that JSM wrote the word thus. [1. ]MS at LSE. Addressed: Mrs. Mill / 18 Kensington Square / Kensington / London / Angleterre. Postmarks: PARIS / 29 / DEC / 1838, and LONDON / 31 / DEC / 1838. Published, with minor variations, in Hayek, p. 106. JSM had again been directed by his physician to take a medical leave of absence and go to the Continent for his health. Mrs. Taylor, who was also in poor health, arrived in Paris shortly ahead of JSM, but subsequently accompanied him to Italy. For an account of this period, see Packe, pp. 238-40.
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[2. ]See following letter. [1. ]Published by Towers, pp. 69-70. MS not located. Presumably the first page of JSMs preceding letter of same date and place to his mother, which he asks her to detach and send to Robertson. [2. ]See preceding letter. [3. ]No review of Brownings Sordello appeared. The next number of the LWR was not published until April. [4. ]Charles Buller, as Lord Durhams secretary, played an important (some say the major) role in the composition of the famous Report, which was published early the next year: Report on the Affairs of British North America from the Earl of Durham, Her Majestys High Commissioner. Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed (London, 1839). [1. ]Excerpt published by Bain, JSM, p. 45. MS not located. Bracketed portion is Bains summary. [1. ]Excerpt published by Bain, JSM, p. 45. MS not located. Bain notes that the letter was written ten days after the preceding one. [2. ]The parenthesis is probably by Bain. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 67. MS not located. [2. ]The April number (XXXII, 459-75) contained an article by Robertson, Criticism on Women, a defence of women in general but in particular of women writers like Mrs. Norton, Lady Morgan, Miss Edgeworth, and Miss Martineau against the satirical, critical assaults which Robertson labels Crokerism. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 70. MS not located. [2. ]Reorganization of the Reform Party, LWR, XXXII (April, 1839), 475-508, bore JSMs usual signature, A. [3. ]Another number did not appear until Oct.; it carried no article by JSM. [1. ]MS at LSE. Addressed: Mrs Mill / 18 Kensington Square / Kensington / London / Inghilterra. Postmarks: VEN / . . . . / and LONDON / 29 / MAY / 1839. Published, with minor variations, in Hayek, pp. 108-9. [2. ]Horace Grant. [1. ]Published by Towers, pp. 71-72. MS not located. [2. ]On May 7 the Melbourne ministry resigned but within forty-eight hours, after Sir Robert Peels failure to form a government, was reinstated.
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[3. ]See Bullers letter of May 21 to Robertson, published by Towers, p. 71. [4. ]Charles Wentworth Dilke. [5. ]The desertion of ten Radical members from the Whigs on the Jamaica bill division on May 6 led to the temporary dissolution of the Melbourne government. [1. ]Excerpt published by Bain, JSM, p. 45. MS not located. [1. ]Addressed: Rev. John Sterling / Manor House / Clifton Place / Clifton / near Bristol. Postmark: LS / 24 JY 24 / 1839. MS at Kings. Published in Elliot, I, 112-13. Sterling had moved his family from London to Clifton the preceding month. [2. ]Later note in JSMs hand: The article on Carlyle [Carlyles Works, LWR, XXXIII (Oct., 1839), 1-68], republished in Sterlings collected writings. [3. ]In his essay on Voltaire, first published in the Foreign Review, III (April, 1829), 419-75. [1. ]Addressed: Edwin Chadwick Esq. / Poor Law Commission Office / Somerset House. Postmarks: TP / Leadenhall St. and 2 AN2 / AU6 / 1839. MS at UCL. [2. ]First visit, i.e., to the newly established home of Chadwick, who had married Rachel Dawson Kennedy on July 23. [1. ]Published by Towers, pp. 65-66. MS not located. Not dated by Mrs. Towers, but the reference to Mrs. Halls article seems to establish the approximate date. [2. ]The decision was evidently in the negative, for no such article appeared. R. H. Horne was apparently continuing on the theme of one of his earliest books, The Exposition of the False Medium and Barriers Excluding Men of Genius from the Public (London, 1833). [3. ]Anna Maria Hall (1800-1881), editor and novelist, wife of Samuel Carter Hall (1800-1889), editor and miscellaneous writer. Her one article published in LWR seems to have been the one referred to here: Heads of the People, XXXIII (Oct., 1839), 162-81. [4. ]New Translations of the Arabian Nights, ibid., pp. 101-37. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. Postmarks: LONDON / 14 / SEP / 1839 / F.B.O., and ANGL / 16 / SEPT / 39 / CALAIS. MS at Arsenal. Published in Cosmopolis, IX, 368-69, and in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 171-73. [2. ]Lettres sur la race noire et la race blanche (Paris, 1839), in collaboration with Ismayl Urbain. [3. ]See Letter 197, n. 2.
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[4. ]Cf. Tennyson, I built my soul a lordly pleasure-house (The Palace of Art). [1. ]Addressed: Rev. John Sterling / Manor House / Clifton Place / Clifton / near Bristol. Postmark: LS / 28 SP 28 / 1839. MS at Kings. Two paragraphs published in Elliot, I, 113-14. [2. ]Of Sterlings review of Carlyle in the Oct., 1839, LWR. [3. ]See Letter 260. [4. ]JSM did publish his article on Coleridge, in the last number of the LWR under his proprietorship, March, 1840, XXXIII, 257-302. [5. ]James Mills Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind (1829). [6. ]See Letter 243, n. 2. [7. ]See Letter 245, n. 2. [1. ]Addressed: Rev. John Sterling / Manor House / Clifton Place / Clifton / near Bristol. Postmark: LS / 2 OC 2 / 1839. MS at Kings. Published in part in Elliot, I, 114-15. [2. ]Carlyles Works. See previous letter, and Letter 260. [3. ]LWR, XXXIII (Oct., 1839), 181-256. [4. ]W. E. Gladstones The State in its Relations with the Church (London, 1838); no review of it appeared in LWR. See Letter 267. [5. ]On the Constitution of Church and State [3rd ed.], and Lay Sermons [2nd ed.], ed. H. N. Coleridge (London: William Pickering, 1839). [6. ]In A. Carlyle, pp. 169-70, but dated Monday night [Oct. 7, 1839]; a more likely date for Carlyles letter is Sept. 30, 1839. See also Carlyles letter to Sterling, Sept. 29, 1839, in A. Carlyle, pp. 222-27. [7. ]Edmund L. Lushington (1811-1893), professor of Greek at Glasgow University; later the brother-in-law of Alfred Tennyson. [8. ]The last two paragraphs of the postscript are written at the top of the first page. [1. ]From copy supplied by Professor Ney MacMinn of MS in his possession. John Mitchell Kemble (1807-1857), philologist and historian; editor of the British and Foreign Review, 1835-44. [2. ]The British and Foreign and the London and Westminster. The merger was not effected.
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[3. ]Thomas Wentworth Beaumont (1792-1848), politician, and owner of the British and Foreign Review. [1. ]Addressed: Rev. John Sterling / Clifton / near Bristol. Postmark: LS / 4 NO 4 / 1839. Part published in Elliot, I, 116. MS at Kings. [2. ]The State and the Church, BFR, IX (Oct., 1839), 433-66. [3. ]This plan was eventually carried into execution with the publication of his Dissertations and Discussions, vols. I and II, 1859; vol. III, 1867; vol. IV, 1875. [4. ]S. T. Coleridge, The Friend (1818), I, 155-56, footnote. [5. ]Sterling was working on his tragedy, Strafford, published in 1843. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. Postmark: LONDON / 12 / Nov / 1839 / F.B.O. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786-1845), philanthropist. [3. ]William Wilberforce (1759-1833), the great Evangelical abolitionist. [4. ]A bill enacted Aug. 19, 1839, because of Portugals failure to abolish the slave trade in accordance with treaties of 1810, 1815, and 1817. See Annual Register, LXXXI (1839), 242 ff. [5. ]The History of British India, first published in 1817. [6. ]The fourth edition, with notes and continuation by H. H. Wilson (9 vols., London, 1840-48). [7. ]Probably DEichthals Lettres sur la race noire et la race blanche. See Letter 263, n. 2. [8. ]Joseph de Maistre (1754?-1821), leader of Neo-Catholic and anti-revolutionary movement in France. [9. ]See Letter 270 for JSMs description of the Oxford or Tractarian movement. [10. ]Armand E. Lefebvre (1800-1864), diplomatist and writer. [1. ]MS at NLS. Part published as note to Carlyles letter of Dec. 6, 1839, to JSM, in A. Carlyle, pp. 171-72. [2. ]Carlyles Chartism, the MS of which he had sent JSM to read. Pencilled note on MS: Enclosed in an ms of T. Carlyle marked Rejected fragments of Chartism. (Ms. taken out long ago. A.C.)
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[3. ]A copy of this letter, also at NLS, includes the following scraps of criticism: page 9. Not just, I think, to the Poor Law. All this would be true of it if it only proceeded by refusing relief. But it gives relief, on terms which would hardly ever be refused, if ever, by the absolutely destitute. There cannot be more absolute destitution in the country, than the workhouses show. 31. The relation between the higher & lower orders in the feudal times requires more developement and illustration. [4. ]Like Professor Teufelsdrckh in Sartor Resartus, Sauerteig, another mythical German professor. Carlyle disregarded JSMs advice; chap. viii, New Eras, of Chartism consists almost wholly of quotations from Sauerteigs supposed History of the Teuton Kindred. Sauerteig also appears in Carlyles Past and Present (1843). [5. ]Carlyle rejected JSMs offer; the pamphlet was published before the end of Dec., 1839, by James Fraser. See also Carlyles contemptuous remarks on the subject of JSMs offer, in J. A. Froude, Thomas Carlyle: A History of His Life in London, 1834-1881 (2 vols., New York, 1884), I, 148. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Gustave dEichthal / Rue Lepelletier Paris. Published, with omissions, in Cosmopolis, IX, 369-71, and in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 174-77. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]See Macgregor Laird and R. A. K. Oldfield, Narrative of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa, by the River Niger . . . in 1832, 3, 4 (2 vols., London, 1837). [3. ]Sir Thomas F. Buxton, The African Slave Trade (London, 1839). [4. ]See Letter 268. [5. ]Probably Isaac Williams Hymns Translated from the Parisian Breviary (1839). [6. ]Page torn. [7. ]William Laud (1573-1645), Archbishop of Canterbury. [8. ]Presumably the sermon by Edward Bouverie Pusey (1800-1882), Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, Patience and Confidence the Strength of the Church. A Sermon preached on the fifth of November before the University of Oxford, at St. Marys . . . (Oxford, 1837). The sermon was reprinted several times. It was attacked in ER, LXVI (Jan., 1838), 396-415. For a discussion of the sermon and the subsequent controversy, see Henry P. Liddon, Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey (4 vols., London, 1893-97), II, 16-20. [1. ]Addressed: Leigh Hunt Esq. / 4 Upper Cheyne Row / Chelsea. Postmark: FE 12 / 18 . . . 0 /. MS in Brit. Mus.
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[2. ]Hunts verse drama, A Legend of Florence, was first performed at Covent Garden on Feb. 7, 1840. [1. ]MS at LSE. Addressed: Miss Mill / Post Office / Falmouth. Postmark: PAID / 15 FE 15 / 184?. Earlier this year it had become evident that JSMs nineteen-year-old brother Henry (Derry) was in an advanced stage of consumption. A family decision was reached to try a warmer climate, and in the first week of Feb. Mrs. Mill, Clara, and Henry went to Falmouth, hoping to catch a mail packet to Madeira. They arrived too late for the packet, however, and at this point they were planning to go by the ship Florence. See Pym, I, 102-3, and Wilson Harris, Caroline Fox (London, 1944), p. 64 n. [2. ]Unidentified. [3. ]G. C. Fox and Co., shipping agents. [4. ]Unidentified. [5. ]Unidentified. [6. ]JSMs younger brother James had been in India since 1836. [7. ]Ever since 1836, when he first discovered that he had tuberculosis, Sterling had been obliged to spend winters in warmer climates: in southern France (1836-37), Madeira (1837-38), and Italy (1838-39). In the summer of 1839 he had moved his family from London to Clifton, near Bristol, hoping that its milder climate would permit him to remain in England, but by the end of the year he had to seek a still milder climate. In Jan., 1840, he went to Falmouth to embark for Madeira, but instead stayed on in Falmouth until spring. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon, University of Illinois. [2. ]On the Continent for six months the previous year. [3. ]See preceding letter. [4. ]See Letter 266. [1. ]MS at LSE. No address, postmark, or signature. Perhaps only a part of the letter. [2. ]JSMs sister, who was to join their mother and their sister Clara in Falmouth to help care for Henry. See Letter 272. [3. ]Neil Arnott (1788-1874), physician and philosopher; author of Elements of Physics (London, 1827-29). Arnott had been a close friend of James Mill in his latter years (see Bain, James Mill, pp. 338-39). [4. ]The proposed trip to Madeira for Henry Mills health had had to be abandoned.
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[1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]This was probably the proposal described in an unpublished letter (n.d., owned by Professor McCrimmon) from Cole to JSM: I had much talk with Hickson last night about the Review. He is most decidedly averse to Robertsons having the Editorship. . . . R. asked me whether I was willing to become the sole proprietorhe remaining the Editor under certain conditions to be agreed upon between us. . . . R. proposes to me. . . . that I should have the unconditional control of the Management or business part of the Review. [3. ]William Edward Hickson (1803-1870), educational writer, editor of the Westminster Review, 1840-52 (see Letter 278). [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]Coles article, The Postage Stamp, LWR, XXXIII (March, 1840), 491-505. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]See Letter 266. [1. ]Published by Towers, p. 72. MS not located. [2. ]See Letter 280. [1. ]Published by Towers, pp. 72-73. MS not located. [2. ]Sir Constantine Henry Phipps, first Marquis of Normanby and second Earl of Mulgrave, prominent Whig leader. Mrs. Towers (p. 72) explains that Robertson had hoped to get into Parliament, and he would have used the Review, had he continued his editorship, to support the Whigs. . . . Lord Normanby had had one interview, if not more, with Robertson with reference to this subject. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [1. ]MS at Trinity College Library, Cambridge. Richard Monckton Milnes, later first Baron Houghton (1809-1885), writer and politician, author of The Life, Letters, and Literary Remains of John Keats (1848). [2. ]American Philosophy.Emersons Works, signed R.M.M., LWR, XXXIII (March, 1840), pp. 345-72. This was the last number under JSMs proprietorship of the Review. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Neath Abbey / Glamorganshire. Postmark: B / 16 AP / 1840. Published in Pym, I, 173-79. MS in 1944 in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning, of Eltham, Surrey.
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Robert Barclay Fox (1817-1855), son of the scientific writer Robert Were Fox (1789-1877), and brother of Anna Maria Fox (1816-1897) and of Caroline Fox (1819-1871), diarist. JSM on March 16 had joined his mother and his sisters Clara and Harriet in their attendance upon the last illness of Henry Mill (see Letters 272 and 274). After Henrys death on April 4, JSM had returned to London on April 10. During their stay in Falmouth the Mills had become intimately acquainted with the Foxes, a prominent Quaker family. [2. ]Caroline Fox noted in her journal on April 5 (Pym, I, 158): A great parcel arrived in the evening with John Mills kind regards, containing all the London and Westminster Reviews from their beginning, with notes in his own hand, and the names of the writers attached to the articlesa most valuable and interesting gift. Efforts to trace this set of volumes have thus far proved unavailing. [3. ]Not until 1859 were these articles republished, in the first two volumes of Dissertations. See Letter 267, n. 3. [4. ]Lord Durhams Return. See Letter 249, n. 4. [5. ]By his review, The French Revolution. See Letters 208, n. 5, and 209. [6. ]John M. Calvert (1801-1842), physician. A fellow-victim of tuberculosis, Dr. Calvert had first met Sterling in Madeira in 1838. They had become close friends, and after giving up their plans to spend the winter again at Madeira they had stayed on together at Falmouth. Caroline Foxs journals recount numerous meetings with Calvert and Sterling. [1. ]MS at Leeds. Published in Elliot, I, 116-18. [2. ]George Grote Mill (ca. 1825-1853), youngest of JSMs brothers, had been at Falmouth since April 2. [3. ]See Letter 267, n. 3. [4. ]Professor Sedgwicks Discourse.State of Philosophy in England, London Rev., I (April, 1835), 94-135, eventually reprinted in Dissertations as Professor Sedgwicks Discourse on the Studies of the University of Cambridge. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. Published, except for last paragraph, in Napier Corresp., pp. 325-26. Macvey Napier, editor of the Edinburgh Review, 1829-47. [2. ]Otherwise identified only as the author of Studies in Shakespeare (London, 1847), which contains essays contributed originally to the Athenum in 1843-44 and to the Westminster Review in 1844-45. He also contributed to Frasers Magazine in 1850.
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[3. ]LWR, XXXII, 146-219. [4. ]LWR, XXXIII (March, 1840), 424-91. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. Published, except for last paragraph, in Napier Corresp., pp. 326-27. (See preceding letter.) [2. ]The review of Tocquevilles Democracy in America appeared, as here projected, in the Oct., 1840, number of ER, LXXII, 1-47; it was reprinted in Dissertations, II, 79-161. [3. ]Jules Michelet (1798-1874). JSMs review of the first five volumes of his Histoire de France (Paris, 1833-42) eventually appeared in ER, LXXIX (Jan., 1844), 1-39. It was reprinted in Dissertations, II, 198-259. [4. ]Michelet, Histoire romaine: republique (2nd ed., 3 vols., Paris, 1833). Thomas Arnold, History of Rome (3 vols., London, 1838-43). [5. ]JSMs review of M. Guizots Essays and Lectures on History appeared in ER, LXXXII (Oct., 1845), 381-421; it was reprinted in Dissertations, II, 297-362. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Gustave dEichthal. Published, with omissions, in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 178-80. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]Isaac Preire (1806-1880), French banker, earlier associated with the SaintSimonians. [3. ]His Histoire de France in 17 volumes was published at intervals between 1833 and 1867. His letter of April 7 to JSM is at LSE. [4. ]See preceding letter. [5. ]Eugne dEichthal in DEichthal Corresp., p. 179, appends as a note this part of a letter from Michelet to Gustave dEichthal: Jaurais voulu vous dire un mot de mon 5e volume qui va tre attaqu de deux cts opposs. Jespre pour le dfendre (ce volume si peu favorable aux Anglais), dans la haute impartialit dun Anglais, de M. Mill, qui ma crit cette belle lettre que nous avons admire ensemble. Vous avez trouv, je pense, son exemplaire joint au vtre? . . . Si vous crivez M. Mill, veuillez lui faire considrer avec quelle mthode svre, dans laffaire de la Pucelle et dans bien dautres jai cart les chroniques pour men tenir aux actes. . . . Si M. Mill me fait lhonneur de parler de mon livre dans une revue anglaise, il mobligera fort de faire remarquer combien cet historien quon traite trop aisment comme un homme dimagination, a t domin par la passion de la vrit. [6. ]Probably The Private Journal of Captain G. F. Lyon During the Voyage of Discovery under Captain Parry (London, 1824).
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[7. ]Probably John Crawfurds History of the Indian Archipelago (London, 1820). [8. ]Guizot had been appointed ambassador to London the preceding February. JSM would have met Guizot on March 17 at the Grotes had he not been detained at Falmouth by his brother Henrys illness. See Pym, I, 134. But see Letter 291. [9. ]The return of Thiers to power in March, 1840, as Premier was regarded as a triumph for the liberals. [1. ]Published in Mayer, pp. 327-29. MS in Tocqueville archives. [2. ]The lectures printed in his Cours dHistoire moderne (6 vols., Paris, 1829-32). [3. ]Peel had praised Tocquevilles book in his inaugural speech as Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow on Jan. 11, 1837, and again at the public dinner at Glasgow on Jan. 13, 1837 (see A Correct Report of the Speeches by . . . Sir R. Peel . . . on January 11, 1837; and . . . January 13, 1837 (London, 1837). [4. ]See Letter 285, n. 2. [5. ]Gustave Beaumont. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]The Fox family had come to London for a visit of several weeks, in part no doubt to attend the Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends. The visit to the Museum at the India House, to which this and the following letter refer, took place on Thursday, May 28, 1840. See Pym, I, 197. [3. ]Caroline Fox records that on May 19 while attending Carlyles lecture on The Hero as Man of Letters with some of her family they had been introduced to Mrs. Carlyle by Harriet Mill, and had been invited to call. See ibid., p. 182. JSM evidently did not know that Barclay Foxs sisters had already been invited when he wrote this letter. On June 3 both the Foxes and the Carlyles spent the evening at the Mills home. [1. ]Addressed: R. W. Fox Esq / London. MS at LSE. [2. ]John Pringle Nichol. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / S. Gurney Esq. / Ham House / West Ham. Postmark: JU 4 1840. Published by Pym, II, 333-34, but dated probably July 1842. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]This refers to an episode on the Foxes return from a party at the Mills, described by Caroline Fox in her journal (Pym, I, 204), under June 3, 1840: At last we were going, but our postillion was fast asleep on the coach-box. Barclay gave him an intimation of our presence, to which he languidly replied, All right, but in a voice that showed clearly that it was all wrong. We asked for a hackney coach, but J. S. Mill was delightfully ignorant as to where such things grew, or where a likely hotel was to
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be found; and as our culprit was now a little sobered by fright and evening air, and passionately pleaded wife and children, we ventured forward, Barclay and J. Mill walking for a long way beside us. [3. ]Probably a reference to a remark of one of two young princes of Ashantee, William Quantamissa and John Ansah, who with their tutor, the Rev. T. Pyne, visited Falmouth in April, 1840 (see Pym, I, 168-72, and The Times, April 25, 1840, p. 5). In July the princes visited Wordsworth in the Lake Country (see Mrs. [Eliza] Fletcher, Autobiography [Edinburgh, 1875], 247-48). [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. Postmarks: G / JU 17 / 1840 and LONDON / 17. Published in part in Cosmopolis, IX, p. 372, and in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 181-82. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]See Letter 286. [3. ]Probably R. Smith, bookseller at 25 Foley St., Portland Place, London. [1. ]Addressed: J. M. Kemble, Esq. MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn, Northwestern University. [2. ]Milton, Paradise Lost, Book XII, l. 646. [3. ]Unidentified. [4. ]Francis Beaufort Edgeworth (1809-1846), half-brother of the novelist Maria Edgeworth; he had been a student with Kemble and Sterling at Cambridge and had contributed to Kembles British and Foreign Review. He had at one point set up a school at Eltham (see Letters and Literary Remains of Edward Fitzgerald, ed. W. A. Wright [London, 1889], I, 36). For a sketch of Edgeworth, see Thomas Carlyle, Life of John Sterling (London, 1851), Part II, chap. 4. [1. ]MS at LSE. No indication of person addressed. Paper bears watermark, 1838. [2. ]See preceding letter. [3. ]Unidentified. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Postmark: AUG 4 1840. Partly published by Pym, II, 313-15. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]Probably letters by Caroline and Anna Maria Fox to JSMs sisters, who were evidently spending part of the summer at Guildford, as they did in 1841 (see Letter 324). [3. ]The summer home of the Foxes, several miles from Falmouth. [4. ]Sic. Possibly Penzance, but Caroline Fox refers several times to walks to Pennance (see Pym, I, 109, 111, 119, 153).
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[5. ]Thomas Brown, author of Observations on the Nature and Tendency of the Doctrine of Mr Hume concerning the relation of cause and effect (Edinburgh, 1805), and Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1820). [6. ]See Letter 285, n. 2. [7. ]Sterling had returned to his family at Clifton, where the Foxes were visitors in July. See Pym, I, 206-15. [8. ]Evidently an autograph of the French historian. JSM had contributed other autographs to Caroline Foxs collection. [9. ]Connop Thirlwall had recently been raised to the Bishopric of St. Davids. His speech to the Co-operative Society in 1825 in reply to one of JSMs is also referred to in similar terms in the Autobiog., pp. 87-88. [10. ]JSM had his portrait painted while in Falmouth by a painter named Cunningham. Caroline Fox describes the portrait as very beautiful; quite an ideal head, so expanded with patient thought, and a face of such exquisite refinement (journal, April 10, 1840, in Pym, I, 168). Efforts to trace this portrait have not been successful. [11. ]Not identified. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]On Tocquevilles Democracy in America. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. Published, with one omission, in Napier Corresp., pp. 327-29. [2. ]See preceding letter, n. 2. [3. ]See Letter 72, n. 13. [4. ]See Letter 101, n. 12. [5. ]Thomas Tooke. [6. ]John Ramsay McCulloch. [1. ]In reply to Sterlings letter from Clifton, Sept. 21, 1840 (MS at Kings). MS at Leeds. Part published in Elliot, I, 118. [2. ]J. M. H. Dring, J. W. v. Gthes Leben (Weimar, 1828), about which Sterling had inquired. [3. ]David Nutt (1810-1863), bookseller in Fleet Street, of whom Sterling had asked JSM to make inquiries.
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[4. ]Blackwoods, XLVIII (Oct., 1840), 463-78. [5. ]inside and out. Cf. Persius, Satire III, 30. [6. ]In the autumn of 1840 there were widespread fears that Palmerstons policies with respect to intervention in the Levant to support Turkey against Mohammed Ali of Egypt might bring war between England and France. Thiers, the French Premier, who threatened war, was ousted in Oct. and succeeded by Guizot. By the end of the year Palmerston was widely credited with a great triumph. Liberals and Radicals in general, however, opposed him for aligning England with Russia, Prussia, and Austria. See also Letters 300 and 303. [7. ]Carlyles Works, QR, LXVI (Sept., 1840), 446-503. The review was by the Rev. William Sewell. See Francis Espinasse, Literary Recollections (London, 1893), p. 77 n. [8. ]Socialism, QR, LXV (March, 1840), 484-527. [9. ]Herman Merivale (1806-1874), then professor of political economy at Oxford, later Under-Secretary for India. His article on Carlyles French Revolution (2nd ed.) had appeared in ER, LXXI (July, 1840), 411-45. [1. ]Excerpt published in Fawcett, p. 217. MS not located. On Nov. 7, 1840, at the height of the war scare, Molesworth addressed a large audience of his constituents at Leeds, attacking Palmerstons policies and urging the maintenance of peace with France. The meeting, which passed a resolution heartily endorsing Molesworths position, was reported in the Examiner, Nov. 15, 1840, p. 729. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letter 285, n. 4. [1. ]Addressed: R. B. Fox Esq. Published with omissions by Pym, II, 316-17. MS in the possession of W. H. Browning. [2. ]Presumably his review of Tocqueville in the Oct., 1840, ER. [3. ]The Logic, not published until 1843. [4. ]Thomas Brown. See Letter 294, n. 5. [5. ]Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston (1784-1865), Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1830-41) and later Prime Minister. [6. ]See Letter 297, n. 6.
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[7. ]JSMs youngest brother. The reason for Georges visit to Torquay can only be surmised; perhaps he was already manifesting symptoms of the family disease, tuberculosis, which was to lead to his early death, and the milder climate of Torquay had been recommended. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, p. 28. MS at Columbia University. George Henry Lewes (1817-1878), writer, later the husband of George Eliot. [2. ]The paper appeared in WR, XXXV (April, 1841), 303-44, signed G.H.L. [3. ]What is Poetry? (in which appears the distinction between poetry and oratory) and The Two Kinds of Poetry (which compares Wordsworth and Shelley), MR, VII (Jan. and Oct., 1833), 60-70, 714-24. See Letter 85, n. 3. [4. ]On Genius, MR, VI (Oct., 1832), 649-59. See Letter 49, n. 2. [1. ]Addressed: Rev. John Sterling / Post Office / Torquay. Postmark: PAID / DE 3 / 1840. In reply to Sterlings letter of Nov. 20, 1840 (MS at Kings). Part of letter at LSE. Published with omissions in Elliot, I, 118-19. [2. ]The portion of the original letter which is at LSE begins with this word. [3. ]A sow teaching the Goddess of Wisdom, a saying of ancient Greek origin (cf. Plutarch, Demosthenes 11, and Cicero, De Oratore 2.57.233 and Academica 1.5.18. [4. ]Letters from the Continent, Monthly Chronicle, VI(July-Dec., 1840), 196-224, 289-315, 399-433, 505-31, and VII (1841), 11-37. [5. ]Samuel Laing (1780-1868), traveller and author of A Journal of a Residence in Norway (London, 1836); and A Tour in Sweden (London, 1839). [6. ]Sweden and Norway, Monthly Chronicle, VI (Nov., 1840), 385-97. [1. ]In reply to Sterlings letter of Dec. 9, 1840 (MS at Kings; part published in Tuell, John Sterling, pp. 72-74 and 131-32). MS at Leeds. Part published in Elliot, I, 119-20. [2. ]August Heinrich Ritter, Vorlesungen zur Einleitung in die Logik (Berlin, 1823). Sterling had also recommended books by Twesten, Schleiermacher, and Hegel. [3. ]See Letter 297, n. 6. Sterling on Dec. 9 had written: Lord Palmerston went on much stronger grounds than I supposed in his bellicose policy. Thiers clearly meant himself and expected the support of the country in designing to frustrate any arrangement that would not leave Egypt strong & independent & Turkey nearly impotentin order that France might at the first opportunity seize for herself the possessions that she thus would have detached even with an absolute certainty that Russia would in consequence obtain all the rest of Turkey. (Tuell, John Sterling, pp. 131-32.)
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[4. ]Mehemet (or Mohammed) Ali (1769-1849), Viceroy of Egypt. [1. ]Published, with omissions, in Pym, II, 317-21. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]In The Splendid Village; Corn Law Rhymes; and Other Poems (London, 1834), I, 141-56. [3. ]Cf. his Aids to Reflection in The Complete Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, ed. W.G. T. Shedd (New York, 1853), I, 277. [4. ]Cf. ibid., pp. 303, 307. Punctuation has been supplied in this sentence. [5. ]Sarah Fox (ne Hustler), wife of Charles Fox of Trebah (near Falmouth) and aunt of Robert Barclay, Caroline, and Anna Maria Fox. [6. ]Of the Society of Friends. [7. ]Dated Dec. 18, 1840; in Mayer, pp. 329-31. [8. ]Despite his earlier distrust of Guizot as a politician (see Letter 35), JSM had at the same time expressed his admiration for Guizot as historian. Cf. the summary of French news in the Examiner, Oct. 21, 1832, p. 680, and the review (partly written by JSM), Guizots Lectures on European Civilization, London Review, II (1836), 306-36. For a later revision of JSMs view of Guizot as a politician, see Letter 501. [1. ]Published in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 182-87, and in Cosmopolis, IX, 373-75. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton. [3. ]Presumably an offprint of DEichthals article, Recherches sur lhistoire et lorigine des Foulahs ou Fellans, which appeared in the Nov., 1840, Bulletin de la Socit de gographie. The work referred to in the next sentence was the longer treatise, Histoire et origine des Foulahs ou Fellans, published in the Mmoires de la Socit ethnologique (Paris, 1841). [4. ]See Letters 297, 303, and 306. [5. ]Henry Richard Vassall Fox, third Baron Holland (1773-1840), prominent Whig leader, pro-French in his sympathies, had died on Oct. 22. [6. ]Samuel Rogers (1763-1855), poet, man of wealth, an intimate in the highest circles of the Whig party. [7. ]Cf. Horace (Epistles I.2.14): Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi (Whatever folly the kings commit, the Achaeans pay the penalty). [8. ]Gustave dEichthals brother.
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[1. ]Published in Mayer, pp. 331-33; in reply to Tocquevilles of Dec. 18, ibid., pp. 329-31. MS in Tocqueville archives. [2. ]His speech, delivered on Nov. 30, 1840, was reported at length in The Times for Dec. 2 and 3, 1840, p. 5. [1. ]MS at the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. The approximate date is established by the reference to George Sands new one, Le Compagnon du Tour de France, published late in 1840. [1. ]Part published in Elliot, I, 120-21. MS at Leeds. In answer to unpublished letter of Jan. 4, 1841, by Sterling; MS at Kings. [2. ]August D. C. Twesten, Die Logik, insbesondere die Analytik (Schleswig, 1825). [3. ]Johann Heinrich Lambert, Neues Organon, oder Gedanken ber die Erforschung und Bezeichnung des Wahren . . . (Leipzig, 1764). [4. ]John Austin. [5. ]The Egyptian Vision, The Times, Dec. 9, 1840, p. 5. [6. ]In Letter 303. Sterling in his letter of Jan. 4 had disagreed with JSM: Your argument on the Egyptian question I am sorry to say does not convince me. France had I think no right to insist on the independence of Egypt if that was likely to derange the actual relations of the European nations to each other & I do not perceive to what you allude when you say that we might bind France not to avail for her own advantagethe only way I can conceive of binding her or indeed any nation in such a matter is by making the intended step impossible which is what we have done. . . . What the aggressions are which you say naturally provoke France I do not know. We have done nothing at least since the peace at all resembling the conquest of Algiers & its occupation. [7. ]Of Dec. 18, 1840; in Mayer, pp. 329-31. [8. ]Letter 306. [9. ]Answer dated March 18, 1841; in Mayer, pp. 334-36. [10. ]Sterling had written: The iniquity of those Corn Laws & their widespread mischievousness made me rage. . . . Is there any chance of getting rid of them? [11. ]At Walsall on Dec. 30, 1840, one Spencer Lyttleton, after refusing to pledge his support for immediate repeal of the Corn Laws, had withdrawn his candidacy for Parliament. The Anti-Corn-Law League sought pledges from parliamentary candidates. For details on the Walsall election, see Archibald Prentice, History of the Anti-Corn-Law League (2 vols., London, 1853), I, 176-84. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 30-31. MS at Yale.
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[2. ]I.e., that of his marriage, on Feb. 18, 1841, to Agnes Jervis (1822-1902), daughter of Swinfen Jervis (1798-1867), MP for Bridport. [3. ]The article, The Philosophy of Art: Hegels sthetics, eventually appeared, not in the Edinburgh, but in the BFR for Oct., 1842 (XIII, 1-49). [4. ]See Letter 301, n. 3. [5. ]LWR, XXIX (April, 1838), 1-44, and reprinted in Dissertations, I, 312-54. [1. ]Published in part in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 188-90, and in Cosmopolis, IX, 375-76. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]De lUnit europenne (Paris, 1840, 35 pp.). See Letter 312. DEichthal had sent JSM a copy of the Journal des Dbats for Jan. 18, 1841, which carried an article on the pamphlet. [3. ]In an article on Foreign Policy, LXVII (Dec., 1840), 301. [4. ]See Letters 197, n. 2, and 215. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 31-32. MS at Yale. [2. ]Par excellence. [1. ]Published in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 191-93, and in Cosmopolis, IX, 376-78. MS at Arsenal. [2. ]See Letter 310, n. 2. [3. ]Not located. [4. ]Joseph Salvador, Jsus-Christ et sa doctrine. Histoire de la naissance de lEglise, de son organisation et de ses progrs pendant le premier sicle (2 vols., Paris, 1838); and lHistoire des Institutions de Mose et du peuple hbreu (3 vols., Paris, 1828). [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Published by Pym, II, 321-23. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]Dans ladversit de nos meilleurs amis, nous trouvons toujours quelque chose qui ne nous dplat pas. Reflexions, Sentences et Maximes morales de La Rochefoucauld (Paris, 1853), p. 260. [3. ]Inaccurately quoted? Presumably, in view of the context, the reference is to the Lines Composed a Few Miles Above Tintern Abbey: And I have felt / A presence that disturbs me with the joy / Of elevated thoughts. [4. ]Page torn.
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[1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 34-35. MS at Yale. [2. ]See Letter 309, n. 3. [3. ]Karl Theodor Krner (1791-1813), German poet, best known for his patriotic lyrics, Leier und Schwert (Berlin, 1814). [4. ]Sir Francis Palgrave (1788-1861), historian. The article referred to was Progress of Historical Enquiry in France, ER, LXXIII (April, 1841), 84-120, reprinted in The Collected Historical Works of Sir Francis Palgrave, K.H., ed. Sir R. H. Inglis Palgrave, F.R.S. (10 vols., Cambridge, 1919-22), X, 1-40. [5. ]See Letter 319. [1. ]Undated fragment, but must refer to preceding letter. Published in Kitchel, p. 35. MS at Yale. [2. ]See last sentence of second paragraph of preceding letter. [3. ]See third paragraph of preceding letter. [4. ]Probably his article Modern French Historians, a review of Augustin Thierrys Rcits des temps mrovingiens (3 vols., Bruxelles, 1840), in WR, XXXVI (Oct., 1841), 273-308. [1. ]Published in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 194-95, and in Cosmopolis, IX, 378-79. MS at Arsenal. The beginning of the letter has been lost. [2. ]Eugne dEichthal dates the letter 1841. The May date would seem to be justified by the reference in the second paragraph to the Melbourne governments espousal of a lowering of the duties imposed by the Corn Laws. Melbourne announced his change of policy on May 3, 1841. [3. ]The debate on the fortification of Paris took place in the Chamber of Deputies in Jan., 1841, and in the Chamber of Peers in March. [4. ]See n. 2 above. [5. ]JSMs prophecy proved false. On June 4 the Whig government lost on a vote of no confidence; in the ensuing election in the summer the Tories were returned to power under Sir Robert Peel. [1. ]Endorsed in another hand: J. S. Mill / May / 41 / . Assistance of Mr. C. requested to obtain his cousin an appt as School Mistress of a W.H. MS at UCL. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Postmark: 6 MAY 1841. Published with omissions in Pym, II, 323-26. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning.
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[2. ]Sterling moved his family from Clifton to Falmouth in June, 1841, where they lived until the spring of 1843. [3. ]He returned from Scotland on the day of this letter. [4. ]On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History, delivered in 1840 (the Foxes had attended some of them), and published in 1841. [5. ]George Mill had probably spent the winter at Torquay for reasons of health. See Letter 300, n. 7. [1. ]Addressed: J. M. Kemble Esq. MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]The British and Foreign Review, of which Kemble was editor. [3. ]See Letter 315, n. 4. [4. ]P. J. B. Buchez, Introduction la science de lhistoire, ou science du dveloppement de lhumanit (Paris, 1833). [5. ]Jules Michelet, Introduction lhistoire universelle (Paris, 1831). [6. ]Not identified. [7. ]WR, XXXIV (Sept., 1840), 287-324. [1. ]Excerpts published by James Drummond and C. B. Upton, Life and Letters of James Martineau (2 vols., London, 1902), II, 276-77. MS not located. The passages in brackets are the editors summaries of parts of the letter, I, 111-12, and II, 276-77. [2. ]Thomas Brown. [3. ]The editors point out that this refers to the following sentence in Martineaus Introductory Lecture: It is probable that in the secret history of every noble and inquisitive mind there is a passage darkened by the awful shadow of the conception of Necessity; and it is certain that in the open conflict of debate, there is no question which has so long served to train and sharpen the weapons of dialectic skill. [4. ]Book VI, chap. 2 (Of Liberty and Necessity), A System of Logic (London, 1843). [1. ]MS in Liverpool University Library. The MS bears no indication of the person addressed, but the ascription of it to Thom seems plausible since he had previously communicated with JSM about White (see Letter 241). Thom did publish a life of White. [2. ]Joseph Blanco White died on May 20, 1841.
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[1. ]MS in 1961 in the possession of Major General E. B. de Fonblanque, The Cottage, Bank, Lyndhurst, Hants. Transcript supplied by Mr. William E. S. Thomas. Last paragraph published in Life and Labours of Albany Fonblanque, ed. E. B. de Fonblanque (London, 1874), p. 32. [2. ]The Logic. [3. ]Morning Chronicle, June 17, 1841, p. 6. The Kensington petition for free trade was adopted at a public meeting of the inhabitants of Kensington at the Kings Arms on Tuesday, June 15. William Prescott presided. [4. ]See Letters 297, 298, 300, and 303-306. [5. ]The Whig ministrys move in May, 1841, to lower the duties on grain. See Letter 316. [6. ]Lord Durham had died on July 28, 1840. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]William Weir (1802-1858), journalist, editor (1854-58) of the Daily News. [3. ]In Letter 326 JSM spells the name correctly as Rppell. [1. ]Published with omissions in Pym, II, 326-28. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]Grounds and Objects of the Budget [by Nassau Senior], ER, LXXIII (July, 1841), 502-59. See F. W. Fetter, The Authorship of Economic Articles in the Edinburgh Review, 1802-47, Journal of Political Economy, LXI (June, 1953), 257. [1. ]Addressed: John Black. Esq. MS in the possession of Professor Jacob Viner, Princeton University. [2. ]JSMs review of Sterlings poem The Election appeared in the Morning Chronicle on July 29, 1841. [1. ]In another hand on the verso: John S. Mills Esq / July 30th / 1841. MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Weirs review of Eduard Rppells Reise in Abyssinien (2 vols., Frankfurt am Main, 1838-40) appeared in ER, LXXIV (Jan., 1842), 307-28. [3. ]George Fletcher. [4. ]Sir James Stephens The Port-Royalists was the leading article in the July, 1841, ER, LXXIII, 309-65.
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[5. ]Ross Donnelly Mangles (1801-1877), expert on Indian affairs; liberal MP for Guildford, 1841-58; chairman of the East India Company, 1857-58. His article in the July ER, LXXIII, 425-60, was on Administration of Justice in India. [6. ]See Letter 324, n. 2. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 37-38. MS at Columbia University. [2. ]This may have been an early version of The State of Criticism in France, eventually published in the BFR, XVI (Dec., 1844), 327-62. [3. ]Traits and Tendencies of German Literature, Blackwoods, L (Aug., 1841), 143-60. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, p. 38. MS at Yale. The letter may refer to the article discussed in the preceding letter (see n. 2). [1. ]Excerpt published in Alexander Bain, Autobiography (London, 1904), p. 111. MS not located. [1. ]Endorsed in another hand: J. S. Mill / Sept 21 / 41. MS at UCL. [1. ]Addressed: A Madame / Madame Austin / Poste Restante / Dresden. Postmarks: PAID / OC 4 / 1841 and POST / 11 OCT / U. MS at Kings. [2. ]JSM and the Austins, like many in England at this time, were concerned over the possible loss of their investments in American State bonds because of repudiation movements in some of the states. JSMs information about the situation in Mississippi was not wholly accurate, and his optimism proved unfounded. The retiring Governor, Alexander G. McNutt; the successful Democratic candidate, Tilghman M. Tucker; and the Whig candidate, David O. Shattuck, were all in favour of the repudiation of the Mississippi Union Bank bonds, and on Feb. 26, 1842, the bonds were finally repudiated by the State. See Banking and Repudiation in Mississippi, Bankers Magazine (N.Y.), XVIII NS (Aug., 1863), 89-109; and R. C. McGrane, Foreign Bondholders and American State Debts (New York, 1935), chap. x. [3. ]Mrs. Taylor eventually recovered from the paralysis, but her health thereafter was usually precarious. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, Autobiography, p. 112. MS not located. Alexander Bain (1818-1903), philosopher, first biographer of JSM. Bain had been encouraged by his friend John Robertson to begin a correspondence with JSM in Sept., 1841. They did not meet until the following spring, when Bain visited London. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. Postmark: LONDON / [8?] NOV / 1841. MS at Arsenal.
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[2. ]See Letter 312, n. 4. [3. ]A promise eventually fulfilled in 1844 with the publication of his review of the first five volumes of Michelets Histoire de France. See Letter 285, n. 3. [4. ]Brackets in this sentence indicate where page is torn. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Auguste Comte / lEcole Polytechnique / Paris. Postmark: LONDON / 8 NOV / 1841 / FBO. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 1-4; Comtes answer of Nov. 20, 1841, ibid., pp. 4-11. All the MSS of JSMs letters to Comte are at Johns Hopkins. [2. ]Armand Marrast (1801-1852), journalist and politician: editor of the Tribune until 1834; when the paper was suppressed and he was imprisoned in 1835 he escaped and fled to England; upon return to France he became editor of the National; after the Revolution of 1848, he became President of the Assemble Constituante. [3. ]Actually it appears that he first read Comte in 1829. See Letters 26 and 27. [4. ]MS torn. [5. ]See Letter 228. [1. ]MS owned by Professor Ney MacMinn. [1. ]Addressed: A Monsieur / M. Auguste Comte / 10 Rue Monneur le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. Postmark: LONDON / 18 DEC / 1841. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 11-15; in reply to Comtes letter of Nov. 20, 1841, ibid., pp. 4-11. [2. ]MS torn. [1. ]MS in the possession of Sir John Murray. [2. ]The Logic. JSMs friend John Sterling had written Murray on Dec. 16, 1841, reporting the completion of the book and describing it as the labour of many years of a singularly subtle, patient, and comprehensive mind. It will be our chief speculative monument of this age. (Samuel Smiles, A Publisher and His Friends [2 vols., London, 1891], II, 499.) [1. ]MS in the possession of Lady Hermione Cobbold. Collated by Dr. Eileen Curran. [2. ]Feb. 5, 1841. [3. ]The Defeated Copyright Bill, Examiner, Feb. 28, 1841, pp. 130-31. Since this letter to Fonblanque is preserved in Bulwers papers, the inference seems fair that the article was by Bulwer.
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[4. ]On Feb. 5, 1841. Reprinted in Miscellaneous Works of Lord Macaulay, ed. Lady Trevelyan (6 vols., New York, 1880), V, 228-43. [5. ]The Copyright Question, QR, LXIX (Dec., 1841), 186-227. J. G. Lockhart was editor of the Quarterly Review, 1825-53. [6. ]The Dec., 1841, QR was published on Jan. 1, 1842. See Spectator, Jan. 1, 1842, p. 24. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Gustave dEichthal / 14 Rue Lepelletier / Paris. Postmarks: LONDON / 8 / JAN / 1842 and 10 / CALAIS. Published in DEichthal Corresp., pp. 196-200, and in Cosmopolis, IX, 379-81. MS at Arsenal. The first postmark would seem to indicate that JSM had misdated his letter. [2. ]The Logic did not appear until 1843. [3. ]See Letter 312, n. 4. [4. ]D. F. Strauss (1808-1874), German rationalist theologian, author of Das Leben Jesu (2 vols., Tbingen, 1835), and Christliche Glaubenslehre . . . (2 vols., Tbingen, 1840-41). [5. ]Pierre Henri Leroux, De lHumanit, de son principe et de son avenir . . . (2 vols., Paris, 1840). [6. ]Page torn. The Tractarian or Puseyite movement led by John Henry Newman. [1. ]MS in the possession of Sir John Murray. See Letter 337. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letter 285. [3. ]No such article appeared. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Alexander Bain. [3. ]George Henry Lewes. [4. ]On Toys, WR, XXXVII (Jan., 1842), 97-121. [5. ]Which letter has not been ascertained. [6. ]Sir David Brewster (1781-1868), Scottish scientist and educator. [1. ]MS in the possession of Sir John Murray.
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[2. ]See Letters 337 and 340. Samuel Smiles in his memoir of John Murray, A Publisher and His Friends (2 vols., London, 1891), II, 499, notes that Murray was very ill at this time and could not give attention to the work. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 26-32. In answer to Comtes of Jan. 17, 1842, ibid., pp. 16-25. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]JSMs review did not appear in the Edinburgh until Jan., 1844. [1. ]MS at LSE. No date [paper watermarked 1841]. John William Parker (1792-1870), publisher and printer. [2. ]Presumably the referee whom Parker had asked to see the manuscript of the Logic. See Letter 351, n. 2. [3. ]Book III of the Logic, Of Induction. [1. ]Addressed: Madame Austin / Poste Restante / Dresden. Postmark: LONDON / 11 / MAR / 1842. MS in Goldsmiths Library, University of London. [2. ]Both JSM and the Austins suffered losses by the repudiation of the debts of some of the American states. See Letter 331, n. 2. [3. ]George Cornewall Lewis. [4. ]James Stephen. [5. ]Austins review of Friedrich Lists Das nationale System der politischen Oekonomie (Stuttgart and Tbingen, 1841), in ER, LXXV (July, 1842), 515-56. [6. ]The second reading of this bill for the improvement of the law of evidence was heard in the House of Lords on March 8, 1842. [7. ]John Singleton Copley, first Baron Lyndhurst, Lord Chancellor. [8. ]William Draper Best, first Baron Wynford (1767-1845), Deputy Speaker of the House of Lords. [9. ]An insurrection against the British in Afghanistan had arisen in Nov., 1841. In Jan. the British had been forced to evacuate Kabul and their forces were subsequently annihilated. News of the disaster at Kabul reached England early in March. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Auguste Comte / 10 Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. Postmark: LONDON / 22 / MAR / 1842. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 40-45. In answer to Comtes letter of March 4, 1842, ibid., pp. 32-40.
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[2. ]JSMs quotation is not wholly accurate: Quand un Franais et un Anglais pensent de mme, il faut bien quils aient raison (Lettre XXII, Sur M. Pope et quelques autres potes fameux, Lettres philosophiques, in uvres compltes de Voltaire, ed. Louis Moland, XXII [Paris, 1879], 178). [3. ]Joseph de Maistre, Du Pape (2 vols., Lyon, 1819). [4. ]Philippe Joseph Benjamin Buchez (1796-1865), physician, politician, and writer. Originally, along with Comte, he had been associated with the Saint-Simonians. Comte had left them because they were too mystical; Buchez, because they were not spiritual enough. He subsequently developed a Neo-Catholic doctrine which attempted to reconcile Christianity and the ideals of the Revolution. [5. ]Comte in his letter of March 4 had predicted that the final volume of his great work might so offend the professional hierarchy as to cause him to lose his teaching position at the Ecole Polytechnique, an appointment that had to be renewed annually by vote of the professors. See Letter 377, n. 3. [6. ]Comte had recommended works by Spurzheim and Gall. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]Athelwold; A Tragedy in Five Acts, published in March, 1842, by William Henry Smith. The play was greatly admired by Mrs. Taylor. G. S. Merriam, The Story of William and Lucy Smith (Boston, 1899), p. 110, reports that JSM wrote to the author quoting the favourable opinion of Mrs. Taylor; no such letter has been found. The Examiner, which Fonblanque was editing, seems to have carried no review of Athelwold. [3. ]Remarks on Law Reform (London, 1840). [4. ]A Discourse on Ethics of the School of Paley (London, 1839). [5. ]For March 5, 1842, p. 234. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Postmark: FALMOUTH / 6 APRIL 1842. Published with omissions in Pym, II, 329-31. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]Because of continuing slight haemorrhages, Sterling had been obliged to accept medical advice to take a trip to the Mediterranean. [3. ]The remainder of this paragraph was first published by Julius Hare in his memoir of Sterling in the latters Essays and Tales (London, 1848), I, cxciii. [4. ]The Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends in May, which the Foxes usually attended. [5. ]See Letter 343, n. 2.
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[6. ]See next letter, n. 3, and Letter 357, penultimate paragraph. [1. ]MS at Kings. [2. ]The referee was William Cooke Taylor (1800-1849), miscellaneous writer and historian. Parker had sent the opinion in the referees own handwriting but had withheld the name. He forgot, said JSM, that I had been an Editor, and knew the handwriting of nearly every literary man of the day (Bain, JSM, p. 66 n.). [3. ]Parker declined. See Letter 357. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]Rev. John Philips Potter (1793-1861), who later published Characteristics of the Greek Philosophers, Socrates and Plato (London, 1845). [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]The Austins were still in Germany. [3. ]Bernhard August von Lindenau (1779-1854), astronomer and statesman. [4. ]Probably A History of the Literature of Ancient Greece; translated from the German Manuscript of Karl Otfried Mller by G. C. Lewis (2 vols., London, 1840-42). [5. ]The literary remains of the great German archaeologist, Karl Otfried Mller (1797-1840). Mrs. Austin appears not to have undertaken the translation. [6. ]See Letter 347, n. 5. [1. ]MS at UCL. Endorsed in another hand: John Mill Esq / on the Sanatory [sic] Report / April / 42. [2. ]Evidently a draft of Report of the Poor Law Commissioners to the Secretary of State, on an inquiry into the sanitary condition of the labouring population of Great Britain, 1842, XXVI (House of Lords). [1. ]Published in J. Barthlemy-Saint Hilaire, M. Victor Cousin, Sa Vie et Sa Correspondance (3 vols. Paris, 1895), II, 456-57. MS not located. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 53-57. In answer to Comtes letter of April 5, 1842, ibid., pp. 45-53. [2. ]Presumably his lectures published in the Journal des cours publics de jurisprudence, histoire et belles lettres ( 2 vols., Paris, 1820-22), which were later revised for his Histoire des origines du gouvernement reprsentatif en Europe (2 vols., Paris, 1851).
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[3. ]In his letter of April 5 Comte had been bitterly critical of Guizot. [4. ]Cours dHistoire moderne (6 vols., Paris, 1829-32). [5. ]Franz Joseph Gall, Sur les fonctions du cerveau et sur celles de chacune de ses parties . . . (6 vols., Paris, 1825). Gall (1758-1828), anatomist, physiologist, was the founder of phrenology. JSM had heard of Galls theories as early as 1821 in a lecture at Montpellier (see John Mills Boyhood Visit to France, ed. Anna Jean Mill [Toronto, 1960], pp. 110 ff.). [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Postmarks: 10 MAY 1842 and FALMOUTH / 11 MAY 1842. Published, except for last paragraph, in Pym, II, 331-32. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]A lecture on modern British poets. See Pym, I, 292. [3. ]Henrietta Melvill (1816-1900), daughter of Sir James Cosmo Melvill (1792-1861), official of the East India Company. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. Gordon Waterfield. [2. ]See Letter 347, n. 5. [3. ]Her next article in the Edinburgh appears to have been, On the Changes of Social Life in Germany, LXXVII (Feb., 1843), 138-69. [4. ]Mrs. Austin in 1840 had published her translation of Leopold von Ranke as The Ecclesiastical and Political History of the Popes of Rome during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (3 vols., London). [5. ]Her anthology of translations, Fragments from German Prose Writers (London, 1841). [6. ]See Letter 353, n. 5. [7. ]She had published her translation of two scenes from Goethes Egmont in her Fragments from German Prose Writers. [8. ]William Charles Macready (1793-1873), actor, at this time manager of the Drury Lane Theatre. [9. ]William Benjamin Carpenter (1813-1885), prominent physician and scientist (see Letter 386), son of Dr. Lant Carpenter (1780-1840), Unitarian minister. [1. ]MS at UCL. Endorsed in another hand: J. Mill Esqr / On the Sanatory [sic] Report / May [crossed out], June 8 / 42. [2. ]See Letter 354, n. 2.
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[3. ]JSM kept his promise; he wrote the greater part of the article on Chadwicks Report in the Examiner, Aug. 20, 1842, pp. 530-31. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 64-69. In answer to Comtes of May 29, ibid., pp. 57-64. [2. ]Comte had been much impressed with this coined word of JSM in his letter of Feb. 25, 1842 (Letter 344), and had asked permission to use it. Years later JSM again employed the word, in the penultimate paragraph of his On Liberty. [3. ]See Letter 356, n. 5. [4. ]MS torn. [5. ]Claude Adrien Helvtius (1715-1771), philosopher and psychologist. [6. ]Johann Caspar Spurzheim (1776-1832), a disciple of Gall in the development of phrenology. [1. ]In reply to letter by John Austin, June 27, 1842, at LSE. MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]The Logic. [3. ]Sir Alexander Duff-Gordon (1811-1872), who had married Austins only child, Lucie. [4. ]Thomas Brown. [5. ]Sir David Brewster. [6. ]Sir John Frederick William Herschel (1792-1871), astronomer. [7. ]The review of William Whewells History of the Inductive Sciences (3 vols., London, 1837) and The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (2 vols., London, 1840) appeared in QR, LXVIII (June, 1841), 177-238. [8. ]See Letter 347, n. 5. [9. ]I.e., prohibitory tariffs. [10. ]Sir Henry George Grey, Viscount Howick, later third Earl Grey (1802-1894), statesman. The occasion of the speech was a parliamentary debate on the public distress. Much of his speech was devoted to the Corn Laws, but towards the close he remarked, as reported in The Times (July 7, 1842, p. 2), he was induced to believe that a very different temper and spirit than had hitherto existed were fast springing up, that such a temper and spirit were no longer confined to the meetings of Chartists, but were rapidly gaining ground in the country. [11. ]The accompanying table of contents of the Logic has been omitted here.
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[12. ]The first two volumes of Barthold Georg Niebuhrs famous Rmische Geschichte had been published in Berlin in 1812; the third volume in 1832. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 76-81; in answer to Comtes of June 19, ibid., pp. 69-76. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]See Letter 352. [1. ]MS in the Lovett Collection of the Municipal Reference Library, Birmingham. Copy supplied by Mr. Peter M. Jackson. William Lovett (1800-1877), one of the most influential leaders of the Chartist movement. [2. ]The National Association for Promoting the Political and Social Improvement of the People, founded in 1841 by Lovett and his Chartist associates. On July 25, 1842, two days before this letter, the Association opened its National Hall at 242A, High Holborn (the renovated Gate Street Chapel), with a public festival devoted to public meetings, lectures, concerts, and classes. John Temple Leader, MP, presided at the opening ceremonies. JSM was a subscriber to the Association during 1842-43, along with such liberals as Joseph Hume, George Grote, and Charles Buller (see Julius West, A History of the Chartist Movement [Boston, 1920], pp. 159-61). [3. ]Henry Hetherington (1792-1849), veteran publisher of unstamped workingmens papers, including The Poor Mans Guardian (1832-35), and a leader in the Chartist movement. He was the first secretary of the National Association. JSM no doubt heard him at one of the meetings referred to in the preceding note. [4. ]The demands of the Chartists, formulated as early as 1837, comprised: (1) manhood suffrage; (2) vote by ballot; (3) abolition of the property qualification for membership in Parliament; (4) payment of members; (5) equal electoral districts; (6) annual parliaments. [5. ]Joseph Sturge (1793-1859), philanthropist and reformer, had founded the National Complete Suffrage Union on April 9, 1842. [1. ]Text supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon from original owned in 1944 by Mr. Edward C. Ames, 2904 Goddard Road, Toledo, Ohio. Photostat copy now at LSE. [1. ]Published in Mayer, pp. 336-38. MS in Tocqueville archives. [2. ]Discours de M. de Tocqueville prononc dans la sance publique du 21 avril 1842 en venant prendre sance la place de M. Le Comte de Cessac (Paris, 1842). [3. ]He had been elected a member of the Acadmie des Sciences Morales et Politiques in 1838.
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[1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 90-94; in answer to Comtes of July 22, ibid., pp. 81-90. [2. ]In his letter of July 22 Comte had asked JSM to help find a position for an unfortunate young friend of his. [3. ]Charles Joseph Patissier, marquis de Bussy-Castelnau (1718-1785); Benot LeBorgne, comte de Boigne (1741-1830); Pierre Cuellier Perron (ca. 1755-1843); French military leaders in the Anglo-French wars in India. [4. ]Two promotions in 1836 had brought him to rank only behind David Hill and Thomas Love Peacock in the Examiners office. His salary was 1,200 a year. When Peacock and Hill retired in 1856, JSM was promoted to the Examinership at a salary of 2,000. [5. ]Antoine Jrme Balard (1802-1876), chemist, known for his discovery of bromine. Comte in his reply of Aug. 24 reported that Balard was now professor of chemistry in Paris. Several of Balards early letters to JSM are at LSE. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]See Letter 325. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. Gordon Waterfield. [2. ]Nassau Senior. [3. ]Unidentified. [4. ]Samuel Laing, Notes of a Traveller on the social and political state of France, Prussia, Switzerland, Italy . . . during the present century (London, 1842). The first edition was published in Jan.; a second, on Sept. 24, 1842. [5. ]Mrs. Austin was apparently planning to review the book for the Edinburgh Review. [6. ]See Letter 347, n. 5. [7. ]Austin had received an offer of an appointment to return to Malta. See letter of G. C. Lewis to George Grote, Sept. 6, 1842: Austin had quite made up his mind as to the Malta project; his principal reason seemed to be that the salary was not sufficient to enable him to save anything, and he had enough to live upon in Germany. Moreover, he seemed quite uncertain about his health. (Letters of Sir George Cornewall Lewis, ed. Sir G. F. Lewis [London, 1870], p. 125.) [8. ]A review of the German philosopher Henrik Steffens autobiography, Was ich erlebte (Breslau, 1840) in BFR, XIII (1842), 279-315.
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[9. ]Wilhelm Wachsmuth (1787-1866), German archaeologist and historian, author of Die ltere Geschichte der Rmer . . . (Halle, 1819). [10. ]See Letter 373, n. 6. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Falmouth. Postmark: FALMOUTH / SE 10 1842. Published in Pym, II, 334-36. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]In 1829 and 1832 respectively. [3. ]Frederick Denison Maurice, The Kingdom of Christ (3 vols., London, 1837). A second, revised edition in 2 vols. appeared in 1842. [4. ]Encyclopdia Metropolitana, ed. Edward Smedley, Hugh James Rose, and Henry J. Rose, published in 59 parts (London, 1817-45). Maurices article, published in 1840, was the basis of his later treatises on the history of philosophy which were eventually combined in his Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy (2 vols., London, 1871-72). [5. ]JSMs family. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 106-10; in reply to Comtes of Aug. 24, ibid., pp. 95-105. [2. ]See Letter 367, n. 2. [3. ]Comte had written in his letter of Aug. 24 (Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 102-4) of the voluntary, and probably irrevocable, departure on Aug. 2 of his wife, to whom he had been married for seventeen years. She had left him and been taken back several times before, but this time he refused. She continued to hope for a reunion and they corresponded for a number of years. [4. ]Here some words are missing in the MS. [1. ]Addressed: R. B. Fox, Esq. / Falmouth. Postmarks: B / PAID / SE 20 1842 and SE 21 / 1842. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. Published by Pym, II, 337. [2. ]Carlyles three-day Cromwellian tour had been made in the first week of Sept. See his letter to John Carlyle in J. A. Froude, Thomas Carlyle: A History of His Life in London, 1834-1881 (2 vols., New York, 1884), I, 235. His Cromwellian book was published three years later: Oliver Cromwells Letters and Speeches (2 vols., London, 1845). [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letters 285, n. 3, and 296. [3. ]Ferdinand Walter, Geschichte des rmischen Rechts bis auf Justinian.
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[4. ]The History of Rome published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge was in three parts: Division I [to 390 ] by Henry Malden (London, 1830); Division II [390 to 31] by William Bodham Donne (London, 1841); The History of Rome under the Emperors by Charles Merivale (London, 1841-43). [5. ]Thomas Arnold, History of Rome (3 vols., London, 1838-43). The third volume, ed. J. C. Hare, appeared in 1843. [6. ]Bailey on Berkeleys Theory of Vision, WR, XXXVIII (Oct., 1842), 318-36. A review of Samuel Baileys A Review of Berkeleys Theory of Vision (London, 1842). Reprinted in Dissertations, II, 162-97. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 77. MS not located. [2. ]Where his home then was. [1. ]MS owned by Frederick B. Adams, Jr., of New York. The recipient has not been identified with certainty. He may have been James Whiting (ca. 1777-1871), founder of the Atlas newspaper in 1826 and a writer on social and economic questions. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letter 373. [3. ]The tribute (written by Herman Merivale) appeared in the Jan., 1843, Edinburgh, The Late Dr. Arnold, LXXVI, 357-81. [4. ]See Letter 373, n. 6. [5. ]W. E. Hickson. [6. ]Review of Archibald Alison, History of Europe, from the Commencement of the French Revolution in 1789, to . . . 1815 (10 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1833-42) in ER, LXXVI (Oct., 1842), 1-60. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 119-24; in reply to Comtes of Sept. 30, ibid., pp. 110-18. [2. ]Cours de philosophie positive: Complment de la philosophie sociale, et conclusions gnrales (Paris, 1842), Vol. 6. [3. ]In his Preface Personnelle to the sixth volume Comte blamed his failure to secure tenure and an adequate compensation at the Ecole Polytechnique upon the antipathy of his colleagues to the positive philosophy. He singled out for particular attack Professor Franois Arago (1786-1853), one of the most distinguished scientists of the time. M. Bachelier, Comtes publisher, who was under obligations to Arago, demanded that Comte delete the attack on Arago. When Comte refused, Bachelier
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without permission printed before the Preface an Avis de lEditeur in which he disavowed the attack on Arago. Comte later that year successfully brought suit against Bachelier in the Tribunal de Commerce, and the publisher was required to suppress the Avis in all the unsold copies. For an account of the controversy which led to Comtes losing his position in 1844, see Emile Littr, Auguste Comte et la philosophie positive (2nd ed., Paris, 1864), chap. vii of Part II. [4. ]Charles Sturm (1803-1855), French mathematician. [1. ]All but first sentence published in Elliot, I, 121-22. MS at Leeds. [2. ]In pencil in another hand. [3. ]Poems by Alfred Tennyson, QR, LXX (Sept., 1842), 385-416. [4. ]The Press; Written for the Printers of Sheffield on the Passing of the Reform Bill, in The Splendid Village . . . and Other Poems (3 vols., London, 1833-35), I, 121-22. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 122-23. MS at Leeds. [2. ]See preceding letter. [3. ]Lays of Ancient Rome had been published on Oct. 27, 1842. JSM reviewed it favourably in WR, XXXIX (Feb., 1843), 105-13. [4. ]Thomas Campbell. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 27 and 38. MS at Yale. [2. ]Character and Works of Gthe, BFR, XIV (March, 1843), 78-135. [3. ]Spinozas Life and Works, WR, XXXIX (May, 1843), 372-407. [4. ]Lewes in the article on Goethe quoted a long passage from JSMs essay on Bentham (see BFR, XIV [March, 1843], 131: the passage beginning, Every human action has three aspects,its moral aspect, or that of its right and wrong; its aesthetic aspect, or that of its beauty; its sympathetic aspect or that of its lovableness, and ending the error of moralists in general, and of Bentham, is to sink the two latter entirely, may be found in Dissertations, I, pp. 412-13). [5. ]In the original a line is drawn through the sentence, probably because of the postscript. [6. ]The congratulations were, no doubt, on the birth of Lewess eldest son, Charles Lee Lewes, born Nov. 24, 1842 (Kitchel, p. 39).
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[1. ]Excerpt published by Bain, JSM, p. 77. MS not located. [1. ]Published in Kitchel, pp. 39-40, but undated. Now dated by reference in paragraph 2. MS at Yale. [2. ]Professor Kitchel thinks that this refers to an early draft of the Preface to his Biographical History of Philosophy, which was not published, however, until 1845. [3. ]A letter signed Z (The Times, Wednesday, Dec. 7, 1842, p. 5) objects to Lewes attack (in The Errors and Abuses of English Criticism, WR, XXXVIII [Oct., 1842], 466-86) on anonymous criticism. Z. calls Lewes a radical and takes issue with his contention that anonymous criticism harmed Keats, Shelley, Byron, and Coleridge. [4. ]See Letter 380, n. 6. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 134-40; in reply to Comtes of Nov. 5, ibid., pp. 124-33. [2. ]Trait lmentaire de Gomtrie analytiqe deux et trois dimensions (Paris, 1843). [3. ]Richard Carlile (1790-1843), printer and author of freethought papers. [4. ]See Letter 386. [1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Perran Cottage / near Truro. Postmark: 19 DE 1842. Except first paragraph, published in Pym, II, 338-39. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]Philip Melvill (1817-1854), in the East India service, became Secretary to the Chief Commissioner for Affairs in the Punjab, 1853. [3. ]Caroline Fox in her journal (Pym, I, 316) records that on June 16, 1842, the Mills joined the Foxes in a tour of the old Church of the Templars. John Mill talked about his book on Logic, which he is going to give us; but he declares it will be more intelligible than interestinghow intelligible he will find out in two years. He forbids my reading it, though, except some chapters which he will point out. It would be like my reading a book on mining because you [the Foxes] live in Cornwallit would be making Friendship a burden. [4. ]His sister, Mary Elizabeth Mill (1822-1913), later (1847) Mrs. Charles Frederick Colman. [5. ]See Letter 372. [1. ]From a copy in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. A note on the verso in a hand other than JSMs dates this letter Jan 743, but this is probably the date of receipt of the letter, since Friday of this week fell on Jan. 6.
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[2. ]Probably Charles Wentworth Dilke. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 150-55; in reply to Comtes of Dec. 30, 1842, ibid., pp. 140-50. [2. ]The case had been tried on Dec. 15. See Letter 377, n. 3. [3. ]Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696-1782), Scottish judge and writer. His Essays on the Principles of Morality and Natural Religion (Edinburgh, 1751), written to combat the doctrines of David Hume, resulted in his own orthodoxy being questioned; he was tried but acquitted by the Presbytery of Edinburgh. [4. ]Adam Ferguson (1723-1816), professor of pneumatics and moral philosophy at Edinburgh University. [5. ]William Benjamin Carpenter, best known for his Principles of General and Comparative Physiology (London, 1839), the second edition of which JSM had reviewed briefly in WR, XXXVII (Jan., 1842), 254. [6. ]In the winter of 1820-21. [7. ]Comte had reported that Dr. Romo Pouzin was now a professor in the school of pharmacy. [8. ]The family of Etienne Brard, prominent chemist of Montpellier. His son, Jacques Etienne Brard (1789-1869), achieved an even greater reputation as a chemist (see John Mills Boyhood Visit to France, ed. Anna Jean Mill [Toronto, 1960], p. 38). [9. ]Not identified. Perhaps the M. Guillaume referred to in JSMs Notebook of 1820 (see ibid., p. 76, n. 140 and 141). [1. ]Envelope addressed: R. Barclay Fox Esq. / Perran Cottage / Truro. Postmark: LS 14 / FE 1843. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. Published in Pym, II, 340-41. [2. ]JSMS Logic. [3. ]See Letter 372. [1. ]Published in Mayer, pp. 340-41; in reply to Tocquevilles of Feb. 9, ibid., pp. 339-40. MS in Tocqueville archives. Tocqueville protested vigorously against an attack made upon him in the House of Lords on Feb. 2 in a debate on the right of search. Brougham centred his attack on a speech made by Tocqueville in the Chamber of Deputies on Jan. 28, reprinted from the Moniteur in his uvres, ed. Gustave Beaumont (9 vols., Paris, 1864-66), IX, 389-406. Tocquevilles letter to Brougham is in Mayer, pp. 341-42. [2. ]Lord Brougham and M. de Tocqueville, Feb. 20, 1843, p. 3.
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[3. ]William Hickson, for whom he had provided a letter of introduction to Tocqueville. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. Gordon Waterfield. [2. ]Mrs. Austins translation of Leopold von Rankes History of the Reformation in Germany was published by Longman in 1844. [3. ]John Henry Parker (1806-1884), bookseller and writer on architecture. [4. ]John William Parker, JSMs publisher. [5. ]See Letter 358, n. 3. The article was a review of books by two German novelists, Johanna Schopenhauer and Caroline Pichler. [6. ]Holland House, the London home of Henry Fox, Lord Holland, was for forty years the most famous of the Whig salons. For an account of the visitors who came there, see Princess Marie Liechtenstein, Holland House (London, 1875), chap. iv. [7. ]The bankruptcy of an unidentified company in which both the Austins and the Grotes had investments must have been a much harder blow for the Austins than for the Grotes, who were comparatively well to do. The portion of George Grotes letter of Feb., 1843, to John Austin published in Janet Ross, Three Generations of Englishwomen (London, 1892), p. 191, throws no light on the matter. Even the Grotes, however, found their losses serious enough as to oblige them to make some retrenchments; Mrs. Grote in a letter to her sister in June, 1843, reported that they had lost 11,000 by American failures (see The Lewin Letters, ed. T. H. Lewin [2 vols., London, 1909], II, 24). [8. ]See Letter 331, no. 2. [9. ]To go to Germany (see Letter 408, postscript). [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 165-70; in reply to Comtes of Feb. 27, ibid., pp. 155-65. [2. ]Comtes practice of not reading other writers books. [3. ]George Mill. [4. ]Henry Mill. [5. ]Comte in his letter of Feb. 27 bespoke JSMs help for him as a former pupil who has become an official in charge of public works in Egypt and who plans to visit England to gain technical information. [1. ]MS at Kew. [2. ]The Logic.
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[3. ]George Bentham in 1841 had moved to Pontrilas House, Hereford. Previously, from 1834, he had lived in the house in Queen Square which he had inherited from his uncle Jeremy. [1. ]MS at Kew. [2. ]In his Labiatarum Genera et Species . . . (London, 1832-36) and other publications. See the bibliography of his scientific publications in B. Daydon Jackson, George Bentham (London, 1906), pp. 269-84. [1. ]MS in the possession of Lady Hermione Cobbold. Collated by Dr. Eileen Curran. Published in Elliot, I, 123-24. [2. ]The Logic. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]Probably George (later Sir George) Ramsay (1800-1871), philosophical writer. The tract in question has not been identified. [3. ]An Enquiry into the Principles of Human Happiness and Human Duty (London, 1843). [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 178-83; in reply to Comtes of March 25, ibid., pp. 171-78. [2. ]See Letter 383, n. 2. [3. ]The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury, ed. Sir William Molesworth (11 vols., London, 1839-45). Also, Thomae Hobbes Malmesburiensis Opera philosophica quae Latine scripsit omnia . . . , ed. Sir William Molesworth (5 vols., London, 1839-45). [4. ]Comte in his letter of March 23, 1843 (Lvy-Bruhl, p. 175), had written: le fameux Schiller ne ma jamais paru, daprs les traductions, quune sorte de gauche imitateur du grand Shakespeare, bien plutt quun vrai pote; sa niaise sentimentalit mtaphysique, rchauffe par linfluence de Rousseau, mest dailleurs insupportable. [5. ]Johann Paul Friedrich Richter (1763-1825), German novelist and humorist. [6. ]Johann Ludwig Tieck (1773-1853), German poet, dramatist, and novelist. [1. ]MS at Leeds. Published in Elliot, I, 124-25. The year has been pencilled in in another hand. [2. ]Sterlings mother had died on April 16; his wife, two days later. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society and published with its permission.
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[2. ]The Logic. [3. ]Herschels A Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy (London, 1831), which constituted The Introduction or Preface to the Cabinet of Natural Philosophy in Dionysius Lardners Cabinet Cyclopdia (133 vols., London, 1830-49). JSM had reviewed it favourably in the Examiner, March 20, 1831, pp. 179-80. [4. ]Probably Friedrich Eduard Benekes System der Logik als Kunstlehre des Denkens (2 vols., Berlin, 1842). [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Auguste Comte / 10 Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. Postmark: 15 JU 15 / 1843. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 204-10; in reply to Comtes of May 16 and May 28, ibid., pp. 183-204. [2. ]The renewal of his annual appointment at the Ecole Polytechnique. [3. ]Comte replied that he now saw little of Marrast and did not know who the professor was; he further warned JSM against blindly entrusting the translation of the Logic to someone who might be hostile to positivism (Lvy-Bruhl, p. 215). On Dec. 23 Comte reported that the professor in question was a M. Mallet, professor of philosophy at the Collge de Saint-Louis (ibid., p. 293) [Charles Auguste Mallet (1807-1876)]. Mallet did not translate the Logic. [4. ]Henri Marie Ducrotay de Blainville (1777-1850), eminent naturalist. [5. ]Louis Poinsot (1777-1859), mathematician, secretary of the Academy of Science. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]The only evidence for dating this letter is that in his letter of Oct. 23 (Letter 408) JSM refers to a visit of Barclay Fox to London earlier in the year, and that Barclay appears to have been absent from Falmouth in June and July. [3. ]Barclay Foxs uncle and aunt, of Trebah, near Falmouth. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 219-25; in reply to Comtes of June 29, ibid., pp. 210-19. [2. ]The Modern Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy of France, BFR, XV (1843), 353-406. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 236-42; in reply to Comtes of July 16 and Aug. 28, ibid., pp. 225-35. [2. ]John Bowring. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 78. MS not located.
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[1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / le Professeur Michelet / aux archives du royaume / Paris. Postmarks: LONDON / 12 / SEP / 1843 and [. . .] ANGL. / 14 / SEPT / 43. MS at Bibliothque Historique de la Ville de Paris, rue de Sevign, Paris. Transcript provided by Professor Cecil Lang. [2. ]Boniface VIII, BFR, XIII (1842), 415-41. Michelet was attacked for misstatements, inadequate use of sources, groundless assertions, important omissions, and stupid mistakes. [3. ]In Histories of the Reformation (a review of works by Leopold Ranke and J. H. Merle dAubign), BFR, XV (1843), 101-51. At one point, after citing Michelet, this reviewer, in a footnote (p. 119), remarks: We must not pass by this opportunity of noticing this most singular and original writer; the most attractive of recent historians, with all his faults, of which the vulgar Anti-Anglicism of his last volumes seems to us not the least. [1. ]Addressed: A Monsieur / Auguste Comte / Examinateur pour lEcole Polytechnique / en tourne / Montpellier / dpartement de lHrault. Postmark: LONDON / 13 / OCT / 1843. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 254-55; in reply to Comtes of Oct. 5; ibid., pp. 242-53. [2. ]The probable reasons were the very poor health of Mrs. Taylor at this time and the financial losses he had suffered in the repudiation of some American bonds. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. Published, with one omission, in Napier Corresp., pp. 441-42. [2. ]A review [by William Empson] of John Bowrings Memoirs of Jeremy Bentham (Edinburgh, 1843) in ER, LXXVIII (Oct., 1843), 460-516. [3. ]The request was granted. See Letter 407. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / M. Auguste Comte / 10 Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. Postmark: 17 OCT 17 / 1843. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in LvyBruhl, pp. 255-56. [2. ]John Austin. [3. ]Sarah Austin. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. Published, with omissions, in Napier Corresp., pp. 442-44. [2. ]See Letter 405. [3. ]JSMs vindication of his father appeared under the title, Letter from John S. Mill, Esq., to the Editor in ER, LXXIX (Jan., 1844), 267-71. [4. ]See Letters 285, n. 3, and 333.
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[1. ]Addressed: R. Barclay Fox / Perran Cottage / near Truro. Postmark: TRURO / OC 24 / 1843. MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. Published in part in Pym, II, 341-42. [2. ]See preceding letter, n. 4. [3. ]In the review JSM praised the mediaeval Catholic Church as the authorized champion of intelligence and self-control and as at that time the great improver and civilizer of Europe (Dissertations, II, 231). He also praised Hildebrand, Pope Gregory VII (ca. 1025-1085), for strengthening the power of the papacy against the state and for his reforms within the church itself (ibid., pp. 236-37). [4. ]Earlier in 1843 a long-threatened schism in the Church of Scotland on the question of its Assemblys power over local presbyteries had resulted in the withdrawal of about one-third of its ministers and members to form the Free Church of Scotland. [5. ]See preceding letter, n. 3. [6. ]After the death of his mother and his wife in April, Sterling had bought a house at Ventnor, Isle of Wight, and moved his family there in June, 1843. [7. ]See Letter 387. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]As the article referred to in the body of the letter appeared in Oct., this letter is probably of the same date as the preceding one to R. B. Fox, with which it was presumably enclosed. [3. ]British Critic, XXXIV (Oct., 1843), 349-427, by W. G. Ward. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Auguste Comte / 10 Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. Postmark: 30 OCT 30 / 1843. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 259-72; in reply to Comtes of Oct. 5 and 22, ibid., pp. 242-53, 257-59. [2. ]JSMs projected book on ethology, the science of the formation of character, had been outlined in Book VI, chap. 5 of the Logic, but it was never completed. See also Letters 416, 417, and 482. [3. ]See his discussion of the method of residues in his Logic, Book III, chap. viii, sec. 5. [4. ]JSMs discussion here of the role and education of women should be compared with his final treatment of the topic in The Subjection of Women (London, 1869). [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 78. MS not located.
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[1. ]Published in Mayer, pp. 346-47; in reply to Tocquevilles of Oct. 27, ibid., pp. 344-46. MS in Tocqueville archives. [2. ]Book VI, chap. 2, Of Liberty and Necessity. [3. ]See Letters 285, n. 3, and 333. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 78. MS not located. [2. ]See Letters 410 and 416. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Rt. Rev. Charles Larrabee Street, as is also Coles reply of Nov. 15, 1843. [2. ]JSM and his family had lost heavily by the repudiation of debts by some of the American states. See Letter 331, n. 2. [3. ]Cole had been employed by a newly established Record Commission in 1831, under the secretaryship of Charles Purton Cooper (1793-1873). In 1836, at the risk of losing his position, Cole had memorialized the Record Commission about the arbitrary conduct of Cooper. Coles appeal to his friend Charles Buller led to Bullers bringing the subject of the mismanagement of the Record Commission before the House of Commons on Feb. 18, 1836. A subsequent investigation led to the vindication of Cole and the establishment of the Public Record Office in 1838, at which time Cole was appointed one of the four senior assistant-keepers (see Sir Henry Cole, Fifty Years of Public Work [2 vols., London, 1884], I, 1-33). [1. ]MS in the possession of the Rt. Rev. Charles Larrabee Street. Endorsed in another hand: J. Mill 1843. Agreeing to proposed time of payment of loanH.C. [2. ]The Guide was a weekly newspaper established by Molesworth, J. T. Leader, Cole and others, with Cole as editor; it ran from April 22, 1837, to April 1, 1838. Cole, in his answer to JSMs letter of Nov. 14, 1843, explained that he had discharged debts of the Guide of 150 more than need to have been ascribed to him. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 283-87; in reply to Comtes of Nov. 14, ibid., pp. 273-83. [2. ]The most notable was W. G. Wards in the British Critic (see Letter 409, n. 3). [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 78. MS not located. [2. ]See Letters 410 and 416. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 79. MS not located. [2. ]See Letter 397, n. 4. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus.
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[2. ]M. Guizots Essays and Lectures on History, ER, LXXXII (Oct., 1845), 381-421; reprinted in Dissertations, II, 297-362. [3. ]See Letters 405 and 407. [4. ][Nassau Senior], Ireland, ER, LXXIX (Jan., 1844), 189-266. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 295-98; in reply to Comtes of Dec. 23, 1843, ibid., pp. 288-95. [2. ]The Logic (first edition) Book VI, chap. x, Of the Inverse Deductive, or Historical Method. Professor John M. Robson has called to the editors attention the fact that late editions have twelve chapters; chap. xi was added in the fifth edition. [3. ]Otherwise unidentified than as Comtes unfortunate protg (see Lvy-Bruhl, p. 293), for whom Comte had sought JSMs help (see Letter 367, and Comtes letter of July 22, 1842, Lvy-Bruhl, p. 88). Apparently nothing ever came of the proposal to have Bernard translate the Logic. A translation was eventually published by Louis Peisse: Systme de logique dductive et inductive, expos des principes de la preuve et des mthodes de recherche scientifique, par John Stuart Mill. Traduit sur la 6e edition anglaise . . . (2 vols., Paris, 1866). [4. ]See Comtes letter of Dec. 23, 1843, Lvy-Bruhl, p. 294. [5. ]See Letter 400, n. 2. [1. ]MS at LSE. [1. ]MS at Kings. [2. ]George Cornewall Lewis. [3. ]Samuel Laing, Notes of a Traveller on the Social and Political State of France, Prussia, Switzerland, Italy, and other parts of Europe, during the present century (London, 1842). [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]His engagement to Miss Jane Backhouse of Darlington had been announced. [3. ]See Letter 408. [1. ]MS at LSE. Page 3 of letter bears note in another hand [Taits]: Agreed to this, by letter 25 March 1844. [2. ]Later that year published by J. W. Parker: Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy (London, 1844). See Letter 43, n. 14. [1. ]MS at Goldsmiths Library, University of London.
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[2. ]See preceding letter. [3. ]Robert Torrens, The Budget. On Commercial and Colonial Policy, with an introduction, in which the deductive method, as presented in Mr. Mills System of Logic is applied to the solution of some controverted questions in political economy (London, 1844). [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 306-9; in reply to Comtes of Feb. 6, ibid., pp. 299-305. [2. ]Discours sur lEsprit positif (Paris, 1844). See Lvy-Bruhl, p. 301. [3. ]See next letter. [4. ]See Letter 43, n. 14. [5. ]Eventually published as Principles of Political Economy, with Some of their Applications to Social Philosophy (2 vols., London, 1848). [1. ]MS at LSE. [1. ]MS in 1944 in the possession of Dr. Adrian Ver Brugghen, Evanston, Ill. See Letter 433. [2. ]Eventually published as Duveyriers Political Views of French Affairs, ER, LXXXIII (April, 1846), 453-74. [1. ]Addressed: J. W. Parker Esq. / West Strand. MS at LSE. [2. ]Presumably Lewes A Biographical History of Philosophy, which Parker published in four volumes, 1845-46. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]David Masson (1822-1907), Scottish man of letters, best known for his The Life of John Milton (6 vols., Cambridge and London, 1858-80). Bain had introduced him to JSM in the summer of 1843 (see David Masson, Memories of London in the forties [Edinburgh, 1908]). [3. ]No such article appeared in the BFR. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 125-27. MS at Leeds. [2. ]JSMs sister. [3. ]being away from home. [4. ]See Letter 419, n. 2.
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[5. ]The Currency Question, WR, XLI (June, 1844), 579-98. [6. ]See Letter 427. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 321-25; in answer to Comtes of May 1, ibid., pp. 310-20. [2. ]Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy. [3. ]See Letter 86, n. 3. [4. ]In 1841. [5. ]The Young England party, which included Benjamin Disraeli. [6. ]See Letter 420, n. 3. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]See Letter 428, n. 2. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 340-41; in reply to Comtes of July 22, ibid., 325-39. Comte had written that in May his enemies had defeated him for re-election to his examinership at the Ecole Polytechnique, thereby depriving him of much of his income. He asked JSM to help raise 6,000 francs among his English friends for his support. Grote and Molesworth subsequently provided the money (see Letters 435, 438, and 439). [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, p. 341. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor Ney MacMinn. [2. ]See Letters 428 and 433. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 127. MS at Leeds. In reply to a letter from Sterling reporting that he was at the point of death. He died Sept. 18, 1844. Sterlings last letter to JSM, dated Hillside, Sept. 8, 1844, is at Yale University:
My Dear Mill
We neither of us can need assurances of what we are to each other but your letters have a tone in them that I would fain reply to fittingly if I could. But I am so weak that I dare not in the least give way to any strong feeling or it leaves me completely broken & helpless. I have been looking at old letters of my own (yours you shall have again) & how much I find if that were wanted to put me in mind of you. How many
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many scores of times have I been thinking how we sat together on the Baths of Caligula. Let us hope to meet upon some other height with a still nobler prospect. Heaven bless you. Always & entirely yours John Sterling On the verso in JSMs hand:Sterling 8 September 1844 nine days before his death [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 344-45; in reply to Comtes of Aug. 15, ibid., pp. 342-44. [2. ]Discours sur lEsprit positif, which Comte had asked JSM to send. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 345-46. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 354-59; in reply to Comtes of Aug. 23 and 28, ibid., pp. 347-53. [2. ]John Sterling. See Letter 437, n. 1. [3. ]John Millar (1735-1801), professor of law at Glasgow, author of Observations concerning the distinctions of Ranks in Society (London, 1771) and An Historical View of the English Government . . . (London, 1787, and later enlarged editions), works which James Mill had greatly admired. [4. ]Thomas Reid (1710-1796), exponent of the common sense school of philosophy. [5. ]Whewell had printed and circulated privately a reply to Sir John Herschels review of his History of the Inductive Sciences and his Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences in the QR for June, 1841. Whewell subsequently published the reply in the second edition of The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (London, 1847), II, 669-79. [6. ]Of Induction, with especial reference to Mr. J. Stuart Mills System of Logic (Cambridge, 1849). Professor J. M. Robson has pointed out that JSM took note of Whewells arguments in the third (1851) edition of the Logic. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]Charles Johnston, Travels in Southern Abyssinia (2 vols., London, 1844). [1. ]MS in the possession of Mrs. W. Rosenberg, Wellington, N.Z. Copy supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon. Copy bears date of 8th November, 1846, but internal evidence (see notes 5 and 9, below) clearly indicates 1844 as the correct date. Henry S. Chapman had left England in June, 1843, for New Zealand to take up his duties as the newly appointed Judge of the Supreme Court for the Southern Division.
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[2. ]Notably in his Past and Present (1843). [3. ]See Letter 270 and JSMs letters, Puseyism, in the Morning Chronicle for Jan. 1, 1842 (p. 1) and Jan. 13, 1842 (p. 3) for his views on the Oxford Movement. [4. ]The League, which had been founded in 1839, led the agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws. [5. ]The repeal did not take place until June, 1846. [6. ]Doctrine based on the theories of T. R. Malthus. [7. ]John Walter III (1818-1894), soon (1847) to become the third bearer of the name to be proprietor of The Times. The younger Walters adherence to the Oxford Movement was a source of serious friction with his father and led to estrangement between them (see The History of the Times, 1841-1884 [New York, 1939], pp. 10-11). [8. ]See Letter 424. [9. ]Letters 425 and 427. [10. ]Edward George Geoffrey Smith Stanley, then Lord Stanley of Bickerstaffe, later the fourteenth Earl of Derby, at this time Colonial Secretary. For an account of Stanleys conduct of New Zealand affairs, see W. D. Jones, Lord Derby and Victorian Conservatism (Oxford, 1956), pp. 94-101. [11. ]Robert Fitzroy (1805-1865), from 1843 to Nov., 1845, Governor of New Zealand. He had commanded the Beagle during Charles Darwins famous voyage. As Governor he was in frequent conflict with the New Zealand Company and was accused of favouring the natives over the white settlers. [12. ]The towns of Nelson and Wellington were both in the Southern Division over which Chapman had jurisdiction as Judge. [13. ]Probably information circulated by the New Zealand Company which it had obtained from Francis (later Sir Francis) Dillon Bell (1821-1898), a relative of E. G. Wakefield. Bell, who had been in the service of the Company in London since 1838, had gone to New Zealand in 1843 to select lands on behalf of the Company. [14. ]Samuel Revans (1808-1888) in the 1830s had founded with Chapman the Daily Advertiser in Montreal. He left Canada in 1837 and joined Wakefield in the New Zealand colonization; he published the first newspaper there, the New Zealand Gazette. [15. ]Presumably a cousin of JSM on his mothers side. [1. ]Published in Napier Corresp., pp. 477-78. MS in Brit. Mus.
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[2. ]JSMs review of Arthur Helps The Claims of Labour: an Essay on the Duties of the Employers to the Employed (London, 1844) appeared in ER, LXXXI (April, 1845), 498-525. [1. ]MS at LSE. [2. ]See Letter 441, n. 2. The article seems not to have been published. [3. ]Sir William Cornwallis Harris, The Highlands of thiopia (3 vols., London, 1844). It had been reviewed in Taits in March and April, 1844. [4. ]Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy. See Letter 427. [1. ]Published in Napier Corresp., pp. 478-79. MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letter 443. [3. ]See Letter 419, n. 2. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 369-73; in reply to Comtes of Oct. 21, ibid., pp. 359-69. [2. ]Trait philosophique dastronomie populaire (Paris, 1844). [3. ]Herschels treatise on astronomy published in Lardners Cabinet Cyclopdia in 1833 and translated into French by M. Peyrot in 1834 was the basis of his much expanded Outlines of Astronomy (London, 1849, and later editions). [4. ]Emile Littr (1801-1881), scholar, philosopher, and lexicographer; one of Comtes most ardent disciples, though he rejected Comtes later theories; author of Auguste Comte et la philosophie positive (Paris, 1863). [5. ]Giovanni Battista Vico (1668-1744), Italian jurist and philosopher, often regarded as the founder of the philosophy of history, and mentioned by JSM in the Logic, Book VI, chap. x, sec. 3. [1. ]MS at Arsenal. [2. ]Moniteur grec, a tri-monthly ministerial journal in French sponsored by M. Coletti; it began publication in Athens in Oct., 1844 (see Moniteur universel, Oct. 30, 1844, p. 2809, and Nov. 11, 1844, p. 2857). [3. ]John Kolettis [Jean Coletti] (1788-1847), Greek general and statesman, ambassador to France, 1835-44. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 384-87; in reply to Comtes of Dec. 25, ibid., pp. 373-83.
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[2. ]A reorganization of the council of the Ecole Polytechnique, which Comte had hoped would lead to a vote favourable to his reinstatement as examiner, had proved disappointing; by a vote of ten to nine the new council had confirmed the action of the former council in displacing Comte (see his letter of Dec. 25). [3. ]Nicolas Jean de Dieu Soult, Duke of Dalmatia (1769-1851), Marshal of France, at this time Minister of War. The administration of the Ecole Polytechnique lay within the jurisdiction of his department. [4. ]On Comte and positivism, in the National. [5. ]Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (1743-1794), chemist famous for overthrowing the hypothesis of phlogiston and thereby reorganizing the science of chemistry. Claude Louis Berthollet (1748-1822) readily accepted and extended Lavoisiers theories. [1. ]Published in Janet Ross, Three Generations of English Women (revised ed., London, 1893), pp. 208-10. MS not located. Though addressed to Sarah Austin this is also an answer to an as yet unpublished letter (MS at Yale) by John Austin, dated Dec. 25, 1844. [2. ]Comtes letters of Dec. 25, 1834, and Jan. 10, 1845, Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 373-83 and 388-400. [3. ]Austin had reported in his letter of Dec. 25 that he had called on Guizot on Dec. 23 and told him that if he could help Comte he would thereby confer a great personal favour upon Mr. John Mill & myself. [4. ]In his letter of Jan. 10, 1845, Comte outlined at length a proposal initiated by Emile Littr for the establishment of a Positive Review. See also JSMs letter of Jan. 27, 1845 (the next letter). [5. ]Austin had written: I fear, from what M. Dunoyer told me, that there is a good deal of prejudice against Comte, as being a mere man of speculation, more intent upon impressing his own theories upon the students, than upon exactly performing the duties of his office. It is probable, too, that the fit of insanity under which he has suffered, coupled with the hostility of the men of science whom he has provoked, may have led to a general belief that he is half mad. . . . From all that I have seen of Comte, I believe that he is a man of great sincerity and uprightness (which appears, indeed, to be generally admitted); and (what, perhaps, you would not think) that he is a man of a generous and affectionate temper. But of all the men I ever saw (excepting Mr. Bentham) he is the most confident in his own capacity and views, and the least inclined to attend to the suggestions of others. It is, therefore, nearly impossible to get him to act with ordinary prudence. I have rarely seen a man so interesting, and who so well supported, on personal acquaintance, the favourable impression made by him at a distance. . . .
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[6. ]Austin had written: I wish you could persuade Comte to be more reserved about religion. He sets it aside with a cool contempt, which even in impious France, does harm to his worldly condition; not to mention, that his peremptory rejection of that, and of all philosophy concerned with the insoluble and transcendent, raises a presumption against his scientific capacities in many of the best minds not acquainted with his book. But, like Mr. Bentham (of whom he constantly reminds me), he is so wedded to his own devices and so full of presumptuous contempt for all which has been done by others, that I fear he would not be moved even by your insinuations. [7. ]Nothing can exceed the kindness of M. Guizot, and of his noble-hearted mother, to Mrs. Austin and myself. Though his talents are great, various & imposing, I am far more struck by the elevated moral character which seems to break out spontaneously in his conversation & manners. . . . Neither he nor his children (so far as I can see) are at all spoiled by his extraordinary rise in the world. . . . [8. ]See Letters 443 and 445. [9. ]Samuel Rogers. [10. ]Sydney Smith (1771-1845), canon of St. Pauls, writer and wit; one of the founders of the Edinburgh Review. [11. ]The Province of Jurisprudence Determined (London, 1832). [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 400-404; in reply to Comtes of Jan. 10, ibid., pp. 388-400. [2. ]Neil Arnott. [1. ]Excerpt published in Maggs Bros. Catalogue No. 641, 1937, item 144. MS not located. [2. ][Robert Chambers], Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation (London, 1844). [3. ]Hippocrate, uvres compltes . . . ed. Emile Littr (10 vols., Paris, 1839-61). [4. ]See Letter 386, n. 5. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]See Letters 414, 415. [3. ]Historical Register, with the sanction and assistance of various government departments. This short-lived paper (Jan. 10-Mar. 8, 184510 nos.) was described as a stamped newspaper and register of family events, national and private biography, life and health. [1. ]Addressed: Henry C. Carey Esq. / care of Messrs Carey, Lea, and Blanchard / Philadelphia / United States. Postmarks: 1 / PAID / 15FE15 / 1845 and L/FE 16. MS
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in Princeton University Library. Henry Charles Carey (1793-1879), publisher and economist. [2. ]Principles of Political Economy (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1837-40). [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Edward Gibbon Wakefield, the colonizer. [3. ]The Claims of Labour, ER, LXXXI (April, 1845), 498-525. [4. ]The practice of allotting garden plots to labourers. In the article JSM expressed approval of the practice when it was adopted to increase the happiness of workers but not when it was designed simply to supplement low wages. [5. ]The article was reprinted in Dissertations, II, 260-96, with omissions but without substantial additions. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 80. MS not located. [2. ]William George Ward, The Ideal of a Christian Church Considered in Comparison with Existing Practice (London, 1844). [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Sir Robert Peel, Prime Minister, had proposed on April 3 a measure increasing from 9,000 to 26,000 the parliamentary grant to Maynooth College in Ireland. Since Maynooth educated Roman Catholic priests, Protestant fury in both England and Ireland rose to extravagant heights. The Maynooth grant became the great political controversy of the year. The measure finally became law on June 16. [3. ]For the bill on its second reading in the Commons. [4. ]Peel spoke on April 18; Sir John Graham (1792-1861), Home Secretary at the time, on April 17. [5. ]Macaulay in his speech on April 14, though he supported the Maynooth grant, castigated the Tories for their inconsistencies on Irish policy. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 412-16; in reply to Comtes of Feb. 28, ibid., 404-12. [2. ]Charles Barthlemy Dunoyer (1786-1862), economist and statesman. Comte had recommended to JSM a new book by Dunoyer: De la libert du travail (3 vols., Paris, 1845).
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[3. ]Dunoyer had edited with Charles Comte, son-in-law of J. B. Say the economist, the journal Le Censeur from 1820 to 1825, to which Auguste Comte had also contributed. [4. ]See Letter 455. [5. ]Wards Ideal of a Christian Church, QR, LXXV (Dec., 1844), 149-200. [6. ]The Rev. George Glennie (d. Nov. 9, 1845), professor of moral philosophy at Marischal College. [7. ]Later that year Bain was appointed professor of mathematics and natural philosophy in the Andersonian University of Glasgow, a position which he resigned after one year. [1. ]Published by J. H. Thom in Archbishop Whately and the Life of Blanco White, Theological Review, IV (Jan., 1867), 112-13. MS not located. [2. ]In his essay on Burns, ER, XLVIII (Dec., 1828), 278. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 426-29; in reply to Comtes of May 15, ibid., 417-26. [1. ]Addressed: Monsieur / Auguste Comte / Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdeon / Paris. Postmark: PAID / 24 JU 24 / 1845 / and BOULOGNE. MS as Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 429-31. [2. ]Alexander Williamson, long a clerk at the East India Co., in 1830 had moved to Wrights Lane, Kensington, near the home of his fellow employee, James Mill. [3. ]Alexander William Williamson (1824-1904), later professor of chemistry at the University of London. JSMs recommendation led to his studying for three years with Comte. [4. ]Baron Justus von Liebig (1803-1873), German chemist. [5. ]Comtes wife had left him in 1842; see Letter 371, n. 3. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 450-51. Undated, but JSM in his letter of July 8, 1845 (Letter 463), mentions having written this note of introduction. [1. ]Postmark: 7 JULY 1845. MS at NLS. [2. ]Probably Sir Bulstrode Whitelockes Memorials of the English Affairs . . . from the Beginning of the Reign of King Charles the First, to King Charles the Second his happy restauration, first published in London, 1682. Carlyle had no doubt borrowed the book in preparing his edition of Oliver Cromwells Letters and Speeches (2 vols., London, 1845).
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[1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 447-50; in reply to Comtes of June 27 and 30, ibid., pp. 431-46. [2. ]In his letter of June 30 Comte had asked JSMs advice about publishing in an English periodical a letter he had written to Mme de Vaux (Clotilde de Vaux, sister of one of his students, whom he had met that year and for whom he developed a passionate devotion that survived her death in 1846). In his letter of July 14 to JSM, Comte refers to the composition as Sainte Clotilde. [3. ]The French philosophes and Encyclopedists, Denis Diderot (1713-1784) and Paul Henri Dietrich, baron dHolbach (1723-1789). [4. ]The London Review in 1835. [5. ]Raikes Currie (1801-1881), banker; MP for Northampton, 1837-57. [6. ]See Letter 460. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society, as is also Herschels reply of July 10. A further letter of Herschels of July 13 is at Yale. [2. ]See Letter 397. [3. ]Herschels presidential address at the fifteenth meeting of the Association, at Cambridge, published in the Athenum for June 21, 1845, pp. 612-17. [1. ]Addressed: Sir J. F. W. Herschel Bart. / Collingwood / Hawkhurst / Kent. Postmarks: W / PAID / 14 JY 14 / 1845, and STA . . . HURST / JY 15 / 1845. MS in the possession of the Royal Society, as is also Herschels reply of July 16. [2. ]See preceding letter, n. 3. [3. ]Of July 13, in which Herschel had asked JSM to avoid mentioning his name in sending the Athenum to Comte: In all such cases I consider it highly unjust to remark on the writings of an author unfavorably without putting him in possession of the ipsissima verba of the remarks, but then it should be so done as to give no unnecessary offence of a personal nature. [4. ]In his letter of July 10 Herschel in speaking of JSMs Logic noted the general high opinion I have formed and expressed of it in a philosophical point of view but thought the least felicitous portions of it, those in which points of physical science and mathematics are touched upon. I should have no objection if you desired it, to specify some particular instances which have occurred to me inter legendum to which this remark applies. . . . [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society, as is also Herschels reply of July 18. [2. ]Herschels letter of July 16 criticizing in detail Comtes astronomical theories.
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[3. ]In his note of July 18 Herschel expressed some reluctance to JSMs sending a copy to Comte. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 465-68; in reply to Comtes two letters of July 14, ibid., pp. 451-65. [2. ]See Letter 464. [3. ]Letters 464, 465, and copies of Herschels replies. [4. ][Adam Sedgwick], The Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, ER, LXXXII (July, 1845), 1-85. [5. ]JSMs Professor Sedgwicks Discourse [On the Studies of the University]State of Philosophy in England, London Review, I (April, 1835), 94-135. Reprinted in Dissertations, I, 121-85. [6. ]Comtes second letter of July 14, Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 460-65. See Letter 463. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 139-40. MS not located. Dated by Elliot as of Dec. 22, 1848, but evidence from this and from the Mill-Comte correspondence indicates that it should be dated as of the summer of 1845. [2. ]See preceding letter, n. 6. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 475-76; in reply to Comtes of Aug. 8, ibid., pp. 468-74. [1. ]Excerpt published in the Preface by Henry Reeve to Meadows Taylors The Story of My Life (Edinburgh, 1877). New edition, with Introduction and Notes by Henry Bruce (London, 1920). MS not located. [2. ]Philip Meadows Taylor (1808-1876), military officer in India and novelist; carried out the pacification of the State of Shorapore in 1841 and remained there as resident until 1853. Early in 1845 a move had been made to supplant Captain Taylor with a civil servant of the East India Co. (see The Story of My Life [1920 ed.], pp. 204-9). Taylor was a second cousin of Reeve. [3. ]JSMs prediction was fulfilled. [1. ]Excerpt published, like the preceding letter, in Henry Reeves Preface to Meadows Taylors The Story of My Life. MS not located. [2. ]General James Stuart Fraser (1783-1869), the Resident in Hyderabad. [3. ]Occasional dues exacted from the State of Shorapore by the ruler of Hyderabad. Taylor had sought to lessen the tribute levied on the weaker State, Shorapore.
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[4. ]Sir Henry Hardinge, later first Viscount Hardinge of Lahore (1785-1856), Governor General of India, 1844-47. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 480-82; in reply to Comtes of Sept. 24, ibid., pp. 476-79. [1. ]Published in Napier Corresp., pp. 510-11. MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Of his review of Guizot (see Letter 419, n. 2). [3. ]Gilbert Stuart (1742-1786), historian and reviewer; Napier may have referred to Stuarts A View of Society in Europe (Edinburgh, 1778), a study of the early and mediaeval period influenced by the principles of Montesquieu. [4. ]John Millar. See Letter 440, n. 3. [5. ]Herschel had so informed JSM in his letter of July 10, 1845. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]See Letter 428, n. 2. [3. ]Presumably William Whewells The Elements of Morality, including Polity (2 vols., London, 1845). JSM eventually wrote on Whewells Moral Philosophy in WR, LVIII (Oct., 1852), 349-85 (reprinted in Dissertations, III, 132-92). [1. ]MS in the possession of Mrs. W. Rosenberg. Copy supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]See Letter 442, n. 11. Lord Stanley had dismissed Governor Fitzroy in a dispatch dated April 30, 1845, which reached New Zealand in Nov. [3. ]John Forbes Royle (1799-1858), surgeon and naturalist, from 1838 in the employ of the India House in charge of correspondence relating to vegetable productions. He had been superintendent of gardens and in medical charge of the station at Saharunpore from 1823 to 1831. [4. ]Dr. William Jameson (1815-1882), botanist, pioneer of tea planting in India. [5. ]George John Graham, close friend of JSM in the 1820s, had travelled in Mexico, 1827-29, and collected some 400 specimens of Mexican plants. These are mentioned by George Bentham in the preface to his Plant Hartwegian (London, 1839). [6. ]James Knox Polk (1795-1849), as President of the United States, 1845-49, fought for and obtained tariff reductions. [7. ]See Letters 303 to 305, and 308. [8. ]Hippolyte Philibert Passy (1793-1880), economist and politician.
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[9. ]In administering sales of land through the New Zealand Co., Edward Gibbon Wakefield awarded priorities in choice of lands by a lottery system. [10. ]Samuel Revans. See Letter 442, n. 14. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society. [2. ]In Herschels unpublished letter of July 10, 1845. See Letter 465, n. 4. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society. In reply to Herschels letter of Dec. 22, also in the Royal Society Library. [2. ]Herschels chief criticism of the Logic in his long letter of Dec. 22 concerned your objections against Laplaces statement of the theory of Probabilities in p. 70 etc. of your 2nd Vol.and against his conclusions in the case specified in page 195 of that volume. With these objections I can no ways agree and I will not conceal from you that I read them with great concern and an earnest wish that you would give them a full reconsideration. [3. ]Herschel, ibid., I have not left myself space to enter into the other question agitated [?] by you in p. 195 about the credibility of the witnesses in Laplaces case. . . . I feel quite satisfied myself and hope to make it clear to you that Laplace is perfectly right. [1. ]Printed in Posthumous Papers (of George Grote), ed. Mrs. Grote (privately printed, London, 1874), p. 94. MS not located. [2. ]Comtes letters of Sept. 24, 1845, and Dec. 18, 1845. [3. ]Letter 472. [4. ]JSM reviewed the first two volumes of A History of Greece, in the Spectator, April 4, 1846, pp. 327-28, and in the ER, LXXXIV (Oct., 1846), 343-77. The latter review is reprinted in Dissertations, II, 363-415. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 499-505; in reply to Comtes of Dec. 18, 1845, ibid., pp. 482-98. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society. [2. ]JSM made only a slight change in wording; cf. Book III, chap. 12 (Of the Explanation of Laws of Nature), sec. 5, 1, with the corresponding passage in the second edition of the Logic (London, 1846). The first American edition (New York, 1846) and subsequent American so-called editions do not contain JSMs revisions.
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[3. ]Cf. Book III, chap. 14 (Of the Limits to the Explanation of Laws of Nature; and of Hypotheses), sec. 6, 1, with the corresponding paragraph in the second edition. [4. ]Cf. ibid., 2 with 3 and footnote in the second edition. [5. ]In Book III, chap. 11 (Of the Deductive Method), sec. 1, 8, the reference to Comte is removed in the second edition. [6. ]Probably Dr. (later Sir) Henry Holland (1788-1873), physician and writer on medical subjects, rather than Dr. George Calvert Holland (1801-1865), also a writer on medical and scientific topics. The book has not been identified. [7. ]See Cours de Philosophie positive, Tome troisime, contenant la philosophie chimique et la philosophie biologique (Paris, 1838), pp. 331 ff. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 520-24; in reply to Comtes of Jan. 23, ibid., pp. 505-19. [2. ]See Letter 410, n. 2. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society. [2. ]Chap. 25, Of the Grounds of Disbelief, sec. 5 of the first edition, sec. 6 in later editions. [1. ]Published in Posthumous Papers (of George Grote), p. 98. MS not located. [2. ]See Letter 478, n. 4. [3. ]Although in parentheses, this should probably be in brackets as Mrs. Grotes interpolation. [4. ]Robert S. Rintoul. [5. ]George Cornewall Lewis. [1. ]MS in the possession of the Royal Society; in reply to Herschels letters of April 2 and 3, also in the Library of the Royal Society. [2. ]The revised sec. 5 of Book III, chap. 25, Of the Grounds of Disbelief, is numbered sec. 6 in later editions. [3. ]JSM in the second edition added a new sec. 5 to Book III, chap. 25, to discuss coincidences. [4. ]Book III, chap 18, Of the Calculation of Chances. [1. ]Part published in Napier Corresp., pp. 526-27. MS in Brit. Mus.
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[2. ]In his Duveyriers Political Views of French Affairs, ER, LXXXIII (April, 1846), 453-74. [3. ]A bibliography of Seniors contributions to periodicals, including the Edinburgh Review, for which he wrote frequently after 1840, may be found in S. Leon Levy, Nassau W. Senior: The Prophet of Modern Capitalism (Boston, 1943), pp. 415-16. [4. ]Richard Whately, Elements of Rhetoric (London, 1828); 7th ed., revised, 1846. [5. ]Herman Merivale, a frequent contributor to the Edinburgh. A partial list of Merivales contributions to periodicals is included in the brief memoir of him by Charles Merivale in the Transactions of the Devonshire Association, 1884. [1. ]MS in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, New South Wales. [1. ]MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 538-40; in reply to Comtes of May 6 and Aug. 10, ibid., pp. 525-37. [2. ]JSM had had a vacation of two months this year, during which he had taken with Mrs. Taylor a tour of about six weeks to the Rhine and northern France. [3. ]Comte had reported the death on April 5 of his beloved friend Mme Clotilde de Vaux. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, pp. 85-86. MS not located. [2. ]For the Edinburgh Review, Oct., 1846. [3. ]Exchange. [1. ]MS in the possession of Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]See Letters 414, 415. [1. ]MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]ER, Oct., 1846. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 86. MS not located. The bracketed portion is Bains introduction to the excerpt. [1. ]Excerpts published in Bain, JSM, p. 86-87. MS not located. The bracketed portions are Bains introduction to the excerpts. [2. ]Between Oct. 5, 1846, and Jan. 7, 1847, JSM contributed forty-three leading articles on Irish affairs to the Morning Chronicle (see MacMinn, Bibliog., pp. 60-67). [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 87. MS not located.
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[2. ]See preceding letter, n. 2. [1. ]MS in Trinity College Library, Cambridge. Undated, but MS has pencilled: 1847? [1. ]Published in Letters of the Rt. Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis, Bart., ed. G. F. Lewis (London, 1870), pp. 153-54. MS not located. [2. ]Centralization, ER, LXXXV (Jan., 1847), 221-58. [1. ]Excerpts published in Bain, JSM, p. 87. MS not located. [2. ]In his leading articles in the Morning Chronicle (see Letter 493). [3. ]Lord John Russell, later first Earl Russell, was at this time Prime Minister. [4. ][J. W. Croker], Agriculture in FranceDivision of Property, QR, LXXIX (Dec., 1846), 202-38. JSM published four, not three, articles: on Jan. 9, 11, 13, and 16 (see MacMinn, Bibliog., p. 67, and Letter 514). [1. ]MS fragment in the possession of Co-operative Union Ltd., Holyoake House, Manchester. Published in Joseph McCabe, Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake (2 vols., London, 1908), II, p. 65. Holyoake (1817-1906), self-styled secularist, bookseller, publisher of the Reasoner and other journals, and a leader in the development of the co-operative movement. In 1842 he had been imprisoned for blasphemy. [2. ]The MS is so dated in another hand. In view of Mrs. Taylors discussion of Holyoake, the Reasoner, and morality in her letter to JSM of July 25, 1848 (Hayek, pp. 124-27), it has been suggested by Professor J. M. Robson that the date should be 1848. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mrs. W. Rosenberg. Copy supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]See Letter 493, n. 2. [3. ]On Feb. 15, 1847. [4. ]Sir Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, third Marquis of Lansdowne (1780-1863), then President of the Council under Lord John Russell, led the debate on the Irish Relief Bill on Feb. 15, 1847. [5. ]March 24, 1847, was so appointed by proclamation that prayers might be made for the removal of those heavy judgments which our manifold sins and provocations have most justly deserved, and with which Almighty God is pleased to visit the iniquities of this land, by a grievous scarcity and dearth of divers articles of sustenance and necessaries of life . . . (Annual Register for 1847, Chronicle, p. 40).
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[6. ]John Pemberton Plumptre (1807-1864), MP for East Kent, on Jan. 20, 1847, in the debate on the Address from the Throne, proposed the appointment of a general fast. [7. ]See Letter 456, n. 2. [8. ]Richard Cobden (1804-1865), leader of the agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws achieved in 1846. From Aug. 5, 1846, to Oct. 11, 1847, Cobden travelled in Europe, preaching everywhere the gospel of free trade. [9. ]Presumably the Association pour la libert des changes, founded in 1846, and supported by a number of JSMs friends and acquaintances, including Michel Chevalier, Charles Dunoyer, and Horace Say (see Journal des Economistes, Sept.Dec., 1846 and Jan., 1847). [10. ]Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti (1792-1878), became Pope Pius IX in 1846. [11. ]Giovanni Vincenzo (or Lorenzo) Ganganelli (1705-1774), Pope Clement XIV from 1769 to 1774, dissolved the Jesuit order in 1773; the story that he was poisoned by the Jesuits has been generally discredited. [12. ]Daniel OConnell had made his last speech in the House of Commons in Feb. and had gone to the Continent for his health; he died on May 15, 1847. [1. ]Published in Bain, JSM, p. 87. MS not located. Dated by reference to Whatelys speech. [2. ]On March 26, 1847, in opposition to a motion for a select committee on Irish Poor Laws; the substance of it was published as App. D in his Introductory Lectures on Political Economy (4th ed., London, 1855). [3. ]Telle est notre condition, quil ne nous est point permis darriver tout dun coup rien de raisonnable sur quelque matire que ce soit; il faut avant cela que nous nous garions long-temps, et que nous passions par diverses sortes derreurs et par divers degrs dimpertinences (Digression sur Les Anciens et Les Modernes in uvres de Fontenelle [Paris, 1790], V, 287). [1. ]Published with errors and omissions in Elliot, I, 128-33. MS draft is in the possession of Dr. James M. Osborn of Yale University; a MS fragment of the draft is at LSE (see n. 8, 10, below). [2. ]An unheaded leading article on Austins article Centralization (see Letter 496, n. 2) in Morning Chronicle, Feb. 6, 1847, pp. 4-5. [3. ]Guizot had broken faith with the British in the affair of the Spanish marriages; by intrigue Queen Isabella II and her sister were induced to marry in 1846 descendants of the French Bourbons.
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[4. ]At this point the following passage has been deleted from the draft: English politicians have generally low objects, & reserve any conscience & dignity they may have, for the choice of means, while Frenchmen I think have oftener aims that one can call elevated but are much more unscrupulous in their expedients, a combination made quite intelligible on a grander scale, by Machiavelli & the Italian [patriots ?] of the Middle Ages. [5. ]See Letter 304, n. 8. [6. ]Comtes letter of Dec. 18, 1845 (Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 482-98). JSMs memory here seems not to have been very accurate; most readers would regard Comtes letter as one long reproach (cf. especially Lvy-Bruhl, p. 495). [7. ]The remainder of the sentence has been deleted: & still less in his attempt to impose its obligations on persons who do not admit it, who were in no respect his disciples nor in any other intellectual relation to him than to any other thinker of any eminence with some of whose opinions they agreed. [8. ]This paragraph in the draft fragment at LSE is labelled: (A). [9. ]At this point the following sentences have been deleted in the draft: But it is discouraging to see how short a time any such impression lasts. In 1834 much ground seems to have been gained [by the adoption of the Poor Law of that year] but how quickly it has all been lost. [10. ]This paragraph, not included by Elliot, is labelled (B) in the draft fragment at LSE and crossed through with a red line (Elliots usual method of indicating a deletion in a MS). The paragraph was written to replace the deleted sentences quoted in n. 9. [1. ]Excerpt published in Bain, JSM, p. 88. MS not located. Bracketed portion is Bains introduction to the excerpt. [1. ]MS at the Huntington Library. [1. ]Addressed: A Monsieur / M. Auguste Comte / Rue M. le Prince / prs lOdon / Paris. MS at Johns Hopkins. Published in Lvy-Bruhl, pp. 548-53. [1. ]MS at the Huntington Library. [2. ]Mary Elizabeth Mill. [1. ]MS at UCL. Paper bears watermark 1847. The financial transaction discussed here probably concerned the sale of some of JSMs and his sisters holdings in devalued bonds of some American State governments (see Letter 508). [1. ]MS at UCL. Endorsed in another hand: Poor Law Correspondence on matters of E. C. Paper watermarked, 1847.
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[2. ]Probably one of the several Vindicating Letters which Chadwick submitted to the ministry in June of 1847 defending his record as Secretary of the Poor Law Commission against the charges of the commissioners. For the full story of the Andover scandal, of 1846 and the parliamentary struggle over the revision of the Poor Law Amendment Bill of June, 1847, see S. E. Finer, The Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (London, 1952), pp. 243-91. Chadwick lost his position but was immediately given an appointment in charge of a Royal Commission of Inquiry into London sanitation. [1. ]MS at UCL Endorsed in another hand: 1847? on E.C. Evidence before Andover Committee, but internal evidence (see n. 3 below) indicates the period of the June, 1847, debate on the Poor Law Amendment Bill (see preceding letter, n. 2). [2. ]Edward Carleton Tufnell (1806-1886), Assistant Commissioner of Poor Laws (1835-74). Tufnell on May 28, 1847, had written Chadwick a letter supporting the latters charges against the Poor Law commissioners (see Finer, Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick, p. 245). Chadwick circulated the letter widely. [3. ]In the debate on the Poor Law Amendment Bill on June 17 Lord John Russell criticized Chadwick sharply: I say that [his] practice of telling assistant commissioners that if they made complaints they would be regarded with displeasure, I do call that undermining the Commissioners appointed to carry out the Poor Law Act (The Times, Friday, June 18, 1847, p. 3). [4. ]Probably Chadwicks major Vindicating Letter, described by Finer, Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (p. 290) as a massive manuscript dossier of some sixty pages, together with six documentary appendices. [5. ]See Letter 506. [1. ]MS at UCL. Endorsed in another hand: 1847 / On reading Settlement Evidence. [2. ]See Parliamentary Papers, 1847, XI, The Select Committee on Settlement and Removal, which contains evidence given by Chadwick in March, 1847. The settlement laws dealt with changes of residence by paupers as affecting their eligibility for relief. [1. ]MS at UCL. Addressed: Edwin Chadwick Esq / Gwydyr House / Whitehall / and marked private. Postmark: AU 20 18?7. Presumably refers to the financial transactions discussed in Letters 506, 508, and 515. [2. ]Identified only as William Stuart of Liverpool, evidently an agent in the financial transactions. [1. ]MS at Pierpont Morgan Library. Parkers name does not appear on the letter; he had been JSMs publisher since 1843. Parker took over the publication of Frasers beginning with Vol. XXXVI (July to Dec., 1847) from G. W. Nickisson, who
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published it from Jan., 1842 to June, 1847. The letter is undated, but the paper is watermarked 1847. [2. ]Not otherwise identified than as the daughter of Robert Hall, MD (1763-1824), explorer and writer on scientific subjects, and Agnes C. Hall (1777-1846), translator, novelist, and contributor to various periodicals, including Frasers. [1. ]MS in the Cornell University Library. [1. ]MS in the possession of Miss D. Hickson, Claremont, Hove, Sussex, in 1944. [1. ]MS at UCL. [2. ]Unidentified. [3. ]See Letter 497, n. 4. [4. ]Ibid. The book reviewed by Croker was De lAgriculture en France. . . . Par M. L. Mounier avec des Remarques par M. [Maurice] Rubichon (2 vols., Paris, 1846). [5. ]Alfred Legoyt, Recensement de la population de la France en 1846 . . . Journal des Economistes, XVI (March, 1847), 337-46, and XVII (May, 1847), 169-94. [1. ]MS at UCL. Note in another hand: John Mill / 1847? Dated by reference in second paragraph. [2. ]There is in the Chadwick papers at UCL the following receipt dated Oct. 29, 1847, and signed by JSM: Received from Edwin Chadwick Esq. the three bills of exchange mentioned in a letter from William Stuart Esq. Liverpool, dated 28th October 1847. [3. ]Probably refers to the governments acceptance of the recommendation made by the Royal Commission of Inquiry into London sanitation to which Chadwick had been appointed in Aug. On Nov. 30, 1847, coincidental with the publication of the first report of the Commission, six of the London commissions of sewers were superseded and a new, central Metropolitan Commission of Sewers was established (see The Times for Dec. 2 (p. 4) and 3 (p. 6), 1847, and Finer, Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick, pp. 316-17). [1. ]MS in the possession of Mr. W. H. Browning. [2. ]A furore had arisen over the state of the nations defences, partly because of the publication on Nov. 29 in the Morning Chronicle of part of a letter of Jan. 9, 1847, by the Duke of Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, sharply critical of the coastal defences. The Examiner later printed the whole letter (Jan. 8, 1848, p. 25). See also Sir Herbert Maxwell, The Life of Wellington (2 vols., London, 1899), II, 361-64. [3. ]Jane Stuart Mill had married Marcus Paul Ferraboschi on Sept. 28, 1847.
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[4. ]John Sterling, Essays and Tales, collected and edited, with a Memoir of his Life, by J. C. Hare (2 vols., London, 1848). [5. ]Julius Charles Hare (1795-1855), archdeacon of Lewes; Sterling had been his curate at Hurstmonceaux, 1834-35. [1. ]MS at the Huntington Library. [2. ]Presumably the article History and Exposition of the Currency Question, WR, XLVIII (Jan., 1848), 448-82. [3. ]Thomas Tooke, An Inquiry into the Currency Principle (London, 1844). [4. ]Principles of Political Economy, Book III, chaps. viii and xxiii. [1. ]Addressed: J. F. Mollett / 27 Nelson Terrace / Stoke Newington. MS draft on folio 32v of the MS of JSMs Political Economy (the press copy of the first [1848] edition), at the Pierpont Morgan Library. This draft is written over another, pencilled draft of the same letter. The existence of this and the following letter was called to the attention of the editor by Professor J. M. Robson. J. F. Mollett, identified only as a friend and associate of the Chartist leader William Lovett (see his Life and Struggles of William Lovett [London, 1876], p. 333). Letter 520 is clearly in reply to Molletts answer to this letter. [2. ]Early in the following year Lovett was presented with a public testimonial at the National Hall along with a silver tea-service and a purse of 140 sovereigns (see Lovett, Life). [3. ]Substituted for object. [4. ]Lovett had long been an opponent of compulsory military service. In 1831 upon his refusal to serve or provide a substitute some of his household goods had been confiscated (see Lovett, Life, pp. 65-67). [5. ]This paragraph is a revision of a preceding paragraph of the draft, which reads as follows: If I may be allowed to remark on the contents of the circular you have addressed to me I shd. say that I shd be sorry to [see my name following cancelled] give any countenance which my name might afford to [the cancelled] a refus. [6. ]The following words, purpose of it, have been cancelled. [1. ]MS draft on folio 33V of the MS of JSMs Political Economy (see preceding letter, n. 1) at the Pierpont Morgan Library. From its position in the MS of the Political Economy and from its content, the inference seems valid that it refers to the subscription for William Lovett. William Ellis (1800-1881), economist, insurance executive, and educational reformer and philanthropist. He had been a member of JSMs Utilitarian Society, 1823-26.
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[2. ]This sentence replaces the following cancelled words: As it has only been sent to me within the last few days. [3. ]The draft bears no signature. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 133-34. MS at Leeds. Evidently a reply to Molletts answer to Letter 518. [2. ]See Letter 518, n. 4. [3. ]The Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace, usually known as the London Peace Society, founded in 1816 by William Allen (1770-1843), friend of James Mill (see Christina Phelps, The Anglo-American Peace Movement in the Mid-Nineteenth Century [New York, 1930], pp. 37, 43-44). [1. ]Published in Wilfrid Ward, Aubrey de Vere, a Memoir (London, 1904), p. 132. MS not located. Aubrey de Vere (1814-1902), Irish poet. [2. ]English Misrule and Irish Misdeeds (London, 1848). [3. ]Thomas Spring-Rice, first Baron Monteagle of Brandon (1790-1866), Whig leader. See Report from the Lords select committee on colonization from Ireland. H.C. 1847 (737), vi; (737 II), vi. [1. ]MS at LSE. [1. ]MS in the possession of Mrs. W. Rosenberg. From copy supplied by Professor J. M. McCrimmon. [2. ]The Revolution of 1848 had broken out on Feb. 23, Louis Philippe had abdicated on the 24th, and Lamartine on behalf of a provisional government had proclaimed a republic. [3. ]Alphonse de Lamartine (1792-1869), poet, historian, and statesman. [4. ]Emile de Girardin (1806-1881), journalist and politician, had killed Carrel in a duel in 1836. [5. ]Royal assent was given to the New Zealand Government Bill on March 7, 1848, suspending the constitution granted in 1846. [6. ]John Revans, A Per-Centage Tax on Domestic Expenditures to Supply the Whole of the Public Revenue . . . (London, 1847). Revans was a brother of Samuel Revans, a fellow colonist of Chapman. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 134-35, but dated Feb. 27. MS in the Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark.
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[2. ]See preceding letter. [3. ]A letter from Paris, dated Jan. 12, signed John Austin, on the feelings of the French towards the English, The Times, Jan. 14, 1848, p. 4. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 135-36. MS not located. [2. ]The success of the Feb. revolution in France set off revolutions in a number of countries. [3. ]In March a revolution had led to the abolition of serfdom by the Diet of Hungary. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 136-37. MS not located, except for fragment at LSE. Approximately dated by the first sentence. [2. ]His Principles of Political Economy was published on April 25, 1848. [3. ]Marrast was then a member of the Provisional Government of France, serving as Mayor of Paris. [4. ]Nothing seems to have come of this offer. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, p. 137-38. MS not located. Eugne Sue (1804-1857), voluminous and sensational novelist. JSM had published in the Examiner (Dec. 11, 1847, p. 787) a letter remonstrating against an attack on Sues novel Martin lenfant trouv (12 vols., Paris, 1846-47) and maintaining that the work did inculcate sound principles. [2. ]Count Duriveau is the evil master of the foundling Martin in the novel referred to above. [3. ]Dr. Just Clment, another character in the novel. [4. ]Juif errant (10 vols., Paris, 1844-45). [1. ]Published in Richard Garnett, Edward Gibbon Wakefield (London, 1897), pp. xvi, xvii. MS in Brit. Mus. [2. ]Political Economy, Book II, chap. xiii, sec. 4, and the last chapter. [3. ]A View of the Art of Colonization . . . (London, 1849). [1. ]MS at the Huntington Library. [2. ]JSM and Mrs. Taylor had known B. E. Desainteville, a Frenchman living in London, as early as 1830 (see Hayek, p. 37). [3. ]D., The Polytechnic School of Paris, WR, XXXVI (Oct., 1841), 331-58.
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[1. ]MS at the Huntington Library. [2. ]See preceding letter. [1. ]Published by Knight, pp. 676-77. MS not located. [2. ]Discours sur lensemble du Positivisme (Paris, July, 1848). [3. ]Extremists of the left had attempted to overthrow the new government, and much blood was shed before order was restored. [4. ]Alphonse de Lamartine, Histoire des Girondins (8 vols., Paris, 1847). [5. ]Louis Blanc (1811?-1882), historian and socialist politician. After the defeat of the workers in the Paris revolt of June, 1848, he was forced into an exile which lasted until 1871. He had recently arrived in England. As noted later in this letter, The Times had been especially savage in its criticism of him (see The Times, Sept. 7, 1848, p. 4, and Sept. 12, 1848, p. 4). The Times on the latter date also printed a long letter from Blanc defending his conduct. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 138-39. MS not located. John Jay (1817-1894), American lawyer, author, and diplomat. [2. ]The American edition had been published in Boston by C. C. Little and J. Brown. The ellipsis following this sentence is Elliots. [3. ]Vol. LXVII (Oct., 1848), 370-419. The article also reviewed J. R. McCullochs A Treatise on the Succession to Property Vacant by Death (London, 1848). [1. ]MS in the possession of Co-operative Union Ltd., Holyoake House, Manchester. Quoted in part by Joseph McCabe, Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake (2 vols., London, 1908), I, p. 339, and II, pp. 64-65. [2. ]For information on these see ibid., II, 64, and G. J. Holyoake, John Stuart Mill as Some of the Working Classes Knew Him (London, 1873), p. 26. [1. ]Published in Elliot, I, 139. MS not located. [2. ]When his salary had been further reduced, Littr with others published an appeal for subscriptions. Comte henceforth until his death in 1857 subsisted on such gifts. [1. ]Addressed: Thomas Coates Esq. / Secretary to the Society for the Diffusion / of Useful Knowledge. Bears note: 23d. Jany. 1829. Mr. J. S. Mill / wh. M.S. Pol. Econy. / (ansd. TKC [?]). MS at UCL. Thomas Coates, solicitor, associate of William Tooke, served as secretary of the S.D.U.K. from its inception in 1826. From 1832 to 1835 he was the first secretary to the Council of the University of London.
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[2. ]Neither treatise was published. This appears to be the only mention in extant papers of JSMs having written such a treatise. It antedated by about two years the essays on political economy planned and partly written by him and George John Graham (see Letter 43, n. 14). [1. ]MS fragment in the Luther Brewer Collection of the University of Iowa. Evidently an answer to Carlyles letter of Dec. 8, 1836 (in A. Carlyle, pp. 141-42). Presumably Carlyle tore off the top of the letter and sent it on to Leigh Hunt, since it bears the following note in Carlyles hand: My dear Sir, / Here is Mills answer about the Wortley: I suppose the Book will come one of these days. / T.C. [2. ]Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Letters and Works, ed. Lord Wharncliffe (3 vols., London, 1837), which Leigh Hunt was proposing to review. See Letters 196, 198, 199, and 202. [1. ]Addressed: Mr. Henry Mill / Park Place / Sevenoaks / Kent. Postmark: PAID / LS / 6 JY 6 / 1837. MS at LSE. Henry (Derry) was presumably spending his vocation in Kent, probably with his family, who ordinarily spent a good part of the summer away from London. The editor is greatly indebted to Mr. C. G. Allen of the Library of the London School of Economics and to Mr. C. E. Hubbard of the staff of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, for help in identifying the placenames and providing the following translation. John sends greeting to Derry. Since I must come to you on Friday and not on Saturday, you, my dears, must therefore hire a carriage or phaeton so that on Saturday we can go to the village of setting Sun [Westerham] and to stone of God [Godstone]. In the wet parts of the source of River [Riverhead] I have seen a large plant and want to have it. But perhaps you have found it either in [Riverhead] or in [the Weald?]. / India House. Mr. C. E. Hubbard writes: The Weald, rather than the village of Weald, certainly seems indicated for en to Ouildo. But we are quite at a loss to suggest a possible identity for the large plant. So far as we know, the Riverhead region is not noted for any specially interesting or uncommon plant that might answer to this description. One could think, for example, of Rumex hydrolapathum L. or Archangelica officinalis Hoffm. as large marsh plants that might attract the eye of a schoolboy, but these would be only shots in the dark.
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INGLES - STUART MILL Volume 13 The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill 1812-1848 Part II (1838) PDF

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THE EARLIER LETTERS OF JOHN STUART MILL 1838-1848

Letter 405, to Macvey Napier, from MS in the British Museum

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1838 229. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

230. TO JOHN HILL BURTON1

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Believe Me Dear Sir Yours Truly

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231. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

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232. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

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233. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

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Ever Yours Faithfully

234. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

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Ever Yours Truly

235. TO ALBANY FONBLANQUE1

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Wednesday [Feb. 7, 1838]

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Ever Yours Truly

236. TO THE SECRETARY OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE1

Ever Yours Truly

237. TO GUSTAVE DEICHTHAL1

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Ever Yours Fai

238. TO EDWARD LYTTON BULWER1

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Ever Yours Truly

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239. TO EDWARD LYTTON BULWER1

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Ever Yours Faithfully

240. TO LEIGH HUNT1

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Ever Yours Truly

241. TO JOSEPH BLANCO WHITE1

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Ever Faithfully Yours

242. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

243. TO JOHN ROBERTSON1

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244. TO HENRY COLE1