Lilia Bogoeva WMS

Bulgarian Folk Music and its Socio-Political Implications

Bulgarian folk music is a long-standing tradition that both reflects current social and political conditions and has at times even acted as an instrument of social and political change. Traditional folk music was unnotated and served primarily to promote a feeling of communal togetherness. With the advent of Soviet takeover, the government would only subsidize folk music that was Westernized and suited for concert halls, radio, or television, thus turning folk music into an art form and commercial commodity as opposed to a social event. Even with modernization and Western influences coming in during the mid 20th century, Bulgarian folk music has always been focused on presenting a particular emotional feel as opposed to technical virtuosity. Bulgarias location and climate have influenced its social and economic foundations. The nation is located in Eastern Europe near the Balkan mountains and bordering the Black Sea. Its geography lush mountainous landscapes, numerous rivers, fertile soil, and warm spring and summer time climate make it an ideal location for agriculture. Because if these geographical features, Bulgaria has traditionally been an agriculturally-based society, with most of its inhabitants residing in rural villages, living off of subsistence farming, and being illiterate until about 150 years ago (Rice 25: 2001). Bulgarias long history has seen a lot of conflicts between the nations rulership and its peoples desire for freedom. It was part of the Ottoman empire for hundreds of years, until gaining its independence in the mid-1800s. It was after gaining its independence that Bulgaria began modernizing, slowly stepping away from agriculture and towards

Capitalism and industry as the basis of the nations economy. The move towards industrialization sped up substantially when Bulgaria became part of the Soviet Union in 1944 (Rice 25: 2001). The Communist party, was obsessed with the idea of progress and modernization and asserted that following suit with the Partys ideals was the way to achieve this progress. Its location in Eastern Europe separated it from Western Europe and its cultural influences. Thus, even though Bulgaria is located in Europe, its culture, society, and therefore its music, developed differently from that of Western Europe. Therefore, Bulgarian folk music is not based on an organized system of musical theory and notation. Rather, folk music is passed on through oral tradition and remembered by ear and through the physical action of playing the music (Rice 2: 1980). This had to do with the fact that its inhabitants were raised in rural villages and therefore lacked formal education or training in music. Therefore, musical performance emphasized aesthetic delivery and social experience as opposed to technical precision. When beginning the study of Bulgarian folk music, it is important to note that what Bulgarian villagers considered music was different from the meanings Westerners apply to the term. First of all, the Bulgarian folk definition of music, called musica in Bulgarian, only encompasses instrumental music. Thus, a capella vocal performances were not included under the label musica. This means that there was a clear distinction between the labels singer (pevitsa) and musician (musicant). Thus, musician would actually translate into English as instrumental music, not as the overarching category of music (Rice 45: 1980). This is not to say that vocal music was any less valued. It simply demonstrates a cross-

cultural difference in the thought processes related to music. The fact that singing involved words and instrumental playing did not seemed to be a substantial enough difference between the two performance methods that villagers felt the need to distinguish between the two by using different labels. The presence or absence of lyrics relates to the performances purpose. Village songs had four broad purposes: (1) describe the activity it accompanies, such as a dance or wedding, (2) to describe an event that has important cultural implications, (3) to state the values of society, and (4) to entertain (Rice 48: 1980). The same distinction that exists between singer and musician, is also used to differentiate a song (pesen) as being a vocal-only performance and music/tune as being instrumental (Rice 47: 1980). The main instruments of village folk music were the kaval, or flute, the tambura, a stringed instrument, the gajda, a bagpipe, and the gudulka, another important stringed instrument (Rice 44: 1980). Particularly in the Shop region, but in other regions as well, instrumental accompaniment to voice was rare, and when did happen, it was usually not in the same sense that Western musicians think of accompaniment. In fact, in Bulgarian folk music, the instruments would hardly be considered accompaniment at all. Although instrumentals and vocals may occur simultaneously, the singer does not attempt to sing the same pitches or maintain rhythmic synchronicity with the instrument. They merely reinforce and inspire each other, but act independently of each other (Rice 49: 1980). Although this music was not notated or metered, it would be transcribed into Western notation using mostly odd meters, such as 5/8, 7/8, and 11/16 (Rice 63: 1980). These meters are considered complex by Western classical standards, but are not complicated or atypical at all in Bulgarian folk music.

As is typical of folk music, various regional styles emerge. But what all regions of Bulgarian folk music have in common is the emphasis on melodic ornamentation. The Shop region in particular uses an exceptionally large amount of and the vocal effect tresene, which literally means shaking (Rice 58: 1980). The vocal delivery tends to be slightly nasal at times, yet delivered with music projection (Elitsa: 2007). This recording demonstrates the prominent use of ornamentation as well as the textural changes between homophony and polyphony. Contour is the primary focus of melody, and there is not preference of a specific vocal register, tone, or timbre. Virtuosity is of no concern in a vocal performance. Rather, what defines a great vocal performance in this tradition is the ability to ornament a melodic vocal line. The Bulgarian folk idea of ornamentation is the reverse of the Western idea of ornamentation, which uses quick notes to add interest to long ones. Bulgarian folk ornamentation considers long tones as ornamentation to short tones (Rice 60-62: 1980). The aesthetic of folk music was not geared towards virtuosity, but rather to presenting a vibe and telling a story. What these characteristics of folk music reveal about Bulgarian village society was the fact that villagers were primarily concerned with social experience and building a sense of community through their music. They were not determined to out music each other with impressive displays of technical mastery. Bulgarias agricultural background lead to the subject matter of folk songs being based on aspects of life on the farms and often were sung while performing farm work. There were songs for going to the farm at sunrise, songs for the afternoon rest, and songs for returning home once the work was done, to name but a few. Both genders performed farm work, although men performed the more physically demanding tasks. In addition to working songs, there were also songs for holidays, dances, festivals, and celebrations,

with wedding music holding particular importance (Rice 51: 1980). This variety of subject matter reveals that singing was an ingrained aspect of village society. Village women did not have to set aside time specifically to practice and perform songs, rather, they integrated them into their daily tasks. There is an important social aspect of folk music in relationship to gender roles: instrumental music (musica) is considered masculine and singing songs (pesni) is considered feminine, and both genders engage in dancing (Rice 47: 1980). This gender distinction was deeply engrained in village society. Female instrumentalists were given sarcastic and unflattering labels, such as masculine Mary. Typically, men would not sing in performance situations but would sing while drinking in taverns. In contrast, women would always sing perfectly sober and in more official situations. Singing was expected of women, but was induced in men under the influence of alcohol (Rice 48: 2001). This had to do with perceptions of socially appropriate behaviors for each sex. The physicality of playing an instrument, especially drums, was associated with the physicality of farm labor such as herding animals and riding horses, and therefore was considered masculine (Rice 46: 2001). Such gender-specific associations are common in music cultures around the world and reflect deeply-rooted perceptions of ways to preserve traditional notions of masculinity and femininity in the context of musical practice. However, the fact that both genders dance together demonstrates that village society was not intent on keeping men and women in separate spheres. The quintessential Bulgarian folk dance, horo, involves several dancers holding hands in a chain, which of course requires physical contact and movement. Men and women engaged in social, musical experiences together, but still maintained their roles in society.

There are a handful of metaphors that ethnomusicologists use to gain an understanding of music. These metaphors include: music is art, music is social behavior, music is a symbol or text, and music is a commodity (Rice 23-24: 2001). Thinking of music in these terms allows one to deeply analyze the social and political implications of music on both a micro and a macro scale. Such analysis is useful to gain a deep understanding of musics role in a society. In the Bulgarian context in particular, it can be used to understand ways in which folk music has changed over time and how this evolution has been influenced by the political changes the nation has experiencedthe rise and fall of Ottoman rule, the transition into Soviet Communism, and the post-Soviet democratic era. Originally, Bulgarian folk musics primary objective was to facilitate a social experience. As mentioned previously, dances and taverns were important centers of social gathering in villages. Here, music and song played a primary role in facilitating interpersonal interactions. Wedding music has always held a particularly high status of importance, as a wedding marks a crucial transition point in the lives of the couple and their families. Traditionally, village wedding music consisted of songs wishing the couple good luck, prosperity, and fertility. Simultaneously, instrumental players would be playing tunes that inspire group horo dancing (Rice 50: 1980). The cultural significance of wedding music continued into the modern era, and peoples actions during wedding festivities are taken very seriously. During one field study in the late 1980s, a bride chose not to engage in the wedding songs and dances. Although this may not seem like much, the grooms family interpreted her inaction as a sign of disrespect for the family into which she had just married (Rice 26: 2001). The offense that the grooms family took to this demonstrates that such folk traditions are not arbitrary nor are they merely

entertainment. Rather, they are microcosms of Bulgarian society as a whole and carry implications of gender roles, respect for others, and appreciation for ones culture. During the Soviet era, music lost importance as a social event and gained prominence as an art form. This was due to the Communist governments conflicting and doubleedged opinions of folk music. On one hand, the Communist Party pushed hard for modernization and progress, laying to rest any remnants of the old, Ottoman influence on the nations culture as well as any remains of social and economic by-products of the Capitalist government the Party was trying to eradicate. Therefore, they were inclined to suppress many elements of folk tradition in favor of moving towards the style of Western art music. However, the Party was equally concerned with maintaining a sense of Bulgarian national identity. Folk music has always been a symbol of national pride, and preserving folk tradition would allow the government to maintain a positive symbol of the nation. Weighing the pros and cons of folk tradition in the Soviet Union, the government found their solution: integrating elements of village folk music with Western Classical music in government-sponsored concerts. Thus, folk music began being notated, arranged for symphony orchestras, and performed in concert halls as well as being played on both national and international television and radio (Rice 27: 2001). It was the transition into the concert hall that lead to folk music losing importance as a social event, as concert goers viewed performances quietly from their seats as opposed to dancing and singing along. Of course, the government kept tight control and censorship over which music could be played, either making extensive corrections or entirely banning pieces that did not meet standards (Buchanan 177). Censorship and sponsorship further undermined the social value of folk music, but had the positive effect of allowing

musicians to earn a secure and comfortable living. Ti also lead to folk music being treated as a product or commodity available for commercial sale. That being said, Bulgarian folk orchestras, or orkestrani, did preserve a significant of the folk tradition. Although the music was notated, most performers still learned largely by ear and played from memory, using the score only as reference and rarely carrying them to rehearsals (Buchanan 185-187: 2006). Additionally, concert music still emphasized ornamentation as the hallmark of a quality performance, a center point of music students formal conservatory training (Buchanan 191: 2006). This is a definite remnant of village tradition applied to the more modern context of academic training and professional performance of music. Furthermore, composers developed the style obrabotka, meaning to cultivate or polish and refers to a cultivated, polished rendition of a traditional village tune or song. Obrabotkas preserved the traditional sound of the horo or other tune they were based on, but were sometimes disliked by concert goers who found them cheesy or an inaccurate representation of the tradition (Buchanan 196: 2006). As heard in the Koutev orchestra pieces such as Yana Tzvete Brala, the female vocalists preserve the tradition of using heavy tresene as a centerpiece of their vocal style, and the instrumentation remains the same as that used in traditional folk music. The track Kermensko Horo demonstrates the emphasis on melodic ornamentation in instrumental melodies as well as the traditional, energetic feel of group dance music. (Koutev Bulgarian National Ensemble). Whats different about this recorded ensemble, however, is that the instrumentals and vocals seem to be more closely related to each other than they had been in village music. This gives the music a more Western feel by using the concept of instruments acting as accompaniment to vocals, as

opposed to simultaneous yet independent entities. The commercial and artistic aspects of modernized folk music in this era revealed the governments obsession with control, modernization, and a hierarchy of power. Music was used largely as propaganda for the government to promote a positive image of itself as an instrument of progress. The end of the Soviet, era saw growing public dissent towards the oppressive government. It was in this era that wedding music took on a new role as an agent for protest against government oppression. Wedding music used loudness, improvisation, and technical virtuosity as symbols of freedom, individuality, and hopes for a new free society in the future (Rice 33: 2001). This demonstrated not only public frustration with Communist censorship and control, but also the Partys limited ability to control musical meaning and creative expression. Here, music was being used as a symbol of the freedom Bulgarian citizens were hoping to obtain. The changes Bulgarian folk music has gone through have been largely related to the changes in government. This music has been both a reflection of society and an agent for social and political change. Despite all these political and social changes, however, Bulgaria has been more consistent about preserving folk tradition compared to other countries that have gone through frequent political changes.

Citations

Buchanan, Donna. Performing Democracy: Bulgarian Music and Musicians in Transition . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. 177-196. Print. Elitsa, , perf. The Mystery of Bulgarian Voices . 2007. Web. 3 May 2013. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mrcgDhpS3uo>.

Rice, Timothy. "Aspects of Bulgarian Musical Thought." Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council 12. (1980): 43-66. JSTOR. Database. 26 April 2013. Rice, Timothy. "Reflections of Music and Meaning: Metaphore, Signification, and Control in the Bulgarian Case." British Journal for Ethnomusicology 10.1 (2001): 19-38. JSTOR. Database. 26 April 2013.