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THEODOR
W. ADORNO
Philosophy
of Modern
Music
ANDREW
HULTKRANS
Forever
Changes
ANDY MILLER
The Kinks are the Vittage
Green
preseruation
Society
JOE PERNICE
Meat is Murder
STEVE TAYLOR
The A to X of Alternative
Music
ROB
yoUNG
(ed.)
Undercurrents:
The Hidden Wirng of Modern Music
WARREN
ZANES
Dusty in Memphis
READINGS
IN MODERN MUSIC
Edited by Ghristoph Gox
and Daniel Warner
.\ continuum
oL
"Ew
YoRK
.
LoNDoN
16
;Adequate
Modes of Listening
OLA STOCKFELT
Towards evening, I am totally exhausted,
but I can finally sink into the seat and
relax. The roar of the engines and the hiss from the vents is almost deafening'
under normal circumstances,
I detest those sounds, but now they
give me the
marvelous confirmation
that I have made it-l have finally
got past all those unex-
pected and absurd obstacles that forced me to run around and around, all day, in
ine neat, from office to office and from airport to airport, even though I had my
reservation and was ready to depart in the morning. Between this buzz
and the
noise from
dual flute tones find their way to me'
tones that f
at I have finally reached a
place where
I can relax.
can even muster the attention
to listen
as I wasn't listening closely, it was
perfect music for the situation, but now I start to
be both irritated and interested-and
not at all at home any more'
What does it mean to treat
good music like that?
t.
. . .l
88
.
audio culture ola stockfelt
.
89
Western industrialized nations today form a more or less homogeneous cul-
ture dominated musically by European and North American "ad music" and Anglo-
American popular music. Through the phonograph record, radio, and television,
the same music is to a great extent scattered across the entire world.l Each hear-
ing
person
who listens to the radio, watches TV, goes to the movies, goes dancing,
eats in restaurants, goes to supermarkets,
participates in
parties, has built up, has
been forced (in
order to be able to handle her or his
perceptions
of sound)-to
build up an appreciable competence in translating and using the music impres-
sions that stream in from loudspeakers in almost every living space. Such compe-
tence results not primarily from any formalized schooling but from different
everyday learning
processes as we teach ourselves which of the sounds that ebb
and surge across the modern cityscape at every instant of the day should be clus-
tered together and understood as music and which should be understood as
something else; which difierent types of music correlate with which activity and
which subculture; which type of intramusical meanings attach to different types of
sound in different musical conte)ds. The mass-media musical mainstream (in the
widest sense of the
phrase) has hence become something of a nonverbal lingua
franca, one common cultural repertoire transcending traditional culture, class, and
age boundaries.2 Alongside this common cultural competence, many listeners also
live in oe or several more or less profiled subcultures with a more specialized
musical language.s
At the same time, the same listeners have the competence to use the same
type of music, even the same
piece of music, in a variety of different ways in differ-
ent situations. The symphony that in the concert hall or on earphones can
give an
autonomous intramusical experience, tuning one's mood to the highest tension
and shutting out the rest of the world, may in the caf
give the same listeners a
mildly pleasant, relaxed separation from the noise of the street. At the movies (like
the use of Mozart's Symphony no. 40's first movement in a James Bond film)a or
on television (like the main theme from the same movement in the introduction
trailer for the 1987 world ice hockey championships in Vienna), pafts of the same
work may clearly designate the persons and environments shown according to
categories of class and cultural status. And on the car radio in rush hour traffic (if
the radio can't be shut off) the same music may constitute an annoying hazard to
road safety.
ln this way, the situation in which one encounters music conditions the music
itself. Particularly with regard to music within the communal repertoire, one can
even assume that daily listening is often more conditioned by the situation in which
one meets the music than by the music itself, or by the listener's
primary cultural
identity, at least within that more or less homogeneous cultural sphere that com-
prises
Western industrialized environments. Which mode of listening the listener
adopts in a given situation depends mainly on how the listener chooses to listen-
that is, which mode of listening he or she chooses to develop or adopt. And yet
this choice is neither totally free nor accidental.
ln part,
every mode of listening demands a significant degree of competence
on the part of the listener (and the competence will not be less by being shared by
many), and no listener can have an infinite repertoire of modes of listening. The
mode of listening a listener can adopt is in this way limited by the competences in
modes of listening that he or she
possesses or can develop in a given situation
16
;Adequate
Modes of Listening
OLA STOCKFELT
Towards evening, I am totally exhausted,
but I can finally sink into the seat and
relax. The roar of the engines and the hiss from the vents is almost deafening'
under normal circumstances,
I detest those sounds, but now they
give me the
marvelous confirmation
that I have made it-l have finally
got past all those unex-
pected and absurd obstacles that forced me to run around and around, all day, in
ine neat, from office to office and from airport to airport, even though I had my
reservation and was ready to depart in the morning. Between this buzz
and the
noise from
dual flute tones find their way to me'
tones that f
at I have finally reached a
place where
I can relax.
can even muster the attention
to listen
as I wasn't listening closely, it was
perfect music for the situation, but now I start to
be both irritated and interested-and
not at all at home any more'
What does it mean to treat
good music like that?
t.
. . .l
88
.
audio culture ola stockfelt
.
89
Western industrialized nations today form a more or less homogeneous cul-
ture dominated musically by European and North American "ad music" and Anglo-
American popular music. Through the phonograph record, radio, and television,
the same music is to a great extent scattered across the entire world.l Each hear-
ing
person
who listens to the radio, watches TV, goes to the movies, goes dancing,
eats in restaurants, goes to supermarkets,
participates in
parties, has built up, has
been forced (in
order to be able to handle her or his
perceptions
of sound)-to
build up an appreciable competence in translating and using the music impres-
sions that stream in from loudspeakers in almost every living space. Such compe-
tence results not primarily from any formalized schooling but from different
everyday learning
processes as we teach ourselves which of the sounds that ebb
and surge across the modern cityscape at every instant of the day should be clus-
tered together and understood as music and which should be understood as
something else; which difierent types of music correlate with which activity and
which subculture; which type of intramusical meanings attach to different types of
sound in different musical conte)ds. The mass-media musical mainstream (in the
widest sense of the
phrase) has hence become something of a nonverbal lingua
franca, one common cultural repertoire transcending traditional culture, class, and
age boundaries.2 Alongside this common cultural competence, many listeners also
live in oe or several more or less profiled subcultures with a more specialized
musical language.s
At the same time, the same listeners have the competence to use the same
type of music, even the same
piece of music, in a variety of different ways in differ-
ent situations. The symphony that in the concert hall or on earphones can
give an
autonomous intramusical experience, tuning one's mood to the highest tension
and shutting out the rest of the world, may in the caf
give the same listeners a
mildly pleasant, relaxed separation from the noise of the street. At the movies (like
the use of Mozart's Symphony no. 40's first movement in a James Bond film)a or
on television (like the main theme from the same movement in the introduction
trailer for the 1987 world ice hockey championships in Vienna), pafts of the same
work may clearly designate the persons and environments shown according to
categories of class and cultural status. And on the car radio in rush hour traffic (if
the radio can't be shut off) the same music may constitute an annoying hazard to
road safety.
ln this way, the situation in which one encounters music conditions the music
itself. Particularly with regard to music within the communal repertoire, one can
even assume that daily listening is often more conditioned by the situation in which
one meets the music than by the music itself, or by the listener's
primary cultural
identity, at least within that more or less homogeneous cultural sphere that com-
prises
Western industrialized environments. Which mode of listening the listener
adopts in a given situation depends mainly on how the listener chooses to listen-
that is, which mode of listening he or she chooses to develop or adopt. And yet
this choice is neither totally free nor accidental.
ln part,
every mode of listening demands a significant degree of competence
on the part of the listener (and the competence will not be less by being shared by
many), and no listener can have an infinite repertoire of modes of listening. The
mode of listening a listener can adopt is in this way limited by the competences in
modes of listening that he or she
possesses or can develop in a given situation
t.
. . .l /n paft, not every mode of listening is in any immediate way adaptable to
every type of sound structure or even to every type of musical work
.
. . .7 ln paft,
different modes of listening are in different ways more or less firmly connected to
specific listening situations. For example, to dance during a symphony concert
(practically impossible because of the fixed seats) is to commit a gaffe, a breach of
social convention, even if one is hearing Viennese waltzes or other music originally
meant to accompany dancing. lt is likewise inappropriate to sink into prolonged
intramusical contemplation when one is squeezed into a 7-1 1-type convenience
storq /n paft,finally, the listenefs choice of strategies is not entirely free. lt can be
impgsible, for example, to choose to listen in an autonomously reflexive mode if
too
qiany
other things are competing for attention, and impossible to refuse to lis-
ten-to dishearken-to very strong and
profiled sounds, or to musemes with a
special significance for the listener.s Different listeners are also conscious to differ-
ent degrees of their own choice of mode of listening, and are moreover able to
adapt a chosen mode of listening in different situations in relation to different types
of sound structures
[.
. . .]
Today, one can hear almost any style of music in any surrounding and in any
situation. The sound of big opera ensembles can be fitted onto a windsurfing
board, and the sound of a nylon-stringed
guitar can fill a football stadium;
one
can
listen to march music in the bathtub and salon music in the mountains. This state
of affairs is still
quite novel. Not that long ago, one was obliged to go to the opera
to hear opera, and the only way to hear the
guitar was to sit rather close to the
performer. Various musical styles were implicitly bound to specific environments
and specific relationships between the pedormer and the listener
[.
. . .l
Each style of music, even if it can make an appearance almost anywhere
today, is shaped in close relation to a few environments. ln each
genre, a few envi-
ronments, a few situations of listening, make up the constitutive elements in this
genre: "The distance between musician and audience, between spectator and
spectator, the overall dimension of the events are often fundamental elements in
the definition of a genre, and often guide the participants, in the right or wrong way
in determining what they should expect about other rules of
genre; often 'how
you
re seated' says more about the music that will be performed than a
poster does."6
Such an environment can be concretely tangible, like a concert hall, a palais
de danse, or a church; but it may also be more difficult to localize. Loudspeakers
constitute a sort of musical environment,
just
as one can say that in certain con-
texts "radio offerings" in their own right constitute a musical environment-not as
tangible as a church but not less real.
For recently produced works of music, the style-specific and genre-specific
environments have often been identical. Music that is intended for performance in
a concert hall has been
produced for the concert hall situation. For music mainly
targeted toward
play
on car stereos, one can, for instance, use small speakers that
simulate car stereos during the mixing. For works of music that have existed for a
longer time, however, the discrepancy can be considerable: this is the case, for
example, when liturgical or
predominantly dance music is
performed in the concert
hall for a seated
public
engaged in aesthetic contemplation. ln these instances the
changed situation of listening has meant greater or lesser changes in the work of
music as sound and especially in lhe perceived work of music.T
90
.
audio culture ola stockfelt
.
91
For each musical genre,
a number of listening situations in a
given
historical
situation constitute the genre-specific
relation between music and listener. These
determine the genre-defining properg
and the ideal relation between music and
listener that were presumed
in the formation of the musical styl+in the compos-
ing, the arranging, the performance,
the programming
of the music. I have chosen
to call these genre-normative
listening situations.
Genre-normative listening situations are not absolute but are perpetually
changing in tandem with the changes in society, in the same way that musical
styles change. The private
music rooms of late eighteenth-century connoisseurs,
for example, engendered a totally different relationship between the listener and
the music from those attaining in the opera hall or concert hall, relationships that
in their turn ditfered from those characteristic of the bourgeos salon and restau-
rant. These ditferent situations hence demanded or made possible
dfferent types
of musical performance (in spite of the fact that the works being performed
might
be identical on
paper).
The situations, and the different performances,
also
demanded or made possible
different modes of lstening, and hence resulted in
different musical experiences.
Consequently, each genre
also has a number ol genre-normative
modes of
listening, and even these have changed over time in relationships corresponding
to styles of music, to choices of strategies of the listener, to the genre-normative
situations of listening, and to a series of social factors. The reflexive, active attitude
of musicians to music is a mode of listening that is probably (to
some extent) com-
mon to almost all forms of "music" (for instance, if one also counts electronic
music composers as performing
musicians). Other normative modes of listening,
like the normative user situations, can almost become defining characteristics for
other genres
of music.
I have chosen to call each listening in a
genre-normative
listening situation
with its situation-associated genre-normative
mode of listening adequate listening.
Adequate listening hence occurs when one listens to musc according to the exi-
gencies
of a given
social situation and according to the predominant
sociocultural
conventions of the subculture to which the music belongs.
As a rule, a genre
comprises several types of adequate listening. The person
who performs
music listens with a different type of concentration than do
people
who are simply listening; but both types of listening can surely be adequate to the
genre.
Both those who are caught up in the music and dance wildly out on the floor
and those who stand close to the stage and concentrate, admiring and studying
the virtuosity of the solo guitarist,
show adequate attitudes at a blues-rock concert;
on the other hand, someone who leans back and with half-closed eyes tries to
follow the tonal and thematic tension, relations, and dissolutions is probably not
listening
adequately.
To listen adequately hence does not mean any
particular,
better, or "more
musical," "more intellectual," or "culturally
superiol'way of listening. lt means that
one masters and develops the ability to listen for what is relevant to the genre
in
the music, for what is adequate to understanding according to the specific genre's
comprehensible context. Adequate listening is not a prerequisite
of assimilating or
enjoying music, of learning how to recognize musical styles, or how to create
meaning for oneself from what music expresses; it ,s a prerequisite
of using music
as a language in a broader sense, as a medium for real communication from com-
t.
. . .l /n paft, not every mode of listening is in any immediate way adaptable to
every type of sound structure or even to every type of musical work
.
. . .7 ln paft,
different modes of listening are in different ways more or less firmly connected to
specific listening situations. For example, to dance during a symphony concert
(practically impossible because of the fixed seats) is to commit a gaffe, a breach of
social convention, even if one is hearing Viennese waltzes or other music originally
meant to accompany dancing. lt is likewise inappropriate to sink into prolonged
intramusical contemplation when one is squeezed into a 7-1 1-type convenience
storq /n paft,finally, the listenefs choice of strategies is not entirely free. lt can be
impgsible, for example, to choose to listen in an autonomously reflexive mode if
too
qiany
other things are competing for attention, and impossible to refuse to lis-
ten-to dishearken-to very strong and
profiled sounds, or to musemes with a
special significance for the listener.s Different listeners are also conscious to differ-
ent degrees of their own choice of mode of listening, and are moreover able to
adapt a chosen mode of listening in different situations in relation to different types
of sound structures
[.
. . .]
Today, one can hear almost any style of music in any surrounding and in any
situation. The sound of big opera ensembles can be fitted onto a windsurfing
board, and the sound of a nylon-stringed
guitar can fill a football stadium;
one
can
listen to march music in the bathtub and salon music in the mountains. This state
of affairs is still
quite novel. Not that long ago, one was obliged to go to the opera
to hear opera, and the only way to hear the
guitar was to sit rather close to the
performer. Various musical styles were implicitly bound to specific environments
and specific relationships between the pedormer and the listener
[.
. . .l
Each style of music, even if it can make an appearance almost anywhere
today, is shaped in close relation to a few environments. ln each
genre, a few envi-
ronments, a few situations of listening, make up the constitutive elements in this
genre: "The distance between musician and audience, between spectator and
spectator, the overall dimension of the events are often fundamental elements in
the definition of a genre, and often guide the participants, in the right or wrong way
in determining what they should expect about other rules of
genre; often 'how
you
re seated' says more about the music that will be performed than a
poster does."6
Such an environment can be concretely tangible, like a concert hall, a palais
de danse, or a church; but it may also be more difficult to localize. Loudspeakers
constitute a sort of musical environment,
just
as one can say that in certain con-
texts "radio offerings" in their own right constitute a musical environment-not as
tangible as a church but not less real.
For recently produced works of music, the style-specific and genre-specific
environments have often been identical. Music that is intended for performance in
a concert hall has been
produced for the concert hall situation. For music mainly
targeted toward
play
on car stereos, one can, for instance, use small speakers that
simulate car stereos during the mixing. For works of music that have existed for a
longer time, however, the discrepancy can be considerable: this is the case, for
example, when liturgical or
predominantly dance music is
performed in the concert
hall for a seated
public
engaged in aesthetic contemplation. ln these instances the
changed situation of listening has meant greater or lesser changes in the work of
music as sound and especially in lhe perceived work of music.T
90
.
audio culture ola stockfelt
.
91
For each musical genre,
a number of listening situations in a
given
historical
situation constitute the genre-specific
relation between music and listener. These
determine the genre-defining properg
and the ideal relation between music and
listener that were presumed
in the formation of the musical styl+in the compos-
ing, the arranging, the performance,
the programming
of the music. I have chosen
to call these genre-normative
listening situations.
Genre-normative listening situations are not absolute but are perpetually
changing in tandem with the changes in society, in the same way that musical
styles change. The private
music rooms of late eighteenth-century connoisseurs,
for example, engendered a totally different relationship between the listener and
the music from those attaining in the opera hall or concert hall, relationships that
in their turn ditfered from those characteristic of the bourgeos salon and restau-
rant. These ditferent situations hence demanded or made possible
dfferent types
of musical performance (in spite of the fact that the works being performed
might
be identical on
paper).
The situations, and the different performances,
also
demanded or made possible
different modes of lstening, and hence resulted in
different musical experiences.
Consequently, each genre
also has a number ol genre-normative
modes of
listening, and even these have changed over time in relationships corresponding
to styles of music, to choices of strategies of the listener, to the genre-normative
situations of listening, and to a series of social factors. The reflexive, active attitude
of musicians to music is a mode of listening that is probably (to
some extent) com-
mon to almost all forms of "music" (for instance, if one also counts electronic
music composers as performing
musicians). Other normative modes of listening,
like the normative user situations, can almost become defining characteristics for
other genres
of music.
I have chosen to call each listening in a
genre-normative
listening situation
with its situation-associated genre-normative
mode of listening adequate listening.
Adequate listening hence occurs when one listens to musc according to the exi-
gencies
of a given
social situation and according to the predominant
sociocultural
conventions of the subculture to which the music belongs.
As a rule, a genre
comprises several types of adequate listening. The person
who performs
music listens with a different type of concentration than do
people
who are simply listening; but both types of listening can surely be adequate to the
genre.
Both those who are caught up in the music and dance wildly out on the floor
and those who stand close to the stage and concentrate, admiring and studying
the virtuosity of the solo guitarist,
show adequate attitudes at a blues-rock concert;
on the other hand, someone who leans back and with half-closed eyes tries to
follow the tonal and thematic tension, relations, and dissolutions is probably not
listening
adequately.
To listen adequately hence does not mean any
particular,
better, or "more
musical," "more intellectual," or "culturally
superiol'way of listening. lt means that
one masters and develops the ability to listen for what is relevant to the genre
in
the music, for what is adequate to understanding according to the specific genre's
comprehensible context. Adequate listening is not a prerequisite
of assimilating or
enjoying music, of learning how to recognize musical styles, or how to create
meaning for oneself from what music expresses; it ,s a prerequisite
of using music
as a language in a broader sense, as a medium for real communication from com-
poser,
musician, or programmer to audience/listener. ln live situations, an ade-
quately listening audience may also be the prerequisite
for the
performers'
ability
to peorm genre-adequate
music in genres that build on reciprocal communication
between executors and listeners. Adequate listening, with adequate modes of lis-
tening in an adequate situation, is a normative
part
of music genre, in the same
way that sounding material is.
Adequate listening is, like all languages, always the result of an informal
(although sometimes formalized) contract between a greater
or smaller group of
people,
an agreement about the relation of the musical means of expression to
this gtoup's picture of the world. Adequate listening is hence always in the broad-
est dqnse ideological: it relates to a set of opinions belonging to a social
group
aboutrideal relations between individuals, between individuals and cultural expres-
sion, and between the cultural expressions and the construction of socie[
t.
. . .l
[A]utonomous
reflexive listening is not the only adequate listening to develop
and establish itself:
people
have listened adequately to different music in a number
of different ways, even though not all these modes of listening were carried on in
a formalized fashion into the
present.
There has never been only one adequate
autonomous listening in existence-disagreement between different theoretical
schools can be seen as oppositions between different autonomous adequacy ide-
als that can,
perhaps
by splitting hairs, be said to constitute different musical
genres within the frame of one and the same musical style.
Analysis of a musical genre, or of a work in a musical genre, must contain and
be based on analysis of the listening adequate to that
genre,
of the music as it is
experienced as adequate to the
genre in the normative listening situations, with an
adequate mode of listening, adequate extramusical connotations, and adequate
simultaneous activities-this is a prerequisite for the
possibility of analyzing the
"right"
piece
of music. However, for analyses of everyday music listening, this is
not always enough. Analysis of music in everyday listening situations must be
based on listening adequate to the given situation. Such adequacy is not deter-
mined by the music style in and of itself, or by the
genre within which the music
style was created, or by the genre to which it primarily belongs today, but rather
by the location of the music in the specific situation. That location determines, for
instance, who can fulfill the role of
"transmittef in "the musical communication
chain." When analyzing background music that targets a
general audience in a
specific situation, one might therefore develop a strategy of making the music
understandable as it is meant to be made understandable by the arranger and
pro-
grammer. An analysis based on a one-sided, concentrated, autonomous listening
will be an analysis of the wrong object, even if the music analyzed originally was
created for such a mode of listening. This constraint naturally creates special
methodological
problems, inasmuch as an adequately adapted "background lis-
tening" makes continuous reflexive consciousness impossible. An analysis must
therefore begin from such shifts between modes of listening, between foreground
and background
t..
. .l
Hence we must develop our competence reflexively to control the use of, and
the shifts between, different modes of listening to different types of sound events.
ln the same way that we must listen to the urban soundscape as "music" in order
to make it more human, thereby developing the competence to draw up active
goals
for the "composition" of a more human sound environment, we must
92
.
audio culture
ola stockfelt
.
93
develop the competence to listen to that music precisely
as a
part
of the sounds-
cape in order to explain and change the position
of the music in this soundscape.
lnsofar as we strive to understand today's everyday music and want to develop
pedagogical programs
with real relevance to those who will live and
participate
in
this musical life, we must develop our own reflexive consciousness and compe-
tence as active "idle listeners."
NOTES
1. See Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, Big Sounds from Small People: The Music lndus-
try in Small Countries (New York Pendragon, 1984), and Jeremy Tunstall, The Media Are
American: Anglo-American Media in the World, Communcation and Society series
(New
York Columbia University Press, 1977).
2. Philip Tagg convincingly demonstrates both the common competence of adequately
understanding and conte)dually placing different muscal structures through the process of
reflexive listening and the fact that listeners for the most part understand the musical semiotic
content in such stuations in the same way, across cultural areas in other ways considerably
separated
Cfagg
and Clarida, unpublished report on listeners' responses to film and televi-
son ttle themes).
3. See Ulf Hannez's discussion of "cultural repertoires" in Hannez, "Research in the
Black Ghetto: A Review of the Sixties," Discoverng Afro-America, ed. Roger D. Abrahams
and John F. Szwed
(Leiden: lntematonal Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology, E. J.
Brill, 1975), and Hannez, "Delkulturema och helheten" ("Subcultures and the Totality"), Kul-
tut och medvetande (Culture and Consciousness), ed. Ulf Hannez, Rita Liljestrm, and
Orvar Lfgren (Gteborg: Akademilitteratu r, 1 982).
4. The Living Daylighfs, 1988.
5. Minimal fragments of musical meaning. See Philip Tagg, Kojak, 50 Seconds of Televi-
sion Music-toward the Analysis of Affect in Popular Music (Gteborg:
Skrifter frn Musikvet-
enskapliga nsttutionn vid Gteborgs Universitet No. 2, 1979)-Trans.
6. Franco Fabbri, "A Theory of Musical Genres: Two Applications," Popular Music Per-
spectives, ed. David Hom and Philip Tagg (Gteborg and Exeter: lntemational Association
tor the Study of Popular Music, 1981
),
57.
7. One could even say that changes n the listenng situation, and therefore in the modes
of listening, have created totally new works of music-in cases where the sounding structure
in the original context wasn't being
perceived
as music.
poser,
musician, or programmer to audience/listener. ln live situations, an ade-
quately listening audience may also be the prerequisite
for the
performers'
ability
to peorm genre-adequate
music in genres that build on reciprocal communication
between executors and listeners. Adequate listening, with adequate modes of lis-
tening in an adequate situation, is a normative
part
of music genre, in the same
way that sounding material is.
Adequate listening is, like all languages, always the result of an informal
(although sometimes formalized) contract between a greater
or smaller group of
people,
an agreement about the relation of the musical means of expression to
this gtoup's picture of the world. Adequate listening is hence always in the broad-
est dqnse ideological: it relates to a set of opinions belonging to a social
group
aboutrideal relations between individuals, between individuals and cultural expres-
sion, and between the cultural expressions and the construction of socie[
t.
. . .l
[A]utonomous
reflexive listening is not the only adequate listening to develop
and establish itself:
people
have listened adequately to different music in a number
of different ways, even though not all these modes of listening were carried on in
a formalized fashion into the
present.
There has never been only one adequate
autonomous listening in existence-disagreement between different theoretical
schools can be seen as oppositions between different autonomous adequacy ide-
als that can,
perhaps
by splitting hairs, be said to constitute different musical
genres within the frame of one and the same musical style.
Analysis of a musical genre, or of a work in a musical genre, must contain and
be based on analysis of the listening adequate to that
genre,
of the music as it is
experienced as adequate to the
genre in the normative listening situations, with an
adequate mode of listening, adequate extramusical connotations, and adequate
simultaneous activities-this is a prerequisite for the
possibility of analyzing the
"right"
piece
of music. However, for analyses of everyday music listening, this is
not always enough. Analysis of music in everyday listening situations must be
based on listening adequate to the given situation. Such adequacy is not deter-
mined by the music style in and of itself, or by the
genre within which the music
style was created, or by the genre to which it primarily belongs today, but rather
by the location of the music in the specific situation. That location determines, for
instance, who can fulfill the role of
"transmittef in "the musical communication
chain." When analyzing background music that targets a
general audience in a
specific situation, one might therefore develop a strategy of making the music
understandable as it is meant to be made understandable by the arranger and
pro-
grammer. An analysis based on a one-sided, concentrated, autonomous listening
will be an analysis of the wrong object, even if the music analyzed originally was
created for such a mode of listening. This constraint naturally creates special
methodological
problems, inasmuch as an adequately adapted "background lis-
tening" makes continuous reflexive consciousness impossible. An analysis must
therefore begin from such shifts between modes of listening, between foreground
and background
t..
. .l
Hence we must develop our competence reflexively to control the use of, and
the shifts between, different modes of listening to different types of sound events.
ln the same way that we must listen to the urban soundscape as "music" in order
to make it more human, thereby developing the competence to draw up active
goals
for the "composition" of a more human sound environment, we must
92
.
audio culture
ola stockfelt
.
93
develop the competence to listen to that music precisely
as a
part
of the sounds-
cape in order to explain and change the position
of the music in this soundscape.
lnsofar as we strive to understand today's everyday music and want to develop
pedagogical programs
with real relevance to those who will live and
participate
in
this musical life, we must develop our own reflexive consciousness and compe-
tence as active "idle listeners."
NOTES
1. See Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, Big Sounds from Small People: The Music lndus-
try in Small Countries (New York Pendragon, 1984), and Jeremy Tunstall, The Media Are
American: Anglo-American Media in the World, Communcation and Society series
(New
York Columbia University Press, 1977).
2. Philip Tagg convincingly demonstrates both the common competence of adequately
understanding and conte)dually placing different muscal structures through the process of
reflexive listening and the fact that listeners for the most part understand the musical semiotic
content in such stuations in the same way, across cultural areas in other ways considerably
separated
Cfagg
and Clarida, unpublished report on listeners' responses to film and televi-
son ttle themes).
3. See Ulf Hannez's discussion of "cultural repertoires" in Hannez, "Research in the
Black Ghetto: A Review of the Sixties," Discoverng Afro-America, ed. Roger D. Abrahams
and John F. Szwed
(Leiden: lntematonal Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology, E. J.
Brill, 1975), and Hannez, "Delkulturema och helheten" ("Subcultures and the Totality"), Kul-
tut och medvetande (Culture and Consciousness), ed. Ulf Hannez, Rita Liljestrm, and
Orvar Lfgren (Gteborg: Akademilitteratu r, 1 982).
4. The Living Daylighfs, 1988.
5. Minimal fragments of musical meaning. See Philip Tagg, Kojak, 50 Seconds of Televi-
sion Music-toward the Analysis of Affect in Popular Music (Gteborg:
Skrifter frn Musikvet-
enskapliga nsttutionn vid Gteborgs Universitet No. 2, 1979)-Trans.
6. Franco Fabbri, "A Theory of Musical Genres: Two Applications," Popular Music Per-
spectives, ed. David Hom and Philip Tagg (Gteborg and Exeter: lntemational Association
tor the Study of Popular Music, 1981
),
57.
7. One could even say that changes n the listenng situation, and therefore in the modes
of listening, have created totally new works of music-in cases where the sounding structure
in the original context wasn't being
perceived
as music.