Ynchings in Istorical Ontext: The Lynching of Black America

LYNCHINGS
IN
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
At the Hands of Persons Unknown:

The Lynching of Black America
Philip Dray
New York: Random House, 2002
$35.00
528 pp.
Reviewed by Dwight D. Murphey
ne of the things most admirable about the film adaptation of Truman

Capotes In Cold Blood a few years ago was that the film never allowed
itself to focus entirely on the criminals and their hanging. Flashbacks
showing their robbery and murder of a Kansas farm family constantly
reminded the viewer that there was more to the story than the criminals own
personal travail.
The lack of such balance is a serious flaw in any history of lynching in the
United States that presents the subject with an overemphasis on the lynching
itself. The selection of the subject has built in the bias unless the author is
careful. In Philip Drays narrative, he will mention briefly that a white woman
named Anna Pelly, twenty-four, was found raped and murdered in an alley,
strangled to death, or that a seventeen year old white girl, Eula Ausley, went
missing and was found murdered in a forest clearing, her throat slashed from
ear to ear. But all of the narrative from that point forward (often for two or
three pages) centers on the search for and eventual lynching of the alleged
perpetrator.
A book could just as validly be written entitled At the Hands of Persons
Known: A Century of Outrages against White America, with emphasis on the
innocents who were robbed or raped or murdered or kidnapped, followed by
a mere sentence or two about what happened to the accused. Of course, the
very suggestion of that, under such a title, will seem outlandish; but the fact that
it is a mirror image of Drays own subtitle, The Lynching of Black America, shows
just how selective and distorted is Drays approach.
100
Vol. 3, No. 1
The Occidental Quarterly
Unfortunately, the bias does not come only from a naive framing of the
subject. Dray is committed to the lefts view of American history, which has
long since become the conventional view. His lengthy narrative account of a
century of lynchings, dwelling primarily on those in the South, tells the story
in easily readable fashion, and it is apparent that he has done considerable
research into those parts of the story that he chooses to emphasize. Most
readers, not predisposed to question the conventional account, will find the
book yet another demonstration of how cruel, rapacious, and hypocritical
white society has been and how much blacks have been the victims of that
viciousness. Drays book will especially help round out the education of young
readers who are assigned the book in school.
From the standpoint of intellectual honesty and accuracy, the well-told
narrative doesnt make up for its failings, most of them stemming from Drays
leftist myopia. He brings no historical perspective whatever to his eagerness to
condemn white society. Efforts to establish precise numbers...become, at a
certain point, meaningless, he says, ... whether their number was 500, 5,000,
or 25,000.... We might note that Robert Zangrando, in his book The NAACP
Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950, indicates a total of 4,742 between 1882
and 1968. Of these, he says, 1,297 were white and 3,445 black. (The New York
Times has on at least two occasions reported that all those lynched then were
black, but that was the result either of the particular authors dishonesty or
sloppiness.)
The number of fewer than 5,000 lynchings over 87 years is hardly
meaningless when we compare it with the 85 to 100 million victims of
Communism estimated by several prominent European scholars in their recent
Black Book of Communism. Consider, also, the list published in Insight magazine
of just the more recent genocidal killings:
Sudan, where 1.5 million plus are dead; Rwanda, where estimates range from
500,000 to 800,000; East Timor, at least 100,000; Sri Lanka, 54,000; Tajikistan,
30,000 to 50,000; Algeria, 70,000 to 80,000; Liberia, 200,000; Chechnya, 80,000;
Ethiopia/Eritrea, 10,000 in recent weeks; Iraq, 1 million; and Kosovo, 2,000 prior
to the NATO bombing attacks.
These are numbers that are beyond effective human comprehension, but
each of the victims lived and breathed, laughed and cried, every bit as much as
the blacks that Dray tells about. It is ideology, not an objective view of history,
that caused Dray and Random House to select their subject.
The hypocrisy of his leftist ideology is especially apparent when at a number
of junctures Dray expresses his condonation of communists. This condonation
is a part of contemporary intellectual culture even though it has now been
seventy years since a good many Western intellectuals began finally to hear
the screams and turn away from communism. Dray refers to the Communist
theoretician Herbert Aptheker as the scholar Herbert Aptheker. Of Paul
Robeson, he says: A Communist sympathizer, he was also a strong, unbowed
Spring 2003 /
Murphey
101
black man.... And to Dray, anti-communism was yet more evidence of

Americas depravity, as we see in his references to the red scare, Red
baiting, and anti-Red paranoia. He would never write this way if Nazism
rather than communism were the form of totalitarianism involved.
Human thought takes so many turns that one is tempted to write a treatise
on the zoology of the human mind. In that context it is often best just to smile
at the results, and it would be unwise to question a speakers intellectual
honesty. Certainly, I wont do so here. There is reason, however, to point out
some significant disconnections in Drays thinking.
It seems oddly advantageous for him to cut off his narrative, as he does, in
1965. This leaves the reader with what seems to be a history of struggle for due
process and social political equality. If the author had gone just a few months
further, he could have told how the civil rights movement turned toward
black power and kicked out its white activists. If he had brought the
narrative forward just a short time more, he could have discussed how
equality transmuted almost immediately into a demand for compensatory
privilege. More than that, he could have related the American Lefts advance
beyond the black struggle to use Third World immigration, multiculturalism,
and an adversary culture to swamp the traditional Euro-American society.
If Dray had sought a recent subject comparable to his lynching narrative, he
could have told the individual stories of the now countless victims of black on
black drive by shootings. Instead, he chose to stop in 1965, while the integration
movement was still arguably a picture of an underdog seeking justice.
Even though Drays book was published in 2002, he strangely fails to add
perspective by commenting on contemporary comparisons with much that he
discusses. About the Atlanta race riot in 1906, he says that for blacks, the sense
of abandonment during the riot was virtually complete. The police were
distinctly unhelpful, and the state militia and federal soldiers stationed at
nearby Fort McPherson arrived only after several hours. It wouldnt have
been out of line for Dray to comment about how similar this was to the Los
Angeles riot in May, 1992, when Korean merchants under attack by blacks
were left undefended for many hours. Elsewhere, Dray tells how white
residents were unwilling to come forward to identify other whites who had
taken part in a lynching. It would have helped the reader grasp the universality
of much human behavior if Dray had commented upon how little cooperation
police receive today from black residents in identifying drive-by shooters. As
to the trial of the defendants accused of murdering Emmett Till in 1955, Dray says
that the white jury came back with a not guilty verdict even though the known
facts that the jury took with them into the deliberation room might, anywhere else
in the world, have pointed to a more or less automatic conviction. Wouldnt you
think Dray would have been moved to comment on how the same thing happened
in the O.J. Simpson case with a black jury?
102
Vol. 3, No. 1
The Occidental Quarterly
Moreover, Drays insights are ideologically selective. American blacks,

he says, were victims of seventeenth and eighteenth century European
imperialism. He lets it stand at that, and says nothing about the worldwide
British drive to abolish the slave trade or about black African complicity in
capturing and selling their fellow blacks into slavery. Of course, there is
nothing about slavery having been an institution in a great many societies
throughout history.
There is so much lacking in Drays book that it is difficult to end this review.
Before we conclude, however, it is worth noting that at no point is there an
effort to understand, with any empathy at all, the concerns of white Americans
in those years. They were, it seems, just inexplicably vicious.
Dwight D. Murphey is the author of a legal studies monograph,

LynchingHistory and Analysis, published by the Journal of
Social, Political and Economic Studies. It is an intellectual scandal
reminiscent of the Lysenko case in the Soviet Union that Canada has
barred entry to the monograph as hate literature.

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LYNCHINGS

At the Hands of Persons Unknown:

Reviewed by Dwight D. Murphey

ne of the things most admirable about the film adaptation of Truman

The Occidental Quarterly

black man.... And to Dray, anti-communism was yet more evidence of

The Occidental Quarterly

Moreover, Drays insights are ideologically selective. American blacks,

Dwight D. Murphey is the author of a legal studies monograph,

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