MARINA FISCHER The Hetaira's Kalathos
MARINA FISCHER The Hetaira's Kalathos
MARINA FISCHER The Hetaira's Kalathos
The author would like to express her sincere gratitude to Dr. R. Bertolin Cebrian for her continuous
support and encouragement.
2
Beazley 1931: 121 maintained this position until his death.
3
The female wool workers are given valuable gifts; purses are most common, but food, necklaces,
wreaths, fillets, sprigs and alabastra are also seen. Sutton 1981: 348.
His argument was weak, as some spinning women were indeed lavishly dressed. See Sutton 1981:
349.
5
Ferrari 2002: 14-15. Rather than acknowledging the identities of these women as prostitutes, Ferrari
replaces the notion of monetary payment with childish game pieces or gifts. The topic of money-bags was
discussed in detail by the author in Fischer 2008.
6
Sutton 1981: 356. Some scholars argue that the images of prostitutes do not portray reality but a male
fantasy or mistaken identity. They instigate the visual renderings of prostitutes to be rejected, and in the
process cause these women to become invisible. On account of this attitude, prostitutes have not been
clearly defined, and as a result, their portrayals on Attic pottery are often dismissed. S. Lewis, for
example, scrutinizes the evidence for women's work outside the home, especially sex-work, and concludes
that erotic imagery was produced not for an Athenian audience but for an Etruscan clientele, which placed
such pots in tombs as "charms against the evil eye" (see Lewis 2002: 129; Lee 2003.09.28). Lee clearly
points out inconsistencies in Lewis's theory; for example, Lewis "explains the often-reproduced image of a
woman sprinkling phalloi (fig. 2.28) as a "joke" of "non-ritual horticulture" (p. 83), whereas in Chapter 3
she notes, "many scenes of women with phalloi are religious in nature, such as the pelike with a woman
growing phalloi" (p. 128). (Lee 2003.09.28). In addition, Lewis's insistence on taking "Athenian" out of
Athenian pottery is also troubling.
~Page
10
Sutton cites a kylix by Ambrosios Painter dated ca. 510 BCE as the most convincing
evidence that some wool-working women are indeed prostitutes. 7 The kylix shows men
interested in women who are getting ready to entertain them. In contrast to the women,
the men are of the leisurely class. They are in no hurry to leave, while watching and
flirting with women who are carrying out their chores. Even though the vase is
damaged, Aphrodisia (named) is still visible seated and holding up a spindle full of yam
to an unnamed woman standing in front of her with a wool-basket full of wool. They
appear to be finishing with their tasks and preparing to go out with the clients. To the
right, another named woman (Obole) is seated playing the flute to a standing man
holding out a flower to her. Behind, the fourth woman is spinning, which clearly
indicates that wool-working and entertainment were not contradictory activities (Sutton
1981: 358).
On the other side of the kylix, a seated man watches a lavishly dressed woman
(named Rhodo ... ) fastening her sandal, obviously preparing to go outdoors. Next, a man
leaning on his staff reaches to take the wreath offered to him by a seated woman, while
another man looks on. This vase clearly demonstrates that no sharp distinction was
made between domestic lives of respected and non-respected women, except in terms of
their dealings with men. There is no other vase that provides, with such certainty, a
glimpse into the lif~ of prostitutes (in this case most likely courtesans or common
hetairat), who appear otherwise only as entertainers at symposia (Sutton 1981: 358). In
conclusion, the Ambrosios kylix shows that textile industry and sexuality merge in the
scenes ofwool-working.
In other words, it seems that some female labour aroused male erotic fantasies. This
notion is confirmed by the images of water-carrying which fall into the same category
(e.g. New York 1986.322.1 8 ; Keuls 1983: 212). Keuls' examination of "spinning
hetaera," uses the subject matter of water-fetching as a prelude to her discussion of
textile-making, since the two pictorial themes appear to share the elements of an
androcentric viewpoint, voyeurism and the erotic appeal of the humble submission of
women (Keuls 1983: 214). The earlier examples of water-carrying scenes included
images of men molesting or soliciting women at the fountain (see Wi.irzburg L304, 9
Beazley Archive Database No. 788. The vase is located in Munich, private collection. For further
explanation and illustration see Sutton 1981: 356, p1.20, and Sutton 2004: 333-37, fig.17 .6.
8
New York (NY), Metropolitan Museum: 1986.322.1; Beazley Archive Database No. 1142. See also
Lewis, fig. 2.21 (Lewis erroneously identifies the vase as Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale Tarquiniese:
RC1116). All images can be found on the Beazley Archive Digital Database: www.beazley.ox.ac.uk
9
Wurzburg, Universitat, Martin von Wagner Museum: L304; Beazley Archive Database No . 306484.
Vatican 427, 10 Detroit 63.13 11 and St. Petersburg ST1612 12). In other words, it appears
that the iconography of female labour embodied a clear erotic element.
The lifestyle of a woman in the profession differed significantly from that of a citizen
wife. 13 Contrary to the secluded and possibly dull life of a citizen woman in gynaikonitis,
who worked on looms, prostitutes mingled freely with men and filled their time in
between customers by spinning yarn and making small textiles, such as headdresses.
This particular wool-working task was purposefully chosen for its simplicity, cost
effectiveness, and manoeuvrability of the frame . These activities were demeaning when
compared to the respected household's grand productions on large looms, executed not
for personal adornment or sale but out of social obligation (Jenkins 1985: 113). A wife's
domestic duties and wool-working were also designed to guard against character
corruption and sexual activity, precisely the kind in which prostitutes engaged. 14
In ancient Athens, the products of prostitute labour could be sold for quick financial
gain. It is known that lower-class women exploited their domestic activities for profit,
manufacturing goods at home for sale in the market, which included the making and
selling of textiles (Aristophanes, Lysistrata 208d, Frogs 1349-1351; Plato, Laws 805e;
Brock 1994: 338, 340). Garlands, ribbons, headdresses and clothing were luxury goods,
primarily purchased for the symposion (Brock 1994: 340), and consequently, the braiding
of a head ornament by a respected woman could have been seen as a sign of her
unfaithfulness (Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae 400-401, 446-458). 15 Since ancient
sources implied that the women at the markets were foreigners and of low status, it can
be concluded without doubt that some were also prostitutes (Eupolis fr. 262;
Demosthenes 57.31, 35).
10
Vatican City, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Vaticano : 427; Beazley Archive Database No. 303000.
Detroit (MI), Institute of Arts: 63.13; Beazley Archive Database No. 206470.
12
St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum: ST1612; Beazley Archive Database No. 200198.
13
Since a respected woman's status and well-being depended heavily on her male family members, her
welfare was neither stable nor permanent. These women occasionally ended up impoverished,
unprotected and homeless, forced to tum to prostitution for survival, possibly only occasionally or
according to necessity. Unfortunately, the personal history of a prostitute was never clearly documented
and as a result, these women are difficult to identify; see Lewis, 101.
14
According to Hirschon 1978: 83, a comparison can be found in the analogy of food preparation.
Quickly prepared dishes were called prostitutes' food by the Greeks in Asia Minor. In contrast, Hirschon
states that the meal preparations of a good wife were expected to be time consuming and required high
standards, constant effort and long hours, similar to the wife's elaborate and intricate work on the loom.
The author was not able to find a primary source for this reference .
15
Aristophanes uses the verb plek6.
11
~Page
12
16
Florence, Museo Archeologico Etrusco : 3918; Beazley Archive Database No. 210261.
21
22
The rhombos was an instrument attached to the end of a string and whirled about. The iunx was a bird
associated with eroticism that was tied to a wheel and spun around as a magical rite to attract a lover; the
bird was eventually killed in the rite; see Sebesta 2002: 131, 138 n.30; Faraone 1993, 1999.
23
For analysis ofNiko's dedication see Faraone 1999: 151-52. For other references to iunx and rhombos
see Eupolis, Baptai fr. 83 (K-A); Aristophanes, Heroes fr. 315 (K-A) and Lysistrata 1110; Xenophon,
Memorabilia 3.11.17-18; Lucian, Dialogues of Courtesans 4.1.
24
The name can also be read Melousa. Milne 1945.
25
Mi1ne, 531. For the list of prostitute names, see RE, s.v. Hetaira .
26
While discussing this vase, Ferrari ignores the evidence and interprets the inscription as a "dirty joke
that exploits the juxtaposition of opposite kinds of working girls" (see Ferrari 2002: 59).
>
14
Braiding
The sprang or braided fabric, a type of knotless netting, is a network of threads twisted
over each other, produced on a frame so that the fabric builds up on both ends
(Skowronski, & Reddy 1974: 7; Welters 1999: 56). The technique for sprang making
required simple paraphernalia: a frame and yam. The sprang/braiding textile frame was
lyre-like and small enough to be held on a woman's lap (Clark 1983: 92-94). It was taller
than it was wide, and consisted of two upright sticks, sometimes curved like an ancient
Greek lyre, with a pair of horizontal bars separating them near the top and bottom. The
fabric was made between these bars.
Evidence that prostitutes worked wool on braiding or sprang frames was shown on a
hydria by Hephaistos Painter, which illustrates this point clearly. Stettin 214773 27 depicts
a woman holding both a cup and a wool-basket while Eros approaches with a sprang
frame and a flute-case. At the same time, a youth is leaning on his staff, holding a purse
and looking towards the woman. At first glance, it appears that Eros is bringing the
frame and the case to the woman. However, since the woman is holding up the kalathos
as if handing it to Eros, the image can be read in the reverse manner: the customer is
arriving and the woman is ceasing her wool-work; Eros, a personification of the
woman's profession, is assisting by bringing her the flute to entertain the youth while
carrying off the paraphernalia used between clients.
Similarly, a New York vase in a private collection 28 shows a seated woman with a
sakkos headdress holding a sprang frame in her hand, extending it towards the man
leaning on his staff in front of her. Behind her is another man holding a staff. Next,
Agrigento AG22276 29 depicts a woman with a headdress seated on a chair, holding a
braiding frame. Another sakkos headdress hangs on the wall behind her. In front, a woolbasket is on the floor, and the woman faces a youth leaning on the staff. To the left,
three men are present; one is holding a purse. The final example, Chicago 1911.456 30 is
the most intriguing of all. It portrays three women and two men intermingling. In the
centre of the scene is a couple kissing; the youth's hand is cupped over her genitals. The
other three figures are turned towards them watching. A woman on the right is holding a
sprang frame while lifting up the skirt of her himation; her breasts are fully drawn.
27
28
~Page
15
Wool-Basket
Cambridge, MA, Harvard University, Arthur M. Sadder Museum: 1972.45; Beazley Archive
Database No. 207394.
32
Vatican City, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Vaticano: 16554; Beazley Archive Database No. 202893 .
33
Another such depiction occurs on London, British Museum E179; Beazley Archive Database No.
202258 .
34
St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum: 601; Beazley Archive Database No. 202453.
35
See for example Poseidon and Aithra, Europa and Zeus, Danae and Zeus.
36
Keuls 1983: 221. In addition, this notion is confirm by an image of Poseidon about to rape
Amymone, who is running away while holding a large hydria (New York (NY), Metropolitan Museum:
17.230.35 (Beazley Archive Database No. 214280); Rome, Mus. Naz. Etrusco di Villa Giulia: 20846
(Beazley Archive Database No. 205561)). The scene represents the myth in which Amymone was
searching for the well when she was molested by a satyr. Poseidon rescued her from the satyr, but then
raped her himself and showed her a well as compensation for her virginity. Even though the hydria may
symbolize the plot of the myth, it still alludes to the real-life women responsible for the water-carrying
task.
--~ -- --~
..
16
status of a woman is thus determined by her relation to the man in the scene (Sebesta
2002: 135). In other words, the kalathos symbolizes the woman's social standing: she is
either a restrained wife or a prostitute spilling her sexuality for a price. This argument
does not claim that every kalathos occurrence indicates a woman of a questionable social
status, but points to a multi-levelled symbolism inherent in this object and its
surroundings.
BROTHELS: TEXTILES AND SEX
Aleria 65.51 37 is little-known Attic kylix found on Corsica, dated mid-5th century
BCE. The tondo depicts a seated woman admiring her finished work - a sprang
headdress, surrounded by a kalathos and a mirror. Notably, the fabric appears elastic and
the cloth is patterned with familiar horizontal lines and zig-zag motifs linked with
braiding on frames. The headdress has the loop or the tassel on the top, positively
identifying the technique of its making. The woman is moderately dressed with a
bordered himation and her hair is short and unsightly. It is unlikely that she is a
courtesan or any kind of successful prostitute, but more probably a common one or
possibly a pais. Accordingly, a damaged inscription pais kal[ .. .] was indicated in the
tondo. 38
This tondo therefore draws special attention to lower-class prostitutes as textile
workers, and I shall now explain the connection. A porne was a brothel slave, while a
pais was a freed prostitute, most likely a former porne, or possibly a household slave who
was available to her owner and his friends (Neils 2000: 207). The word porne comes from
the verb pernemi (to sell), which translates as "one who is on sale" (LSJ s.v. prone) . On
37
17
the other hand, the word pais was usually used for the passive partner, but it also stood
for "child," "girl," "boy," "son," "daughter," "slave," "servant," and "maid" (LSJ s.v.
pais). Plato identified male and female paides as objects of sexual desire (Laws 836a-7). 39
The pornai were the lowest class of prostitutes, lacking status even among the women
in the trade. 40 They were often recruited from the slave market or were abandoned
children taken in by the brothel keepers (Golden 1981). Due to Athenian aversion to
salaried employment, providing sex, especially in brothels, was appropriate only for
slaves. 41 Brothels represented a fundamental unit for their slaves who both worked and
resided there, analogous to Athenian household (oikos) that was a central unit of ancient
society (Kapparis 1999: 228). Since all slaves received training for their occupations and
positions, it is expected that slaves working as prostitutes also received specialized
training, sometimes starting in childhood, as was the case with Nikarete and N eaira
(Demosthenes 59 .18).
Interestingly, even the most skilled and educated slaves in charge of prominent duties
also performed household labours. This pattern of multiple tasking provides the
explanation for a division of labour in which some female slaves worked both as
prostitutes and as wool-workers. 42 In fact, brothel prostitution and textiles were Athens'
most profitable industries, since the actual textile production was almost entirely the
work of female slaves, despite citizen women's skill in this craft. 43 It is unlikely that all
prostitutes were involved in the textile industry or that all wool-workers were part of the
profession, yet substantial evidence suggests that numerous female slaves were used as
both wool-workers and brothel prostitutes. 44 As a result, Athena, the goddess of the
wool-working craft, received a large number of dedications and offerings from
prostitutes. 45 This is a possible explanation for the more than a hundred loom-weights
39
For further discussion on the term pais, see Golden 1985: 97, who states that the word usually
implied relationship, but not an intense emotional one. For the use of pais to indicate a subordinate
member of a male homosexual couple, see Dover 1978: 16-17.
40
It is believed they had cropped hair as a mark of their status. For the ar~ment on cropped hair, see
Lewis, 104-106; M . F. Kilmer, Greek Erotica on Attic Red-Figure Vases (London: Duckworth, 1993), 159-160;
Keuls, 225.
41
18
and a plethora of drinking vessels found together in virtually every room of Building Z in
Athens, possibly identified as a brothel. 46 The building was a labyrinth-like structure
with numerous small rooms where evidence of foreign slaves and worship of night
Aphrodite was discovered. James Davidson states that the location was a cloth factory
during at least one of its three phases (Davidson 2006: 36). This appears puzzling at first,
since prostitutes were not thought of as loom workers, but it is possible that brothel
pornai worked wool on a greater scale than small establishments or independent
prostitutes, because of their large number and better organization.
Edward Cohen's analysis of manumission tablets of Athenian slaves from 320s BCE
provides solid evidence for the wool-working prostitutes (Cohen 2003:218-27). Even
though Cohen's evidence applies to the 4th century BCE material, I believe the study
and its conclusions can be applied to the earlier examples as well. The artistic link
already exists and was established in the sections on the sprang frames and spinning
prostitutes. In contrast, the textual evidence from the 6th and 5th centuries BCE is
nearly non-existent, thus forcing the inclusion of later sources as secondary evidence,
which, if carefully applied, can bring new light to yet unfamiliar territories, as the lives of
Athenian women do not appear to have changed so dramatically over the period of a
few centuries.
In Cohen's analysis, the manumission tablets indicate that these dedications were
presented chiefly by female freed slaves. Also, besides the freedom payments, these
women offered additional costly gifts for this occasion, which indicated their good
standing and possible prosperity. 47 It was traditionally believed that slaves who managed
to buy their freedom were the highly skilled ones, as they could earn high fees and
provide funds for the purchase of their freedom, or at least offer a source of repayment if
it was advanced by others (Cohen 2003:224-25). Accordingly, the enslaved female woolworkers (talasiourgoi) who were listed in majority in the manumission records 48 would
not have had opportunity to earn such funds or gain access to possible benefactors. 49 In
low-class, which is supported by a 6th century BCE fragment from Acropolis naming women by their first
name together with their occupation, see IG ii2 , 401-462 (p. 237).
46
For Building Z as a brothel, see Davidson 1997: 85-90 and 2006: 36; Lind 1988; Knigge 1988: 88-94
and 1982: 153-170.
47
Mostly, they offered a 100-drachma silver bowl, phiale.
48
Of 42 freedwomen whose profession is known to us, 32 were talasiourgoi, and the remainder were
distributed among other occupations: IG ii 2 1553-1578; SEG XVIII36, XXV 178, 180 (see Schaps 1979:
19-20 n.l4). Interestingly, Rosivach 1989lists 52 freedwomen of which 29 were talasiougoi.
49
Xenophon, Oeconomicus 2.7; Cohen 2003:225 . The slaved skilled at wool-working was worth twice
the price of an untrained one (Oeconomicus 7.41).
~
19
Furthermore, the contrast between a destitute simple wool-worker and a money-earning prostitute is
evident in these epigrams that describe dedications offered by women planning to abandon the respected
task of wool-working in order to become prostitutes.
51
Halperin 1990: 107-12; Loomis 1999: 185.
52
Athens, Acropolis Museum: 2713; Beazley Archive Database No. 352434.
53
Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico: PU278; Beazley Archive Database No. 205368.
54
Boston (MA), Museum of Fine Arts: 1970.233; Beazley Archive Database No. 205288 .
55
London, British Museum: D13; Beazley Archive Database No . 204379.
56
London, British Museum: E51; Beazley Archive Database No. 205338.
57
Paris, Private: XXXX0.5143; Beazley Archive Database No. 205143.
58
Rome, Mus. Naz. Etrusco di Villa Giulia: 15708; Beazley Archive Database No. 212214. The vase
includes three he pais kale inscriptions .
59
Athens, Acropolis Museum: 2713; Beazley Archive Database No. 352434.
6
For a detailed record of the vase, see Knigge (1964), 105-113.
5
"Page 20
part of the scene illustrates a youth and a woman dressed in a transparent tunic in a
passionate embrace. Neither of the women, who may be the same person, has an air of
luxury or vanity; to the contrary, both appear crude and unattractive. The second
woman is aggressively embracing the youth by placing her arm tightly around his head,
pushing it for a kiss. Similarly, the man is grabbing the woman's head pressing it
towards his. Not surprisingly, the image appears on an alabastron, an oil container,
which was often used for the lubricating oil.
The second example I shall mention is the London vase E51 , 61 a tondo from the 5th
century BCE. The woman is enjoying a flower in her hand and is dressed in a chiton, a
bordered himation and a patterned headdress. The bordered himation was commonly
worn by prostitutes, and the flower is a symbol of female sexuality and a common
courting gift. This tondo also has the he pais kale inscription, possibly identifying her as a
prostitute. This vase painting is more subtle in its connotations, yet equally clear in its
subject matter.
Finally, an early 5th century BCE White-ground oinochoe (London Dl3 62 ) depicts a
woman spinning. At first glance, the vase-painting appears as a usual rendition of a
spinning female figure; however, a thorough analysis reveals curious details . First, the
woman is lavishly dressed in a delicate voluminous tunic (chiton) made of ornate fabric
with a light border, cind over it she wears a heavier luxurious cloak (himation) decorated
with a comer ornament and two types of borders, a fine one at the bottom and a solid
chunky one around the torso. Her hair is carefully coiffured and contained in a bun
adorned with a red fillet. She has sandals on her feet, wears jewelry (two bracelets and
earrings), and even though she is toiling, the air of vanity and sophistication is present.
She is holding a distaff in her left hand, wound with dyed roves of wool, which
appear as a solid red ball, while the spindle whirls below. She is standing rather than
sitting, and the expected wool-working paraphernalia is absent. This setting separates the
figure from other spinning women, and thus possibly represents either a grand courtesan
(the megalomisthos hetaira) or the goddess Aphrodite.63 This notion is further confirmed
by a he pais kale inscription found on this vase. The link between the declaration and the
figure has never been related before, to my knowledge. It is only in light of this novel
meaning of pais as a prostitute that associations with the courtesan or the goddess seem
conceivable. In sum, the spinning figure on London D13 could, though unlikely,
62
~Page
21
represent a pais, essentially a very successful one, or more likely Aphrodite herself, who
was the patroness of paides, in their role as prostitutes. 64
APHRODITE AND WOOL-WORKING
Even though Aphrodite's patronage included respected married women, 65 she was also
depicted in a manner similar to that of her hetairai, and her attributes were frequently
mirrored in prostitutes and vice versa, as seen in the above example of London D 13
oinochoe. Based on this analogy, it would be expected that Aphrodite be also linked with
wool-working and textiles. Surviving depictions of spinning Aphrodite could validate
this notion. A few statues, which have unfortunately lost their arms, were reconstructed
in spinning gestures (e.g. Venus de Milo and Aphrodite of Capua), yet such
interpretations still remain controversial. 66
In contrast, Attic pottery provides clear and undeniable evidence. For example, a St.
Petersburg kylix 67 shows Aphrodite nude to the waist adorned with jewels looking off
into a mirror held by her attendant. The spinning equipment is clearly visible, held out in
both hands, and below the spindle is the wool-basket. She is in the company of a number
of divinities, including Eros and Dionysos. Next, a Berlin lekythos68 depicts Aphrodite
riding on the back of a swan or a goose above the waves of the sea surrounded by Ares
and winged Eros. Behind is the full moon, identifying her as the Heavenly Aphrodite or
Aphrodite Ourania. Again, the goddess is half-nude and bejewelled. Her arms are
outstretched, and she is holding a distaff and the extended fibers . Then, Berlin askos69
portrays Aphrodite riding over the sea with her arms and hands extended in a spinning
gesture. 70 She is astride the sea animal, torso turned towards the viewer with the head in
profile, spinning mindlessly. Finally, London D2, 71 a well-known Red-figure cup,
illustrates Aphrodite with the headdress riding on a goose. Her hands are active with the
left palm upward and the forefinger held against the thumb in a position of drawing the
fibers from the distaff. The right hand appears to hold a flower of a spiral formation, "a
64
The interpretation of this vase is certainly a complex task, to which my reading can hopefully
contribute, as a full understanding of the imagery is still to come.
65
The author is focusing on Aphrodite 's link with prostitutes in this article.
66
Suhr 1958, 1960, 1963, 1969. Suhr based his reconstruction of damaged Aphrodite statues on
complete representations of the goddess, concluding that she was occupied by spinning yam.
67
68
69
70
This figure has originally been interpreted as one of the Nereids; see Suhr (1963), 67.
71
._Page 22
thread saturated with life" (Suhr 1963: 66). Thus, in the context of her form as
Aphrodite Ourania, Aphrodite's spinning is a symbol of creation. This activity is also
seen on her Eastern predecessors, as the whirling spindle can be traced back to the East,
where these goddesses were depicted creating the cosmos. 72
Most of the above-mentioned vessels are not widely known, and the images of
spinning Aphrodite are overlooked and ignored, possibly because they are her
unconventional depictions. By tradition, Athena, the virginal goddess, has been linked
with spinning and wool-working, and all such depictions are automatically assigned to
her. 73 However, the cases listed above clearly represent Aphrodite. Curiously, her
constant companion Eros is also depicted spinning; his identity is undisputed due to his
genitals, nudity and wings, and in such an example on a gem in Berlin, he is notably
wearing a headdress and is accompanied by a goose (Carpenter 1954: 9-10; pl.l fig 3).
Besides spinning and wearing of the headdresses, Aphrodite is associated with other
forms of textiles, such as Andromache's veil (Iliad 22.469) and her kestos himas (Iliad
14.214-221). This sacred sash in a shape of a saltire (kestos himas) alludes to the use of
belts and amulets in ancient love magic (Bonner 1949), as knotted threads and cords
were used to enhance attractiveness (Faraone 1990: 223). In fact, some depictions of this
saltire have knots or charms attached to the straps (Brenk 1977: 17). This ornament
survives on Eastern fertility figurines depicting Ishtar, Astarte, Atargatis or Aphrodite,
from regions including Kish, Susa and Anatolia, dating as early as ca. 3000 BCE
(DuMesnil du Buisson (LeComte) 1947). An example from Hasanoglan, in present-day
Turkey, currently located in Anatolia Civilization Museum, Ankara, is made of silver
and gold and with a saltire of crossed sashes over Aphrodite's chest. 74 Similar nude
figurines with this ornamentation appear in Syria and the Indus Valley at about 1400
BCE, and almost a thousand years later the sash is seen on figurines of the Persian
period. 75 As expected, the same chest ornament appears on representations of Aphrodite
from the Greek Classical and Hellenistic periods as well as during Roman times (e.g. 4th
century BCE cup fragment showing Aphrodite wearing a kestos himas with Eros: Jena
39076). 77
72
23
The lliad states that the goddess's kestos himas was poikilos (14.215), a word of many
meanings, including "woven", "plaited", "braided" and "embroidered," thus possibly
implying sprang or braiding technique (LSJ, s.v. Poikilos) . This poikilos quality curiously
evokes the characteristics of zonari belts from modern Greece, which are still believed to
have magical properties. 78 They are made of sprang and used by women for protection
because of their miraculous attributes. Based on this similarity, is it possible that
Aphrodite's kestos himas was made of sprang as well?
Even more curious is the depiction of a woman in Athens Vlasto vessel 79 wearing a
cross-shaped adornment over her chest. She is placed in front of a door carrying a mirror
and an alabastron; unfortunately, due to damage, her head is missing. The ornament
consists of two bands, each of which passes over a shoulder and under the opposite arm,
crossing the other band between the breasts and on the back. This article undeniably
resembles the description of Aphrodite's kestos himas, which was depicted in vasepainting very rarely. Because of its magical properties, especially with regard to
sexuality, the ornament would be appropriate on prostitutes, who were known for using
magic for attracting and retaining their customers and lovers. She is depicted in front of
a door, as if she has just exited the symposion, the banquet held at the andron, where she
has serviced the symposiasts.
A 3rd century BCE poet Asclepiades declared that prostitutes had worn such devices:
"I myself once played with easy Hermione, who wore a variegated girdle of flowers, 0
Paphian one, which had a golden inscription: 'Keep loving me forever and do not get
angry if another man holds me"' (Faraone 1999: 100-101). In other words, according to
Christopher Faraone, Hermione was a prostitute who wore this saltire as a magical
device with an incantation designed to ensure that her boyfriends love her and do not get
angry with her, similar to the Homeric kestos himas. 80 This is confirmed by a 5th century
77
4th century BCE cup fragment, Aphrodite wearing a kestos himas with Eros (Jena, Friedrich-SchillerUniversiUit: 390; Beazley Archive Database No. 230957).
78
Modem Greek zonari is a woman's belt worn during childbearing for talismanic protection. The belt
is still made in certain areas of the Peloponnesian peninsula on "stick frames ," as described by Greek
women who regard the sprang technique as highly specialized. The sprang is directly connected to the
belief in the "evil eye," the concept which existed throughout the Mediterranean in ancient times . The
"evil eye" was a belief that someone can project harm merely by looking or staring, and common targets
were people at critical stages in life, such as newlyweds, pregnant women and children. Amulets against
the "evil eye" take many forms , and zonari is one of those apotropaic objects due to its sprang texture. In
other words, zonari's power lies in the prophylactic characteristics of its structure, that is, the sprang
technique reputedly made it resistant to evil forces. See Welters 1999: 53-70.
79
Athens, M. Vlasto 215607; Beazley Archive Database No . 215607.
8
Faraone 1999: 101lists as evidence a Roman magic gemstone with the identical inscription depicting
Eros with hands bound behind his back (British Museum 1468).
~Page
24
BCE image of a nude entertainer/prostitute who is depicted wearing the same cords
crossed over her chest while dancing and playing krotala (St. Petersburg ST808 81 ) .
MARINA FISCHER
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
81
St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum: ST808; Beazley Archive Database No. 216220.
A peplos was the typical garment worn by women in the archaic period and was a traditional gift to
Athena as early as the Iliad (6.302-304). This Athenian festival was celebrated in honour of Athena and
involved bringing a new cloak or peplos to the ceremonial statue of the goddess inside the Erechtheum, as
depicted on the Parthenon sculptural frieze.
83
Each year a newly woven peplos was taken by the craftswomen (ergastinat) into the Erechtheum and
placed on a life-size old wooden statue of Athena Polias (Guardian of the City), while every four years in
the Great Panathenaea, an enormous peplos was taken to the Acropolis for Athena Parthenos (virgin) in the
Parthenon. Both peploi were decorated with intricate embroidery depicting Olympian gods. See, for
example, Mansfield 1985.
82
2.5
Beazley, J. "Review of Athens CVA 1," Journal ofHellenic Studies 5111 (1931): 121.
Blundell, S. "Clutching at Clothes," in L. Llewellyn-Jones (ed.), Women's Dress in the Ancient
Greek World. London: Duckworth Publishing, 2002, 143-169.
Boardman, J . Persia and the West: an Archaeological Investigation of the Genesis of Achaemenid Art.
New York: Thames & Hudson, 2000.
Bonner, C. "KESTOS IMAS and the Saltire of Aphrodite," American Journal of Philology 70
(1949): 1-6.
Brenk, F. E. "Aphrodite's Girdle: No way to Treat a Lady (Iliad 14.214-223)," Classical Bulletin
54/2 (1977) : 17-20.
Brock, R. "Labour of Women in Classical Athens, " Classical Quarterly 4412 (1994): 336-346.
Carpenter, R. "Two Postscripts to the Hermes Controversy," American Journal of Archaeology
5811 (1954) : 1-12.
Clark, L. "Notes on Small Textile Frames Pictures on Greek Vases," American Journal of
Archaeology 8711 (1983) : 91-96.
Cohen, E. E. "Athenian Prostitution as a Liberal Profession," in G . W . Bakewell & J . P.
Sickinger (eds.), Gestures. Essays in Ancient History, Literature, and Philosophy Presented to
Alan L. Boegehold on the Occasion of his Retirement and his Seventy-fifth Birthday. Oxford:
Oxbow Books, 2003, 214-236.
Crome, J. "Spinnende Hetaren?," Gymnasium 73 (1966): 245-47.
Davidson, J. "Making a Spectacle ofHer(self): the Greek Courtesan and the Art of the Present,"
in M. Feldman & B. Gordon (eds .), The Courtesan's Arts: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Oxford
University Press, 2006, 29-51.
Courtesans and Fishcakes: The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens. New York: Harper
Perennial, 1997.
Dover, K. Greek Homosexuality. London: Duckworth, 1978.
DuMesnil du Buisson (Le Comte), Le sautoir d'Atargatis et !a chaine d'amulettes (Docurnenta et
Monumenta Orientis Antiqui, val. I). Lei den: Brill, 1947.
Faraone, C. "The Masculine Arts of the Ancient Greek Courtesan: Male Fantasy or Female
Self-representation?," in M. Feldman & B. Gordon (eds.), The Courtesan's Arts: CrossCultural Perspectives. Oxford University Press, 2006, 209-220.
- . Ancient Greek Love Magic. Harvard University Press, 1999.
- . "The Wheel, the Whip and Other Implements of Torture: Erotic Magic in Pindar Pythian
4.213-19," Classical Journal8911 (1993): 1-19.
- . "Aphrodite's KE~TO~ and Apples for Atalanta: Aphrodisiacs in Early Greek Myth and
Ritual," Phoenix 44/3 (1990) : 219-243.
Ferrari, G . Figures of Speech: Men and Maidens in Ancient Greece. University of Chicago Press,
2002.
Fischer, M. The Prostitute and Her Headdress: Mitra, Sakkos and Kekryphalos in Attic Red-figure
Vase-painting ca. 550-450 BCE. MA Thesis, University of Calgary, 2008.
26
27
Rosivach, V. J. "Talasiourgoi and Paidia in IG ii2 1553-78: a Note on Athenian Social History,"
Historia 38 (1989): 365-370.
Schaps, D. Economic Right of Women in Ancient Greece. Edinburgh University Press, 1979.
Sebesta, J. "Visions of Gleaming Textiles and a Clay Core: Textiles, Greek Women, and
Pandora," in L. Llewellyn-Jones (ed.), Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World. London:
Duckworth Publishing, 2002, 125-142.
Skowronski, H. & M. Reddy, Sprang: Thread Twisting: A Creative Textile Technique. New York:
Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1974.
Suhr, E. The Spinning Aphrodite. The Evolution of the Goddess from Earliest Pre-Hellenic Symbolism
Through Late Classical Times. New Y ark: Helios Press, 1969.
- . "The Spinning Aphrodite in the Minor Arts," American Journal ofArchaeology 67/1 (1963): 6368.
-. "The Spinning Aphrodite in Sculpture," American Journal ofArchaeology 6413 (1960): 253-264.
- . Venus de Milo, The Spinner: the Link between a Famous Art Mystery and Ancient Fertility Symbol.
28