Article Title

221

Fashion Theory, Volume 19, Issue 2, pp. 221242

DOI: 10.2752/175174115X14168357992436
Reprints available directly from the Publishers.
Photocopying permitted by licence only.
2015 Bloomsbury Publishing PLC.

Minh-Ha T. Pham
Minh-Ha T. Pham is an Assistant
Professor in the Graduate Media
Studies Program at the Pratt
Institute. She has published widely
on the intersections of race,
gender, fashion, technology, and
consumerism in academic journals
as well as mainstream media
outlets. More information about
her work can be found at http://
minhhathipham.wordpress.com.
[email protected]

I Click and Post

and Breathe,
Waiting for
Others to See
What I See: On
#FeministSelfies,
Outfit Photos, and
Networked Vanity
Abstract
This article critically examines the political uses and potential of networked vanity. While popular online practices of self-regard and selfpromotion have been disparaged as examples of digital narcissisma
new culture of self-absorption wrought by social mediathis article insists on a more historically and politically nuanced understanding of the
politics and practices of self-composure. Analyzing the #feministselfie
hashtag campaign that emerged on Twitter in November 2013 in which
women (and to a lesser extent, men) silently but powerfully declared
their self (or rather selfie) love and RAISE Our Story a project of

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

visual activism that employs street style blog conventions and aesthetics
to bring visibility to the issue of immigration reform, this article demonstrates how online acts of sartorial and corporeal displays of physical
attractiveness are being incorporated into social activist movements in
ways that recall and are coextensive with a longer multiracial history
of vanity.
KEYWORDS: networked vanity, #feministselfie, digital activism,
RAISE Our Story, politics of self-composure

To hear some commentators and critics tell it, vanity is the scourge of
our times. The advent of participatory mediaFacebook, YouTube,
blogs, and so onis blamed for unleashing a cyberpsychological surge
of pent up exhibitionist desires. In the book that helped to define this
technocultural affliction called The Narcissism Epidemic Jean Twenge
and W. Keith Campbell describe the problem as a: Look at me! mentality (2010: 4). The Internet, they argue, serves as a giant narcissism multiplier that, among other things, has normalized provocative
and self-promoting public dress (2010: 271). Fashion journalist Suzy
Menkes echoes Twenge and Campbell in a scathing op-ed piece titled
The Circus of Fashion published in New York Times Magazine in
February 2013. For Menkes, the look-at-me mentality has turned
the sanctified institution of fashion journalism into a circus. In contrast
to the old guard of fashion journalists or black crows, social media
peacocks are more interested in promoting themselves than reporting
about fashion. (The peacock is a popular symbol of vanity in Western
art.) Menkes, like so many other critics of Internet narcissism, lays
much of the blame on bloggers. She calls out personal style bloggers like
Susie Bubble (Susanna Lau) and BryanBoy (Bryan Grey Yambao)
by name, excoriating them for their look-at-me fashion sense. [Look
at me wearing the dress! Look at these shoes I have found! Look at
me loving this outfit in 15 different images! (Menkes 2013). Beneath
the self-aggrandizing self-absorption, Menkes suggests, lies a desperate
need for external validation. Bloggers are not only ready and willing
to objectify themselves, she writes, they are gagging for attention.
Yet another highly gendered iteration of the desperately vain social
media user appeared in the Gawker Media feminist website Jezebel in
November 2013. Commenting on the broader selfie phenomenon of
which fashion bloggers are key figures, Erin Gloria Ryan concludes
that selfies are a high tech reflection of the fucked up way society
teaches women that their most important quality is their physical
attractiveness (2013). For Ryan, selfies technologize sexism by
extending and making more efficient well-established ideologies and
practices of objectifying women. With the selfie, women are encouraged
to become a collaborating partner in their own objectification and their

I Click and Post and Breathe, Waiting for Others to See What I See

223

own devaluation as individuals whose significance is reduced to their

physical appearance. As with Twenge and Campbell who describe vanity
in terms of an epidemic, and Menkes who suggests bloggers vanity
betray a certain desperation, Ryan also casts a psychopathological shade
on vanity when she posits that selfies are illustrative of a widespread
cultural and gendered dysmorphia: theyre a reflection of the warped
way we teach girls to see themselves as decorative (2013).
These commentaries on vanity in the digital age from three very
different sources are representative of the prevailing view of postInternet vanity or what is derisively termed digital narcissism. As
these examples illustrate, vanity is generally interpreted in very narrow
terms as practices and desires that are organized around an unhealthy
focus on and promotion of the self. But, in fact, vanity is a many and
contradictory thing. As Claire Tanner, JaneMaree Maher, and Suzanne
Fraser (authors of Vanity: 21st Century Selves) point out, vanity can
be natural or unnatural [when applied to men or women], a sign of
agency or a sign of victimhood [when interpreted as self-confidence or
self-absorption] (2013: 8). Likewise, its effects can be liberating or
oppressive. In their book, the authors introduce what they see as an
emergent notion of twenty-first century vanity in which self regard is
intertwined with relationality and responsiveness to others (2013: 153).
They give the examples of writing personal profiles on online dating
sites and personal blogging, pointing out that these practices of online
self-promotion serve social needs. Efforts to promote ones personality,
image, and life to gain attention are created in the hope of enhancing
connection with others (2013: 157; emphasis in original). As such,
relational vanity is, in their words, a model of good vanity (2013: 18).
Others including James R. Baker and Susan M. Moore and Andrew L.
Mendelson and Zizi Papacharissi have suggested much the same thing in
their research. In their article in Cyberpsychology and Behavior, Baker
and Moore posit, it seems reasonable that blogs might help increase
feelings of being part of a group (2008: 748). Likewise, Mendelson
and Papacharissis analysis of Facebook photo galleries concludes,
while narcissistic behavior may be structured around the self, it is not
motivated by selfish desire, but by a desire to better connect the self to
society (2011: 270).
In this article, I provide a discussion of a new formation of vanity that
I call networked vanity that is similar to but also diverges significantly
from relational vanity. In the above revised conceptualizations
of vanity, relational vanity is still understood as serving individual
and individualistic goals. The practices of online self-regard and
self-promotion attributed to relational vanity remain steadfastly selfserving. They are still aimed at producing individual benefits (e.g. a
personal sense of belonging). While relational vanity is suggestive of
the creative, collaborative, and communicative potential of vanity that
is the primary concern of this article, it does not adequately capture the

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

ways new participatory media and its capacity for self-presentation and
self-promotion are being used for purposes beyond self-interest. Today,
individual and public acts of vanity (particularly those that centrally
involve sartorial and corporeal displays of physical attractiveness) are
being incorporated into social activist movements.
In what follows, I discuss two examples of networked vanity. The
first is the #feministselfie hashtag campaign that emerged on Twitter in
November 2013 in which women (and to a lesser extent, men) silently
but powerfully declared their self (or rather selfie) love using the
popular microblogging platform. The #feministselfie hashtag campaign
wonderfully demonstrates the importance of self-reflexivity in social
activism. Feminist selfie tweets and photo tweets are not simply digital
forms of self-regarding. They are a decentralized mode of political
action based on a key tenet of women of color feminism that political
movements be informed by and grounded in embodied experiences and
situated knowledges. In this way, we can understand the #feministselfie
hashtag campaign as an extension of a longer tradition of critiquing
mainstream liberal white feminisms universalist foundations.
The second example of networked vanity I examine is a project of
visual activism called RAISE Our Story1 that employs street style blog
conventions and aesthetics to bring visibility to the issue of immigration
reform. In using the visual language of fashion blogs to articulate
political goals, RAISE Our Story poses a challenge to the longstanding
idea that paying attention to fashion and the fashionable body is the
definition of a trivial and vainglorious personality. It is no coincidence
that fashion bloggers are widely held up as the personification of digital
narcissism. The RAISE Our Story project returns our attention to the
fundamental function of fashion as technologies of the body or what
Hlne Cixous has beautifully described as a shield, a mirror, a shimmer,
and shelter (1994: 97). Fashion holds together the continuity between
the world, body, hand, garment (1994: 95). In its liminal position at
the border of the public and the private, fashion Cixous writesand the
RAISE Our Story project shows usreflects inwardly and outwardly on
the self and the social.
These and other instances of networked vanity make clear that
subjectivity has become a primary representational object of visual
media. The networked subject is now caught in the regime of ubiquitous
visibility constituted by mass distributed technologies and technical
platforms. Yet the networked subject-as-object has unprecedented
control of the frames of vision within which they are seen. Participatory
media allows the networked subject-as-represented object a hand in
shaping and controlling their representation. They make choices about
when to take a selfie or fashion blog style outfit photo; where to position
the head, face, and body in relation to the camera; which blog platform,
HTML tags, and hashtags to use; how to caption, crop, and otherwise
edit the image; and when to share it online or whether to share it at all.

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225

Participatory media has moved us into a new visual paradigm where

the relations of power between the object of looking and the looking
subject are significantly more dynamic. Traditionally, the represented
object has been consigned to a position of subordination. The terms
and conditions of their representation are imposed from above. Usergenerated media provide new, if limited, means by which those being
looked at are both an object and agent of representation. In participating
in the representational process, individuals who are the objects of the
gaze are also co-creators of the interpretative conditions through which
media images of their bodies and selves are seen (see also Rocamora
2011 on personal fashion blogs).
It is precisely this shift in the visual relations of participatory media
that make practices of networked vanity potentially so powerful for
minoritized groups who have historically bore the greater burden of
the dominating gazewhether it is the surveillant gaze of the state or
the voyeuristic gaze of film, television, and photographic camera. The
projects of networked vanity discussed here will demonstrate that the
larger work of transforming institutionalized structures of visuality can
sometimes begin with the self(ie).

A History of Networked Vanity

Networked vanity is particular to the age of social media but it is also
coextensive with a wider multiracial history of vanity. The #feministselfie tweets and photo tweets and the RAISE Our Story fashion blog
style outfit photos are part of a longer tradition of the politics of vanity.
Indeed, fashion has long served as a powerful medium in the struggle
for social visibility and social recognition for racially, economically, and
sexually marginalized people. Public displays of showy dress and spectacular adornment were radical assertions of agency that functioned
to restore the dignity of ones body and image through sartorial and
corporeal pleasure. Writing about Black style under slavery, scholars
such as Stephanie M. H. Camp (2002), Elisa F. Glick (2003), Patricia
K. Hunt (1996), and most notably Monica L. Miller have illuminated
the ways dandyism and other modes of fancy dress that were generally
viewed as an excessive and indeed dangerous amount of self-admiration were actually political acts that recuperate laboring Black bodies
through leisure activities of fashion parading, cakewalking, and conspicuous consumption. As well as an expression of self-worth against
the physical, social, and emotional assault of slavery capitalism, fashion
also produced political effects. As Miller explains, wearing clothing
beyond their station or of the other gender [facilitated slaves] efforts
to appear free and be mobile (2009). Black dandyism instrumentalized
the negotiation between slavery and freedom. In other words, what
was disparaged as gratuitous vanity was actually a political tactic based

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

in a fake it till you make it belief that personal transformation are

part and parcel of social transformation.
Asian Americans and Mexican Americans share a similar but
not identical history and politics of vanity. Key to the production of
alternative racial and gender identities for Filipino male laborers in
California in the 1930s and 1940s is the McIntosh suit, an expensive suit
with padded shoulders and wide lapels worn by some of Hollywoods
most famous men like William Powell (Espaa-Maram 2006: 123). By
retailoring the suit, literally and figuratively, to fit their bodies Filipino
men resignified this sartorial sign of white masculinity. Linda EspaaMaram explains, Dressing up in the latest style was always important to
Filipinos, in part because a snazzy ensemble transformed brown bodies
from overworked, exploited laborers to symbols of sensuality, style, and
pleasure (2006: 138). The love and attention Filipino working men
gave to their bodies which were socially and economically devalued
was puzzling if not objectionable to others in the larger culture. But
for these Filipino men public displays of vanity in taxi dancehalls and
other commercialized sites of popular culture were at once pleasurable
and political activities that unsettled dominant racial meanings, social
relationships, and identity categories.
Around the same time as the McIntosh suit, the zoot suit became a
key site of anti-racist struggle especially for Mexican but also Japanese
and Filipino American men. First worn by African Americans and
popularized by jazz legends such as Duke Ellington, Cab Calloway, and
Dizzy Gillespie, the zoot suits distinctive baggy pants, extra-long jacket,
and wide lapels flouted wartime calls for rationing and moderation.
Disaffected Mexican American youth or so-called pachucos adoption
of the zoot suit signaled their rejection of the nation-states authority
specifically with respect to its formal and informal anti-Mexican policies. On the bodies of Mexican American women, the zoot suit also
defied gender expectations, queering white American and Mexican
American ideas of femininity. In her study The Woman in the Zoot Suit,
Catherine S. Ramirez notes, both la pachuca and the lesbian are queer
in that they signify excess: both exceed the limits of the heteropatriarchal family (Ramirez 2009: 133). The zoot suits exaggerated style, its
excess material, and its fashioning of excessive identities that disregard
racial, gender, and class boundaries of propriety and normativity drew
both public attention and public ire. Recurring racial attacks on pachucos and pachucas sometimes as young as twelve and thirteen years
old by mostly white servicemen were tacitly and openly supported by
middle-class white America. One article published in the Los Angeles
Times in 19431 even praised the attacks as a moral lesson pachucos and
pachucas sorely deserved.
Vanity as both a personal feeling and a cultural political tactic is the
lynchpin of all these fashion histories and many others. [See also Nan
Enstads fabulous study of white working womens use of flamboyant

I Click and Post and Breathe, Waiting for Others to See What I See

227

fashionwhat the middle class viewed as a vulgar vanityto construct a political identity as workers but also as women who deserved
better treatment from their male supervisors (Enstad 1999: 69).]
Ostentatious dress, by the choice of garment and/or by the very choice
to dress beyond the prescribed limits of racial, gender, and class norms,
has always been a cultural, political, and affective practice rooted in
specific social realities. The tendency to dismiss practices of sartorial
display and extravagance as mere vanity risks ignoring the lived experience of minoritized people for whom the right to be seen on their own
terms and the right to take pleasure in their bodies and self-images has
never been a given.
Participatory media technologies and techniques increase the capacity and reach of sartorial and corporeal self-presentations. What
African American dandies, Chicano zoot suiters, and McIntosh-clad
Filipino dancehall patrons managed to achieve locally, the RAISE
youth and the #feministselfie women have been able to do on a greater
scale using new technologies of self-promotion and self-broadcasting.
In critically considering the #feministselfie hashtag campaign and the
RAISE Our Story project, what emerges is a crucial insight about the
importance of the politics of self-composure that is at the heart of
networked vanity.

#FeministSelfie
As I have already mentioned, in November 2013, Jezebel published
an article under a headline that declared, Selfies Arent Empowering:
Theyre a Cry for Help. As the headline suggests, the journalist of the
feminist Gawker Media website offers a quasi-psychosocial diagnosis
of the selfie phenomenon. Briefly stated, the article castigates women
who take selfie photographs for falling prey to systemic sexism. Its
message and Ryans condescending tone ignited a firestorm of protest.
One of the first critical tweets against the article came from journalist Mikki Kendall who achieved recent notoriety for initiating the
#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen Twitter hashtag campaign. In the spirit of
the earlier hashtag campaign, Kendalls selfie tweet took white feminists
to task for failing to consider racial inequalities in feminist online media
discourses and representations. Kendalls tweet pointedly asks, can we
talk about what #selfies mean to people who never get a chance to see
themselves in mainstream media? (see Figure 1).
Responding to Kendalls provocation, tweets with the #feministselfie hashtagfrequently accompanied by a selfie photo tweetbegan
trending online. The tweets fell into three major categories of response.
The first category involve tweets that directly called out Ryan for her
dismissive and as many saw it, her racial and gender normative, attitude
(see Figures 24).

228

Figure 1
Tweet by @Karnythia.

Figure 2
Tweet by @FireinFreetown.

Figure 3
Tweet by @OHTheMaryD.

Figure 4
Tweet by @anerdyfeminist.

Minh-Ha T. Pham

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229

The second category of tweets emphasized the racial biases and omissions in mainstream feminist media outlets like Jezebel (see Figures 57).
The third category of #feministselfie tweets were those in which individuals simply but defiantly reveled in the pleasure of their own image
(see Figures 8 and 9).

Figure 5
Tweet by @bad_dominicana.

Figure 6
Tweet by @bad_dominicana.

The #feministselfie hashtag campaign and the media coverage it attracted from websites as diverse as Colorlines (a news site that covers issues of race and politics) and Bustle (a womens entertainment
and lifestyle website), as well as from the circuitry of shared links on
Facebook, Tumblr, and Instagram affirmed that at stake in these selfies
was the struggle over the value and right of self-composure. A blogger
named Maurice Tracy posted a powerful meditation on the reasons why

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Figure 7
Tweet by @so_treu.

Figure 8
Tweet by @ixolotl.

Minh-Ha T. Pham

I Click and Post and Breathe, Waiting for Others to See What I See

231

Figure 9
Tweet by @ChiefElk.

he takes selfies. Although the blog post was published several months
before the hashtag campaign, it is a salient articulation of the campaigns
broader message. On his blog, Blaqueer, Tracy writes:
I take my selfies because I am that guy who, unless he takes the
picture or suggests it, doesnt get his picture taken I live in
a world where either body privilege or race privilege is always
against me. So I point my camera at my face and I click; I
upload it to instagram [sic], and I hold my breath because the
world is cruel and I am what some would call ugly, but I dont see
it I click and post and breathe, waiting for others to see what I
see: beautiful dark skin, Afrikas son, a dream un-deferred, pretty
eyes, and nice lips, and a nose that fits my face; I want them, you,
to see that I am human. (Tracy 2013)
The #feministselfie campaign and images exemplify the potential of
user-generated media to allow minoritized individuals the means to selfcreate and self-name identities that challenge dominant ways of seeing
and knowing beauty and personhood. As a do-it-yourself technique of
visibility, the selfie and related methods of networked vanity can direct
our attention to bodies and experiences that are invisible in traditional
sites of fashion and beauty imagery or, when they are visible at all, are
only visible as the inferior Other in the beautiful/ugly binary.
When Tracy writes, I click and post and breathe, waiting for others
to see what I see: beautiful dark skin, Afrikas son I want them, you,
to see that I am human, he makes important links between networked
vanity and dominant Western aesthetic discourses epitomized by Kants

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

essay, On National Characteristics So Far as They Depend upon the

Distinct Feeling of the Beautiful and the Sublime (2003[1961]). This
discursive tradition, as Sarah Nuttall explains, present the African continent as the metaphor par excellence for physical ugliness and moral
decay (Nuttall 2007: 9).
The #feministselfie participants use of social media technologies
and practices is an exercise in networked vanity that is both centered
on the self but with the understanding that the self is situated within
larger transmedia, transhistorical, and transnational systems of seeing
and knowing race, gender, beauty, and personhood. The #feministselfie
tweets and photo tweets challenge the political history of aesthetic visibility and the racist and colonial projects they empower by demanding
that we see minoritized people on their own terms and in their own
vision.
As well as fashioning alternative public visibilitiesalternative ways
of seeing beauty and personhoodthe #feministselfie tweets effectively
reappropriate public space for radical feminist critique. By uploading #feministselfies onto Twitter and sharing them on Facebook and
Instagram, for example, participants seize valuable space for their body
and image in what are today the most dynamic environments of public
culture. According to a 2013 Pew Internet report, 73 percent of adult
Internet users (age 18 and older) worldwide use social media networks
(Duggan and Smith 2014). The top three are Facebook, Twitter, and
Instagram. The numbers of active users these sites have are staggering. Respectively, they have 1.19 billion, 241 million, and 150 million
monthly active users (with a significant amount of overlap between
them). Twitter and Instagram are, in some ways, niche sites that have
particular appeal to younger adults [ages 1829], urban dwellers, and
non-whites (Duggan and Smith 2014). All of this is to say that popular
social media sites constitute an enormous part of digital public culture
and public interactivity today.
#Feministselfie participants are doing more than inserting themselves
into popular public spaces. They transform these digital public spaces by
changing the narratives and images that define them as sites of subjectification and objectification. What is on display in actual #feministselfie
tweetsnot the images of people taking selfies that typically accompany media stories about them but actual #feministselfiesis a minority perspective. Unlike representations of people taking selfies in which
we see individuals admiring themselves in front of a (visible) camera,
actual #feministselfies make visible the self-perspective of the user not
the selfie scene (as viewed from the critics perspective). What is on
display in actual #feministselfies are alternative ways of seeing beauty
and personhood shaped by the styles of embodiment, lived experiences,
and creative efforts of minoritized people.
When networked vanity is discounted as merely narcissism and showing off, not only is the perspective of the networked subject-as-object

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233

elided for the perspective of the critic, the particular relationship between public appearance and public space for minoritized women is
ignored. As many of the #feministselfie participants point out, critiques
of digital narcissism by Ryan and other would-be white feminist allies
rest on the presumptuousness of white feminists to assume they are in
a position to dictate standards of personal and public behavior to all
women. The cultural political value of participatory media technologies
and techniques is that they enable people whose images are invisible
or are distorted in traditional media to capture and direct attention to
non-normative bodies and identity presentations that remain generally
invisible in traditional media outletseven those that are attentive to
feminist concerns.

RAISE Our Story

The RAISE Our Story project is a cultural outreach effort that supports
the pan-Asian undocumented youth group RAISE (Revolutionizing
Asian American Immigrant Stories on the East Coast). RAISE formed
in November 2012 as a response to the Obama administrations earlier
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. Its focus on
young people corresponds with the DACA programs main eligibility
requirement that allows only candidates age thirty and under who came
to the USA as children to request deferred legal action for a period
of two years. RAISEs stated mission is to create safe spaces in our
communities while advocating for humane immigration policies. Our
visibility increases through political activism, leadership development,
community education, and coalition building. Through grassroots
organizing, we will re-imagine and realize justice for immigrants in
America.
The RAISE Our Story project intends to further the organizations
goals of representational visibility for undocumented Asian youth.
According to the description of the project on their blog (hosted by
Tumblr):
RAISE Our Story shares the uniquely beautiful stories of individuals who happen to be undocumented immigrants who arrived in the United States as children. The series photographically
chronicles young, undocumented people as they work to achieve
immigration equality, especially those whose stories are often left
out of the picture. We hope to use the power of narrative and
visuals to bring about comprehensive immigration reform.
RAISE Our Story employs fashion blog aesthetic conventions and
practices in order to reimagine new ways of seeing and knowing immigrants. The driving idea behind this project of visual activism is that

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

fashion aesthetics and social media can be put in the service of changing
the public perception about what immigrants look like with the aim
of advocating for more compassionate approaches to immigration
reforma struggle that inherently involves claims over public space and
public services.
Most of the blog posts begin with a pair of photographsa head-totoe shot and a close-upof a young undocumented Asian person living
in or near New York City. The particular locations of the photographs
are chosen in collaboration with the photographed subject. Captioning
these photographs are short statements by the subjects describing their
personal experience living as an undocumented young person and the
ways in which comprehensive immigration reform would improve their
lives. Reading through the posts, a clearer picture of undocumented life
begins to emerge about living under the constant fear and sometimes
overt threat of detention and deportation; about the dreams of higher
education deferred or entirely dashed away because undocumented students are ineligible for financial aid while required to pay out-of-state
tuition fees; of families separated geographically and socially by eligibility requirements for family sponsorship; of their parents low-paying
jobs, recurring unemployment, and lowered social statuses as a result
of immigrating to the USA to escape the political and economic unrest
in their native countries; of having to contribute very early on to the
family economy; of the lack of health insurance in the face of a parents
medical crisis; of the social and familial isolation that is a consequence
of racism, xenophobia, and for one Rhustie Valdizno, homophobia (see
Figures 1012).
These stories are a significant element of RAISEs project of digital
visual activism. Without them, the photographs can be easily confused
for street style outfit photos. Shot in public spaces in New York City,
the fashion capital of the USA and a popular locale of fashion blogs,
the RAISE Our Story images look like so many outfit photos in which
the city or street provides the privileged scene of authentic style. Also
lending a fashion blog feel to the photographs are the young, attractive
subjects wearing bow ties, popped up jacket collars, stylized hair, and
multicolored skinny jeansdetails that are hard to miss in the diptych
presentation of the photographs that end, as most sets of fashion blog
outfit photo do, with a close-up.
As well as the content and format of the images, the architecture of
the Tumblr microblog platform plays a large role in the genre confusion. Microblogs are designed to host a limited amount of content per
post. While there is some space for short pieces of textual content, long
blocks of text are designed out of the medium. As a result, visual content such as photographs and videos usually occupy the largest portion
of a blog post and, in the case of the RAISE Our Story Tumblog, they fill
the entire screen. Its not surprising that this image-driven social media
site is a popular platform among fashion bloggers and indeed any user

Figures 1012
RAISE Our Story street style
image. By permission of
photographer Jill Futter.

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

whose media content is predominantly visual. In placing its project in

the Tumblr sphere, RAISE Our Story is a kind of cloaked site. It
has the look and feel of a street style blog without actually being one.
RAISE Our Story borrows characteristic aesthetic and design features
of street style blogs and makes use of a digital environment popular
among fashion bloggers in order to advance an activist message about
immigration reform.
Also facilitating the genre confusion is the inattentive reading
Tumblrs architecture encourages. The dominant mode of reading for
most image-driven blogs is rapid browsing. Scrolling through the short
posts, readers generally pause only to Like a post, reblog it, or, if the administrator allows, to add a brief comment in response to the post. Just
as long blocks of text are designed out of the medium so too is the practice of slow, absorbed reading. Given that Tumblrs 300 million monthly
unique visitors (Yahoo Shareholder Statement 2013) spend on average
only 1.5 hours per month on the site (a fraction of the 6.75 hours per
month users spend on Facebook), it seems that users are not interested
in circumventing its browsing design either (Fox 2012). The largest bulk
of Tumblr users online engagement is with images that can be browsed
quickly. And that is a good thing for the RAISE Our Story activists.
Much of the story of the RAISE Our Story project is a visual one
told photographically. For RAISE photographer Jill Futter, perception
is at the center of the struggles for immigration reform. Tellingly, her
reasons for using street style aesthetics intertwines the aspirational function of fashion with the aspirations of immigrants to be perceived (and
subsequently treated) as equal:
[T]he fashion-y look is intentional. I wanted to make a statement that very often, what we wear isnt only who we are, but
how we want to be perceived and for these young immigrants
who so often just want to fit in and be seen as an equal to their
American peers, perception is so much more important. (Email
correspondence, July 23, 2013)
In giving visibility to the message of RAISE activists, it is significant
that Futter chooses to use street style blog conventions and aesthetics
rather than, say, those of professional fashion photography. Unlike
professional fashion photographs that are shot in prestige locations (e.g.
closed studios, private fashion shows, and exotically remote beaches),
street style photographs are set in public, often highly trafficked,
places (e.g. street corners, sidewalks, alleyways, and crosswalks). The
everydayness of these settings is a deliberate aesthetic counterstrategy
that locates authentic style in the everyday social life of ordinary
people rather than in the tightly guarded institutions and norms of
luxury fashion. Ordinariness can be a particularly meaningful goal for
people of color whose non-normative racial identity subjects them to

I Click and Post and Breathe, Waiting for Others to See What I See

237

exceptional surveillance, harassment, and stereotyping. To be perceived

as ordinary (e.g. an ordinary American) is in some ways an
achievement of social recognition and social acceptance.
The street settings of street style photography are especially poignant
sites of identity construction for the undocumented youth in the RAISE
project. For many undocumented people of color, streets and other
public places do not signify openness and accessibility. Compounded
with the increased policing that undocumented immigrants endure
every day by government and vigilante groups, state laws such as
those prohibiting noncitizens from acquiring drivers licenses severely
restrict the visibility and mobility of undocumented immigrants in
public spheres. Networked vanity, for RAISE activists, is a powerful
political practice of laying claim to digital and physical public spaces
that formally and informally exclude them. The youth featured in the
street style photos are not simply emerging from the shadows, so
to speak. They are taking hold of a social media spotlight in order to
shine it on their experiences as well as a new style of undocumented
personhood that is, in Futters words, all but American in name
(email correspondence, July 23, 2013). In this context, the purpose of
networked vanity is not to show off but rather to blend in, to fashion
identities as ordinary Americans.
The ordinary Americanness of undocumented Asian youth is mani
fested in the snapshot quality of street style images. This is not to say
that some street style photos (especially those shot by A-list bloggers
like Tommy Ton, Phil Oh, Garance Dor, and Scott Schuman) are not
beautiful images that are masterfully shot and composed. But even
among these bloggers photographs, the snapshot aesthetics of street
style photography portray a chance fashion moment that just happens
to be rather than a pre-designed and highly choreographed fashion
scene. Typically, street style blog subjects are seen sitting in a caf,
walking to work, riding a bike in traffic, and standing on the sidewalk
engrossed in an iPhone activity (a favorite pose in street style blogs).
For many street style bloggers, out-of-place hair, a funny expression, a
blurred image, or sun glare are not considered flaws but evidence of the
authenticity of the subject, the style, and the moment.
The logic of the happen to be snapshot aesthetics of street style
photography has a discursive application in the political message of
the RAISE Our Story project. Recall that the projects goal is to share
the uniquely beautiful stories of individuals who happen to be undocumented immigrants (emphasis added). While the legal status of
RAISE youth is at the center of their activist platform, the happen to
be logicvisually represented through street style blog aesthetics and
conventionssuggests that this central difference is only incidental in
the wider view of the greater picture of sameness. Using aesthetics of
fashion and street style photography as well as social media techniques
of communication and information sharing, practices of networked

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Minh-Ha T. Pham

vanity provide a platform for entry into that picture that, in the words
of the RAISE activists, undocumented people are often left out of.
Andrea Weiss discusses the happen to be logic in another, but
closely related context. She describes the politics of the incidental in
relation to gay characters in Hollywood films and television movies or
what she calls the happen to be gay syndrome: Here one finds a
character who is sexually gay but straight in every other aspect of
his or her life (Weiss 1986: 5). To narrate gay sexuality as simply a
happenstance, Weiss asserts, is to contain the threat of queerness by
insisting on its normalization. Weiss argues that the happen to be
discourse is a form of invisibility insofar as it conceals the very serious systemic violences that gay people are subjected to daily. [T]his
minor happenstance often means losing your children, your job, your
home and your right to decent health care (Weiss 1986: 5). As the
RAISE Our Story project evidences, undocumented immigrants face the
same kinds of everyday violence as a consequence of their difference.
The structural conditions and material consequences that constitute the
(always) racialized construction of this legal difference are made incidental and, in some ways, invisible by the happen to be logic. Yet the
happen to be logic is a morally coherent and emotionally persuasive
form of liberal discourse because it appeals to viewers empathy based
on feelings of sameness.
Although the RAISE Our Story project and political platform is assimilative in design, it does construct an important countervision of immigrant demographics in the USA. While Asians in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century embodied the stereotype of the illegal
immigrant (a sociocultural consequence of formal and informal racism
including over eighty years of anti-Asian immigration legislation), by
the mid-twentieth century Mexicans and Central Americans replaced
Asians as the embodiment of illegality. As a result of the racialization
of illegal immigrants, Mexicans and Central Americans in the US, no
matter their actual legal status, have had to endure levels of suspicion
and harassment that white immigrants rarely experience. Stereotypes of
illegal Mexicans conceal the racial heterogeneity of undocumented
people in the USA. Further, persistent stereotypes of highly skilled and
educated Asian immigrants on H1-B visas and of Asian American affluent model minorities obscure the largely unacknowledged reality that
Asians are one of the fastest growing poverty populations in the wake
of the Recession (DuMonthier 2013). Undocumented immigrants
make up a considerable part of the Asian poor.
Employing participatory media platforms and practices along with
street style photographic aesthetics and conventions, RAISE Our
Story troubles easy identifications of blog genres, undocumented immigrants, and Asian Americans. The textual and visual stories collected
in this blog challenge dominant ideas and images about undocumented
immigrants as criminals, freeloaders, and potential predators by

I Click and Post and Breathe, Waiting for Others to See What I See

239

roviding first-hand, authentic perspectives of life as an undocumented

p
youth in the words and images of undocumented youth themselves.
More crucially for this discussion, RAISE Our Story challenges the
prevailing notion that networked vanity indicates a self-absorbed individual whose claims on the digital publics attention is self-serving.
For the undocumented youth represented by RAISE Our Story, networked vanity is an empowering cultural political practice that helps
to establish their legitimacy and worthiness as ordinary Americans.
The RAISE outfit photos, the stylized clothes, and hair enhance the visibility of undocumented Asian youth, fostering a new way of seeing
and knowing undocumented immigrants. In this way, Tumblr is repurposed by RAISE and its productions of networked vanity as a platform
for social commentary and social recognition. If Asian undocumented
youth have been forced into the shadows of American social life and the
shadows cast by demographic blind spots and racial stereotypes, then it
is through very public acts of networked vanityof online sartorial and
corporeal self-composurethat social visibility is possible.
Both the #feministselfie hashtag campaign and the RAISE Our Story
outfit photos draw on a longstanding conceptual relationship between
representational visibility and cultural political power. Of course this
is not a perfect relation. Peggy Phelans wry observation that [i]f representational visibility equals power, then almost naked young white
women should be running Western culture is an important reminder
that visibility doesnt always remedy inequality (Phelan 1993: 10). But
for groups whose members rarely, if ever, see themselves in magazines,
billboards, or other sites of fashion, beauty, and popular media, representational visibility remains a pressing political goal.

Acknowledgments
Many thanks to Agns Rocamora and Emanuela Mora for inviting me
to contribute to this Special Issue, and to the anonymous reviewers for
their vital feedback on this article.

Note
1. Zoot Suiters Learn Lesson in Fights with Servicemen: Gangs Stay
Off Streets after Dark. Los Angeles Times June 7: 1943, A1: 1.

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