Yen Ching Hwang
Yen Ching Hwang
Yen Ching Hwang
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OverseasChineseNationalism
in Singaporeand Malaya
I877-1912
YEN CHING-HWANG
Universityof Adelaide
Introduction
Chinese political links with China have been a subject of
interest for many years. Travellers, journalists, officials and scholars
have constantly made speculation, assessments and predictions about
the political loyalties of overseas Chinese, and their future in their host
countries. Although the overseas Chinese share a common historical and
cultural background, they live in different economic environments and
political climates, and in different stages of transition. Their political
loyalty is especially difficult to assess. It is not just moulded by cultural,
economic and political environments; it is also affected by other, less
predictable factors. The rise of nationalism in the overseas Chinese
communities at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth
centuries was a major factor in shaping the political life of the overseas
Chinese. Using Singapore and Malaya as case studies, this paper seeks to
explain how and why overseas Chinese nationalism arose during this
period.
OVERSEAS
The Origins
of Overseas
Chinese
Nationalism
397
398
YEN CHING-HWANG
create a separate political entity outside China, nor did they take much
interest in the political future of the host societies. In other words,
overseas Chinese nationalism was not a component part of the
indigenous nationalist movements, but an extension of modern Chinese
nationalism.
The strong emotional attachment of the overseas Chinese to China
stemmed partly from race and culture, and partly from social and
political conditions. It is natural for emigrants to feel attached to their
mother countries, and Chinese emigrants were no exception. What
appears to have been exceptional was their utmost devotion to their
families in China. Many of them lived a simple and hard life so as to
remit the major part of their income to China to feed their family
members. From a poor coolie sending a few dollars annually, to a rich
merchant remitting hundreds, they all demonstrated this strong
attachment.' This strong family loyalty constituted the basic element of
overseas Chinese nationalism. Besides family ties, the overseas Chinese
also retained great regard for their birthplaces in China. They expressed
their feelings by contributing to economic, social and educational
developments in their home districts. They raised funds for flood and
famine relief,2 donated large sums of money to establish schools and
colleges,3 and invested in railways, mining and industry.4
Most of the overseas Chinese during the period under study shared
the common feelings mentioned above, and would have liked to see a
rich and powerful China which could provide them with prestige
overseas. But a strong China would mean different things to them
depending on where they were. To those in hostile white countries such
as Australia, New Zealand, the United States and Canada, and to those
who were ill-treated by their host governments such as the Dutch East
Indies, French Indo-China and Thailand, a strong China would give
China', in Journal of the Indian Archipelagoand Eastern Asia, Vol. I (1847), PP- 35-6.
2 The best example is the Tung Hua I Yen (the Tung Hua Hospital) founded in Hong
Kong in early I870s. It began as a hospital offering Chinese medical treatments. It also
acted as centre for collecting famine relief funds for China from any overseas Chinese
communities. See E. Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life 185o-1898 (New Haven,
1965), p. 216.
3 The best example was the involvement of Tan Kar Kee, a wealthy overseas Chinese
leader from Singapore, in the establishmentof schools and colleges in his home district in
the Fukien province. See Tan Kar Kee, Nan-ch'iaohui-i lu (Autobiography), 2 vols.
4 For the involvement of Chang Pi-shih and Chang I-nan, two well-known overseas
Chinese leaders in Southeast Asia, in the constructionof railways in their home districts,
see M. R. Godley, 'Chang Pi-shih and Nanyang Chinese Involvement in South China's
Railroads
1896-19i
pp. I6-30.
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
399
them not just prestige but also protection. Thus overseas Chinese
nationalism was not merely an expression of the emigrants' compassion
for their motherland, but could also be used as a weapon to counter the
hostile policies of the host governments.
The Chinese in Singapore and Malaya, who formed a major portion
of the population and lived under a more enlightened British government, had fewer grievances than other overseas Chinese. Local hostility
was therefore not a major cause of the emergence of nationalist feeling,
which arose chiefly from the concern for China's future and social
prestige. It has been pointed out that the political loyalty of the Chinese
in Singapore and Malaya was divided,5 and therefore some risks of
generalization are being taken here. Nevertheless, since the expression of
nationalism was the most salient aspect of overseas Chinese political life
and since in other respects the overseas Chinese communities seem to
have been fairly apolitical during the relevant period, it seems
reasonable to assume that the nationalism expressed by the articulate
minority probably did reflect the state of mind of the silent majority as
well.
Two types of nationalism, cultural and political, co-existed in the
Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaya in the period under
study. The former was mainly intended to restore Confucian cultural
values in the local communities, while the latter was chiefly motivated
by the change of politics in China.
Cultural
Nationalism
400
YEN
CHING-HWANG
Settlements
(The Mission Press:Singapore, 1879), pp. 26-48; anonymous, 'Notes on the
Chinese of Penang', in the Journal of Indian Archipelago, Vol. VIII (1854), pp. 1-27;
'Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1903', p. 8 in CD 2243; The Straits Times,
2/3/1904,
P- 5-
8 Traditional Chinese values such as loyalty, filial piety, chastity and thrift were
Khor Eng Hee, 'The Public Life of Dr. Lim Boon Kheng' (an unpublished B.A.
9
Honours thesis, University of Malaya in Singapore, 1958), pp. '8-20.
'0 See Lim Boon
Keng, 'Straits Chinese Reform: Filial Piety', in the StraitsChinese
Magazine, 1899.
'1 See Rosie Tan Kim Neo, 'The Straits Chinese in Singapore:A Study of the Straits
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND MALAYA
401
YEN
402
CHING-HWANG
20
Ibid., p. 5
used as a text for the Lo Shan She lectures in Singapore and Malaya, is found in G. T.
Hare's collected documents on the Chinese in the Straits Settlements. See G. T. Hare,
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND MALAYA
403
See 'Balance sheet of the Lo Shan She for the years of 1895 and 1896', in Sing Po,
25/1/1897, P. 5.
24 Wu Chin-ch'ing had purchased five Ch'ing official titles between
1889 and 1896
ranging from Tzu-cheng to Yen-yun-shih with feather; ChangJen-hsien purchased two
titles of Lang-chung and Erh-p'in between 1889 and 1896. Goh Siew-tin possessed
Chih-fu and Tao-t'ai titles, and Tan Tai possessed Chung-hsien ta-fu and T'ung-feng
ta-fu titles. See Yen Ching-hwang, trans. by Chang Ch'ing-chiang, 'Ch'ing-ch'ao
tsu-kuan chih-tu yu Hsin-Ma hua-tsu ling-tao-ch'en 1877-1912', appendix I, in K'o
Mu-lin and Wu Chen-ch'iang (eds), Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu shih lun-chi (Singapore, 1972),
pp. 71-2.
25 For the interpretation of the possession of Ch'ing honours and the traditional value
systems, see Yen Ching-hwang, 'Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in
in Journal of SoutheastAsian Studies, Vol. I, No. 2
Singapore and Malaya i877-1912',
(September i970), pp. 26-8.
26 See Sing
Po, 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.
27 The
typical example was Wu Chin-ch'ing (also known as Wu 1-ting or Wu
Hsin-k'o). Wu attended many of the lectures given by the Lo Shan She and this was
reported in the press. See Sing Po, 16/3/1893, p. 5, 3/3/1894, P- 4, 18/2/1895, P- 528 For
instance, the three teachers employed by the Ts'ui Ying Chinese School in
Singapore were Wang Pan-kuei, Hsu H'o-ming ( 4 5 ) and Wang Yun-kuei
All of them were intellectuals from China. From 1895 to 1897, the three
( li
-). of the same school were Wang Pan-kuei, Huang Shih-tso
teachers
(N tkf'V) and Hsia
Chi-ming ( Q6 Al ). Both Huang and Hsia were also intellectuals from China. See Sing
Po, 24/2/1891, p. 8; 16/2/1895, p. 8; 22/12/1897,
p. 5.
404
YEN CHING-HWANG
p. I, 25/1/1897, p. 5.
See Sing Po, 25/1/1897, p. 5; the list of the directors of the founding of Confucian
temples and modern schools, in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 19/3/1902, p. I.
3' The normal procedure of conducting a lecture was to set
up an incense altar at the
lecture hall. The Chinese consult-general in his official robes would lead executive
members of the Lo Shan She to perform kowtow ceremony towards the North. This act
was a symbol of kowtowing to the emperor of China. After the ceremony the lecturer
would begin his lecture. Sometimes, the consul-general might give a concluding speech
towards the end of the proceedings. See 'Sheng-yu shou-chiang', in Sing Po, 16/3/1893,
p.
5; 'Hsuan chiang sheng-yu chi-ch'en', in Sing Po, 15/2/1895, p. 5; 'Shan-t'ang chi-tien',
in Sing Po, 18/2/1895,
p. 5.
32 This opinion was held overseas as well as in China. In I9o9, for instance, when the
Ch'ing Ministry of Education intended to promote Chinese education among its
overseas subjects, it had to induce qualified teachers to serve overseas by special rewards.
See 'Memorial of the Ministry of Education relating to Overseas Chinese Schools and
Teachers dated 2 Ist December i909', in Cheng-chihkuan-pao (The Ch'ing Government
Gazette) (Taipei, Reprint, n.d.), No. 27, pp. 210-1I.
good discussion on the Pang division and politics in nineteenth-century
33A
Singapore is Lin Hsiao-sheng's article 'Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsing Hua she-hui te
pang-ch'uan cheng-chih' (The Pang Politics of the Chinese Community in 19th Century
Singapore), in Lin Hsiao-sheng and others, Shih-le ku-chi (Historical Relics of Singapore
(Singapore, 1975), PP. 3-38.
34 The practice at the Lo Shan She's lectures was to read the Sixteen Maxims in
Mandarin, then the lecturers translated and expounded them in southern Fukien
30
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
405
( iJ~ it), Society for Doing Common Good),35 set up separate halls,
and conducted lectures in their own dialects.36 There was a lack of
co-operation and co-ordination among these different dialect societies,
and the disunity greatly weakened the movement. It had some influence
in merchant circles, but failed to develop into a large-scale cultural
movement for the Chinese as a whole.
b. The ConfucianRevival Movement
Perhaps the most important expression of Chinese cultural nationalism
in Singapore and Malaya was the Confucian revival movement which
emerged in 1889. Although the movement contained a mixture of
cultural, religious, political and social elements, the cultural was
perhaps the most important as cultural nationalists strove to revive
Confucian values in the overseas Chinese communities. Spurred by the
Confucian revival movement in China, the cultural nationalists opened
their campaign in Kuala Lumpur. They convened a meeting in
September and resolved to observe Confucius's birthday (27th day of
8th moon of the lunar calendar) as a public holiday for all Chinese.
Shops should be closed for business, there should be a celebration at
home, and people should pay homage to a portrait of Confucius
temporarily installed at the T'ung Shan Hospital.37 The meeting also
resolved that representatives should be elected from various dialect
groups in the local community to perform sacrificial ceremonies to
Confucius. All Chinese were called upon to adopt the Confucian
calendar along with Emperor Kuang-hsu's reigning year.38 The
movement quickly spread to Singapore and Malacca. About two weeks
after the convention in Kuala Lumpur, the Fukien community leaders
in Singapore decided to follow suit by observing Confucius's birthday.39
A similar step was taken by the Chinese in Malacca in December of the
dialect. This tended to exclude those who did not understand the dialect. See SingPo,
18/2/1895, P. 5.
35
Both Cantonese and Teochew merchants in Singapore adopted the same name for
36 The main lecture hall of the Teochew T'ung Shan She was set up at the
Yeh-hai-ch'ing temple, the Teochew community centre, and the lectures were
conducted in Teochew dialect. See SingPo, 6/3/1897, 5p.
p. 2, 30/9/1899,
pp. 1-2.
30/9/1899, p. I.
39 It was the committee membersof the Chinese Free School (Chui Eng Si E, or Ts'ui
Ying Shu Yuan, $
), that decided to follow the example of the Kuala Lumpur
Chinese. Since most9['g,-leadersof the school were also leaders of the Fukien community, the
decision was in fact for the Fukien community. See ThienNan ShinPao, 13/1o
/1899, p. 7.
406
YEN
CHING-HWANG
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND MALAYA
407
then abruptly
receded
p. 7.
408
YEN
CHING-HWANG
article, he reversed his former position and argued that there was no
need to make Confucianism the state religion which would curtail the
freedom of thought of Chinese people.51 Liang was also obsessed by the
frivolous and symbolic inclinations of the movement such as building
Confucian temples and worshipping Confucius's portraits. As Liang
wielded tremendous influence among the overseas Chinese through his
writings, his drastic change of attitude must have shattered the faith of
many of his followers, and held them back from supporting the
movement in Singapore and Malaya.52
It was not until 1908 that it revived again in the form of observing
Confucius's birthday. On the 27th of the 8th moon of each year many
Chinese paid homage to the sage by making that day a holiday.53 Shops
closed for business, schools closed and sacrifices were made at home in
front of Confucius's portrait.54 The movement built up momentum
again, but this time the centre of gravity shifted from Singapore to
Penang; control of the leadership had passed to a group of pro-Ch'ing
wealthy merchants led by the ex-dignitary Chang Pi-shih (4K
, also
known as Chang Chen-hsun, best known in the West as Thio Tiauw
Siat) whose base of operations was in Penang. The resurgence reached
its climax in 1911 with large-scale fund-raising activity in Penang. Rich
merchants of various dialect groups were organized, and so were many
ordinary people.55 A Confucian temple, the first of its kind in Singapore
and Malaya, was built in Penang at the end of 191 1.56
Compared with the Lo Shan She Lecture movement, the Confucian
Revival movement had three notable achievements. First, it was a better
organized and co-ordinated attempt to restore the traditional and
reformed values of Confucianism. It had a centralized body to plan and
co-ordinate its work. Although the movement did not convert all
Chinese in Singapore and Malaya into Confucianists, it had visible
achievements in the observance of Confucius's birthday, the opening of
51 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, Yin-ping-shieh
wen-chi(Literary Works of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao)
p. 3;
I, p. 3, 12/9/191 I, p. 3, 23/10/191,
see also Yen Ching-hwang, 'Confucian Revival Movement
in Singapore and Malaya',
PP- 48-956 Penang Sin Pao, 30/9/1911,
p. 9.
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
409
Political
Nationalism
YEN
410
CHING-HWANG
p. 2,
29/7/1902,
58
(Singapore, I972),
pp. I3-29.
See Tan Yeok Seong, 'Tso Tzu-hsing ling shih tui Hsin-chia-po hua-ch'iao te
kung-hsien' (The Contribution of the Consul Tso Ping-lung to the Overseas Chinese in
61
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
41I
63
12/3/1894.
See the early section of the article, and Yen Ching-hwang, 'The Confucian Revival
Movement in Singapore and Malaya', p. 44; see also Hsi K'uang-sheng, 'Hsiang-chi
Hsin-chia-po k'ung-chiao t'ung-jen yen-shuo' (Details of the Speeches made by the
Singapore Confucian Revivalists), in Thien Nan Shin Pao, I I/Io/I9oI,
p. 2.
This was done by the consul-general Huang Tsun-hsien who would recommend
them for awards from the Ch'ing government. See 'Ts'ai-fang chien hsiao kao shih'
(Report on the notice of chastity and filial piety), in SingPo, 15/8/1894, p. 566 See Yen Ching-hwang, 'Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in
65
YEN CHING-HWANG
412
Ch'un ( 190 ) and Tsai-chen (1902). See Tseng Chi-tse, Tseng Hui-min kungshih-hsijih-chi
(The Diary of Tseng Chi-tse's Mission to the West), Vol. I, pp. 26-7; Hsueh Fu-ch'eng,
Chu-shihYing,Fa, I, Pi, ssu-kuojih-chi(Diary of My Mission to Britain, France, Italy and
Belgium), Vol. I, pp. 7-8; Wu Chung-lien, Sui-yaopi-chissu-chung,Vol. I, pp. 6-7; Sing
Po, 8/4/1896, p. 4; Lat Pau, 1/8/1901,
3/8/1901,
2/5/1902,
3/5/1902.
71 The first two visits were led by TingJu-ch'ang, the Chinese Admiral. Escorted by
Chinese warships, Ting visited Singapore first in April
i890, and then in March 1894The third imperial envoy was Chang Pi-shih who visited Singapore in December 1905In December 1907, Yang Shih-ch'i visited Southeast Asia, and then followed by Wang
Ta-chen in April 1908, and Chao Ch'ung-fan in 1911. See Chui Kwei-chiang, 'Wan
Ch'ing Kuan-li fang-wen Hsin-chia-po', in JournalofSouthSeasSociety,Vol. 29, Pts i and
2, pp. 20-2,
72
27-9.
See Ta-ch'ingte-tsungching-huang-ti
shih-lu,Vol. 576, pp. iob-i Ia; Chu Shou-p'eng
p. 3.
73 See SingPo, 5/3/1894, p. 4, 12/4/1894, P-4; see also Chui Kwei-chiang, 'Wan-ch'ing
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND MALAYA
413
Journal of Asian Studies, 34:2 (February 1975), PP- 372-3; see also M. R. Godley, 'The
Mandarin Capitalist from Nanyang: Overseas Chinese Enterpriseand the Modernization of China' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis of the Brown University, 1973), Ch. 6, 'A
Program for the Development of Industry and Commerce').
78 See Ta-Ch'ing te-tsungching-huang-ti
shih-lu, Vol. 535, p. 6b; see also Cheng
Kuan-ying, ChangPi-shihhsien-sheng
sheng-p'ing
shin-Lun,p. 14.
79 Chang was appointed by Hsueh Fu-ch'eng as the first vice-consul of Penang in
YEN CHING-HWANG
414
as the Ch'ing
March I893. In I895, Chang was made the acting consul-general of the Straits
Settlements when Huang Tsun-hsien retired from his job in Singapore. See Hsueh
Fu-ch'eng, Ch'u-shihkung-tu(Taipei, n.d.), original Vol. 7, pp. 13-I4; Sing Po, o10/1/1895,
p. 5, I/1II/1895, p. 8.
80 See 'Hsin-chia-po chung-hua shang-wu tsung-hui teng-chi i-chih-pu' (Minutes of
the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce) (Unpublished), Vol. I, pp. 2-381 See Shang-wukuan-pao
(Gazette of the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and
Commerce, Peking), Vol. I of the Ting Wei year (1907), PP. 9-10.
82
See Shang-wu kuan-pao, Vol. 7 and 12 of the Chi Yu year (i9o9).
83 Shang-wu kuan-pao,Vol. I of the Ting Wei year (1907), pp. 8-10, Vols 7 and 12 of the
Chi Yu year (1909). In Kuala Lumpur, a general meeting was called by the Chinese
chamber of commerce in July 1909 to celebrate the use of the official seal granted by the
Ch'ing court. See Nan-yang tsung-huipao (The Union Times), 22/7/1909, p. 384
See 'Hsin -chia-po chung-hua shang-wu tsung-hui teng-chi i-shih-pu' Chi Yu year
(1909), Vol. I, p. 14485 Ibid., pp. I Io-i I; 'Hsin-chia-po chung-hua tsung-shang-hui shih-chi' (Historical
Records of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce), in Hsin-chia-pochung-hua
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
415
if~:),
known as Wu P'ei-chiu
fI ?), Huang Chiang-shui (
), Gan
~IT7
also
known
as
Yen
Hsi-k'un
Hu
Hsin-ts'un
Eng Seng (ifAl,
ig il),
Lee Cheng Yan (4 ?A ) and Khoo Chen Tiong
).
(i[E
(,Ji,1{A),
Most
of them were wealthy merchants, China-born, Chinese educated,
87 See Lin Hsiao-sheng, 'Ch'ing-ch'ao chu Hsin ling-shih
yu hai-hsia chih-min-ti
cheng-fu chien te chiu-fen 1877-94', in K'o Mo-lin and Wu Chen-ch'iang (eds),
Hsin-chia-pohua-tsushihlun-chi,pp. 13-29.
88 See Yen Ching-hwang, trans. by Chang Ch'ing-chiang, 'Ch'ing-ch'ao tsu-kuan
chih-tu yu Hsin-Ma hua-tsu ling-tao-ch'en 1877-1912' (Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the
Goh Siew-tin was appointed the acting consul-general for the Straits Settlements
from January to May 1902. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 22/1/1902,
p. 7, 4/6/1902, P. I.
2/5/1902,
90
Goh was a director of the committee of the Lo Shan She in Singapore. See SingPo,
25/1/1897, P. 5.
YEN
416
CHING-HWANG
and possessed Ch'ing official titles.92 They actively promoted proCh'ing nationalism on occasions such as the Emperor's and EmpressDowager's birthdays, and the Emperor Kuang-hsu's marriage.93 They
welcomed the visits of the Ch'ing dignitaries,94 and mobilized financial
support at times when China faced national calamities, or war with
foreign powers.95
b. ReformistNationalism
Part of the overseas Chinese nationalism in Singapore and Malaya was
expressed through the reformist movement. The movement was clearly
an extension of the world-wide reformist movement led by K'ang
Yu-wei. After the Empress-Dowager Tz'u-hsi's palace coup against the
Emperor Kuang-hsu, and the failure of the Hundred Days' Reform in
1898, K'ang Yu-wei, the main figure behind the reform, had to flee to
Hong Kong and Japan for his life.96 He then went to North America
and Southeast Asia to mobilize support among the overseas Chinese.
K'ang's launching of the Emperor Protection Society (Pao Huang Hui
fk ) in July 1899 demonstrated his intention of saving the Emperor
from the control of the Empress-Dowager, and of restoring the sovereign
power of the Emperor.97 To K'ang and other reformist leaders, the
overseas Chinese were their most important assets. They had little hope
of restoring the Emperor's power by force. But they could use the
overseas Chinese to bring pressure to bear on the Ch'ing government,
from bases beyond that government's control K'ang and his main
disciples seem to have believed that persuasions of that kind could
restore the Emperor's rule. In planning a world-wide campaign to press
the Empress-Dowager to give up her power, the reformist leaders
considered Singapore and Malaya as the key to the successful mobilization of the Chinese in Southeast Asia. But before the arrival of K'ang
92
For the holding of Ch'ing official titles, see appendices I, 2 and 5, Yen
Ching-hwang, trans. by Chang Ch'ing-chiang, 'Ch'ing-ch'ao tsu-kuan chih-tu yu
Hsin-Ma hua-tsu ling-tao-ch'en' in K'o Mo-lin and Wu Chen-ch'iang (eds), Hsinchia-pohua-tsushihlun-chi,pp. 71-4, 83-4.
93 See Lat Pau, 7/3/1899, p. 2.
94 See Lat Pau, 14/4/189o, p. 2, 15/4/1890, p. 5, 16/4/1890, p. 2.
95
See 'Ch'ou tsu hsiang ssu' (To Raise Military Funds for the Sino-JapaneseWar), in
96 K'ang fled China on the eve of the coupd'etatto Hong Kong. He was then invited
by Marquis Okuma Shigenobu, the Prime Minister of Japan, to visit Japan. See
Jung-pang Lo, 'Sequel to Autobiography', in Jung-pang Lo (ed.), K'ang ru-wei: A
97 Ibid., p. I80.
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
417
418
YEN
CHING-HWANG
105 Ibid.
See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5, I1/10/1899,
p. 8.
Ibid.
108 See Kuo T'ing-yi, Chin-tai Chung-kuoshih
shihjih-chih (A Chronology of Modern
Chinese History) (Taipei, 1963), Vol. 2, pp. 1038-9.
109 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5.
110 It
was claimed that there were a few hundred signatures collected in Singapore,
and seven hundred collected in Kuala Lumpur. The telegrams were sent separately to
the Tsungli Yamen in Peking; the Singapore telegram was under the leadership of
Lin Yun-lung (t4~ g), a native of Nan-an district of Fukien, who was also a rich
merchant; the Kuala Lumpur telegram was sent under the names of Fan Ch'ang (~~
)
and Wang Tse-min ( I Ji ). See Thien Nan Shin Pao 13/1I /1899, p. 2, 15/1 I/ 1899, p. 2;
Jit Shin Pau, I1/11/1899, p. 4; 17/11/1899,
p. 4.
o'6
108
S111
Ibid.
CHINESE
NATIONALISM
IN SINGAPORE
AND
MALAYA
419
See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 8/3/1900, p. 2, 20/3/1900, p. 2; Jit Shin Pau, I2/3/1900, p. 4,
13/3/1900,
P. 7, 19/3/1900, P. 4.
113 SeeJit ShinPau,Io/2/1900,
p. 7, I2/2/1900, p. 6, 27/2/1900, p. I, 28/2/1900, p. I,
2/3/1900, p. I, 3/3/1900, p. I, 9/3/1900, p. I, 25/4/1900, p. I, 27/4/1900, p. I.
"14
Ipoh, Perak. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 31/7/1900 p. 7115 SeeJung-pang Lo, 'Sequel to Autobiography of K'ang Yu-wei', in Jung-pang Lo
min-chu
shih(A History of the Chinese
hsien-cheng-tang
117See Wu Hsien-tzu, Chung-kuo
YEN
420
CHING-HWANG
Ts'ai-ch'ang Revolt', in Papers on Far Eastern History, No. i (March, 1970), pp. 70-114118 See Feng Tzu-yu, Chung-huamin-kuok'ai-kuo ch'ien Ko-ming shih (A Revolutionary
History Prior to the Founding of the Chinese Republic) (Taipei, 1954), Vol. 2, p. 105119 Interview with Tan Chor-nam on 7 August 1966 at his residence in Singapore.
Tan was a close friend of Khoo at that time; his information could be depended upon.
120 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 22/10/I190,
pp. I-2; 'Letter from Khoo Seok-wan to the
Governor-Generalof Kwangtung and Kwangsi, T'ao Mo', reprinted in ThienNan Shin
Pao, 23/10/1901.
121Khoo's move had greatly affected Tan Chor-nam and Teo Eng-hock, two
reformistssupportersat the time, who later became the leaders of the revolutionariesin
Singapore. See Yen Ching-hwang,
122
For details relating to the publication of the two newspapers, see Chen Mong
CHINESE
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Thien Nan and Jit Shin were used to propagate Chinese nationalism and
the reform idea, and to attack the Empress-Dowager's government.
They were also used to publicize the activities of the reformists, to
transmit political messages from the national reformist leaders, and to
solicit financial and other forms of support from the readers.123
The reformists in Singapore and Malaya also adopted modern forms
of brganization. When the first Emperor Protection Society (Pao Huang
Hui) was founded by K'ang Yu-wei in Victoria, Canada, in July 1899,
branches quickly spread to other parts of Canada, United States,
Mexico, South America, Hawaii and Japan. It is claimed by Wu
Hsien-tzu, an important disciple of K'ang Yu-wei at that time, that a
branch was set up in Penang probably in I899, and the Singapore
branch with Khoo Seok-wan as its president was established in 1900.124
For unknown reasons, the branches in Singapore and Malaya and in
other parts of Southeast Asia were made underground. This was in
contrast to the branches in North and South America, Mexico, Hawaii
andJapan where lists of the members' names were widely publicized.'25
Being clandestine, the societies in Singapore and Malaya badly needed
front organizations to carry out activities. The organization that
emerged to meet this need was Hao Hsueh Hui (f * *, known as the
Chinese Philomatic Society) which was founded by Dr Lim Boon Keng
on 6 September 1899 in Singapore.126 In the announcement in the
press, the society emphasized that it was a registered body, and was to
organize public talks once a month at the Thien Nan Shin Pao office and
the shop Heng Ch'un.127 The emphasis on the legality of the society
indicated the reformist concern for its image in the community. It was
intended to spread its message widely. The professed aim of the society
was to gather literary enthusiasts (Wen-hsueh chih-shih ~t
~
)
together to discuss politics (China and foreign, current and ancient) and
new theories in science,128 but in fact the society was to push the theory
123
For details, see Thien Nan ShinPao and the Jit ShinPau between 1899 and I9oo00.
Wu Hsien-tzu, Chung-kuo
min-chuhsien-chengtang shih, p. 28; Wang Gung-wu,
'Chinese Reformists and Revolutionaries in the Straits Settlements 1900oo-i9ii'
(unpublished B.A. Honours thesis, University of Malaya, Singapore 1953), p. 40 and
Appendix B.
125 See Jung-pang Lo, K'angYu-wei:A Biography
andA Symposium,
p. 258, footnote 8.
126 See the announcement of the formation of the Hao Hsueh Hui by Dr Lim Boon
124
422
YEN CHING-HWANG
9/10/1899, P. 4, II1/10/1899, p. I.
130 See Jit Shin Pau, 6/10/1899,
p. 4, 9/10/1899,
P. 4, 11/10/1899,
p. I,
p. 4,
p. i. Another
reformist leader, Huang Nai-shang, who was in Peking during the Hundred Days'
Reform, was invited to give his account in the 8th public lecture organized by the Hao
Hsueh Hui on 18 November 1899. See the advertisement for the talk in the ThienNan
p. 8; 18/1o/1899, p. 5;
P- 5.
CHINESE
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seems reasonable to suggest that many of them may also have been
members of the underground Emperor Protection Society.
c. RevolutionaryNationalism
Certainly the Chinese revolutionary movement in the period between
I900ooand 1912 was the most important component part of overseas
Chinese political nationalism. Details of the revolutionary movement
have been discussed in my book, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911
Revolution:With SpecialReferenceto Singaporeand Malaya, and need not be
repeated here. What should be elaborated is the relationship between
the movement and overseas Chinese nationalism. Although Dr Sun
Yat-sen's Three People's Principles-Nationalism,
Democracy and
the guiding spirits of the Chinese 19II
People's Livelihood-were
revolutionary movement, nationalism was really the only one of the
three that was preached in the overseas Chinese communities in
Singapore and Malaya.'33 But the nature of the. nationalism merits
some discussion. Firstly the nationalism preached by the revolutionaries
was wider in scope than the pro-Ch'ing and reformist nationalism. The
pro-Ch'ing nationalists only promoted loyalty towards the Ch'ing
dynasty. The reformists wanted to restore the Emperor Kuang-hsu.
They also wanted to save China from foreign imperialism by institutional reforms, but still in a somewhat traditional way, under the
Emperor Kuang-hsu. The revolutionaries were more radical in a
number of ways. Their nationalism was directed not to an emperor or
the reigning dynasty, but to the nation-state of China. They did their
best to make clear the difference between loyalty to emperor and loyalty
to the nation-state.134
In line with the pervasive nationalism in the
world at that time, Dr Sun Yat-sen was deliberately nationalistic, and
thought that part of his revolutionary message was important for the
survival of China.'35 Secondly, the revolutionaries had given Chinese
nationalism new dimensions. The main component of revolutionary
nationalism was anti-Manchuism. Of course, anti-Manchu nationalism
was not new in Chinese history; it had arisen in the seventeenth century
in the resistance against the Manchu conquest.'36 But it was systemati133 See Yen Ching-hwang, TheOverseas
Chineseandthe1911Revolution,
pp. I 18-2 I, and
Appendix 2 and 7-
424
YEN
CHING-HWANG
cally developed and perfected by the revolutionaries. More importantly, the new revolutionary nationalism also contained constructive
elements: it proposed to build China as a modern and powerful
nation-state, able to take its place and defend itself in the modern
overworld.137 This put the anti-Manchuism in proper context-to
throw the Manchus was not an act of revenge, but a means to save China
from foreign imperialism. Thirdly, the revolutionary nationalism had
the greatest impact on the Chinese communities in Singapore and
Malaya. Compared with the pro-Ch'ing nationalists and the reformists,
the revolutionaries were more successful in mobilizing support. They
possessed a reasonably well-organized party, the T'ung Meng Hui, a
clearly defined platform, and a well-developed propaganda network.
The use of newspapers, books and magazines to spread the revolutionary message was obviously not different from the reformists, but the use
of reading clubs (Shu Pao She), night schools, public rallies and drama
troupes as propaganda vehicles was new.138 By these means the
revolutionaries broadened their social base, and effectively mobilized
support among the illiterate masses of the overseas Chinese. Thus
revolutionary nationalism had a greater impact than pro-Ch'ing
nationalism and reformist nationalism in the Chinese communities in
Singapore and Malaya.
Conclusion
Some conclusions may be drawn from the above study. Two types of
nationalist movements, cultural and political, existed side by side in the
overseas Chinese Communities in Singapore and Malaya during the
period under study. Most of these nationalist movements were Chinaoriented. There was little or no intention to develop a separate overseas
Chinese identity, nor was there any interest in local indigenous
movements in the region. In this context, we conclude that overseas
Chinese nationalism was an offshoot of modern Chinese nationalism,
and not a component part of indigenous nationalism in Southeast Asia.
Like nationalism in other countries, the nationalism of the overseas
Manchu conquest. For the relationship between the revolutionaries and the Koxinga's
anti-Manchu nationalism see R. C. Crozier, Koxinga and ChineseNationalism (Cambridge,
Mass., '977), PP- 50-6.
137 See Sun Yat-sen, 'Min-tsu chu-i', pp. 626-37.
'Chinese Revolutionary Propaganda Organizations in
138 See Yen Ching-hwang,
Singapore and Malaya, 19o6-191 1', in Journal of the SouthSeas Society,Vol. 29, pts I and
2, pp. 54-61.
CHINESE
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Chinese in this period derived mainly from their race and culture, the
special attachment to their birthplace, and the desire to retain racial and
cultural identity. Its growth was stimulated by the efforts of the Ch'ing
consuls, the visiting Ch'ing diplomats, officials and special envoys. It
was greatly influenced by the rise of the reform and revolutionary
movements in China, and by the activities of the reformists and
revolutionaries who arrived in the region. At the same time, the growth
of nationalism was heightened by the rise of world imperialism and its
threat to the survival of China as a nation and of the Chinese as a race,
and the overseas Chinese increasingly linked their fate with the destiny
of their motherland.