Adat Budaya Melayu
Adat Budaya Melayu
Adat Budaya Melayu
R.
J.
W I L K I N S O N,
F.M.S. Civil
Service,
General Editor.
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS.
P A R T I.
BY
KUALA LUMPUR:
PRINTED
BY J .
RUSSELL
AT T H E F.M.S.
GOVERNMENT
PRESS.
1908.
500-12/08.
PREFACE.
L I F E AND CUSTOMS.
INFANCY, 1
L I K E most Eastern ceremonies the rites that accompany a Malay birth are very elaborate and very
incongruous. The newly-born child is first spat upon
by the midwife in order that he may be protected against
the old Indonesian spirits of disease. After this he
hears from the lips of his father (or from some learned
man if the father be illiterate) the Moslem tenets, the
adzan or "call to devotion," and the kamat or "final
exhortation to prayer." He is then handed back to the
midwife in order that she may imprint on his forehead
the caste-mark of the Hindu. Having been thus received
into three religions at once, the child is put to rest by his
mother's sidealong with a piece of iron, a quantity of
rice and a number of other articles that the Malay
considers necessary for the defence of infancy against its
natural and spiritual foes.
The presiding authority on these occasions is a
woman, the bidan, or midwife. The mighty pawang, or
wizard, is also there, but he plays a humble part.
He chooses an auspicious place for the birth and he
surrounds it with thorns, 2 nets, dolls and bitter herbs,
in order to keep the spirits of evil from getting at
the mother and child in the perilous hour of their
weakness. He selects the exact spot by dropping some
sharp-pointed chopper or axe-head and marking the first
place where it sticks into the ground. Thorns are
thought to be dangerous to the trailing entrails of the
1
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
INFANCY.
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
Akikah.
Beras berteh .
Tepong tawar.
Lepat.
Ketupat,
INFANCY.
INFANCY.
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
INFANCY.
10
CHILDHOOD.
Ti m ang -timangan.
11
12
CHILDHOOD.
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14
master in his housework and in the care of his ricefields and orchards. The instruction was of a most
primitive character. A pupil began by learning to
repeat correctly the Arabic formulae with which every
lesson began and ended. When he had mastered these
preliminaries he proceeded to study the alphabet, less
for its own sake than as a sort of guide to reading
Arabic prayers and texts. Through much memorising
and through the assistance given him by his knowledge
of the lettering he would in time succeed in being able
to read the Koran and the principal prayers from end to
end. There his education stopped. The general drift of
the text was explained to him, but not the construction
of the sentences nor the meaning of the Arabic words.
A slight amount of dogma was also imparted. Religious
doctrine can, of course, be made to vary greatly according to the needs of the locality. A Patani imam once
gave a lecture on "infidels " in the presence of a
Siamese Governor and of a European visitor. " Infidel,"
he explained, was the name given by Muhammad to the
lusts of the heart. 1 It did not necessarily refer to other
faiths. Other religions had prophets of their own who
were nevertheless true prophets like Nabi Isa, the
prophet of the Christians, and Nabi Musa, the prophet of
the Siamese. Here he bowed to his foreign audience.
Doctrines of this sort are not mere diplomatic statements
to meet the needs of the moment; they are sedulously
preached by Moslem advocates of peace and conciliation
in every part of the world. Of course they differ very
greatly from the teachings of Acheen and of Arabia,
and although they furnish matter for debate among the
amateur theologians of the village they are looked upon
1
CHILDHOOD.
15
16
PAPERS OX MALAY
SUBJECTS.
CHILDHOOD,
17
l8
See Appendix C.
BETROTHAL.
19
BETROTHAL.
Subang.
2o
the ancient customary law is observed. The confinement of girls to their houses served to guard them from
the dangerous notice of the chiefs and also from the
risk of their injuring their matrimonial prospects by any
foolish compromising acts. In the law-abiding Menangkabau communities of Sumatra a good deal of freedom
could be safely allowed, provided that the women kept
in parties by themselves and did not indulge in tete-a-tete
interviews with fascinating young men. Out of this
degree of freedom there grew up a pretty custom that
has greatly influenced Malay literaturethe practice of
holding rhyming contests between the rival parties of
the men and the girls. A girl might be suddenly inspired to extemporise or quote some pantun or verse that
was apposite to the character, history or appearance of
some young man who happened to be present. The
opportunity was not to be missed. The person chaffed
(or one of his friends) would retort with a second
pantun. The contest would then continue till one or
other party was at a loss for a proper reply. The Malay
quatrain is a very easy thing to extemporise, owing to
the fact that its first two lines are mere jingles put in
to rhyme with the last two, and also because every line
is sung slowly and is followed by a chorus or refrain
that gives time to the other party to think of an appropriate answer. At the same time there can be a vast
difference in quality between one pantun and another,
and there is every scope for skill and wit in these poetic
contests, punctuated as they are by the applause or
laughter of the audience. While, therefore, in everyday
life the negotiations for a wedding are of a very commonplace order, it is quite otherwise in ceremonies and in
literature. The heroine of a romance is always wooed in
21
22
says one proverb. " Let your word, once given, be held
like a fort," says another proverb. Betrothalbecause
of the feuds that may spring out of a broken promise
is the one occasion in life when the Malay tolerates no
indecision and no evasion.
Let us therefore suppose that the proposal is welcome
to both parties and that there are no real difficulties in
the way. " One side has the curry, the other side has
the spoon;" it only remains to bring the two together.
The main detailsthe amount of the settlement to be
made on the bride, the value of the wedding gifts, the
probable duration of the engagement, and other questions
of the same sortare roughly settled by custom and are
known to both parties. All that is left is to have them
definitely laid down so that no misunderstandings may
arise afterwards. As these matters are too delicate
for direct negotiation between the parties, they are
usually referred to the penghulu and elders of the village.
At this point secrecy ceases to be possible, even if every
one is pledged to it. Both parties submit their case to
arbitration, knowing in outline what they have to expect
and ready to abide by the decision of their elders if it is
unfavourable to them on the minor issues that have to
be decided. By a recent discussion of the Perak State
Council the following scale of " dowry" (or settlement
by the bridegroom on the bride) was laid down for
observance in ordinary cases :
For a Sultan's daughter
...
For the daughter of a Raja Muda or
Bendahara ...
For the daughter of a major Chief...
For the daughter of a minor Chief...
For the daughter of a man of some position
For the daughter of a peasant
23
Belanja hangus.
24
See Appendix D.
25
26
BETROTHAL.
27
Panjat adat.
28
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
chance of life lay in the fact that his desperation made his
enemies chary about approaching him, while it made his
friends eager to purchase his safety by promises of compensation. The "Malay Annals" record the case of a
Javanese chief who succeeded in winning a Malacca wife
by a desperate panjat angkara. Many abductors were
less fortunate. In one case, mentioned by Sir William
Maxwell, a certain Mat Taib, a poor retainer of the
Sultan, asked for Wan Dena, the daughter of the
Bendahara of Kedah, in marriage. The relatives refused.
He then forced his way into her house, seized her by the
hair, drew his kris and defied everybody. Eventually
he was druggedprobably with his friends' connivance,
for he was not slainand the girl was released and
married to one Mat Arshad. A year later Mat Taib ran
amok, killing Mat Arshad and wounding Wan Dena.
But it must not be supposed that this panjat angkara
was a recognised and regular form of marriage like panjat
adat. It was far too violent for that; it was a savage
variant of the crime passionnel, and had much in common
with the amok, which is only the Malay form of suicide.
How else can one explain the action of Hang Kasturi,
who, when his intrigue was discovered, slew the girl
in the most cruel manner, stripped and exposed her
mutilated body, and then fought all comers till he was
slain ?1
Incidents of this sort were the exception, not the
rule; the seclusion of Malay girls did not lend itself
readily to broken vows and breach-of-promise cases.
The average Malay engagement pursued its tranquil
uneventful course until the prosaic incident of a rice
harvest placed the families of the prospective bride and
1
The story is given in the " Malay Annals " and is very famous.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE.
29
MARRIAGE.
Bersanding.
30
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
2
4
Dzikir-maulud.
Andam.
MARRIAGE.
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32
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
MARRIAGE.
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34
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS :
MARRIAGE.
35
Hari langsong.
Wali,
36
Wakil.
37
head, the procession, the sitting in state, and the lustrations on the seventh dayall lie outside the scope of
Moslem law: they represent survivals of older customs
and religions. Henna-staining is a custom that prevails
in most Muhammadan countries and was probably
imported with Islam. The procession of the armed and
mounted bridegroom, the mimic resistance offered to him
and the efforts to overcome it either by bribery or battle
may be far-away echoes of a time when marriage by
capture or marriage by purchase was the recognised rule
of the day. Many of the other incidents have no special
reference to marriage. The sitting in state and the
ceremonial lustrations, for instance, are not confined to
weddings. The shaving of the forehead is hard to
explain: certain superstitions are connected with it;
inferences regarding the bride's virtue are drawn from
the way the hair behaves. In one old romance, the
" Hikayat Koris," a distinction is drawn between wives
for whom a bridegroom thought it worth his while to
shave his own forehead and those to whom he did not
pay that compliment. We can see traces of marriage by
purchase in the advances paid at betrothal and in the
other customary gifts. We find signs of the matriarchate
in the rule that the bridegroom must reside in his wife's
house for some considerable time after his wedding. Upon
the simple Moslem marriage-rite there is superimposed a
whole mass of ancient custom that the Malay refuses to
discard. He considers the religious ceremony to be
legal but inadequate; he wants the other things as well.
He does not change old customs for new: he adds the
new to the old. In old days high officers of state used
to come on painted elephants to their installation. In
1907 the Raja Bendahara arrived in a carriage and pair,
38
ADULT LIFE.
39
4o
41
42
ADULT LIFE.
43
Lailatu'l-kadir,
44
45
In two days the haji is back at work along with his less
fortunate friends who have never been to Mecca. This
festival is the last of the Moslem year.
The Malay possesses another year, a solar year, with
holidays and festivals that have no connection with
religion. It begins with some definite signthe height
of the Pleiades above the horizon or the seasonal ripening of some fruit 1 telling the ryot that the time for
planting is at hand. The true Malay year is a sort of
farmer's almanac. Its first festival is marked by the
reading of prayers, the burning of incense, and the
singing of chants over the mother-seed that is to be
used in the rice-nursery. The calendar is marked by
further festivals at every stage of cultivationat the
sowing, the transplanting and the harvesting. It is
supplemented by special holidays, when mimic fighting
or mock-propitiation is used to get the better of the
ghostly denizens of the district who prey upon the
crops. This solar calendar is only unsatisfactory
because it is unauthorised and uncontrolled by any
supreme authority, so that its details vary in every part
of the Peninsula. It is the relic of an old agricultural
religion and belongs properly to the province of Folklore and Malay Belief. None the less its holidays are
observed and its feasts are well attended. The exact
day for each event is fixed by the local pawang, but it
turns upon the state of the crops and the details of the
padi-planting industry. The industry is the subject of
a special pamphlet and need not be considered here.
One thing alone must be discussed: how does
rice-planting pay? The whole of Malay life turns on
this industry and the crucial point in it is Qne about
1
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47
48
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
SICKNESS
AND
DEATH.
49
PAPERS
50
ON MALAY SUBJECTS.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS :
SICKNESS AND
DEATH.
51
52
53
54
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS:
SICKNESS
AND DEATH.
55
two designations. Mr. Braddell was completely nonplussed. I n the end, it was decided, with some misgivings, t h a t the ex-Sultan might be allowed to please
himself in this matter.
Among the regalia of Perak is a set of small cups
(resembling Chinese tea-cups but with serrated rims)
that are used by the Sultan Muda in his incantations.
So, too, a very handsome golden bowl, 1 with a cover of
gold and a saucer of suasa studded with precious stones,
is said to have done service in these berhantu ceremonies.
Under the ancient Government of Perak it was the
feudal obligation of the villagers of Pasir Garam to erect
the nine-staged pavilion used for the ceremonial lustrations after a princely berhautu.
Although few people
in Perak know who the Sultan Muda is and although his
office and that of the Raja Kechil Muda do not figure in
the Annual Estimates, every section of his duties and
every detail of his costume are most clearly defined by
the unwritten custom of the country. The ceremony of
the berhantu commenced at 8 p.m., when the Sultan
Muda, dressed in the prescribed robes, made his formal
entry and took his seat on the puadai, a narrow mat
only used on such occations. His head would be veiled
with a scarf of many colours. Rice-dust was scattered
about to avert ill-luck, incense was burnt, and the Sultan
Muda, grasping a handful of sambau grass, bowed,
folded his arms, and gave the signal for the invocation to
begin. The Chief Minstrel 2 to the accompaniment of
an orchestra of drumsthen chanted his appeal to the
Spirits of the Country, one by one in the strict order of
their precedence, to attend the audience of their King.
1
Known as a Mundam. It is an Achehnese bowl and is said to date back
to the time of Marhum Besar Aulia 'llah.
- Biduan.
56
57
58
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
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6o
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
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PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
same type and far more elaborately carved; the headstone is joined to the other by a long stone block five or
six feet long and carved with the triple crescentic dokoh
that was the sign of royalty and a long narrow cutting
that fills with rain and supplies water for the birds
of the air to drinkbut whether this was its real
object I cannot say.
Older graves have been found in Perak; some indeed
are lined with slabs of stone and contain broken
pottery and even cornelian beads. But were they
Malay? Of their origin nothing is known. The Malays,
who are extremely conservative in the matter of
old ceremonial, give us nothing in their burial-customs
that is not of the most orthodox Moslem character.
It may be that they used formerly to dispose of
their dead otherwise than by intermentbut this
point must be left to be dealt with in the course of
another chapter.
CONCLUDING NOTES.
CONCLUDING NOTES,
63
64
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
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66
circumcision. There is evidence to show that such inferences would not be incorrect.
Cremation was practised by the Malacca Malays
during the first half of the fifteenth centuryso every
contemporary Chinese navigator tells us most positively.
Cremation is still found in Hindu Bali and is constantly
mentioned in old Malay romances; it is, in fact, the
common practice of Hinduism and Buddhism. It is not
found among the aborigines of the Peninsula, nor is it to
be traced among such wild tribes as the Borneo Dyaks
and Philippine Igorrots. Under the circumstances, we
might have inferred that the ancient Malays buried their
dead till they accepted Hinduism and Buddhism; that
they then began to burn their dead, and that they
finally abandoned cremation for burial when they became
Moslems. Curiously enough, there is strong evidence
against such an inference, plausible though it seems at
first sight. In the North of the Peninsula there is
positive proof of the existence of tree-burial, a practice
that survives to this day in spite of the hostility of
Buddhist priests, Moslem Imams and Siamese Governors.
The Buddhist Malayo-Siamese are like their Moslem
cousins in that they believe ordinary religion to be
sufficient for ordinary cases, but consider that exceptional
cases demand exceptional treatment. If a man dies a
" bad " death he is not interred or cremated; he is given
tree-burial so that his soul may have peace. The body
is "rolled up in a mat and then in a casing of split
bamboo so as to form a cigar-shaped bundle which is
suspended between two trees in a waste place or hung
up in the fork between two branches." l Moreover, even
when a man has died a normal death his relatives some" Fasciculi Malayenses," Anthropology, Part I I (a), page 84.
LIFE AND
67
68
Nasi berastakona,
- Benang pancharona.
:i
Pancha-persada.
CONCLUDING NOTES.
69
70
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
is older than the Perak dynasty; it has remaind practically unchanged (as the " Malay Annals " prove to us) since
the days of the Malacca kings; it probably goes back to
the old Palembang kingdom with its strong Javanese
affinities. Wherever the old Palembang tradition exists
in Pahang, Johor, Riau, Malacca, Selangor and Perak
the " enthronement" or bersanding varies very little.
But if we leave the Palembang area and cross into Patani,
we find a complete change. We see an " enthronement/'
it is true, but it is not the enthronement of a Palembang
king. The ceremony is different ; the regalia are
different. We see before us the ghost of the ancient
Northern Courts and of the old and high civilisations
that have been crushed out of existence by the Siamese.
From the custom and ceremonial of the Northern Malays
we may yet learn much about the history of this most
interesting part of the Peninsula.
We can go back further still, to the old Indonesian
days before the Malays knew aught about Hinduism
or Buddhism or Islam. Do the pantun-contests at a
wedding or betrothal speak of a time when women
had more liberty and when courtship was allowed
to precede marriage? Probably they do, though
that time is indeed remote. The freedom allowed
to unmarried girls among most of the less civilised Indonesian tribes and even among the Menangkabau Malays makes it seem probable enough that there
was a time when Malay marriage was a matter of mutual
selection. Despotism would soon change all that; the
will of a chief was not to be gainsaid. The poetic
elements remained, but their tone changed; the bride
became a diamond to be bought and not a girl to be
courted. It seems fairly clear that the position of women
71
72
to preserve the old customs of the country from the disintegrating influence of modern improvements.
The change in Malay life is not really for the worse.
The ancient Malay planted for his own consumption;
the Malay of the future will plant to sell. In the old
days of insecurity when trade was impossible the size of
a holding was regulated by the needs of the family and
rarely exceeded two or three acres of rice-land and a
garden of some ten or twelve coconut-trees. Surplus
rice was almost unsaleable; the extra labour was wasted.
But the modern Malayin Krian, at leastdeals with
five-acre blocks and exports what he does not need for
himself. The size of the holding of the future will be
regulated by capacity to produce rather than by capacity
to consume. The present time is a time of transition.
In their early admiration for foreign art many Malays
melted down their precious native silver and had it remade by Chinese craftsmen. They now regret it. Such
mistakes are inevitable in days of change. Compared
with the great economic movements that are going on all
round us the changes in ceremonial may seem of little
account, but seeing how much national history is crystallised in the old ceremonies of the people it would be a
pity if Malay custom was allowed to perish unrecorded.
APPENDICES.
A.
By Raja, Haji Yahya.
ANTE-NATAL
BAB PERI
MANDI
CEREMONIES.
PERUT
DAN
74
APPENDICES.
75
76
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
APPENDICES,
77
78
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
APPENDICES.
79
ya-itu tali agas nama-nya akan tempat orang yang hendak beranak
itu berpaut. Hata sa-telah mustaed sakalian-nya, maka To' Bidan itupun lalu-lah membawa orang yang hendak beranak ka-tempat itu.
Maka ibu bapa perempuan dan ibu bapa laki-laki itu-pun serta sakalian orang perempuan yang lain-lain-nya-pun datang-lah berhimpun
berkeliling dudok di-situ. Arakian sa-ketika lagi budak perempuan
itu-pun makin bertambah-tambah-lah sakit datang resa-nya bertimpatimpa sahaja. Maka sa-ketika lagi lalu-lah menchelakan, yaani maka
Bidan-pun menyuroh teran yaani menolak budak itu ka-bawah.
Maka To' Pawang-pun lalu-lah segera menjampi hujong rambut
perempuan itu. Maka tatkala itu datang-lah sa-orang perempuan
menolak ka-bawah. Maka bidan itu-pun berkata: " teran-teran
segera kuat-kuat." Maka lalu-lah di-kuat oleh orang yang menurut
itu. Hata maka dengan takdir Allah taala budak itu-pun keluar-lah
daripada perut ibu-nya dzahir ka-dalam dunia dengan selamat-nya;
lalu-lah segera di-sambut oleh Bidan-nya. Maka keluar sa-kali dengan
uri tembuni-nya: ada kala-nya budak sahaja keluar, tinggal uri
tembuni-nya, maka Bidan itu-lah pula mengurut serta menolakkan
keluar, maka baharu-lah keluar uri tembuni itu; maka ada kala-nya
sampai sa-hari sa-malam tiada keluar uri tembuni itu, maka lalu-lah
di-tempang oleh Bidan itu yaani di-kerat pusat budak itu, maka hujong
pusat itu di-ikat Bidan kapada paha perempuan itu. Maka machammacham ubat di-beri minum: minyak yang sudah di-jampi-nya.
Maka dengan takdir Allah taala habis lepas semua-nya. Hata budak
itu-pun menangis-lah. Maka baharu-lah di-kerat pusat oleh Bidan
itu, tujoh tebu ikat pusat-nya; jikalau kanak-kanak itu laki-laki
pengerat pusat sembilu buloh di-buat seperti bangun golok, dan
jikalau perempuan budak itu, pengerat pusat sembilu buloh juga dibuat seperti bangun chandong.
B.
MALAY LULLABIES.
THE
SITI
So
PAPERS ON
MALAY SUBJECTS.
APPENDICES.
81
The following Perak lullaby for royal babies is however by far the
most interesting owing to its historical allusions:
Bunga merah tinggi di-tambak,
Tambak berukir taman berawan ;
Seri Sultan Raja Perak,
Asal Iskandar Nushirwan.
Bunga merah banyak di-taman,
Smiting dayang masok ka-dalam ;
Di-Makkah Nabi Akhir-zaman,
Di-Johor Mahkota Alain.
82
C.
CIECUMCISION.
Maka budak itu-pun di-naikkan oleh mudin itu ka-atas batang
pisang atau ka-atas karong. Maka sepit-nya-pun lalu-lah segera dikenakan oleh To' Mudin kapada dzakar-nya itu tang sudah di-pumpun-
APPENDICES.
83
kan kulit-nya itu tiada terkena kapada isi-nya. Maka kepala budak
itu di-chongakkan oleh orang tua-tua, tiada di-beri ia memandang-nya
lagi. Hata sa-telah sudah yang demikian itu, maka To' Mudin itupun segera-lah mengajar menguchap dua kalimah shahadat. Maka
budak itu-pun mengikut-lah seperti pengajar mudin itu. Maka lepas
itu mudin itu berkata pula: " Halalkan darah kamu dunia akhirat."
Maka jawab budak itu: " Halal dunia akhirat." Maka mudin itu-pun
segera-lah menampar paha budak itu tiga kali berturut-turut; maka
lalu-lah segera di-keratkan-nya. Maka sa-telah sudah putus itu,
maka luka-nya itu-pun baharu-lah di-tasakkan oleh To Mudin itu
dengan ubat-nya yang berchampur dengan gula puteh, kertas api,
minyak nyiur, atau daging. Maka ubat itu-pun di-bubohkan di-atas
puchok daun pisang yang sudah berlayur, lalu-lah di-balutkan kapada
luka itu. Sa-telah sudah maka budak itu-pun di-angkatkan perlahanlahan ka-tempat tikar bantal-nya, tang sudah di-sediakan di-buboh
puchok pisang berlayur dan di-buboh pula abu; jikalau sa-kira-nya
turun darah kelak tiada-lah kena titek itu. Dan serta pula budak
itu di-beri memakai kain puteh lepas panjang lima hasta dan sa-helai
kain batek akan jadi punjut-nya supaya kesenangan ia tidur.
Maka sa-ketika lagi lepas berkhatan itu hari-pun malam-lah.
Maka bapa kanak-kanak itu dengan kaum keluarga-nya pun berjagalah melayan budak itu jangan tidur lesak ka-sana ka-mari; di-pegangkan paha-nya. Maka budak itu-pun tidur-lah bersandar dengan
bantal perlahan-lahan. Maka jikalau sa-kira-nya tiada orang jaga
memegangkan paha budak itu, maka di-bubohkan oleh mudin sengkang di-tambatkan kapada paha budak itu kanan dan kiri sa-belah
menyabelah.
Hata datang keesokan hari-nya, maka mudin itu-pun menyuroh
siapkan ayer hangat daun mersapat hendak di-tanggalkan kundang
budak itu. Maka lalu-lah di-bawa-nya turun ka-ayer perlahan-lahan
serta di-basoh dengan ayer sejok. Telah sudah di-buboh tangkal
pemantan terap berpintal itu, maka budak itu-pun di-mandikan,
langsong di-bawa-lah naik ka-rumah, langsong di-basoh luka itu
dengan ayer hangat itu di-persuchikan di-buboh pula ubat. Maka
budak itu-pun lalu-lah di-beri oleh ibu bapa-nya makan di-atas
pinggan berlapek dengan daun pisang yang sudah berlayur dengan
lauk-nya ikan daing atau daging kerbau itu sahaja yang boleh. Maka
makan itu tiada-lah boleh be.rtambah sa-kali-kali, takut lambat baik.
Maka sebab beralas pinggan itu dengan daun pisang takut luka itu
kelak sopak yaani puteh.
84
Maka bapa budak itu segera-lah memberi upah khatan itu kapada
mudin-nya, satu ringgit atau lebeh. Maka mudin itu-pun segera-lah
kembali ka-tempat-nya; maka tinggal-lah budak itu di-dalam bela
pelihara ibu bapa-nya.
D.
BETROTHAL
VERSES.
R.
J.
WILKINSON,
F.M.S.
Cicil
Service
General Editor.
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS.
P A R T II.
THE HOUSE.
DRESS.
FURNITURE.
FOOD.
BY
PREFACE.
IN preparing this pamphlet I have to thank Messrs. Hale
and H. C. Robinson and Raja Said Tauphy for reading
several chapters and pointing out omissions; Mr. R. J.
Wilkinson, for many invaluable suggestions and for
allowing me to use in appendix an account of the Perak
regalia kindly communicated to him by H.H. the Sultan;
Mr. A. J. Sturrock, for a long account of Pahang costume
and court ceremony. By the kindness of the General
Editor I have also been privileged to read an account of
Patani wedding ceremony and dress taken down by
Mr. Berkeley, which would apparently show that there
is little, though essential, difference between the dress
and jewellery there adopted and the dress and jewellery
of the States that have inherited Malacca tradition; but
only inspection of the articles worn in Patani could
enable one to speak with authority on the matter. I
have to thank Abdulhamid, a Malay Writer in the Perak
Secretariat, for much patient assistance; and, above all,
Raja Haji Yahya, Penghulu now of Kota Setia, without
whose profound repertory of lore and unflagging industry in writing it down this pamphlet would probably
have been hardly more than a compilation from previous
accounts, and whose information, however carefully
tested by comparative investigation, I have never in one
single instance found inaccurate or at fault. The
harvest is plentiful but the labourers are few, and it will
be something if these pages shall merely evoke articles
on the wedding costume of Sri Menanti and Alur Star,
the carving of Patani and Sungai Ujong. More might
have been written on house-building, silver work and so
on, but they are topics which I am handling at length in
a pamphlet on Arts and Crafts.
R. 0. WINSTEDT.
MATANG,
PERAK.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS.
THE KAMPONG.
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
THE KAMPONG.
Pagar sasak.
Pelu poh,
Gawai-gawoi.
THE
KAMPONG.
Halaman.
2 Tabong oyer.
5 Kepok, berembong.
3 Panchur.
6 Kembong.
Lesong.
THE
K AM PONG.
Suruu.
See Appendix I.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
THE HOUSE.
10
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
THE
HOUSE,
II
some curious facts seem to show that however the difference of practice may have originated, it has now got as
it were into the blood and may almost be regarded as a
test of race, having often no traceable relation to local
circumstances. The Bengali inhabits a marshy country;
his villages are for several months of the year almost
lacustrine; but 1 think I am right in saying that he
never builds on piles. On the other hand the IndoChinese tribes on his eastern border, as far as I have
seen them, all build on piles, though many of them
inhabit mountains in place of marshes
The
Burmese and Karens always raise their houses from the
earth, whether dwelling in high ground or low. Even in
Java, whilst the true Javanese builds on the ground,
the people of Sunda mountain districts, a different race,
raise their dwellings on posts."
Again, Raffles describes the Javanese house as
having " t h e sides of walls formed of bamboo flattened
and plaited together." Marsden writing of Sumatra
alludes only to walls of bark and of flattened bamboo.
Neither of these accurate observers mention two other
less primitive types which occur in the Peninsula: the
Avail of plank and the wall of cane wicker-work. 1 One
of them, the wall of carved plank, rough-hewu not sawn,
Marsden would certainly have described had he penetrated up-country in Sumatra. Wallace relates how,
Avhen he went inland from Palembang, he found " houses
built entirely of plank, always more or less ornamented
Avith carving and having high-pitched roofs and overhanging eaves, the gable ends and all the chief posts
and beams covered sometimes with exceedingly tasteful
carved work, which is still more the case in the district
1
Tepas berturup.
12
PAPERS ON
MALAY SUBJECTS.
'Bersuyap layang-layang
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
THE HOUSE.
13
Cf. Law 96 in " The Ninety-nine Laws of P e r a k " (Law Part I I in this series).
14
Serambi.
Anjong.
3 Beranda.
15
2
:i
Pelantaran.
Gojah menyusu.
Penanggah.
6
Para, payu (Mal.) peran.
Rumah sa-bandong.
7
Selasar; Selang.
Tingkap ibu rumah
16
THE
HOUSE.
17
18
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
FURNITURE.
19
Kerusi.
Rihal.
Tuala.
Katil
Meja.
Peti
Almari.
Tirai.
20
PAPERS
ON MALAY SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS : FURNITURE.
21
22
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
1
Buaian.
Labu tanah.
Lilin.
2
Almari.
7 Buyong.
'3 Para.
Damar.
5
Kuda-kuda.
Labu.
10
Ketai.
Rumah panjut,
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
FURNITURE.
23
Dasar.
Chapah.
Tembikar.
24
PAPERS
ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
FURNITURE.
25
Pedestal trays are decorated on festivals with an embroidered and bead-work fringe, 1 like the fringe on the
marriage mosquito-net, of Hindu name and shaped
perhaps after the leaf of the sacred peepul-tree. Trays,
plates and gourds are protected from flies and dirt by
conical covers, embroidered 2 or made of bamboo3 cut into
concentric geometric and floral patterns dyed red and
black, or similar covers decorated with blue green red and
gilt paper cut into scrolls. Chinese and European wares
are used for coffee services.
Finally, there are tobacco and betel boxes, those
appanages of the last course of a Malay meal. Considering the universal habit and ceremony of betel-chewing
in the Archipelago and the portability and number of its
utensils, it is not surprising to find a great variety of
material and shapes, a vocabulary rather vague in its
terminology, the name for a wooden article improperly
transferred to a brass one, and so on. The most
primitive kind are plaited of screw-palm as already noted.
Then come small wooden chests, 4 fitted with trays to contain the requisites of betel-chewing, shaped like the coffers
Malay sailors use, larger at base than lid, rudely carved;
one shape has a drawer that pulls out at the side; 5 one
shape6 has an ornamental end of wood or silver projecti n g 7 as it is carried under the armthese last are commonly used for the presentation of betel at betrothal and
some Perak specimens have realistic bobbing models of
snakes made of wax and fastened dependent from pliant
rattan by human hair. Specimens made entirely of
gold, or Ligor niello, or silver, of brass or tin, also
occur, and then there is only a tray for the betel-vine
1
2
Daun budi (Hindoo).
Adai-badai.
3 Tudong saji : Sangai.
5
(Palembang).
Jorong (Mangkasar).
6 Puan.
7 Sulur
4 Tepak
bayong.
26
PAPERS ON
MALAY SUBJECTS.
3 Kelongsong or champpelu ( K e d a h )
4 Chawan
pinang.
5
Pekapur
awan bunga sa-tangkai.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
FURNITURE.
27
1
2
Kachip.
Sal ang.
8 Nyiru.
Tapisan.
Sudip: if l a r g e , chentong
Kukuran nyiru .
3
9
Sarau.
Gayong.
13
G
Lekar.
5 Rajut.
Raga..
Sekul (Pers.)
11 Sendok.
14
Sengkalan.
Achuan kueh.
10
28
Telamponq terap.
Rotan saya.
3 Rabok dudor.
5 Gobek api
Pusar basong.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
29
FURNITURE.
2
3
Kukusan tanah.
Perik.
8
Kawah.
7
Kuali.
Tungku.
11
Batu lesong.
12
Tempayan.
13
6
Gerengsing.
Para api.
Terenang (brass) :
9
30
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
FURNITURE,
31
32
DRESS.
33
34
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
35
DRESS.
Kainlepas.
Kain chokiu.
Sarong.
36
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
DRESS.
37
38
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
Di-gerus.
Baju
Kemban.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS: DRESS.
39
Mr. Skeat boldly suggests that the styles possibly distinguished those who followed the adat Temenggong
and the adat perpateh respectively. He remarks that the
baju kurong is generally worn by Menangkabau Malays
of the Negri Sembilan, and he might have added that the
1
Baju alang.
Baju, pokok.
Baju belah.
Baju kurong.
40
Naning regalia include such a coat, whose narrow opening, according to popular belief, will fit none but the
penghulu or his destined successor.1 Java certainly
would appear to affect the " split coat " : Malay wedding
garments are mostly derived from Java and the wedding
coat is open down the front: but the baju kurong has so
long been universal among both sexes of the Malays
that conjecture as to its original adoption is probably
futile. Prior to the introduction of the kebaya, it was
commonly the wear for women, short and reaching
only to the sarong, or in the Malacca of Logan's day,
" reaching to a little above the ankle, its cuffs fastened
with buttons of gold and sometimes of diamonds." It is
not surprising that feminine vanity soon discarded a
style so disastrous to ordered tresses; and the long,
shapeless kebaya of Portuguese name, and for indoors
a short open jacket 2 fastened with brooches, are now
universally worn by women. Men's coats are variations
of the two main types; Chinese, Arabic and European
influences leaving their mark, local Brummels and
Worths of Johor and Malacca Kedah and Penang
accounting for minor differences of style. The coat
double-breasted and tied at the side of the waist with
strings, the coat 3 open down the front with frogged
buttons are Chinese. Raffles detected traces of the old
Friesland coat in Java; and many now obsolete Malay
stylesthe collar high at nape of neck, 4 the sleeve tight
at wrist and buttoned from the elbow down, the tailed 5
1
" T o this day," wrote Newbold, " i t is firmly believed by many that the
elder brother of Abdul Syed was rejected solely on account of his inability to get
his head through the neck of the vest, which is represented to be so small as
scarcely to admit of the insertion of two fingers.
How the ex-penghulu
contrived to slip his large head through must remain a matter of conjecture."
2
4
Baju, Jipun.
3 Baju hanyut.
Baju kepok.
5 Baju bersayap
layany-layang.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
DRESS.
41
42
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
DRESS.
43
44
DRESS.
45
Golok(Jav )
Cha put.
3
Terompa.
6 Kaus.
Sepalu.
Cherpu.
46
Teugkolok.
2 Solek mumbang di-belah dua.
4
S. getang perkasam.
S. gajah berjuang.
3 S. kachang sa-helai.
S. ayam patah kepak.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
DRESS.
47
Kopiah
Resam.
3 Kopiah Arab.
5 Terendak bentan
Songkok
48
DRESS,
49
50
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
(on the index finger of the right hand), the " elephantfoot bezel 5 ' 1 (on the little finger of the same h a n d ) ;
some set with stones and called, for example, " the garden
of fire-flies." 2 on the ring-finger.
The bride also wears
a ring remarkable for a ruby-eyed filigree gold peacock 3
perched in place of a bezel; a ring which is always
worn along jwith a protector 4 for the long finger-nail of
leisure t h a t looks like a glorified cheese-scoop. " They
wore a girdle of gold and golden rings in their ears,"
we are told of the kings and nobles of Langgasu. At the
foundation of Palembang both sexes were adorned with
ear-rings but now the bride only wears ear-rings, 5 round,
the size of a penny, a badge of virginity, and these are
giving way to small drops6 and pendants. 7
The bridegroom's dagger 8 may have a golden sheath and gold or
ivory haft: for is he not a king for the day ?
Such is the older jewellery. Perak tradition vaguely
ascribes most of it to craftsmen immigrant from Java, and
old Malacca of course not only represented the Palembang
tradition, with its Indo-Javanese culture, but also had a
Javanese settlement. Clearly gold work exhibits styles
quite different from that of the foliated scrolls common
to Malay silver, and, curiously enough, Indian influence
is patent in the Sanskrit names for gold pinchbeck and
jewels but not in the terminology of silver. But if most
of the wedding finery be derived from Java, there must be
other old elements on which comparative investigation
should throw further light. Whence comes the virgin's
bracelet with flat triangular spoon-like ends ? Whence
the cheese-scoop nail protector and the peacock ring ?
The bride wears necklaces other than those already
1
3
Ch. tapak gajah.
2 Kunang-kunang sa-kabun.
Merak.
6
4 Changgal (vide " Malay Magic," p. 46).
5 Subang.
Subang gavtong.
7
8 In Patani he wears the Tajong or ' kingfisher' hilted keris.
Orlit.
51
Rantai Manilla.
2
Rantai derham.
Kanching alkah.
3 Merjan
.
Chaping.
Azimat.
52
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
53
Isolated instances may still be found, though Muhammadanism and European example have made shaving, or
at least short hair, the rule, as also shaving for the
chin and lip : a beard is a sign of staidness and religion.
Women's coiffure can no longer be dismissed as a
knot. "The axe," as the Malay proverb runs, "must
be pardoned for trespassing on the carpet," the rude
male intelligence for handling the mysteries of the toilet.
But there is the style of " knot" like a big bow 1 athwart
the back of the head and fastened in the middle, a
style common in the south of the Peninsula and worn
everywhere at weddings; there is the " roll " ; 2 there is a
trefoil knot" sometimes askew to the right; there is a
quinquefoil fashion4 with various names according to
its positions; and Chinese and European models are
imitated in towns. The Malay has a keen appreciation
for the roll as "smooth as a grain of rice." A princess
in " Trong Pipit" is pictured
" I n seven folds her tresses tiring,
Seven up-foldings nine down-turnings,
Like snakes a-coil or dragons a-fight,
H e r curls close tucked as lovers delight,
Bunch round as monkey on branch and tight."
54
Nyiur gading.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS : DRESS.
55
eyes that hardly see how their treasures are faded, and
mildewed, and moth-eaten, and vain.
This is an account 1 of the dress of rajas, chiefs, gentry, sayids
and their descendants of various degree, of rajas' slaves and of the
common folk, both male and female. A great raja would wear red
silk trousers, with a chevron pattern in gold thread running up each
leg from the bottom, fastened at the waist by a piece of thinner
cloth sewn on the top of the silk trouser and by a cord. His coat
would be short-sleeved and have one gold button at the t h r o a t ; his
skirt be of Bugis silk ; his waist cord of gold thread with fringed
ends wound outside the skirt, nine cubits in length. I n t h a t cord he
would thrust a keris mounted with ivory hilt, the entire scabbard and
fittings being of gold. His head-kerchief would be of silk, decorated
with tiny gold patterns, or embroidered with the Creed in Arabic
characters : it would be tied in the fashion called " t h e young cocon u t split in halves " : that is, it would stand up on the right side and
lie smooth on the left, one end jutting out prominently. H e would
wear a short-sleeved silk inner vest with a fine pattern in white,
yellow and black, like shredded ginger to look at.
The Raja
Muda and the Raja Bendahara would affect trousers adorned with
gold braid, inlet pieces of coloured glass and sequins round
the bottoms. Their skirts would be decorated with tiny patterns
in gold. Their waist-bands, in length ten cubits or eleven with
the fringes, would have a large mottled snaky pattern. Their kerises
would be sheathed in gold only half way up the scabbard, and
above have gold cord ornament, Their jackets would be (?) shortsleeved, and their skirts of medium length. Their head-kerchiefs
would be tied in the fashion called " the single bean-leaf": t h a t is, three
of its points would be brought forward and one stand erect. The
Raja Muda's dress would be all yellow. The four great chiefs and
the eight great chiefs and members of their families would wear
trousers woven in latitudinal stripes of four colours; coats with
" winged " skirts, collars high at the back, and one gold button at the
throat. As for the sixteen lesser chiefs and the thirty-two lesser
chiefs, the old men wore any kind of cylindrical cap if they fancied i t ;
trousers of silk or cotton, of the Achinese pattern, for which Kampong
Sayong was famous, the bottoms of the trousers decorated with sparse
gold thread only as far as their calves; a full skirt of Batu Bara
1
56
APPENDICES.
I.KAMPONG.
KENYATAAN KAPADA SEGALA RAYAT TANTERA 1ST
NEGERI SEMBILAN.
DARI HAL KERBAU PANTANG
LARANG.
Ahwal maka ini-lah nama-nama kerbau yang larang pantang kapada rayat pada masa yang telah lalu:
1. Kerbau jantan badol, ya'itu ujong tandok-nya ka-bawah lepas
daripada telinga-nya.
2. Kerbau jantan sampaian kain, ya'itu lurus tandok-nya ka-kiri
dan ka-kanan, atau pun salah suatu kedua-nya.
3. Kerbau jantan sinar matahari, ya'itu mengadap tandok-nya
ka-hadapan atau hitam badan-nya, kepala-nya merah atau tandok-nya.
4. Kerbau bungkal ganti, ya'itu ujong tandok-nya sa-lama-lamanya seperti sa-biji buah.
5. Kerbau bungkal ganti, ya'itu bulat ujong tandok-nya kadangkadang jatoh bungkal-nya tetapi berganti balek.
6. Kerbau changgal puteri, jangkir atau kuku-nya lentek atau
berkalok.
7. Kerbau buloh sa-ruas, ya'itu kuku-nya tiada pechah.
72
II.THE
HOUSE.
(1). "As for the design of Malay houses in the old days in Perak,
the Sultan's palace had seven interspaces between its pillars, and its
main rafters reached only to the top of the pillars, not to a ridge-pole
(sa-lari ka-tulang bubong-nya). The hall of audience was on the landside and the kitchen on the water-side. There were verandahs on
either side of the house. The roofs were all of nipah, the walls of
interlaced wicker-work, the floor of laths of ibul. The palaces of the
Raja Muda and the Raja Bendahara were similar, except that the
former had six and the latter five interspaces only, but the audience
halls were on the water-side (baroh) and the kitchens on the land-side.
The houses of lesser rajas and of the great chiefs had four spaces
between their pillars; the roofs were slanting and concave and reached
right up to the ridge-pole (i.e., were not tiered) ; the audience hall and
kitchen ran parallel and of equal length with the main building and
did not project lengthwise as in the palaces of the greater rajas; the
roofs were made of sago palm; the walls of wicker-work; the flooring
of ibul laths; the audience hall was on the water-side. So also the
houses of lesser chiefs and of penghulus, except that their interspaces
were three only and the audience balai in penghulus' houses was built
on lengthwise and on the water-side that access might be easy for
rayats. The houses of common folk had two or three interspaces ;
verandahs on either side; a kitchen (gajah menyusu) on the downstream
side; a straight roof-slope, bertam ataps; walls of wicker or bark;
floors of bamboo."An account written by Raja Haji Yahya.
(2). " The State hall in a modern Malay Court in the Peninsula
consists of a long building oblong in shape, down the centre of which
APPENDICES.
73
runs a long raised platform (seri Balai) reserved for the use of rajas
and saiyids. The space which surrounds this platform is called the
pesiban. The whole building is called the Balai rong or Balai besar:
it is usually joined to the palace at one of the narrower sides and a
door from the interior of the palace communicates with it on that side;
it has a number of pillars (tiang Balai) placed round it at regular
intervals supporting the roof, but it is not walled in and is open to the
air on every side except that on which it adjoins the palace. The
broad verandah (serambi) which encompasses the seri Balai is reserved
for the use of chiefs and gentry who are not of royal blood
When any ceremony, such as the circumcision or marriage of any of
the raja's relatives, is about to be celebrated, a temporary building is
erected at the end of the Balai rong, which is situated farthest from
the palace, running at right angles (melintang) to the main balai."
See Clifford and Swettenham's Dictionary, under Balai.
III.DRESS.
REGALIA AND HEIRLOOMS OF THE PERAK SULTANATE.
(1). The actual regalia of the Sultan are very few in number,
They consist, strictly speaking, of five indispensable articles worn by
the Sultan at installation. To these five articles may be added two
ornaments worn by the Sultan's principal wife, the betel-nut caskets
(puan) borne along behind the Sultan and his principal wife, and a
"talisman of petrified dew" to which great honour is paid. These
regalia are said all to have belonged to Mudzafar Shah, the first
Sultan. The other "regalia" are really heirlooms. Many Sultans
made a point of adding one or two articles to the regalia inherited by
them from their predecessors, but it is of course extremely hard
definitely to lay down what is an heirloom and what is not. When
Sultan Ismail was being pursued by the English in 1876 he carried
the regalia with him in his flight: some of the articles were thus lost
and others were damaged or destroyed. Furthermore the Colonial
Government insisted on the surrender of the swords of State (bawar)
held by the chiefs who were exiled to the Seychellesex-Sultan
Abdullah, the Manteri, the Laksamana and the Shahbandar: these
articles were (I believe) all lost. Another sword of Statethat of the
Bendaharais also said to have been lost. The rest of the Crown
properties are still in the Sultan's possession.
74
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
(2). The regalia that every Sultan must wear at his installation
are the following:
(a) The sword known as chura si-manjakini,
(b) The chain known as rantai bunga nyiur,
(c) The armlets known as pontoh bernaga,
(d) The signet called chap halilintar kayu gamut,
(e) The keris pestaka.
The Sultan has to wear these five things and to sit absolutely
motionless while the band plays a certain series of notes a certain
number of times. Each series is called a man. The Sultan fixes the
number of man that he can sit out, but the number should not exceed
nine or be less than four. Any movement on the Sultan's part at this
time would be extremely inauspicious. The most important of the
regalia is the sword of state known as chura si-manjakini. I t is worn
with a chain slung over the shoulder. The sword is associated with
the spirit of the kingdom (Jin Kerajaan) who is apt to press upon it
at the time of installation. To satisfy the widow of Sultan Ali who
insisted on this detail the present Sultan put a little pad on his
shoulder to prevent it being injured by the weight of the Jin, and
His Highness states that he did feel a curious pressure on three
separate occasions at his installation. The Malay tradition about this
sword chura si-manjakini is that it was the sword of Alexander the
Great and that it was used by Sang Sapurba to kill the great serpent
Sikatimuna which infested the land of Menangkabau.
On that
occasion the sword got terribly notched, and the notchesaccording to
the storycan be seen to this day. But I must add that several Malay
dynasties claim to possess this sword and t h a t the Perak sword is not
notched. I t is a fine, light bladeprobably a Damascus bladeof
good workmanship, with a hilt of gold and a scabbard of cloth-of-gold :
the hilt has no guard whatever, the upper portion of the hilt is
covered with Arabic lettering and the lower portion has a rough surface
made to resemble shagreen. I have no doubt whatever that the sword
is neither European nor Malayan; its make is distinctly traceable to
Syrian or Arabian influence, but of course the hilt may have been
actually made in India or Persia. The Arabic inscription has not been
deciphered; portions of it, at all events, are Koran texts. His Highness
said that a local pundit had inferred from the Arabic that the sword
had been used at the Prophet's great victory of Badr. But the lettering
is modern Arabic and not the Kufic character that was used for some,
centuries after the battle of Badr.
APPENDICES.
75
The rantai bunga nyiur is a very pretty chain but has no special
interest. The armlet (pontoh bernaga) is in the form of a dragon
coiling round the arm. The keris pestaka (also known as the keris
terjewa lok lima) has a sheath covered with gold, the gold being
adorned with very minute thread or filigree work: it is a very beautiful object but has no history or tradition attached to it.
The only point worth noticing about these three last items is that
similar articles enter into the costume of every Malay bridegroom.
The armlet, the chain and the keris are appurtenances of every king;
the sword chura simanjakini and the seal (kayu gamat chap halilintar)
are the special distinction of the " line of Alexander." The seal in
question is a small silver seal with a piece of wood passing through the
handle. The original piece of woodthe kayu gamathas rotted away
and has been replaced by a new piece. The inscription on the seal is
Seri Sultan Muhamat Shah Dzil Allah fi'l Alam (the Illustrious Sultan
Muhamad Shah, God's shadow on Earth). The seal kayu gamat is
mentioned (under the name kayu kampit) as the seal of the Great
Alexander in the " Malay Annals " of A.D. 1612. The word kampit in
Sanskrit seems to mean "seal" just as the word chura means "sword,"
so that these two traditional properties of Alexander are obviously
traceable to Hinduism. But as the original wooden seal has rotted
away we have no guide to what the kayu gamat really was. The royal
armlet worn at an installation by the Raja Perempuan is known as the
pontoh ular lidi and is only a small replica of the Sultan's armlet. One
is the "dragon" and the other is by contrast the "little snake" (dendrophis pictus). The two betel-boxes borne behind the king and queen
are known as the puan naga tarn and thepuan bujur respectively. The
fittings are of gold. The royal talisman (mestika embun) is said by
tradition to have been given by To' Temong, a great Upper Perak
girl-Saint to Mudzafar Shah the first Sultan of Perak. It has always
been reputed to possess the most marvellous medicinal properties. His
Highness sent it to England for examination land it was pronounced
to be a ball of glass. It is very slightly smaller than a billiard ball.
The Malays still maintain that it is " petrified dew," and even His
Highness is unwilling to accept the prosaic explanation given him by
the people in London. Nevertheless this " petrified dew " illustrates a
point that was brought very emphatically to my notice in this examination of the Sultan's heirlooms. The objects to which special value
was attached by the old Perak Kings were either articles of gold and
gems or strange foreign things that might be of little real value but
76
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
were prized because the Perak people did not know what they were and
could produce nothing like them. A ball of glass left by a casual
stranger in an Upper Perak village some 300 years ago would be a
source of endless wonder to the people and would become the subject
of innumerable stories.
(3). His Highness the Sultan gave me every information and
assistance when he permitted me to examine his heirlooms, and the
following articles were declared by him to belong to the Crown as such
and not to individual holders of the Sultanate. There is the Jceris
known as the kceris Hang Tuah because it is said to have belonged to
the great Laksamana who fought against the Portuguese between
A.D. 1509 and 1526. This kceris has a handle of the usual type and the
lower part of the sheath was covered with gold, making it a Jcrris
terapang:
His Highness has now had the upper portion (sampir)
covered with gold, making it a kceris terapang gabus hulu . There are
two heavy swords of the European type with heavy basket h i l t s : the
hilt of the smaller one (the pedang perbujang) is suasa, i.e., of an alloy
of gold and silver: the hilt of the larger one (the pedang rajawali) is
of a curious cloisonne or niello work. I cannot speak with any
confidence as to the origin of these swords.
There is a handsome covered bowl (mundam) resting on a platter:
these things are made of gold and there are some stones set along the
edge of the bowl; the work is Malayan and the reputed date is about
1700 A.D. 1 There is a kceris said to have been made by His Highness's
own father, the Bendahara Alang I s k a n d a r : this Jceris (known as the
kceris Bali Istambul) possesses a sheath of the most beautiful wood t h a t
I have ever seen. There is a small kceris the very blade of which is
made of gold: this is ascribed to a Sultan who lived about A.D. 1700.
There is a very curious waist-belt made up of sixteen plates, each plate
being of a sort of niello or cloisonne. I t is certainly not Malayan.
There is a very strange breast ornament (the kanching alkah) for
adorning the front of a woman's dress. I t is made u p of six dragons :
the two upper dragons approach each other with their heads and tails
while their bodies curve outwards ; between their heads is a fish; below
them are two dragons stretching downwards parallel to one another;
below these again are two more dragons crossed. The whole ornament
is made up of a sort of mosaic of poor g e m s ; it is non-Malayan.
1
This bowl, since alas ! stolen, was used for ayer limau. Snouck Hurgronje
alludes to " Achinese vessels of brass, mundam:" the word is hardly known in tho
Peninsula; and perhaps this specimen was a relic of Achinese invasion and influence.
APPENDICES.
77
There are two large platter-tables of silver. These are in regular use
at the Sultan's meals. There is a very fine gold-topped betel-box made
of the rare Ligor niello work with its fittings all of niello.From an
account given by Mr. R. J. Wilkinson on information supplied by the
kindness of H.H. the Sultan of Perak.
78
APPENDICES.
79
PAKAIAN
ZAMAN
DAHULU
80
APPENDICES.
81
82
APPENDICES.
PAKAIAN
PENGANTIN
83
DI-DALA.M
PERAK.
84
APPENDICES.
85
86
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
kapada jari telunjok kanan dan kiri, dan jari kelingking kanan dan
kiri, dan jari manis kanan dan kiri; keronchong emas atau perak berpahat dua tingkat ka-pada kaki-nya bergenta pula. Maka di-kenakan
pula bersifat alif berchelak kapada bibir mata-nya di-sa-belah bawah
kedua-nya. Sa-telah mustaed sekelian-nya, maka pengantin itu-pun
lalu-lah di-dudokkan oleh isteri orang yang alim di-atas chiu tujoh
tingkat yang bertekat berpenjuru suji timbul seperti emas baharu dipahat rupa-nya serta pula di-hadapi oleh anak dara-dara dan jandajanda sekelian sambil mengipas pengantin itu karna terlalu hangat sakadar menantikan saad ketika masa bersanding sahaja lagi.
( I I I ) . Dari hal pakaian Pengantin anak orang Besar-besar dan
pakaian Pengantin anak-anak Baik dan jpakaian Pengantin Sarif dan
Miur dan Megat:
Maka ada-pun sa-rupa belaka sahaja semua-nya sekelian mengikut
pakaian pengantin putera raja-raja yang kechil tiada-lah berlebeh clan
berkurang sa-kadar mana-mana kesukaan hati-nya; tiada sukakan
tengkolok alang itu boleh ia memakai destar (tengkolok bersering)
yang seperti pakaian pengantin bab yang pertama itu tetapi di-perbuatnya kain merah di-isi di-dalam-nya dengan kabu-kabu di-jahit-nya,
kemudian di-telepok-nya dengan perada yang sudah bertebok berawan
pula serta berpuchok rebong kapada sa-belah menyebelah puncha
tengkolok itu. Maka di-muka tengkolok itu di-buboh-nya bersubang
emas sa-belah dan menyebelah. Kemudian di-kena pula tajok perak
gerak gempa atau bunga melur di-gubah atau berteh di-chuchokkan
kapada rotan karangan seperti bunga juga rupa-nya. Maka demikianlah di-dalam istiadat kapada zaman dahulu kala; sampai ka-pada
zaman ini-pun demikian-lah juga tetapi ada perbuatan-nya juga seperti
adat ini dan sa-tengah terkadang-kadang tidak karna istiadat sudah
menjadi resam; kebanyakkan pula suka mengikut bab yang kedua
pakaian haji kahwin anak dara atau berkahwin janda, ada-nya.
NOTES.
The wedding dress of lesser rajas, male and female, as also t h a t of
commoners, differs only in quality and not in kind from that of great
rajas; and the difference is due rather to purse than royal prerogative,
because bride and groom are raja sa-hari, royal for the day. As a
matter of fact, only scions of the Perak house, for example, are in
a position to obtain the use of, and wear, the pontoh and kengkalong and
APPENDICES
87
88
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
APPENDICES.
89
HEAD-DRESS.
( I I I ) . A Methods
of tying the handkerchief.
(1) Belah
mumbang juntai kera, the panglima's mode, the two corners are freed
from the folds, one is brought forward and concealed between the fillet
and the brow and the other made to project like a horn or tuft. (2)
Kelongsong bunga, has both horns concealed. (3) Gulong Gua, has a
single corner introduced between the fold and the forehead and pulled
down an inch or two over the brow. (4) Gitong pideh, (?) has the
loose end neatly arranged so as to cover the head like a rumpled cloth
cap. (5) Bayang pulang panggil, ditto b u t reversed so t h a t the fillet
is behind, (6) Lang menyongsong angin has two projecting tufts and
one of the ends hanging down towards one shoulder.
B Logan gives the following caps and description: Kopiah
Surati, of cotton; k. Betawi, of gold t h r e a d ; Jc. sudu-sudu, with a
raised border behind; Jc. belanga, of thin cloth, k. Jcapi-Jcapi, which
covers the whole head and leaves only the face exposed; k.. Bugis, of
thick, soft material, made of the pith of the resam plant or of Chinese
tangsi, dyed black and bordered with silver foil.
JEWELLERY.
( I V ) . Gelang pintal, in the form of twisted cords; gl. puting
dayong, with ends like a paddle-handle; gl. patah semat, a bracelet
of ridged p a t t e r n ; gl. tali-temali, a bracelet of four or five twisted
cord-like strands; gl. puchok rebong, a bracelet of chevron p a t t e r n ;
gl. buah sireh, a bracelet with triangular ornamentation; gl. puuggong
siput, a bracelet ornamented with cross triangular grooves.
( I ) . Kings. Chinchin berapit, a ring with two stones; ch. bindu,
with one stone; ch. chap, a seal r i n g ; ch. ikat balai, a ring set with a
square flat stone; ch. ikat Belanda, or ch. ikal Eropah, a ring with a
stone set in open filigree so as to permit of the sides being seen ;
ch. kereta, a plain gold ring with a round surface; ch. limasan, a ring
set with one stone the surface of which is cut like a pyramidal roof;
ch. Mahar, the seal of the State ; ch. patah biram, or ch. susah hati,
a puzzle r i n g ; ch. peler itek, ch. pintal tiga, a ring of three strands ;
ch. seken, (shake-hands) a ring with clasped hands in gold; ch. wafaJc,
a talismanic ring with horoscope engraved on it.
( I V ) . Chinchin ikat Betawi, a ring set with three jewels at a
distance from one another; ch. garam sa-buku, a ring plain set with
one stone; ch. patah semat, a plain ring with ridged outer surface ;
90
ch. perut lintar, a round r i n g ; ch. tanam, with stones deep inset;
ch. potong tebu, a ring with outer surface in sections; ch. ketering, a
ring with removable stone.
COURT DRESS.
Kain tetampan, a shoulder-cloth of yellow silk, embroidered, and
with gold or silver fringe, worn by court attendants when waiting on
rajas. (See " Malay Annals," passim).
Kain wali, a stole reaching to the waist (in Perak of yellow silk
decorated with white and black and gold) worn by pages carrying
regalia and state weapons.
FOOD.
(1). Rambutan Betawi, salak Jambi, binjai Malacca, limau
Banjar, langsat Palembang, is a saying that shows species of fruits
especially esteemed by Malays.
(2). Nasi-nya beras Sungkai, ikan-nya lawang di-gulai dengan
daun paku, pekasam ikan lokma, tempoyak-nya tempoyak maja, ayer-nya
ayer Batang Padang, sireh-nya sireh Chikus, kapur-nya kapur Sungai
Terap; siapa makan-nya tiada teringat ia pulang ka-negeri-nya lagi.
So runs a Perak saying.
P R I N T E D AT THE
F.M.S. GOVERNMENT
PRESS,
KUALA LUMPUR.
R.
J. W I L K I N S O N ,
General Editor.
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS.
PART I I I .
MALAY AMUSEMENTS.
BY
KUALA LUMPUR:
PRINTED
BY J .
RUSSELL
AT T H E F.M.S.
GOVERNMENT
TRESS.
1910.
500-8/10.
PREFACE.
FOR assistance in the compilation of these notes on Malay
amusements I am indebted greatly to Abdul Hamid,
Malay Assistant, Perak Museum; to Raja Haji Yahya,
Penghulu of Kota Setia; to Raja Abdul Aziz, Settlement
Officer, Krian; to Megat Osman, Malay Writer to the
High Commissioner; and to Messrs. H. Berkeley,
R. 0. Winstedt, H. 0. Robinson and J. O'May.
R. J. W.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS.
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
" IN the games of children," says Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, "there survive dead and dying customs
and superstitions of their ancestors, so that they form a
little museum of the ethnography of the past."
Perak is rich in museum-exhibits of this class. Even
the game known in Europe as hide-and-seek is
turned, under Malay influence, into " the game of the
spirit of the stag" and is invested with a little halo
of elfin romance. It becomes the story of a certain
hunter who set out with a troop of followers to trap and
slay a deer, but, when successful in his quest, omitted to
propitiate with due ceremony the spirit of the slaughtered
beast. The hunter himself, as a magician, seems to have
escaped the consequences of his rash omission; his companions were less fortunate. Possessed by the ghost of
a hunted animal, each man hid from his companions, or
else, in lucid intervals, began to search vainly for the
others. The one survivor of this strange calamity
escaped to his village and described the pranks that his
friends were playing; the imitative instinct of children
did the rest. And if a captious critic puts forward a
suggestion that the name of the game may have given
rise to the legend, our Malay folklorists point out that
hide-and-seek is always played in low scrubby jungle
such as deer love to haunt. Be the explanation what it
may, parents object to hide-and-seek; they see in it a
trace of irreverence to Unseen Powers whom the children
are foolish to provoke.
CHILDREN'S
GAMES.
sandai
mandai
petulu
petanda
lat lat
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
nabi
malik i
pakpong
serunai
dani
1
The game known as chehup-chekup puyoh. In most games a stick is
broken up into as many small pieces as there are players; the pieces are drawn
at random, the child drawing the shortest piece opens the game.
sencle
duande
patali
patande
nalan
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
nabi
maliki
pa' poll
sungai
dawe
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
tajak,
tanah Jawa,
budak,
dcngan nyawa.
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
Each player then jerks back his hands, and the game is
at an end.
Such amusements are soon outgrown. The child as
he gets older desires something rougher and rather more
elaborate in the details; he runs about more and seeks
an outlet for his pent-up energies. But the process is
gradual. The intermediate stage between diversions
such as those just described and true sports such as
hide-and-seek is represented by a large number of simple
games of which we need only describe two specimens.
The game called long-lang burong jawa is played by
about a dozen players. One is selected by lot to be the
neneli (grandmother) or central figure, another is the ibu
(mother) or leader, and the rest form up in queue behind
10
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
marching
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
11
12
till some one is found and is made ibu for the next
round. The differences between this game and the
two harmless forms of hide-and-seek will explain its unpopularity with parents. I n the two variants the
players are bound by the rules to conceal themselves
within a limited radius of the ibu ; in the main hantu
rusa they may wander as far as they please. Again
in the variants they are compelled to show themselves
very speedily; in the main hantu rusa they remain in
concealment, it may be for some considerable time.
The Malays say that when the inauspicious game is
played the spirits of the jungle show themselves to the
children and tempt them away sometimes to sure hiding
places, whence the player never emerges. Given an
over-zealous child and a prowling tiger, the superstition
is easy enough to understand. I n any case, it is only
this single form of hide-and-seek that bears an evil
reputation.
The other two varieties are known as chekup-chekup
puyoh and ibu anak. I n the former the players hide
themselves within a given radius of a tree or stump
that serves as a goal or place of safety. I t is the
seeker's business to catch some player before he can
reach this goal from his hiding place. I n the game of
ibu anak there is not even this amount of concealment.
The players station themselves only at different places
within a certain distance of the tree or stump, and at a
given signal they make a dash for the goal while the ibu or
goal-keeper tries to intercept them. I t is interesting
to note that there are no formulas associated with the
harmless varieties of hide-and-seek. With the inauspicious main hantu rusa it is different. Before the seeker
or hantu rusa starts to search for his companions he has
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
13
14
On hearing this last proposal the wild bull begins kicking out in all directions; and the first player who is
kicked or driven out of the arena becomes " bull" for
the next round.
The suggestion-games are taken much more seriously.
In the game known as main hantu musang (to which
reference has already been made) the principal player
goes on hands and knees, is covered with a white sheet
and is said to be hypnotised into unconsciousness by the
others who march round and round him, stroking and
patting him and repeating the following words :
Sang gelisang,
Pasang bvnga lada,
Kalau da tang hantu musang
Ayam sa-ekor pum tiada.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
15
i6
stand about in a circle and keep the ball in the air with
a sidelong blow from the foot. Mr. A. W. O'Sulliva n
once saw a party of ten Province Wellesley Malays
"keep the ball up 120 times without once allowing it to
drop. 1 They kick it upwards with the ball of the foot;
and skilful players in so doing often bring the foot up
level with the breast, a feat quite impossible to the
ordinary European who can make nothing of the game."
But sepak raga is losing its vogue. It is being replaced
by the European game of football, which possesses the
excitement of having the players divided into sides. So
much is sepak raga losing ground that in a list of Perak
games compiled by a Malay for the purposes of this
pamphlet it was not even mentioned.
Another game, known as main porok, is played with
a rude quoit made of a piece of coconut-shell with its
edge rounded off and with a hole knocked through its
centre. Standing with his back to the target and
with his quoit between his feet, a Malay boy with a
skilful jerk of his right foot may send the quoit rolling in
the required direction with a reasonable degree of
accuracy. In the game of porok the players divide into
two sides and draw on the ground two parallel lines at
an interval of between twenty and thirty feet. On one
line they lay the quoits of one side as targets; on the
other they station the players of the other side. The boys
are expected to hit their opponents' quoits with their own
in the manner already described. Each boy is allowed
three shots. If he fails he may be permitted to take his
1
At the sports on the occasion of the opening of the Federal Council in
1909 the winning sepak raga team kept the ball up 56 times consecutively, but in
practice when they were not nervous they are said to have done it over 400
times. A kick at the first rebound is permitted. Some Malays object to the game
as irreligious on the supposition that the slayers of Husain and his family played
sepak raga with the heads of their victims.
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
17
18
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
19
Sorodocarpus borneensis.
Kertas jeluang.
PAPERS ON MALAY
20
SUBJECTS.
See Appendix V.
Ochlandra ridleyi.
CHILDREN'S GAMES.
21
22
DANCES.
DANCES.
23
24
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
DANCES.
25
more freely than they do under the present Muhammadan regime. It also tells us something of the period
of transition. When Islam put an end to mixed dancing
it had to tolerate the ceremonial imitation of mixed
dances on occasions such as weddings when Malay
custom insisted on the observance of the old formalities.
It is precisely on such occasions that the ancient dances
of the Malays are to be seen. This dancetarek- papan
sorong papanis a marriage-dance; but a still more
convincing example is the performance known as main
gubang that may not be given at all unless it is given
in the presence of two dolls dressed up as bride and
bridegroom.
There are several varieties of these marriage-dances.
Some, like those just mentioned, suggest that the
young men and maidens, guests at an ancient Malay
wedding, would rise up and dance with each other for
their own pleasure and for the entertainment of others.
But other performances were of a more ceremonial
character. There is the so-called "blossom-dance," a
curious blending of play, song and magic.1 A number of
palm-blossoms are laid on the earth and are " vivified " by
incense and incantations. An impressionable girl is then
stretched on the ground and covered with a cloth, while a,
second girl beats a tabor and sings the following appeal:
Ku anggit mayang, ku anggit,
Ku anggit pohoh mengkuang ;
Ku panggil dayang, hu panggil,
Ku panggil turun sa-orang,
Ku anggit mayang, ku anggit,
Ku anggit dahan tua ;
Ku panggil dayang, ku panggil,
Ku panggil turun berdua.
1
26
LIFE AND
CUSTOMS:
DANCES.
27
Per a poh.
28
DANCES.
2g
30
dances, I was told, were symbolical; one of agriculture with the tilling
of the soil, the sowing of the seed, the reaping and winnowing of the
grain, might easily have been guessed from the dancers' movements.
But those of the audience whom I was near enough to question were,
Malay-like, unable to give me such information. Attendants stood or
sat near the dancers and, from time to time, as the girls tossed one
thing on the floor, handed them another. Sometimes it was a fan or
a mirror they held, sometimes a flower or small vessel, but oftener
their hands were empty, as it is in the management of the fingers t h a t
the chief art of Malay dancers consists.
" The last dance, symbolical of war, was perhaps the best, the
music being much faster, almost inspiriting, and the movements of the
dancers more free and even abandoned. For the latter half of* the
dance they each held a wand, to represent a sword, bound with three
rings of burnished gold which glittered in the light like precious
stones."
Bedaya.
DANCES.
31
Serimpi.
Tandak.
Tari,
Liok.
32
DANCES.
33
34
PAPERS OX MALAY
SUBJECTS.
" for the cancer (of unbelief) there is no cure but the
knife." This "knife" or dolus is an awl or puncher
that can inflict a severe but not a fatal wound, a very
necessary limitation in a dance of this sort. In the
frenzy of their mystical excitement the devotees stab
themselves with their weapon and even put themselves
to severer tests of pain. Sometimes the dancers are
impostors, but they may also be fanatics who are prepared to do themselves serious injury if they can conduce
thereby to the greater glory of the Lord. And if the
testimony of eye-witnesses (European as well as Malay)
may be believed, these men are justified in their faith:
they stab themselves yet feel nothing; they cast red-hot
chains about their neck and come away scatheless.
1
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
DANCES.
35
36
37
and the singing ends with a collection and cries of hiphip-hurray ! There is very little in all this to suggest
the wild religious rancour that gave rise to the horia and
was traceable in it during the early days when it first
appeared in the Straits.
MUSICAL
PLAYS.
38
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
MUSICAL PLAYS.
39
40
MUSICAL PLAYS.
41
small kettle-drum, some castanets, and a staccato instrument with a wooden keyboard.
These instruments,
along with the masks and costumes of the actors, represent the whole equipment of the mayong.
Every company includes among its members a pawang
or wizard.1 He opens the proceedings with prayers and
incantations, prayers to the great god Siva to spare the
actors and musicians, and invocations of the spirits of the
country that they may not be angered by this intrusion upon
their domain. Tapers are lit; incense is burnt; charms
are uttered ; not only to Siva and the local spirits but also
to the masks and instruments that form part of the show.
This quasi-religious ceremony may be followed by some
little interval of time before the shed is erected and the
play begins. At last everything is ready. The leading
actor then comes forward and asks what is the proper
fee for the performance ? He gets his reply : " A skein
of thread, a quarter-dollar, a quid of betel; that was the
fee paid to "Wan Ni." Wan Ni was one of the first companions of Jemakam, who introduced the ,ma'yong into
Malaya. "And what is the proper prayer?" says the
actor. He is answered by some meaningless formula such
as the following: " Reni ma-reni, ti-ti-ti-ti, reni-ma-reni,
ti-ti-ti'ti, reni ma-reni.'5 After some conventional verses
he ends by inviting the spirits to return each to his own
home and not trouble the dancers and musicians with
faintness or dizziness:
Asal sireh pulang ka-gagang,
Asal pinang pulang ka-tampook,
Segala panjak pengantin-ku 3 jangan binasa,
Gia! puleh sedia-kala!
1
42
This ends the preliminaries and makes ready the way for
the play.
The plots of the ma yong do not differ in character
from the regular Malay romance, though they belong to
a cycle of twelve stories that is not represented in the
published literature of the country.
They differ in
details one from another and often contain episodes in
which wild animals and demons of the jungle have to
play a part. In such cases they call for a fine assortment of masks. However, for all practical purposes they
may be typified by the following simple example of a
ma'yony play.
The first scene opens with the pa'yong or " j e u n e
p r e m i e r " 1 coming forward and introducing himself to
the audience. H e is dressed as a young prince according to the ancient fashions of the northern Malay
S t a t e s : long wide trousers, a loose waistcloth of rich
material, a short tight coat, a headdress of stiff-cloth
with an aigrette, a belt, gold nail-protectors on both
hands, a rich assortment of bracelets, and a scarf flung
over his left shoulder. H e also wears a keris and carries
a curious wand. Dressed in the manner described, he
dances and sings before the audience, and when he has
been sufficiently admired he tells his hearers that he is
off to find a conpanion for a journey in quest of a lovely
princess-bride. Then follows the meeting with this
companion, his fidus Achates, the peran or jester of the
play. This meeting is invariably a comic interlude, a
scene of vulgar humour, in which the pair quarrel and
fight for the better amusement of a simple audience.
" Take care, you are blinding my ears, you are deafening
my eyes "such is a specimen of a joke at a ma yong.
1
LIFE
AND
CUSTOMS:
MUSICAL PLAYS.
43
44
PAPERS OX
MALAY SUBJECTS.
MUSICAL PLAYS.
45
46
The rest of the libretto varies with each troupe and has
no special value. The interest of the ma'yong, such as it
is, is centered in the constants: the outline of the story
and the small details that are fixed in form. To study
the rest is to study the vagaries of individual actors.
Anyone who examines a list of names of the commonest ma'yong tales and who reads such summaries of
the plots as are procurable, is sure to be struck by a
sense of their novelty. He cannot find them among the
folk-tales of Perak and Pahang or in the shops of the
booksellers of Penang and Singapore. They emphasise
the difference in the past history of the north and of the
south of the Peninsula.
So, too, if he takes the old songs and recitative passages that time has embedded in these tales he is met
again by traces of alien speech and influence. He finds
that the very names of the chief partsma'yong, pa'yong,
mek-seni and peranare non-Malayan. He comes
across unfamiliar words and expressions in the verses
such as the following :
Hal tembakau sl-bulat bulat.
Mari ginti dalam chembul kaeha,
Chahaya gigi di-atas baja,
Gila hati brrbanding mata.
What is the student of ordinary Malay to make of passages like this ? He may set down every variant as due
to "Siamese" influence; but he would be wrong. The
Siamese conquests in the Peninsula only date back to
the fifteenth century; they are even more modern than
the Malay colonies and hardly older than the Portuguese. The purists of Bangkok ridicule the speech
and accent of the " Siamese " of Ligor just as the Malays
of Perak laugh at the " patois " of Patani and Perlis.
MUSICAL
PLAYS.
47
48
MUSICAL PLAYS.
49
MUSICAL PLAYS.
51
52
MUSICAL PLAYS.
53
54
55
56
that call for no skill if played fairly and can be understood without difficulty by any beginner. Foremost
among these pastimes is the Chinese poh in which a die
is hidden under a metal box and the gamblers stake on
the face that they believe to be uppermost. This game
has no antiquity and no interest, so far as Malaya is
concerned.
Local chess is more venerable and more interesting,
A full description of its intricacies cannot be given
here,1 but the following general remarks will be
sufficient to indicate some differences that strike the
European observer at once. The chess-board and chessmen are very crude, the squares not being coloured and
the pieces being much alike; indeed, a foreign player
finds it hard to understand the state of the game
when a few chips or lines indicate distinctions that are
marked by horses' heads, episcopal mitres and battlemented turrets in the case of European chess-men. A
further element of trouble lies in the fact that the
Queen is placed on the King's right at the opening of
the game and that the moves of the pieces differ slightly
from those allowed in Europe.
The " openings"
recommended in treatises on chess cannot be applied to
the Malay game owing to these variations. The result
is that the European expert is handicapped when
playing against Malays for the first time, and is apt
to come away with the impression that they are more
skilful than they really are. Extreme specialization in
such a trivial matter as chess-playing does not, however,
appeal to the native mind; it would be regarded as a
mild form of lunacy. It is not difficultgiven this
form of lunacyto defeat Malays at their own game.
1
See Appendix X.
INDOOR GAMES.
57
Java.
ratu
patih
mantri
jaran
prahu
pidak, bidak
Malaya.
raja
mantri
gajah
kuda
tir
bidah
58
Vol. II,
D.
203.
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS:
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
59
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
66
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
61
62
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
63
64
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
65
66
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
4. Should one of the cocks run away and the wounded one
pursue it, both birds shall be caught and held by their
trainers. Should the runaway cock refuse to peck at its
adversary three times, the wings shall be twined over the
back and it shall be p u t on the ground for the adversary
to peck a t ; should he too refuse after it has been three
times presented, it is a drawn battle. The cock that
pecks wins.
5. The stakes on both sides must be forthcoming and deposited
on the spot.
6. A cock shall not be taken up unless the spur is broken,
even by the trainers.
" The beauty of the sport," says Sir H. Clifford, " is that
either bird can stop fighting at any moment. They are
never forced to continue the conflict if once they have
declared themselves defeated, and the only real element
of cruelty is thus removed." Opinions may differ on
this point. It is obvious that the cruelty is greatest in
the case of a plucky old fighting-cock that will not own
to defeat. It is the coward that suffers least. The
victorious bird described by Sir Hugh" draggled
and woe-begone, with great patches of red flesh showing through its wet plumage, with the membrane of its
face and its short gills and comb swollen and bloody,
with one eye put out and the other only kept open by
the thread attached to its eyelid "surely possesses a
grievance against the owners for whom it fought. It
pays a high price for the pleasure of repentance and
may have revised its first opinions about the beauty
of the sport. The author of " In Court and Kampong "
is much fairer to cock-fighting when he admits its
cruelty but compares it favourably with the fox-hunting
of our English shires. The name of sport can indeed
be used to cover a multitude of hideous cruelties.
COMBATS OF ANIMALS.
67
68
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS.
69
70
Every Malay is something of a gossip; he has no affection for stern and silent men.
Careless and light-hearted the Malay certainly is ;
a lover of gaiety, women and song; but even his worst
enemy would hardly accuse him of being self-indulgent .
H e is temperate, whether consciously or not. H e does
not eat to excess and is rarely corpulent. H e has been
known to drink, but never nowadays to be a drunken
sot. He gambles ; but only on special occasions. H e
may smoke opium ; but it is usually in moderation. I t
is quite a mistake to suppose that the modern Malay is
being corrupted by civilisation, by European spirits, by
Chinese opium, by prostitution and by the vices that
mining camps and sea-port towns have set up in his
midst. Let any doubter read the Sejerah Melayu with
its stories of the drunkenness and profligacy of the old
Malacca Kings, or the East India Company's record of
the potations of the Sultans of Acheen and Johor, or
Goudinho de Eredia's condemnation of the ways of
Malay women, or Admiral Matelief's description of Sultan
Alaedin and his court of inebriates, or Captain Hamilton's account of the iniquitous Sultan Mahmud I I . Or,
again, to come to more modern times, let him read
Abdullah's story of his voyage to Kelantau and of the
women who came down to the ships, or the unpublished
diary of the murdered Resident of Perak with its constant references to the opium-smoking and profligacy
that disgraced Malay court-life in the seventies; or indeed
let him question any of the eye-witnesses of the conduct
of the Perak Chiefs in the days of Sir H u g h Low. Time
has thrown a glamour over the p a s t ; but in face of this
host of eye-witnesses it is impossible to urge that modern
civilisation has corrupted the Malay. The very converse
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS.
71
is the truth : it has purged him of much of his old grossness. Present-day critics will find much to mock at in
the modern Malay youth with his dandyism, his shiny
shoes and the rose-tinted spectacles that are intended to
play havoc with the hearts of maidens : he typifies a
time of transition, a hobbledehoy period that has lost the
careless charm of childhood without attaining the fullgrown dignity of man. Popular criticism is always
indulgent to the wicked and merciless to the ridiculous;
it will not spare the modern Malay even though he may
have shed his grosser vices without losing a love of
freedom and of healthy exercise that may lead him on to
a wholesome manhood in the end. A study of old Malay
records leads to a fairer and a truer judgment; it
encourages us to forget the trivial absurdities of the
present when we remember the immense advance that
has been made upon the past.
APPENDICES.
I.NURSERY
RHYMES.
(1)
Kayoh laju-lajulaju-laju,
Sampan To' Penglimasampan To' Penglima,
Apa dalam bajudalam baju,
Kutum bunga senakutum bunga sena.
Bunga sena Dato'sena Dato',
Karang tajok malaikarang tajok malai,
Pimpin teruna masokteruna masok,
Selawat hujong balaiselawat hujong balai.
Balai Che' Wan KechilChe' Wan Kechil,
Balai panjang limabalai panjang lima,
Tunang dari kechildari kechil,
Sampai bulan limasampai bulan lima.
(2)
Kayoh, ma' hijau, kayoh.
Kay oh laju-laj u,
Jumpa china tuha,
Beri makan sagu,
(3)
Ikan lumat lumilumat lumi,
Makan lumut batangmakan lumut batang,
Nyonya kampong sunyikampong sunyi
Baba suka datangbaba suka datang.
(4)
Pinang kotai lambong,
Sireh gagang layu,
Nyonya punya kampong,
Baba tumpang lalu.
74
(5)
Rumah che' Baiduri,
Tiang limau purut,
Chinchin penoh jari,
H u t a n g bersengkarut.
(6)
APPENDICES.
75
(12)
Mengirek mengangin padi,
Sunting bunga si-balong ayam,
Kechil molek main ta' jadi,
Dunia di-pinjam sa-hari sa-malam.
(13)
Timang tinggi-tinggi
Sampai chuchur atap ;
Belum tumboh gigi
Pandai bacha kitab.
(14)
Geling-geling sapi,
Berbulu telinga-nya;
Di-mana Keling mati ?
Di-hulu benua-nya,
(15)
Tung-tong todak,
Sembahyang jambu-jambu ;
Ka-mana pergi budak ?
Ambil ayer sa-labu.
(16)
Raja Ratu di-Melaka,
Puteri Dang dari J a m b i ;
Bukit batu chermin mata,
Nyiur pinang habis mati.
(17)
Anak gajah jantan
Pandai tikam chelong;
Sudah sama padan
Bagai ayam sabong.
(18)
Anak rusa dandi
Pandai lompat tinggi;
Sudah untong kami
Tunang ta'-menjadi.
76
(19)
Rumah apa lentek bumbong-nya ?
Rumah Che' Kaya berisi padi;
Anak siapa lingkup tudong-nya ?
Tunang sahaya nikah ta'-jadi.
(20)
Anak pachat didalam buloh,
Nak di-lemang tidak bcrapi ;
Apa chachat didalam tuboh,
Sudah bertunang nikah ta'-jadi.
(21)
Anak badak tampong,
Chuchu badak raya ;
Anak orang kampong
Pandai tipu daya.
(22)
Buah jambu masak
Masak hujong julai;
Apa jamu kakak ?
Nasi dengan gulai.
(23)
Tung belitong
Belalai gajah mina;
Di-mana bunyi gong ?
Di-balek tokong China.
n.CHILDREN'S GAMES.
I am indebted for most of my information in this Appendix to
Daeng Abdul Hamid, Malay Assistant, Perak Museum, and to Raja
Abdul Aziz, Settlement Officer, Krianboth formerly of the Perak
Secretariat. The curious little rhymes and other formulae sung by
children when playing these games are given in the form taken down
by these two authorities, but I have to add that they vary greatly from
State to State and that a satisfactory version can only be obtained by
collating a long series of variants. Many of them arc quite meaningless and may date back to older languages.
APPENDICES.
77
78
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
Sapu-sapu ringin,
Ketimbong gayong-gayong,
Datang si-Jcatong
Membawa buaya kudong:
Kudong hahi Jcudong tangan
Sentak pelok tangan sa-belah.
At the last word every boy draws in his left leg and seizes his
right shoulder with his left hand.
I n this new attitude they sing the same formula once more
and then each boy draws in his right leg and seizes his left shoulder
with his right hand. This leaves all the children huddled up with
squatting haunches and folded arms. They then sing:
Dong-dong pak,
Pekasam labi-labi;
Apa hena hidong simpak ?
Di-terekam babi tadi.
They then try to jump forward like frogs and owing to the
constrained attitude the result is something like a sackrace, boys
falling over forward or sideways to the amusement of the spectators
and of themselves.
X. Longlang barong jawa. See text, pp. 9, 10.
X I . Tebang senebu. This is an indoor game. All the players
except one sit down in a row on the floor with their arms outstretched
and their hands resting on the ground. The one exception or
challenger comes forward and takes up a position fronting them
H e then says
Tebang-tebang senebu kuala sewa;
Ikat junjong; awal~awal hudang ganti;
Sa-kopak, dua kopak; awak dewa denah.
While saying this he is allowed to test the strength of the boys by
trying to knock their arms away from under them.
At the end of the formula each player in the line draws u p
his left arm and seizes his right shoulder with it, leaving his right arm
alone resting on the ground. The same formula is repeated and the
same test of strength may be applied. After that, the right arms are
withdrawn and the players face the challenger with folded arms.
APPENDICES.
79
8o
to guard it. He shuts his eyes while the others conceal themselves
within a given area round him. At the cry of sudah he starts off in
search of the concealed " quails" and they have to get to the goal
before he catches them. The first boy caught is the pursuer or goalkeeper for the next round.
XVIII. Ibu anak.This is another " innocent" form of the
same game but there is no real concealment. The goal-keeper stands
by his goal; the others stand some way off. After the cry of anak
they have to seize an opportunity to dodge past him and touch
the goal before he can intercept them.
XIX. China buta.This is " blindman's-buff."
A circle is
drawn on a piece of soft sandy ground and a boy is chosen to be
blindfolded. The first boy whom the "blindman" or "blind
Chinaman" catches or drives outside the prescribed limits becomes
the " blind Chinaman " in his turn.
XX. Main beronyeh.This is a game in which one pursuer
chases the other players in the water. The first boy caught becomes
pursuer in his turn.
XXI. Main totoi.A long line is drawn on a piece of ground
and players are stationed along it at intervals as its keepers or
guardians. Or a series of parallel lines may be drawn with a guardian
for each. The other players have to run through the line of guardians
passing in and out between them without being touched. This game
is played by moonlight.
XXII. Main kambing.See text, p. 15.
XXIII. Main hantu musang.See text, pp. 14, 15.
XXIV. Main kuching.See Skeat's " Malay Magic," p. 499.
XXV. Main tul.See Skeat's " Malay Magic," p. 495.
XXVI. Main tunggul.See Skeat's " Malay Magic," p. 499.
XXVII. Main galah panjang.See Skeat's " Malay Magic,"
p. 500.
XXVIII. Sepak raga. Mr. O'May gives the following notes on
sepak raga as played at Kuala Kangsar:
" I am told that the player to whose right the raga falls should
kick it and that a player should not run more than three steps from
his place unless the ball is kicked out behind him. The latter rule is
not often observed.
" In one form of the game any player who misses the ball has
to place a forfeit in the middle of the playing-ground (gelanggang),
usually a handkerchief or cap which he happens to have with him.
APPENDICES.
8i
82
" Sepak satu, etc.Let the ball fall, and kickas when making
a drop-kick at football.
" As each player goes out his successor begins at the satu stroke of
the stage in which he came to grief. If the series is completed the
boys of the successful side who have not yet been in take their turn
all the same."
X X X . Main gayau.Mr. O'May writes :
" Gayau is a wild fruit, round and flat. The game is played by
sides, equal in numbers. W h e n a coin has been tossed, the losers
place their gayau one behind the other at intervals of (say) ten feet,
upright on their edges. The other side try one after the other to
knock these down with their gayau, kicking them from a point (say)
twenty feet off in the same line, striking them with the side of the
foot as in porok so that they skim the surface of the ground. If a
player knocks down one of the enemy's gayau he gets another kick,
delivered this time with the other foot. Sometimes the missile flies
over the nearest gayau and strikes the second or even (very rarely)
the third. Sometimes the same missile knocks down two gayau in
succession. This is allowed; b u t if the second gayau is knocked down
by the first it counts as a fault and closes the innings. So does a
wrong statement of the score. This is a feature of the g a m e : the
captain of one side frequently asking the captain of the other what
the score is, in the hope of catching him out through a mistake.
" The scoring is as follows :
" If a player knocks down with his first kick
(1) The nearest gayau
(2) The second gayau
(3) The third gayau
or with his second kick
(1) The nearest gayau
(2) The second gayau
(3) The third gayau
I t the first kick is a miss there is no second kick.
" The score is calculated negatively, the other side ' owing' these
numbers of points. If all of a side miss, they are given another
opportunity of scoring. Each takes his missile and aims at one of the
standing gayau of his opponents. If each now succeeds in hitting the
target in three shots his side gets no credit in points but is allowed to
start over again. At this stage they can help each other. Thus
a player who hits his target with his first shot is allowed three shots
APPENDICES.
83
III. MARBLES
(DESCRIPTION
(MAIN GULI
OR
MAIN
JAKA).
DAENG
84
APPENDICES.
85
Sa-jengkal ta-raja : " though after being hit your marble remains
within a span's length of mine you don't win the stroke."
Tiga kali otek to'-raja: " though I may have hit you three times
successively and slowly, yet you don't win the stroke."
Sok ulang: " though I shoot from a hole near your marble (you
don't win the stroke)."
Masok lubang to'-raja : " though after being hit your marble rolls
into a hole you do not win the stroke."
Manteri ta'-raja : " a cannon does not win the stroke for you."
There are, of course, many local variants of these rules.
The Malay boy holds his marble in the curve formed by bending
round his left forefinger against his thumb. H e shoots it by inserting
his right forefinger behind it and pressing forward.
IV.MAIN
(BY
RAJA
" SEREMBAN."
HAMID.)
86
APPENDICES.
87
pigeon, the tangkul ketam for crabs, and a variety of cage-traps known
as jebah. Trapping is the subject of a separate pamphlet of this series.
V. SLINGS (ali-ali).
The ali-ali is the common catapult. The
missile is a durian-seed.
VI.
TOY BEETLE (kumbang). This toy is made of kabong-palm
seed or perah-seed. The seed is perforated by two converging holes so
that two apertures are visible on one side and only one on the other.
By passing a string through this and then twisting it and allowing it
to unravel, the " beetle " revolves very rapidly and emits a humming
sound. A game can also be played by making two beetles " fight"
i.e., knock one another till one or other breaks up.
VII.
TOY BUFFALO (kerbau pelepah nyiur).
This is a rough suggestion of a buffalo (see text). I t is drawn along the ground by a
string through its nose. Other toys of the same sort are the her eta
tempurong and the itek ayer.
V I I I . W H I R L I G I G S . These are known as bulang-baling.
I X . TOY BOWS. These are known as panah.
X. P E L L E T BOWS. These are known as terbil.
XI.
R I C E - P I P E (bangsi).
The simplest form of this rice-pipe is
made by splitting the extremity of a rice-stalk (at the point where it is
closed), then inserting another piece of rice-stalk and blowing into it.
The vibration of the split strands makes a loud noise.
XII.
COCK-FIGHTING (sabong, main taji).
There are a few childish
imitations of cock-fighting.
In one game a calladium-leaf is fastened
to a bamboo " s p u r " and serves as the armed cock. An opponent
comes along with a similar " cock," and the two are thrown at each
other till one leaf is cut to pieces by the spur of its opponent.
In
another game, a bamboo " s p u r " (taji) really a square-pointed dart
is stuck through a durian-seed and serves as a " cock." Strings are
attached to the durian-seeds and the " cocks " are whirled at each
other. The seed that first has a piece sliced off is pronounced the
loser.
VI.WORDS
SUNG I N T H E
"BLOSSOM"
DANCE.
88
PAPERS ON MALAY
SUBJECTS.
APPENDICES.
89
go
PAPERS ON MALAY
VIILA
DESCRIPTION
SUBJECTS.
OF
HATHRAH.
APPENDICES.
91
X.MALAY
CHESS.
(BY M R . H . O. R O B I N S O N . )
92
stated that the pieces are, or should be, praetically similar to ours,
with the exception of the rooks which are generally flat like
draughtsmen. This has not been the writer's experience; the sets in
general use are very confusing and it is difficult to describe the
shapes of the pieces without illustrations. The king and queen
are identical in shape, the queen being about half an inch shorter; the
bishop (elephant) and knight are not unlike the above-mentioned
pieces in design but with longer necks and diminished in size in
proportion to their value. The rook (chariot) is always flat like a
draughtsman with a little knob on top. The pawn is a tiny cylindrical
piece with a top knot. When not in use the pieces are placed in
a net, very much like a lady's shopping net but made of finer string
with half inch meshes, and hung on a nail in the hut.
From the above it will be seen that the pieces in European chess
can easily be used for the Malay game; in fact the writer has always
found that the Malay is only too pleased to play a game with his
boxwood set, as the marked distinction in the pieces is welcomed
by him. And now we come to some interesting points where Malay
chess differs from the European form of the game.
At the commencement of a game the queen, instead of being
placed on her own colour, is stationed at the right hand of the king;
this probably explains the reason why the board is uncoloured, or that
there is no necessity for a coloured board. All book knowledge of the
European openings is therefore useless in the Malay game, but
one gets accustomed to this great difference after a little practice, and
a man who plays a fair European game will generally find that
the strongest Malay he meets comes off second best.
The king (raja) moves one square at a time in any direction.
Castling is effected in various ways in different parts of the Malay
Peninsula and Straits Settlements ; the recognised method in Selangor
is to move two squares whether a piece intervenes or not, but not
in conjunction with one of the rooks. This is permitted even if
the king is in check. The king may also, before he is checked
or moved from his own square, once move or take like a knight. In
Clifford and Swettenham's Malay Dictionary it is stated that the king
may also, if he has not moved or been checked, move once over
two vacant squares ; this privilege-move is unknown to the Selangor
Malays. Towards the end of a game care must be exercised in
not capturing all the opponent's pieces, for if the king be left
solus the game is practically drawn as he may move just as he
APPENDICES.
93
94
allowed to take the black pawn, or move if he chooses but to the third
square only. These rules may not be applicable in other parts of the
Peninsula, but they are recognised in Selangor.
I n conclusion, some of the expressions used in this form of chess
will perhaps prove of interest. The Malay for check is sah mate mat
and stale-mate muttu . The equivalent to our " q u e e n " is daman, but
this is used only when the adversary's queen is threatened by a queen ;
if by any other piece warning must be given by the word ma. This
appears to be superfluous. Wilkinson, in his " Malay Dictionary," goes
a little further in giving aras which he defines thus : Arabic, an
expression in chess, " guard your queen," " the queen is en prise," only
used, however, when the queen is threatened by a knight. The word
aras is used in Selangor, but with a totally different meaningviz.,
discover check. Aras sah is double check, and aras ma is checking the
king and queen simultaneously.
The rules and expressions given above are in accordance with
those of the game as played in Selangor; that they are slightly
modified in other parts of the Peninsula and in the Straits Settlements
is most probable, but they give one a fair idea what Malay chess in
general is like and a correct one of the game as played in Selangor.
Inasmuch as in the preparation of these notes the writer has
received the kind assistance of Raja Musa of this State.
R.
J.
WILKINSON,
General Editor.
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1909.
500-3/09.
R.
J.
WILKINSON,
General Editor.
LIFE
AND CUSTOMS.
PART I I I .
MALAY AMUSEMENTS.
BY
E . J. W I L K I N S O N , F.M.S. Civil Service
PRICE:
ONE
KUALA
PRINTED
BY J .
RUSSELL
DOLLAR.
LUMPUR:
AT T H E P.M.S,
GOVERNMENT
PRESS.
1910.
500-8/10.
PRINTED AT THE
F.M.S. GOVERNMENT
PRESS,
KUALA LUMPUR.