Kang, Y.

universalized perspective of Speech Act Theory, I argue for cultural

and contextual differences in the meanings and functions of speech
acts by analyzing Petalangan honey-collecting chants.

Endearing or En-daring?:
The Pragmatics of Love in a Performance
of Honey-Collecting Chants
among the Petalangan of Indonesia
Yoonhee Kang
Yale University
In Petalangan honey-collecting chants (menumbai), bees
are described as a pretty young girl who falls in love with a
bee-shaman (juagan), a performer of the ritual. I attempt to
analyze 1) how the process of Menumbai ritual is romanticized in relation to the actual working process of collecting
honey, and 2) what kinds of linguistic features and devices
are used to encode love in its songs. By focusing on
Petalangan cultural specific discourses on love as a
metapragmatic dimension of the Menumbai performance,
this paper aims to call an attention to affective dimensions
of language ideology in general.

1. Introduction
What do people do with words? I will begin by analyzing the sentence, I love you. This sentence describes and expresses the speakers feeling of love toward the addressee. According to Speech Act
Theory, the expressive speech act has nothing to do with the world,
because the utterance of ones psychological state does not have any
contextual effect in the world (Searle, 1979:11).1 As a critique of this
1

Searle (1979) modified Austin (1962)s classification of illocutionary acts into five

Texas Linguistic Forum 44(2): 302-312

Proceedings from the Ninth Annual Symposium about Language and SocietyAustin
April 20-22, 2001

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Petalangan people practice the honey-collecting ritual called

menumbai when they harvest honey from bee-nested trees. Menumbai
literally means enchanting bees with songs (Turner, 1997).
Petalangan people believe that the ritual engenders magic that protects
the honey-collectors from being stung by the bees. Given that the
menumbai songs are mostly love songs, I will discuss the functions
and meanings of the performance of the songs. What do people do
with the love songs? Why do people believe the love songs can be
magic?
I will address the following questions in this paper:
First, how do the ritual songs encode love? By analyzing the textual organization of the ritual songs, I will discuss what kinds of conventional linguistic devices and rhetoric are employed to express love.
Second, why do people perform the love songs to collect honey?
I will demonstrate that expressive speech acts can be used as directives-the attempts by the speaker to get the hearer to do something
(Searle, 1979:13). My concern involves the Petalangan metapragmatic dimension that makes possible the link between expressive speech
and directive speech.
Third, what are the instrumental functions of the love songs? I
will demonstrate how the ritual songs are related to the actual working
process of collecting honey. Rejecting the simple dichotomy between
expressive and pragmatic speech acts, I will argue for the multiple and
contextual meanings and functions of the performance of the ritual
songs.
The ritual that I analyze in this paper was documented in March
1999, while I was conducting ethnographic field research among the
Petalangan people of Riau in Indonesia from 1998 to 1999.
major categories; assertives (representatives), declaratives, expressives, directives,
commisives.

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2. Ethnographic Background of Menumbai Ritual

Petalangan people are one of the indigenous ethnic groups in the
Kampar river hinterlands of Sumatra, Indonesia. As an isolated and
remote group, Petalangans engage in dry rice cultivation and fishing,
and they remain dependent on forest products for their livelihoods.
Honey is one of these important forest products, which people sell in
nearby towns. Bee-nested trees in the forest, which are called sialang,
are not private property, but the public property of each clan.2 The clan
leaders strictly regulate the collection and distribution of honey.

gan takes the beeswax and lowers it by means of a rope and bucket to
the ground where his assistants and clan leaders are waiting.

The collection of honey requires a specific ritual called menumbai, meaning enchanting bees with songs (Turner, 1997). In
Petalangan beliefs, honey and sialang trees belong to forest spirits and
not to human beings. Therefore, the practice of ritual songs is analogous to requesting permission to harvest the honey.

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3. How to Encode Love in the Menumbai Ritual Songs

3.1. Lineal Organization of the Performance
During the menumbai ritual, 32 types of pantun are recited.
Pantun is a traditional quatrain of Malay poetry that displays an alternate rhyme pattern. Semantically, each pantun consists of two
metaphorical statements that are placed in parallel so that in combination they indicate a single hidden meaning.
The performance of menumbai ritual songs projects a series of
imaginary scenes of interactions between juagan and bees. For example, Song 1 is performed before juagan climbs the tree.
(1) Song 1: Before climbing the tree.

The performer of the menumbai songs is called juagan or dukun

robah, meaning bee-shaman. When the wild beehives of the sialang
tree are discovered to be full of honey, the clan leaders organize a
work team to collect it. The team consists of a bee-shaman who climbs
the tree and the assistants who collect the honey on the ground3 as the
juagan gets buckets of honey down from the branches.
Menumbai ritual always takes place in the darkness of a moonless
night, because if the bees see light they go wild and sting people. The
ritual begins with the juagans recitation of magic spells. After he
recites the magic spells quietly, he slaps the tree trunk and waits for an
answer from the bees. The deep humming reply from thousands of
bees indicates permission for him to climb the tree.
Upon receiving an answer from the bees, the juagan starts to
recite the menumbai ritual songs, and then climbs the tree and reaches the bee-nests. As he continues singing, he brushes the bee nests
with a fire torch, and the spellbound bees fall with sparks of fire down
to the ground. After all the bees are removed from the nests, the juaBased on a matrilineal system, Petalangan society is divided into 29 clans (suku).
Members of each clan are presumed to have the same ancestry and show a high level
of solidarity. These matrilineal groups consist of practical units for subsistence economy and family activities in daily life.
3
The work team is also called tukang sambut (receivers).
2

304

1. Popat-popat tana ibu

2. Mai popat di tana tombang
3. Nonap-nonap Cik Dayang tidou
4. Juagan mudo di pangkal sialang

1. Flatten-flatten the noisy land

2. Lets flatten the dented land
3. Sleep-sleep Miss Beauty
4. Young juagan is at the bottom

As one typical form of pantun, it shows a rhyme in ibu and

tidou, tombang and sialang. Semantically, the image of flattening the land down in the first two lines parallels with the scene of
the sleeping Miss Beauty in the last two lines. By addressing bees
as Miss Beauty, and himself as Young juagan, this scene portrays
the first scene of juagans getting permission to see the girl. Given
the pantun is conventionally considered a prevalent style used in
courtship, its structure also enhances the images of romantic relationship in the menumbai songs.
As he climbs up the tree and works on the branches, juagan continues singing menumbai songs until he finishes his work. The main
themes of the performance are 1) requesting permission to visit a girl,
2) approaching the girls room, 3) meeting with the girl, and 4) saying
good-bye. This series of imaginary scenes in menumbai songs is analogous to a type of social visit in Petalangan daily life.

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3.2. Terms of Endearment and Performance Frame

Terms of address are an important means for framing sets of relationships between figures projected in a performance. In menumbai
ritual, juagan addresses the bees with nicknames, such as Miss
Beauty in Song 1, Itam Mani, Sweet and Black, in Song 2, and
Putih Kuning, White and Yellow, in Song 3.

relationship, which extends to a romantic relationship.4 In Song 4, for

example, the bees are even called adik bongsu, the youngest sister,
a person who is most cherished in the family. The analogy between
lovers and siblings relationships is based on their similar affection of
mutual care, such as love and compassion.5 The terms abang and
adik thus have an iconic property by evoking the conventional social
roles and expectations of the similarly iconic relationship between siblings as care-givers and care-receivers. The menumbai ritual songs convey these affective meanings by invoking specific iconic relationships
embedded in conventional address terms.

(2) Nicknames
a. Song 2
1. Masak bua kombang mani
2. Masak sabutie dijaut ungko
3. Kami batumo nan Itam Mani
4. Mangulang daa ke muko

1. Ripened fruit, blossomed sweet

2. Ripened Sabutie (fruit), a monkey
snatches
3. We meet Sweet and Black
4. Blood boils up to the face

b. Song 3
1. Anak buayo mudik mendu
2. Iyak sampai di pelabuhan
3. Putih kuning bukakan baju
4. Abang menengok betubuhan

1. Baby crocodile goes upstream

2. Iyak (bird) arrives at the harbor
3. White and Yellow, open clothes
4. Brother looks at the body

These nicknames are iconic indexes that address a pretty girl,

referring to specific attributes of the addressees physical appearance.
Sweet and Black (Song 2) refers to a dark skinned but cute person, while White and Yellow (Song 3) refers to a pretty girl who
has white and bright skin. Implicating a speakers positive assessments of an addressee as beautiful or sweet, these epithets serve
as terms of endearment.

3.3. Embodied Emotions: Descriptions of the Performers Perceptual

Experiences
Menumbai ritual songs entail affective meanings through the
visual descriptions of a speakers perceptual experiences. In Song 3,
for instance, the erotic implication of line 3s Open clothes is
accompanied by the description of the speakers perceptual experiences in line 4s, Brother looks at the body.
Expression of love also draws on the description of the speakers
bodily sensations, which always appear with the description of associated events where the addressee is involved. The speakers bodily
senses and his interactions with the addressee emerge in cause-effect
pairs. In Song 2, by saying Blood boils up to the face, the performer
conveys his excitement. The description of the event in line 3, We
meet Black and Sweet, provides cause for the speakers physiological changes. Expression of love is not built upon the abstract statement
of the mental states of the participants, but rather on the concrete
In Petalangan everyday speech practice, they tend to avoid personal pronouns corresponding to participant roles, such as speaker/ addressee. Instead, they are more likely
to use the terms for their social roles or relations. The mutual usage of kin terms
according to the interlocutors kinship relationship is one example. The term abang,
for example, which means older sibling, is used by the younger speaker as a secondperson term and by the older speaker as a first-person term. The kinship terms or titles
that inherently contain certain social relations and expectations between the participants are also used as indexicals between the interlocutors in their on-going interactions (Kang, 2000).
5
In analyzing the Karo Bataks use of kinterms for lovers, Kipp also suggests that
the metaphoric comparison here is not exactly that lovers are like siblings, but that
the love between lovers resembles, in some fashion, the love between siblings (Kipp,
1986:637).
4

(3) Song 4: Kinship terms

1. Apo tensu kayu di imbo
2. Maiko buat papan benaik
3. Adik bongsu jangan baibo
4. Kolam esok naik balik

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1.What are trees for in the forest

2. Lets come here to make a panel to climb
3.Youngest sister, dont be sad
4. Next night [I will] return to climb

Other conventional terms used in the songs are abang and

adik, typical address terms for boyfriend and girlfriend. Note that
these terms originally refer to the elder sibling and younger sibling
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description of the speakers bodily experiences in his interactions with

the addressee.

shaman names the bee as White Fly Maddened by Light and the bee
sting as Fatimas broken needle.6

4. Pragmatics of Love in the Menumbai Ritual: Back to the

Context
4.1. Why Lovers?: Metapragmatic Dimensions of Language Practice
The textual organization of the menumbai ritual projects the participants as lovers through the resource of Petalangan social conventions. The analogy of the romantic relationship in the menumbai ritual, however, is not based on similarities, but rather on the expansion
or transferance of meaning (Tambiah, 1973). In this sense, these
terms are not referential but creative or performative (Silverstein,
1976). By using the mutual address terms of abang and adik, juagan attempts to formulate his relationship to the bees as that of a lover
in order to achieve his desired end of safely harvesting the honey. The
menumbai ritual is believed to persuasively transfer the desirable
properties of the relationship between lovers to the relationship
between the bee-shaman and the bees.

(4) Monto robah (Bee-spell)

1. Bismillahiramahirrohim
2. Apo kejadian lobah,
3. Lalat Putih Soi Majnun
4. Apo kejadian songat,
5. Jaum patah Siti Fatima
6. Lobah jangan dibagi meamuk
7. Lobah jangan dibagi
menyongat
8. Songat engkau daku
9. Menyongat kataku
10. bau engkau menyongat,
11. kini songat engkau daku
12. Aku tau kejadian engkau
13. Ampo padi kejadian engkau
14. Nan bone tinggal di aku
15. nan ampo jatuh melayang
16. ke langit langkah tujuh
17. awan gemawan
18. di situlah engkau.
19. Kemano aku suu
20. ke situlah engkau poi,
21. engkau jangan menyulap
kepado aku iko
22. Engkau pulang ke asal,
23. engkau mulo jadi
24. Aku pulang ke asal,
25. aku mulo jadi
26. Begitulah caonyo kito
basahabat
27. sonjak dahulu sampai kini
28. Bokat lailahaillahllah

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Then, why lovers? Petalangans cultural notions of love explain

the metalinguistic dimension of Petalangan language practice. In
Petalangan society, people conceive and perceive love as an exchange,
frequently represented by that between love and material rewards.
Expressions of love can be directives, because they evoke social bonds
and roles embedded in relationships. A bee-shaman wants to formulate his relationship with the bees as one of lovers in order to serve his
desires for the safe harvest of honey. People believe that his performance of love songs can create sentimental bonds with the bees, which
are realized in an exchange between the bee-shamans performance
and the bees offering of honey.
4.2. Intralinguistic Context: I and You
How, then, do songs bring magical effects in the immediate pragmatic context? In terms of intralinguistic context, the shamans recitation of the magic spell before the public performance of the ritual
songs links the iconic relationships in the performance frame to the
present participants in the interactive frame (cf. Hanks, 1990).
This magic spell contextualizes the whole ritual by naming the
interlocutors and by defining their relationships. In the spell, the bee308

1. In the name of God

2.Whats becoming of the bees?
3. White Fly Maddened by Light
4. Whats becoming of the sting?
5. Siti Fatima (girl)s broken needle.
6. Bees, do not be allowed to be furious
7. Bees, do not be allowed to sting
8. A sting on your chin
9. Sting I say
10. then, you sting,
11. this time a sting on your chin.
12. I know what becomes of you.
13. Empty husk is what becomes of you.
14. What is truly left to me is
15. empty husk falling down
16. to the seven layered sky
17. where lots of clouds,
18. that is where you are.
19. Wherever I command
20. that is where you go.
21. You, dont conjure this me
22. You go back to the place
23. where you came into being,
24. I go back to the place
25. where I came into being.
26. This is the way we keep friendship
27. from long ago until now.
28. Please bless me, Allah is the only God

The usage of I and you in the magic spell provides an interactive frame where the interlocutors appear not as lovers, but as the
shaman who orders and the bees who are subordinate to the shaman.
Given that the second person pronoun engkau is only used to
6

Fatima is one of the most common female names in Petalangan society.

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address a young child or to attempt to insult an adult,7 using this pronoun locates the speaker as a higher or more powerful subject who can
order and control the bees, as shown in lines 8 through 23. Embedded
in the interactive frame of the magic spell, the public performance of
the love songs becomes magic to order the bees not to disturb the
shaman.

menumbai ritual also indicates the bee-shamans current work process

to the crew on the ground.

4.3. Extralinguistic Context: Menumbai Songs and Working Process

In the extralinguistic context, menumbai songs serve to indicate
the shamans working process to other working crew members.8 The
audience on the ground cannot see the bee-shaman, who is working at
the top of the tree in the moonless darkness. Given that the expressive
meanings of the menumbai ritual songs are through the descriptions of
the bee-shamans perceptual experiences, the menumbai can indicate
the shamans current position and activities that are otherwise not
visually accessible to the crew on the ground.
For example, in Song 2, line 4s blood boils up to the face,
expresses the shamans excitement at meeting Sweet and Black,
while it also indexes that the shaman is approaching the bee-nests.
Likewise, Song 3 is performed when the bee-shaman begins to brush
the nests to lure the bees away. Here White and Yellow describes the
honey contained in the nest, while Line 3s Open clothes implies
that the shaman is about to open the bee-nests to get the white and
yellow honey.
When the shaman is about to finish his work and go back to the
bottom of the tree, he sings Song 4, saying, dont be sad. The
expression of sorrow and regret upon parting also signals the beeshamans current activity-climbing down the tree. By romanticizing
the relationship between the shaman and the bees, each song of the
A Petalangan speaker usually avoids addressing him/herself as I (aku). If the
speaker uses I frequently, he/she is judged as having high self (tinggi diri), which
means that he/she is very arrogant, with high self-esteem. Instead, the speaker uses a
kin term or a personal name according to his/her relationship to the addressee. The
speaker also avoids using second person pronoun forms, especially when the
addressee is older and higher in social status in relations to the speaker (Kang, 2000).
8
Brown (1984) rejects the simple dichotomy between expressive/ instrumental functions of magic. He argues that the Aguaruna hunting songs of Amazonian Peru are
part of a general ordering process that encompasses the strategic use of thoughts,
speech, objects, and acts to achieve practical ends (1984:545).
7

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5. Conclusion: Menumbai Ritual as a Multi-layered

Communicative Practice
In conclusion, expressions of love in menumbai songs can function as directives by evoking social bonds and roles between interlocutors, which are symbolized by the exchange between the performance and honey. The love songs also serve to indicate the honey-collectors working process in the immediate pragmatic context.
Culturally-specific ways of encoding love in Petalangan society, such
as descriptions of bodily perceptions or sensations instead of abstract
statements of mental states, enable the bee-shaman in the tree to communicate his current activities to other workers on the ground. Unlike
the universalized perspective of one sentence-one meaning in
Speech Act Theory (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1979), the analysis of
Petalangan menumbai ritual reveals the multiple meanings and functions of the performance.
Furthermore, by refuting the individualistic perspectives of
Speech Act Theory (cf. Rosaldo, 1982),9 Petalangan honey-collecting
chants demonstrate the importance of social conventions and contextual constraints in explaining the performance of the ritual.
Understanding the performance of Petalangan honey-collecting chants
requires local knowledge of the world, including Petalangan discourses of love, social role expectations, and the sentiments embedded
in a specific social relationship. In addition, the Petalangans? local
understandings of words, such as those of specific genre conventions, and their beliefs in the creative power of words, become the
metapragmatic dimension of the performance of the menumbai ritual.
The conventional forms of expression of love frame the juagan and
the bees as lovers in the hope that this naming practice can transfer the
desirable properties of a romantic relationship to the relationship of
the bee-shaman and the bees, based on Petalangan beliefs in the creative power of words.
By examining Ilongot attitudes toward speech, Rosaldo (1982) critiques the individualistic perspectives of Searles classification of speech acts. She argues that Ilongots
display less concern for the subjective meanings that an utterance conveys than for
the social contexts in which utterances are heard (1982:203).
9

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Glossary
abang:
adik:
juagan:

Elder brother, boyfriend, or husband

Younger sibling, girlfriend, or wife
Title for a honey-collector. Also called dukun
loba (bee-shaman)
menumbai:
Enchanting bees with songs (lit.) Petalangan honeycollecting ritual
pantun:
A traditional quatrain of Malay poetry
sialang:
Bee-nested trees
tukang sambut: Receiving workers (lit.). Members of the honey-collecting crew on the ground. They make a jalan,
a road (lit.), a ladder to climb up a bee-nested tree,
and they collect honey on the ground as a juagan
lowers it by means of a rope and bucket from the
branches of sialang tree.
References
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Kipp, Rita Smith. 1986. Terms of endearment: Karo Batak lovers as siblings. American
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Rosaldo, Michelle Z. 1982. The things we do with words: Ilongot speech acts and
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Tambiah, Stanley, J. 1973 Form and meaning of magical acts: a point of view. In Modes
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Turner, Ashley.1997. Cultural survival: Identity and the performing arts of Kampars
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Department of Anthropology
Yale University
New Haven, CT 06510
[email protected]

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