The Turkish Coup: A Warning To The International Working Class

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World Socialist Web Site

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The Turkish coup: A warning to the


international working class
18 July 2016
While Turkeys abortive military coup of July 15 appears to
have been crushed, after the deaths of nearly 300 people, the
country remains in a state of extreme political instability,
overshadowed by the threats of fresh violence and repression.
A World Socialist Web Site correspondent reported from
Turkey late Sunday that cell phone messages were again sent to
the population urging people to return to the streets and take
control of public squares, an apparent admission that the danger
is not over and the army could renew its intervention at any
moment.
The government of President Recep Tayyip Erdo?an has
responded to the coup attempt with a dictatorial crackdown,
arresting some 6,000 people in addition to detaining thousands
of officers and soldiers. The scale of the roundup is indicated
by the use of a sports stadium to hold some of the prisoners, a
disturbing echo of the bloody events in Chile in 1973.
Arrest orders have been issued against thousands of judges
and prosecutors, who are now branded as participants in an
armed terrorist movement. In addition to its vow to
cleanse the state institutions of all possible opponents, the
Erdo?an government has indicated that it will push for the
restoration of the death penalty to use against them.
The government has unleashed onto the streets Islamist mobs
that have wreaked violent revenge against Turkish soldiers, in
many cases teenage conscripts. There have been reported
beatings and lynchings. A video circulated on social media
purports to show the beheading of a soldier on Istanbuls
Bosphorus Bridge.
It is difficult to see, under the circumstances now unfolding,
how Turkey can maintain even a semblance of democratic
forms of rule or return to any meaningful state of political
stability.
The implications are far-reaching for the entire capitalist
world. Turkey is by no means a political or economic
backwater. A country of 75 million at the crossroads of Europe
and Asia, it is a key member of the US-led NATO imperialist
alliance, boasting its second-largest military after the US itself.
It constitutes the sixth-largest economy in Europe. While not a
member of the European Union, Turkey is closely integrated
into the EUs economic and political structures.
Turkish history is replete with coups and coup attempts, but
there had not been such an event in the country in two decades.

In 1960, 1971 and 1980, the military seized power in Turkey,


as it did throughout much of Latin America and in Greece,
Indonesia and elsewhere during the same period, with the close
backing of the Pentagon and the CIA.
If large sections of the military can once again attempt to
seize power in a country like Turkey, the inescapable
conclusion is that the age of military coups has returned, not
just in Turkey, but on a world scale. The extreme violence,
instability and crisis fueled by twenty-five years of US-led
wars in the Middle East, the Balkans and elsewhere are now
spreading inexorably to the major capitalist centers of Europe
and throughout the entire planet, amid unprecedented levels of
social inequality and the sharpening of geopolitical and military
tensions.
That these tensions were at the root of the bloody events in
Istanbul and Ankara over the weekend is manifested in the
reactions in the US and Europeas well as Turkey itselfto the
coup attempt and its aftermath.
Suleyman Soylu, Turkeys labor minister, went so far as to
charge that The United States is behind the coup. Erdo?an
himself has attributed the entire affair to followers of his
former ally and current enemy, the pro-American Islamic cleric
Fethullah Glen, who lives in exile in Pennsylvania and
apparently enjoys protection from within the US state. When
Erdo?an denounces Glen, it is safe to say that he is really
talking about Obama.
Washingtons initial reaction to the reported coup was at best
equivocal, with US Secretary of State John Kerry voicing only
US hopes for stability and peace and continuity within
Turkey. Only after it became apparent that the coup was
failing did the White House issue a statement indicating
support for the democratically elected government of
Turkey.
The German government of Chancellor Angela Merkel
similarly took its time in condemning the coup. Since the
official statement, the German media and many politicians
have centered their fire on Erdo?an, warning him against
extra-constitutional measures while saying next to nothing
about the implications of a coup inside a NATO country.
Suspicion of US involvement is hardly unwarranted. Just
three years ago, the Obama administration lent its all but open
support to the military coup led by General Abdel Fattah

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el-Sisi, refusing to call the overthrow of Egypts elected


president, Mohamed Morsi, a coup. Washington continued to
pour in military aid as the Sisi regime massacred, imprisoned
and tortured its opponents. Then, in 2014, together with
Germany, it engineered the fascist-spearheaded coup to oust
the government of Ukraine.
Whether or not the attempted coup in Turkey was explicitly
sanctioned by the United States and Germany, one cannot
escape the impression that its success would not have been
unwelcome to Obama and Merkel.
Tensions between Washington and Ankara have intensified in
relation to the five-year-old civil war in Syria, in which the
Erdo?an government has until now functioned as a key
supporter of the Islamist militias serving as proxy forces in the
US-orchestrated war for regime change. Ankara has viewed
with increasing anger Washingtons close reliance on Syrian
Kurdish forces. It fears that the Kurds military successes in
Syria will strengthen demands for Kurdish autonomy within
Turkey itself.
With the war next door exacting ever-greater political and
economic costs upon Turkey, Erdo?an last month issued an
apology to Russia over Turkeys November 2015 ambush and
downing of a Russian warplane. The attempted rapprochement
with Russia reportedly involves discussions on a political
settlement in Syria outside the control of the US government.
There have even been reports that Erdo?an has threatened to
give Russian warplanes, instead of those of the US, access to
the strategic Incirlik airbase, where the US keeps its largest
stockpile of nuclear weapons in Europe. The bases Turkish
commander was reportedly a leader of the coup and is now
under arrest.
The British Telegraph newspaper elaborated on the growth of
tensions between Washington and Ankara in the weeks before
the coup attempt:
Mr. Erdo?an suddenly launched a dramatic diplomatic
revolution in the month before the coup. In rapid succession,
his government repaired its relations with Russia, Egypt and
Israel. Overnight Mr. Erdo?ans descriptions of Putin, Sisi and
Netanyahu as murderers were forgotten. Then, on the eve of the
coup, Turkeys new prime minister even talked of reviving
relations with Syria.
At the same time, relations with the United States have
taken a nosedive. The Pentagon was taken by surprise when the
Turkish government included US planes and drones operating
out of their Incirlik airbase against Isil in Syria in the no?fly
zone imposed over Turkey following the coup. Worse still,
electricity was cut off to the base. Then the Turkish base
commander was arrested, which sparked a flurry of rumours in
Turkey that he was the link-man between the putschists and
the Pentagon. That may be dismissed out of hand abroad, but it
is a symptom of how alienated Mr. Erdo?ans support base is
from its American ally.
Whatever the precise tensions and conspiracies that have

given rise to these events, the question is clearly posed: is


Turkey the only NATO member where the threat of a military
coup is on the political horizon? Recent developments suggest
that the chain may have broken first at its weakest link, but it is
the chain that is severed and the threat is universal.
What of Britain, where Brexit has thrown both major parties
into profound crisis while threatening the breakup of the UK
and the disintegration of the European Union as a whole? Only
recently, military commanders threatened a mutiny in the
event that Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the Labour Party, became
prime minister. Corbyns rivals for the leadership of the party,
who are heading up an internal party coup to remove him, have
pledged their willingness to use nuclear weapons in a bid to
win the militarys support.
In France, President Franois Hollande warned in the wake of
the Nice terrorist attack that prolonging the countrys state of
emergency would endanger the countrys status as a republic
based upon laws. In short order, however, he extended the
extraordinary powers for another three months, while calling
the military onto the streets.
And in the US itself, the capitalist two-party system is in a
state of terminal crisis, with the prospect of an electoral victory
by the fascistic Republican candidate Donald Trump. Unending
war abroad is inevitably accompanied by repression at home,
with the increasing integration of the police and the military,
carried out in the name of fighting terrorism, but directed
against growing opposition and radicalization within the
working class.
The Turkish events are a harbinger of what may come in
countries around the world, where democratic forms of
capitalist rule are becoming untenable under the weight of a
global economic crisis, the relentless growth of militarism and
war and, above all, the intensification of the class struggle.
Bill Van Auken

World Socialist Web Site

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Socialist Equality Party visit:
http://www.wsws.org

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