Republic of the Philippines

SUPREME COURT
Manila
EN BANC
G.R. No. 202242

April 16, 2013

FRANCISCO I. CHAVEZ, Petitioner,

vs.
JUDICIALAND BAR COUNCIL, SEN. FRANCIS JOSEPH G. ESCUDERO and REP. NIEL C. TUPAS, JR.,
Respondents.
RESOLUTION
MENDOZA, J.:
This resolves the Motion for Reconsideration1 filed by the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) on behalf of the
respondents, Senator Francis Joseph G. Escudero and Congressman Niel C. Tupas, Jr. (respondents), duly opposed 2
by the petitioner, former Solicitor General Francisco I. Chavez (petitioner).
By way of recapitulation, the present action stemmed from the unexpected departure of former Chief Justice Renato
C. Corona on May 29, 2012, and the nomination of petitioner, as his potential successor. In his initiatory pleading,
petitioner asked the Court to determine 1] whether the first paragraph of Section 8, Article VIII of the 1987 Constitution
allows more than one (1) member of Congress to sit in the JBC; and 2] if the practice of having two (2) representatives
from each House of Congress with one (1) vote each is sanctioned by the Constitution.
On July 17, 2012, the Court handed down the assailed subject decision, disposing the same in the following manner:
WHEREFORE, the petition is GRANTED. The current numerical composition of the Judicial and Bar Council is
declared UNCONSTITUTIONAL. The Judicial and Bar Council is hereby enjoined to reconstitute itself so that only one
(1) member of Congress will sit as a representative in its proceedings, in accordance with Section 8(1), Article VIII of
the 1987 Constitution.
This disposition is immediately executory.
SO ORDERED.
On July 31, 2012, following respondents motion for reconsideration and with due regard to Senate Resolution Nos.
111,3 112,4 113,5 and 114,6 the Court set the subject motion for oral arguments on August 2, 2012.7 On August 3,
2012, the Court discussed the merits of the arguments and agreed, in the meantime, to suspend the effects of the
second paragraph of the dispositive portion of the July 17, 2012 Decision which decreed that it was immediately
executory. The decretal portion of the August 3, 2012 Resolution 8 reads:
WHEREFORE, the parties are hereby directed to submit their respective MEMORANDA within ten (10) days from
notice. Until further orders, the Court hereby SUSPENDS the effect of the second paragraph of the dispositive portion
of the Courts July 17, 2012 Decision, which reads: "This disposition is immediately executory." 9
Pursuant to the same resolution, petitioner and respondents filed their respective memoranda.10
Brief Statement of the Antecedents
In this disposition, it bears reiterating that from the birth of the Philippine Republic, the exercise of appointing members
of the Judiciary has always been the exclusive prerogative of the executive and legislative branches of the government.
Like their progenitor of American origins, both the Malolos Constitution 11 and the 1935 Constitution12vested the power
to appoint the members of the Judiciary in the President, subject to confirmation by the Commission on Appointments.
It was during these times that the country became witness to the deplorable practice of aspirants seeking confirmation
of their appointment in the Judiciary to ingratiate themselves with the members of the legislative body.13
Then, under the 1973 Constitution,14 with the fusion of the executive and legislative powers in one body, the
appointment of judges and justices ceased to be subject of scrutiny by another body. The power became exclusive
and absolute to the Executive, subject only to the condition that the appointees must have all the qualifications and
none of the disqualifications.

Prompted by the clamor to rid the process of appointments to the Judiciary of the evils of political pressure and partisan
activities,15 the members of the Constitutional Commission saw it wise to create a separate, competent and
independent body to recommend nominees to the President.
Thus, it conceived of a body, representative of all the stakeholders in the judicial appointment process, and called it
the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC). The Framers carefully worded Section 8, Article VIII of the 1987 Constitution in
this wise:
Section 8. (1) A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the supervision of the Supreme Court composed of
the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice, and a representative of the Congress as ex officio
Members, a representative of the Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a
representative of the private sector.
From the moment of the creation of the JBC, Congress designated one (1) representative to sit in the JBC to act as
one of the ex-officio members.16 Pursuant to the constitutional provision that Congress is entitled to one (1)
representative, each House sent a representative to the JBC, not together, but alternately or by rotation.
In 1994, the seven-member composition of the JBC was substantially altered.1wphi1 An eighth member was added
to the JBC as the two (2) representatives from Congress began sitting simultaneously in the JBC, with each having
one-half (1/2) of a vote.17
In 2001, the JBC En Banc decided to allow the representatives from the Senate and the House of Representatives
one full vote each.18 It has been the situation since then.
Grounds relied upon by Respondents
Through the subject motion, respondents pray that the Court reconsider its decision and dismiss the petition on the
following grounds: 1] that allowing only one representative from Congress in the JBC would lead to absurdity
considering its bicameral nature; 2] that the failure of the Framers to make the proper adjustment when there was a
shift from unilateralism to bicameralism was a plain oversight; 3] that two representatives from Congress would not
subvert the intention of the Framers to insulate the JBC from political partisanship; and 4] that the rationale of the Court
in declaring a seven-member composition would provide a solution should there be a stalemate is not exactly correct.
While the Court may find some sense in the reasoning in amplification of the third and fourth grounds listed by
respondents, still, it finds itself unable to reverse the assailed decision on the principal issues covered by the first and
second grounds for lack of merit. Significantly, the conclusion arrived at, with respect to the first and second grounds,
carries greater bearing in the final resolution of this case.
As these two issues are interrelated, the Court shall discuss them jointly.
Ruling of the Court
The Constitution evinces the direct action of the Filipino people by which the fundamental powers of government are
established, limited and defined and by which those powers are distributed among the several departments for their
safe and useful exercise for the benefit of the body politic. 19 The Framers reposed their wisdom and vision on one
suprema lex to be the ultimate expression of the principles and the framework upon which government and society
were to operate. Thus, in the interpretation of the constitutional provisions, the Court firmly relies on the basic postulate
that the Framers mean what they say. The language used in the Constitution must be taken to have been deliberately
chosen for a definite purpose. Every word employed in the Constitution must be interpreted to exude its deliberate
intent which must be maintained inviolate against disobedience and defiance. What the Constitution clearly says,
according to its text, compels acceptance and bars modification even by the branch tasked to interpret it.
For this reason, the Court cannot accede to the argument of plain oversight in order to justify constitutional construction.
As stated in the July 17, 2012 Decision, in opting to use the singular letter "a" to describe "representative of Congress,"
the Filipino people through the Framers intended that Congress be entitled to only one (1) seat in the JBC. Had the
intention been otherwise, the Constitution could have, in no uncertain terms, so provided, as can be read in its other
provisions.

A reading of the 1987 Constitution would reveal that several provisions were indeed adjusted as to be in tune with the
shift to bicameralism. One example is Section 4, Article VII, which provides that a tie in the presidential election shall
be broken "by a majority of all the Members of both Houses of the Congress, voting separately." 20 Another is Section
8 thereof which requires the nominee to replace the Vice-President to be confirmed "by a majority of all the Members
of both Houses of the Congress, voting separately." 21 Similarly, under Section 18, the proclamation of martial law or
the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus may be revoked or continued by the Congress, voting
separately, by a vote of at least a majority of all its Members." 22 In all these provisions, the bicameral nature of Congress
was recognized and, clearly, the corresponding adjustments were made as to how a matter would be handled and
voted upon by its two Houses.
Thus, to say that the Framers simply failed to adjust Section 8, Article VIII, by sheer inadvertence, to their decision to
shift to a bicameral form of the legislature, is not persuasive enough. Respondents cannot just lean on plain oversight
to justify a conclusion favorable to them. It is very clear that the Framers were not keen on adjusting the provision on
congressional representation in the JBC because it was not in the exercise of its primary function to legislate. JBC
was created to support the executive power to appoint, and Congress, as one whole body, was merely assigned a
contributory non-legislative function.
The underlying reason for such a limited participation can easily be discerned. Congress has two (2) Houses. The
need to recognize the existence and the role of each House is essential considering that the Constitution employs
precise language in laying down the functions which particular House plays, regardless of whether the two Houses
consummate an official act by voting jointly or separately. Whether in the exercise of its legislative23 or its nonlegislative functions such as inter alia, the power of appropriation, 24 the declaration of an existence of a state of war,25
canvassing of electoral returns for the President and Vice-President,26 and impeachment,27 the dichotomy of each
House must be acknowledged and recognized considering the interplay between these two Houses. In all these
instances, each House is constitutionally granted with powers and functions peculiar to its nature and with keen
consideration to 1) its relationship with the other chamber; and 2) in consonance with the principle of checks and
balances, as to the other branches of government.
In checkered contrast, there is essentially no interaction between the two Houses in their participation in the JBC. No
mechanism is required between the Senate and the House of Representatives in the screening and nomination of
judicial officers. Rather, in the creation of the JBC, the Framers arrived at a unique system by adding to the four (4)
regular members, three (3) representatives from the major branches of government - the Chief Justice as ex-officio
Chairman (representing the Judicial Department), the Secretary of Justice (representing the Executive Department),
and a representative of the Congress (representing the Legislative Department). The total is seven (7), not eight. In so
providing, the Framers simply gave recognition to the Legislature, not because it was in the interest of a certain
constituency, but in reverence to it as a major branch of government.
On this score, a Member of Congress, Hon. Simeon A. Datumanong, from the Second District of Maguindanao,
submitted his well-considered position28 to then Chief Justice Reynato S. Puno:
I humbly reiterate my position that there should be only one representative of Congress in the JBC in accordance with
Article VIII, Section 8 (1) of the 1987 Constitution x x x.
The aforesaid provision is clear and unambiguous and does not need any further interpretation. Perhaps, it is apt to
mention that the oft-repeated doctrine that "construction and interpretation come only after it has been demonstrated
that application is impossible or inadequate without them."
Further, to allow Congress to have two representatives in the Council, with one vote each, is to negate the principle of
equality among the three branches of government which is enshrined in the Constitution.
In view of the foregoing, I vote for the proposition that the Council should adopt the rule of single representation of
Congress in the JBC in order to respect and give the right meaning to the above-quoted provision of the Constitution.
(Emphases and underscoring supplied)
On March 14, 2007, then Associate Justice Leonardo A. Quisumbing, also a JBC Consultant, submitted to the Chief
Justice and ex-officio JBC Chairman his opinion,29 which reads:

8. Two things can be gleaned from the excerpts and citations above: the creation of the JBC is intended to curtail the
influence of politics in Congress in the appointment of judges, and the understanding is that seven (7) persons will
compose the JBC. As such, the interpretation of two votes for Congress runs counter to the intendment of the framers.
Such interpretation actually gives Congress more influence in the appointment of judges. Also, two votes for Congress
would increase the number of JBC members to eight, which could lead to voting deadlock by reason of even-numbered
membership, and a clear violation of 7 enumerated members in the Constitution. (Emphases and underscoring
supplied)
In an undated position paper,30 then Secretary of Justice Agnes VST Devanadera opined:
As can be gleaned from the above constitutional provision, the JBC is composed of seven (7) representatives coming
from different sectors. From the enumeration it is patent that each category of members pertained to a single individual
only. Thus, while we do not lose sight of the bicameral nature of our legislative department, it is beyond dispute that
Art. VIII, Section 8 (1) of the 1987 Constitution is explicit and specific that "Congress" shall have only "xxx a
representative." Thus, two (2) representatives from Congress would increase the number of JBC members to eight
(8), a number beyond what the Constitution has contemplated. (Emphases and underscoring supplied)
In this regard, the scholarly dissection on the matter by retired Justice Consuelo Ynares-Santiago, a former JBC
consultant, is worth reiterating.31 Thus:
A perusal of the records of the Constitutional Commission reveals that the composition of the JBC reflects the
Commissions desire "to have in the Council a representation for the major elements of the community." xxx The exofficio members of the Council consist of representatives from the three main branches of government while the regular
members are composed of various stakeholders in the judiciary. The unmistakeable tenor of Article VIII, Section 8( 1)
was to treat each ex-officio member as representing one co-equal branch of government. xxx Thus, the JBC was
designed to have seven voting members with the three ex-officio members having equal say in the choice of judicial
nominees.
xxx
No parallelism can be drawn between the representative of Congress in the JBC and the exercise by Congress of its
legislative powers under Article VI and constituent powers under Article XVII of the Constitution. Congress, in relation
to the executive and judicial branches of government, is constitutionally treated as another co-equal branch in the
matter of its representative in the JBC. On the other hand, the exercise of legislative and constituent powers requires
the Senate and the House of Representatives to coordinate and act as distinct bodies in furtherance of Congress role
under our constitutional scheme. While the latter justifies and, in fact, necessitates the separateness of the two Houses
of Congress as they relate inter se, no such dichotomy need be made when Congress interacts with the other two coequal branches of government.
It is more in keeping with the co-equal nature of the three governmental branches to assign the same weight to
considerations that any of its representatives may have regarding aspiring nominees to the judiciary. The
representatives of the Senate and the House of Representatives act as such for one branch and should not have any
more quantitative influence as the other branches in the exercise of prerogatives evenly bestowed upon the three.
Sound reason and principle of equality among the three branches support this conclusion. [Emphases and
underscoring supplied]
The argument that a senator cannot represent a member of the House of Representatives in the JBC and vice-versa
is, thus, misplaced. In the JBC, any member of Congress, whether from the Senate or the House of Representatives,
is constitutionally empowered to represent the entire Congress. It may be a constricted constitutional authority, but it
is not an absurdity.
From this score stems the conclusion that the lone representative of Congress is entitled to one full vote. This
pronouncement effectively disallows the scheme of splitting the said vote into half (1/2), between two representatives
of Congress. Not only can this unsanctioned practice cause disorder in the voting process, it is clearly against the
essence of what the Constitution authorized. After all, basic and reasonable is the rule that what cannot be legally
done directly cannot be done indirectly. To permit or tolerate the splitting of one vote into two or more is clearly a

constitutional circumvention that cannot be countenanced by the Court. Succinctly put, when the Constitution
envisioned one member of Congress sitting in the JBC, it is sensible to presume that this representation carries with
him one full vote.
It is also an error for respondents to argue that the President, in effect, has more influence over the JBC simply because
all of the regular members of the JBC are his appointees. The principle of checks and balances is still safeguarded
because the appointment of all the regular members of the JBC is subject to a stringent process of confirmation by the
Commission on Appointments, which is composed of members of Congress.
Respondents contention that the current irregular composition of the JBC should be accepted, simply because it was
only questioned for the first time through the present action, deserves scant consideration. Well-settled is the rule that
acts done in violation of the Constitution no matter how frequent, usual or notorious cannot develop or gain acceptance
under the doctrine of estoppel or laches, because once an act is considered as an infringement of the Constitution it
is void from the very beginning and cannot be the source of any power or authority.
It would not be amiss to point out, however, that as a general rule, an unconstitutional act is not a law; it confers no
rights; it imposes no duties; it affords no protection; it creates no office; it is inoperative as if it has not been passed at
all. This rule, however, is not absolute. Under the doctrine of operative facts, actions previous to the declaration of
unconstitutionality are legally recognized. They are not nullified. This is essential in the interest of fair play. To reiterate
the doctrine enunciated in Planters Products, Inc. v. Fertiphil Corporation: 32
The doctrine of operative fact, as an exception to the general rule, only applies as a matter of equity and fair play. It
nullifies the effects of an unconstitutional law by recognizing that the existence of a statute prior to a determination of
unconstitutionality is an operative fact and may have consequences which cannot always be ignored. The past cannot
always be erased by a new judicial declaration. The doctrine is applicable when a declaration of unconstitutionality will
impose an undue burden on those who have relied on the invalid law. Thus, it was applied to a criminal c ase when a
declaration of unconstitutionality would put the accused in double jeopardy or would put in limbo the acts done by a
municipality in reliance upon a law creating it. 33
Under the circumstances, the Court finds the exception applicable in this case and holds that notwithstanding its finding
of unconstitutionality in the current composition of the JBC, all its prior official actions are nonetheless valid.
Considering that the Court is duty bound to protect the Constitution which was ratified by the direct action of the Filipino
people, it cannot correct what respondents perceive as a mistake in its mandate. Neither can the Court, in the exercise
of its power to interpret the spirit of the Constitution, read into the law something that is contrary to its express provisions
and justify the same as correcting a perceived inadvertence. To do so would otherwise sanction the Court action of
making amendment to the Constitution through a judicial pronouncement.
In other words, the Court cannot supply the legislative omission. According to the rule of casus omissus "a case omitted
is to be held as intentionally omitted." 34 "The principle proceeds from a reasonable certainty that a particular person,
object or thing has been omitted from a legislative enumeration." 35 Pursuant to this, "the Court cannot under its power
of interpretation supply the omission even though the omission may have resulted from inadvertence or because the
case in question was not foreseen or contemplated."36 "The Court cannot supply what it thinks the legislature would
have supplied had its attention been called to the omission, as that would be judicial legislation."37
Stated differently, the Court has no power to add another member by judicial construction.
The call for judicial activism fails to stir the sensibilities of the Court tasked to guard the Constitution against usurpation.
The Court remains steadfast in confining its powers in the sphere granted by the Constitution itself. Judicial activism
should never be allowed to become judicial exuberance.38 In cases like this, no amount of practical logic or
convenience can convince the Court to perform either an excision or an insertion that will change the manifest intent
of the Framers. To broaden the scope of congressional representation in the JBC is tantamount to the inclusion of a
subject matter which was not included in the provision as enacted. True to its constitutional mandate, the Court cannot
craft and tailor constitutional provisions in order to accommodate all of situations no matter how ideal or reasonable
the proposed solution may sound. To the exercise of this intrusion, the Court declines.

WHEREFORE, the Motion for Reconsideration filed by respondents is hereby DENIED.

The suspension of the effects of the second paragraph of the dispositive portion of the July 17, 2012 Decision of the
Court, which reads, "This disposition is immediately executory," is hereby LIFTED.
SO ORDERED.
JOSE CATRAL MENDOZA
Associate Justice
WE CONCUR:

CERTIFICATION
Pursuant to Section 13, Article VIII of the Constitution, T hereby certify that the conclusions in the above Resolution
had been reached in consultation before the case was assigned to the writer of the opinion of the Court.
MARIA LOURDES P. A. SERENO
Chief Justice
----------------------------------------DISSENTING OPINIONS

ABAD, J.:
On July 17, 2012, the Court rendered a Decision 1 granting the petition for declaration of unconstitutionality, prohibition,
and injunction filed by petitioner Francisco I. Chavez, and declaring that the current numerical composition of the
Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) is unconstitutional. The Court also enjoined the JBC to reconstitute itself so that only
one member of Congress will sit as a representative in its proceedings, in accordance with Section 8(1), Article VIII of
the 1987 Constitution.
On July 24, 2012, respondents Senator Francis Joseph G. Escudero and Congressman Niel C. Tupas, Jr. moved for
reconsideration.2 The Court then conducted and heard the parties in oral arguments on the following Issues:
1. Whether or not the current practice of the JBC to perform its functions with eight members, two of whom are
members of Congress, runs counter to the letter and spirit of Section 8(1), Article VIII of the 1987 Constitution.
A. Whether or not the JBC should be composed of seven members only.
B. Whether or not Congress is entitled to more than one seat in the JBC.
C. Assuming Congress is entitled to more than one seat, whether or not each representative of Congress should be
entitled to exercise one whole vote.
I maintain my dissent to the majority opinion now being reconsidered.
To reiterate, the vital question that needs to be resolved is: whether or not the Senate and the House of
Representatives are entitled to one representative each in the JBC, both with the right to cast one full vote in its
deliberations.
At the core of the present controversy is Section 8(1), Article VIII of the 1987 Constitution, which provides that:
Section 8. (1) A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the supervision of the Supreme Court composed of
the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice, and a representative of the Congress as ex officio
Members, a representative of the Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a
representative of the private sector. (Emphasis supplied)

In interpreting Section 8(1) above, the majority opinion reiterated that in opting to use the singular letter "a" to describe
"representative of the Congress," the Filipino people through the framers of the 1987 Constitution intended Congress
to just have one representative in the JBC. The majority opinion added that there could not have been any plain
oversight in the wordings of the provision since the other provisions of the 1987 Constitution were amended accordingly
with the shift to a bicameral legislative body.
The mere fact, however, that adjustments were made in some provisions should not mislead the Court into concluding
that all provisions have been amended to recognize the bicameral nature of Congress. As I have previously noted in
my dissenting opinion, Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, a member of the Constitutional Commission himself, admitted that the
committee charged with making adjustments in the previously passed provisions covering the JBC, failed to consider
the impact of the changed character of the Legislature on the inclusion of "a representative of the Congress" in the
membership of the JBC.3
Indeed, to insist that only one member of Congress from either the Senate or the House of Representatives should sit
at any time in the JBC, is to ignore the fact that they are still separate and distinct from each other although they are
both involved in law-making. Both legislators are elected differently, maintain separate administrative organizations,
and deliberate on laws independently. In fact, neither the Senate nor the House of Representatives can by itself claim
to represent the Congress.
Again, that the framers of the 1987 Constitution did not intend to limit the term "Congress" to just either of the two
Houses can be seen from the words that they used in crafting Section 8(1 ). While the provision provides for just "a
representative of the Congress," it also provides that such representation is "ex officio" or "by virtue of one's office, or
position."4
Under the Senate rules, the Chairperson of its Justice Committee is automatically the Senate representative to the
JBC. In the same way, under the House of Representatives rules, the Chairperson of its Justice Committee is the
House representative to the JBC. Consequently, there are actually two persons in Congress who hold separate offices
or positions with the attached function of sitting in the JBC. If the Court adheres to a literal translation of Section 8(1 ),
no representative from Congress will qualify as "ex officio" member of the JBC. This would deny Congress the
representation that the framers of the 1987 Constitution intended it to have.
Having said that the Senate and the House of Representatives should have one representative each in the JBC, it is
logical to conclude that each should also have the right to cast one full vote in its deliberations. To split the vote
between the two legislators would be an absurdity since it would diminish their standing and make them second class
members of the JBC, something that the Constitution clearly does not contemplate. Indeed, the JBC abandoned the
half-a-vote practice on January 12, 2000 and recognized the right of both legislators to cast one full vote each. Only
by recognizing this right can the true spirit and reason of Section 8(1) be attained.
For the above reasons, I vote to GRANT the motion for reconsideration.
ROBERTO A. ABAD
Associate Justice

LEONEN, J.:
I dissent.
Both the Senate and the House of Representatives must be represented in the Judicial and Bar Council. This is the
Constitution's mandate read as a whole and in the light of the ordinary and contemporary understanding of our people
of the structure of our government. Any other interpretation diminishes Congress and negates the effectivity of its
representation in the Judicial and Bar Council.
It is a Constitution we are interpreting. More than privileging a textual preposition, our duty is to ensure that the
constitutional project ratified by our people is given full effect.
At issue in this case is the interpretation of Article VIII, Section 8 of the Constitution which provides the following:

Section 8. (1) A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the supervision of the Supreme Court composed of
the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of
Justice, and a representative of the Congress as ex officio Members, a representative of the Integrated Bar, a professor
of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a representative of the private sector. (Emphasis provided)
Mainly deploying verba legis as its interpretative modality, the main opinion chooses to focus on the article "a." As
correctly pointed out in the original dissent of Justice Robert A bad, the entire phrase includes the words "representative
of Congress" and "ex officio Members." In the context of the constitutional plan involving a bicameral Congress, these
words create ambiguity.
A Bicameral Congress
Our Constitution creates a Congress consisting of two chambers. Thus, in Article VI, Section 1, the Constitution
provides the following:
The legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives x x x. (Emphasis provided)
Senators are "elected at large by the qualified voters of the Philippines". 1 Members of the House of Representatives,
on the other hand, are elected by legislative districts 2 or through the party list system.3 The term of a Senator4 is
different from that of a Member of the House of Representatives. 5 Therefore, the Senate and the House of
Representatives while component parts of the Congress are not the same in terms of their representation. The very
rationale of a bicameral system is to have the Senators represent a national constituency. Representatives of the
House of Representatives, on the other hand, are dominantly from legislative districts except for one fifth which are
from the party list system.
Each chamber is organized separately.6 The Senate and the House each promulgates their own rules of procedure. 7
Each chamber maintains separate Journals.8 They each have separate Records of their proceedings. 9The Senate and
the House of Representatives discipline their own respective members. 10
To belabor the point: There is no presiding officer for the Congress of the Philippines, but there is a Senate President
and a Speaker of the House of Representatives. There is no single journal for the Congress of the Philippines, but
there is a journal for the Senate and a journal for the House of Representatives. There is no record of proceedings for
the entire Congress of the Philippines, but there is a Record of proceedings for the Senate and a Record of proceedings
for the House of Representatives. The Congress of the Philippines does not discipline its members. It is the Senate
that promulgates its own rules and disciplines its members. Likewise, it is the House that promulgates its own rules
and disciplines its members.
No Senator reports to the Congress of the Philippines. Rather, he or she reports to the Senate. No Member of the
House of Representatives reports to the Congress of the Philippines. Rather, he or she reports to the House of
Representatives.
Congress, therefore, is the Senate and the House of Representatives. Congress does not exist separate from the
Senate and the House of Representatives.
Any Senator acting ex officio or as a representative of the Senate must get directions from the Senate. By constitutional
design, he or she cannot get instructions from the House of Representatives. If a Senator represents the Congress
rather than simply the Senate, then he or she must be open to amend or modify the instructions given to him or her by
the Senate if the House of Representatives instructions are different. Yet, the Constitution vests disciplinary power
only on the Senate for any Senator.
The same argument applies to a Member of the House of Representatives.
No Senator may carry instructions from the House of Representatives. No Member of the House of Representatives
may carry instructions from the Senate. Neither Senator nor Member of the House of Representatives may therefore
represent Congress as a whole.

The difference between the Senate and the House of Representative was a subject of discussion in the Constitutional
Commission. In the July 21, 1986 Records of the Constitutional Commission, Commissioner Jose F. S. Bengzon
presented the following argument during the discussion on bicameralism, on the distinction between Congressmen
and Senators, and the role of the Filipino people in making these officials accountable:
I grant the proposition that the Members of the House of Representatives are closer to the people that they represent.
I grant the proposition that the Members of the House of Representatives campaign on a one-to-one basis with the
people in the barrios and their constituencies. I also grant the proposition that the candidates for Senator do not have
as much time to mingle around with their constituencies in their respective home bases as the candidates for the
House. I also grant the proposition that the candidates for the Senate go around the country in their efforts to win the
votes of all the members of the electorate at a lesser time than that given to the candidates for the House of
Representatives. But then the lesson of the last 14 years has made us mature in our political thinking and has given
us political will and self-determination. We really cannot disassociate the fact that the Congressman, the Member of
the House of Representatives, no matter how national he would like to think, is very much strongly drawn into the
problems of his local constituents in his own district.
Due to the maturity of the Filipinos for the last 14 years and because of the emergence of people power, I believe that
this so-called people power can be used to monitor not only the Members of the House of Representatives but also
the Members of the Senate. As I said we may have probably adopted the American formula in the beginning but over
these years, I think we have developed that kind of a system and adopted it to our own needs. So at this point in time,
with people power working, it is not only the Members of the House who can be subjected to people power but also
the Members of the Senate because they can also be picketed and criticized through written articles and talk shows.
And even the people not only from their constituencies in their respective regions and districts but from the whole
country can exercise people power against the Members of the Senate because they are supposed to represent the
entire country. So while the Members of Congress become unconsciously parochial in their desire to help their
constituencies, the Members of the Senate are there to take a look at all of these parochial proposals and coordinate
them with the national problems. They may be detached in that sense but they are not detached from the people
because they themselves know and realize that they owe their position not only to the people from their respective
provinces but also to the people from the whole country. So, I say that people power now will be able to monitor the
activities of the Members of the House of Representatives and that very same people power can be also used to
monitor the activities of the Members of the Senate.11
Commissioner Bengzon provided an illustration of the fundamental distinction between the House of Representatives
and the Senate, particularly regarding their respective constituencies and electorate. These differences, however, only
illustrate that the work of the Senate and the House of Representatives taken together results in a Congress functioning
as one branch of government. Article VI, Section 1, as approved by the Commission, spoke of one Congress whose
powers are vested in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
Thus, when the Constitution provides that a "representative of Congress" should participate in the Judicial and Bar
Council, it cannot mean a Senator carrying out the instructions of the House or a Member of the House of
Representative carrying out instructions from the Senate. It is not the kind of a single Congress contemplated by our
Constitution. The opinion therefore that a Senator or a Member of the House of Representative may represent the
Congress as a whole is contrary to the intent of the Constitution. It is unworkable.
One mechanism used in the past to work out the consequence of the majoritys opinion is to allow a Senator and a
Member of the House of Representative to sit in the Judicial and Bar Council but to each allow them only half a vote.
Within the Judicial and Bar Council, the Chief Justice is entitled to one vote. The Secretary of Justice is also entitled
to one whole vote and so are the Integrated Bar of the Philippines, the private sector, legal academia, and retired
justices. Each of these sectors are given equal importance and rewarded with one whole vote. However, in this view,
the Senate is only worth fifty percent of the wisdom of these sectors. Likewise, the wisdom of the House of
Representatives is only worth fifty percent of these institutions.
This is constitutionally abominable. It is inconceivable that our people, in ratifying the Constitution granting awesome
powers to Congress, intended to diminish its component parts. After all, they are institutions composed of people who

have submitted themselves to the electorate. In creating shortlists of possible candidates to the judiciary, we can safely
suppose that their input is not less than the input of the professor of law or the member of the Integrated Bar of the
Philippines or the member from the private sector.
The other solution done in the past was to alternate the seat between a Senator and a Member of the House of
Representatives.
To alternate the seat given to Congress between the Senate and the House of Representatives would mean not giving
a seat to the Congress at all. Again, when a Senator is seated, he or she represents the Senate and not Congress as
a whole. When a Member of the House of Representative is seated, he or she can only represent Congress as a
whole. Thus, alternating the seat not only diminishes congressional representation; it negates it.
Constitutional Interpretation
The argument that swayed the majority in this cases original decision was that if those who crafted our Constitution
intended that there be two representatives from Congress, it would not have used the preposition "a" in Article VIII,
Section 8 (1). However, beyond the number of representatives, the Constitution intends that in the Judicial and Bar
Council, there will be representation from Congress and that it will be "ex officio", i.e., by virtue of their positions or
offices. We note that the provision did not provide for a number of members to the Judicial and Bar Council. This is
unlike the provisions creating many other bodies in the Constitution. 12
In other words, we could privilege or start our interpretation only from the preposition "a" and from there provide a
meaning that ensures a difficult and unworkable result -- one which undermines the concept of a bicameral congress
implied in all the other 114 other places in the Constitution that uses the word "Congress".
Or, we could give the provision a reasonable interpretation that is within the expectations of the people who ratified
the Constitution by also seeing and reading the words "representative of Congress" and "ex officio."
This proposed interpretation does not violate the basic tenet regarding the authoritativeness of the text of the
Constitution. It does not detract from the text. It follows the canonical requirement of verba legis. But in doing so, we
encounter an ambiguity.
In Macalintal v. Presidential Electoral Tribunal,13 we said:
As the Constitution is not primarily a lawyers document, it being essential for the rule of law to obtain that it should
ever be present in the peoples consciousness, its language as much as possible should be understood in the sense
they have in common use. What it says according to the text of the provision to be construed compels acceptance and
negates the power of the courts to alter it, based on the postulate that the framers and the people mean what they say.
Thus these are cases where the need for construction is reduced to a minimum.
However, where there is ambiguity or doubt, the words of the Constitution should be interpreted in accordance with
the intent of its framers or ratio legis et anima. A doubtful provision must be examined in light of the history of the times,
and the condition and circumstances surrounding the framing of the Constitution. In following this guideline, courts
should bear in mind the object sought to be accomplished in adopting a doubtful constitutional provision, and the evils
sought to be prevented or remedied. Consequently, the intent of the framers and the people ratifying the constitution,
and not the panderings of self-indulgent men, should be given effect.
Last, ut magis valeat quam pereat the Constitution is to be interpreted as a whole. We intoned thus in the landmark
case of Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary:
It is a well-established rule in constitutional construction that no one provision of the Constitution is to be separated
from all the others, to be considered alone, but that all the provisions bearing upon a particular subject are to be
brought into view and to be so interpreted as to effectuate the great purposes of the instrument. Sections bearing on
a particular subject should be considered and interpreted together as to effectuate the whole purpose of the
Constitution and one section is not to be allowed to defeat another, if by any reasonable construction, the two can be
made to stand together.

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In other words, the court must harmonize them, if practicable, and must lean in favor of a construction which will render
every word operative, rather than one which may make the words idle and nugatory. (Emphasis provided)
And in Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary,13 we said:
A foolproof yardstick in constitutional construction is the intention underlying the provision under consideration. Thus,
it has been held that the Court in construing a Constitution should bear in mind the object sought to be accomplished
by its adoption, and the evils, if any, sought to be prevented or remedied. A doubtful provision will be examined in the
light of the history of the times, and the condition and circumstances under which the Constitution was framed. The
object is to ascertain the reason which induced the framers of the Constitution to enact the particular provision and the
purpose sought to be accomplished thereby, in order to construe the whole as to make the words consonant to that
reason and calculated to effect that purpose.
The authoritativeness of text is no excuse to provide an unworkable result or one which undermines the intended
structure of government provided in the Constitution. Text is authoritative, but it is not exhaustive of the entire universe
of meaning.
There is no compelling reason why we should blind ourselves as to the meaning of "representative of Congress" and
"ex officio." There is no compelling reason why there should only be one representative of a bicameral Congress.
Proposed Reasons for Only One Representative of Congress
The first reason to support the need for only one representative of Congress is the belief that there needs to be an odd
number in the Judicial and Bar Council.
This is true only if the decision of the constitutional organ in question is a dichotomous one, i.e., a yes or a no. It is in
this sense that a tie-breaker will be necessary.
However, the Judicial and Bar Council is not that sort of a constitutional organ. Its duty is to provide the President with
a shortlist of candidates to every judicial position. We take judicial notice that for vacancies, each member of the
Judicial and Bar Council is asked to list at least three (3) names. All these votes are tallied and those who garner a
specific plurality are thus put on the list and transmitted to the President. There had been no occasion when the Judicial
and Bar Council ever needed to break a tie. The Judicial and Bar Councils functions proceed regardless of whether
they have seven or eight members.
The second reason that the main opinion accepted as persuasive was the opinion that Congress does not discharge
its function to check and balance the power of both the Judiciary and the Executive in the Judicial and Bar Council.
From this premise, it then proceeds to argue that the Representative of Congress, who is ex officio, does not need to
consult with Congress as a whole.
This is very perplexing and difficult to accept.
By virtue of the fundamental premise of separation of powers, the appointing power in the judiciary should be done by
the Supreme Court. However, for judicial positions, this is vested in the Executive. Furthermore, because of the
importance of these appointments, the Presidents discretion is limited to a shortlist submitted to him by the Judicial
and Bar Council which is under the supervision of the Supreme Court but composed of several components.
The Judicial and Bar Council represents the constituents affected by judicial appointments and by extension, judicial
decisions. It provides for those who have some function vis a vis the law that should be applied and interpreted by our
courts. Hence, represented are practicing lawyers (Integrated Bar of the Philippines), prosecutors (Secretary of the
Department of Justice), legal academia (professor of law), and judges or justices (retired justice and the C hief Justice).
Also represented in some way are those that will be affected by the interpretation directly (private sector
representative).
Congress is represented for many reasons.
One, it crafts statutes and to that extent may want to ensure that those who are appointed to the judiciary are familiar
with these statutes and will have the competence, integrity, and independence to read its meaning.

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Two, the power of judicial review vests our courts with the ability to nullify their acts. Congress, therefore, has an
interest in the judicial philosophy of those considered for appointment into our judiciary.
Three, Congress is a political organ. As such, it is familiar with the biases of our political leaders including that of the
President. Thus, it will have greater sensitivity to the necessity for political accommodations if there be any. Keeping
in mind the independence required of our judges and justices, the Members of Congress may be able to appreciate
the kind of balance that will be necessary -- the same balance that the President might be able to likewise appreciate
-- when putting a person in the shortlist of judicial candidates. Not only do they appreciate this balance, they embody
it. Senators and Members of the House of Representatives (unlike any of the other members of the Judicial and Bar
Council), periodically submit themselves to the electorate.
It is for these reasons that the Congressional representatives in the Judicial and Bar Council may be instructed by their
respective chambers to consider some principles and directions. Through resolutions or actions by the Congressional
Committees they represent, the JBC Congressional representatives choices may be constrained. Therefore, they do
not sit there just to represent themselves. Again, they are "representatives of Congress" "ex officio".
The third reason to support only one representative of Congress is the belief that there is the "unmistakable tenor" in
the provision in question that one co-equal branch should be represented only by one Representative.14 It may be true
that the Secretary of Justice is the political alter ego of the President or the Executive. However, Congress as a whole
does not have a political alter ego. In other words, while the Executive may be represented by a single individual,
Congress cannot be represented by an individual. Congress, as stated earlier, operates through the Senate and the
House of Representatives. Unlike the Executive, the Legislative branch cannot be represented by only one individual.
A Note on the Work of the Constitutional Commission
Time and again, we have clarified the interpretative value to Us of the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission.
Thus in Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary, we emphasized:
While it is permissible in this jurisdiction to consult the debates and proceedings of the constitutional convention in
order to arrive at the reason and purpose of the resulting Constitution, resort thereto may be had only when other
guides fail as said proceedings are powerless to vary the terms of the Constitution when the meaning is clear. Debates
in the constitutional convention are of value as showing the views of the individual members, and as indicating the
reason for their votes, but they give Us no light as to the views of the large majority who did not talk, much less of the
mass or our fellow citizens whose votes at the polls gave that instrument the force of fundamental law. We think it
safer to construe the constitution from what appears upon its face.The proper interpretation therefore depends
more on how it was understood by the people adopting it than in the framers understanding thereof.15
(Emphasis provided)
Also worth Our recall is the celebrated comment of Charles P. Curtis, Jr. on the role of history in constitutional
exegesis:16
The intention of the framers of the Constitution, even assuming we could discover what it was, when it is not adequately
expressed in the Constitution, that is to say, what they meant when they did not say it, surely that has no binding force
upon us. If we look behind or beyond what they set down in the document, prying into what else they wrote
and what they said, anything we may find is only advisory. They may sit in at our councils. There is no reason
why we should eavesdrop on theirs.17 (Emphasis provided)
In addition to the interpretative value of the discussion in the Constitutional Commission, we should always be careful
when we quote from their records without understanding their context.
The Committees of the Constitutional Commission were all tasked to finish their reports not later than July 7, 1986. 18
The Second and Third Readings were scheduled to finish not later than August 15, 1986. 19 The members of the
Sponsorship and Style Committee were tasked to finish their work of formulating and polishing the style of the final
draft of the new Constitution scheduled for submission to the entire membership of the Commission not later than
August 25, 1986.20
The Rules of the Constitutional Commission also provided for a process of approving resolutions and amendments.

12

Constitutional proposals were embodied in resolutions signed by the author. 21 If they emanated from a committee, the
resolution was signed by its chairman.22 Resolutions were filed with the Secretary-General.23 The First Reading took
place when the titles of the resolutions were read and referred to the appropriate committee. 24
The Committees then submitted a Report on each resolution.25 The Steering Committee took charge of including the
committee report in the Calendar for Second Reading. 26 The Second Reading took place on the day set for the
consideration of a resolution.27 The provisions were read in full with the amendments proposed by the committee, if
there were any.28
A motion to close debate took place after three speeches for and two against, or if only one speech has been raised
and none against it.29 The President of the Constitutional Commission had the prerogative to allow debates among
those who had indicated that they intended to be heard on certain matters. 30 After the close of the debate, the
Constitutional Commission proceeded to consider the Committee amendments.31
After a resolution was approved on Second Reading, it was included in the Calendar for Third Reading.32 Neither
further debate nor amendment shall be made on the resolution on its Third Reading. 33 All constitutional proposals
approved by the Commission after Third Reading were referred to the Committees on Sponsorship and Style for
collation, organization, and consolidation into a complete and final draft of the Constitution.34 The final draft was
submitted to the Commission for the sole purpose of determining whether it reflects faithfully and accurately the
proposals as approved on Second Reading.35
With respect to the provision which is now Article VIII, Section 8 (1), the timetable was as follows:
On July 10, 1986, the Committee on the Judiciary presented its Report to the Commission. 36 Deliberations then took
place on the same day; on July 11, 1986; and on July 14, 1986. It was on July 10 that Commissioner Rodrigo raised
points regarding the Judicial and Bar Council. 37 The discussion spoke of the Judicial and Bar Council having seven
members.
Numerous mentions of the Judicial and Bar Council being comprised of seven members were also made by
Commissioners on July 14, 1986. On the same day, the amended article was approved by unanimous voting. 38
On July 19, 1986, the vote on Third Reading on the Article on the Judiciary took place. 39 The vote was 43 and none
against.40
Committee Report No. 22 proposing an article on a National Assembly was reported out by July 21, 1986.41 It provided
for a unicameral assembly. Commissioner Hilario Davide, Jr., made the presentation and stated that they had a very
difficult decision to make regarding bicameralism and unicameralism. 42 The debate occupied the Commission for the
whole day.
Then, a vote on the structure of Congress took place. 43 Forty four (44) commissioners cast their votes during the roll
call.44 The vote was 23 to 22.45
On October 8, 1986, the Article on the Judiciary was reopened for purposes of introducing amendments to the
proposed Sections 3, 7, 10, 11, 13, and 14.46
On October 9, 1986, the entire Article on the Legislature was approved on Third Reading. 47
By October 10, 1986, changes in style on the Article on the Legislature were introduced. 48
On October 15, 1986, Commissioner Guingona presented the 1986 Constitution to the President of the Constitutional
Commission, Cecilia Munoz-Palma.49
It is apparent that the Constitutional Commission either through the Style and Sponsorship Committee or the
Committees on the Legislature and the Judiciary was not able to amend the provision concerning the Judicial and Bar
Council after the Commission had decided to propose a bicameral Congress. We can take judicial notice of the
chronology of events during the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission. The chronology should be taken as
much as the substance of discussions exchanged between the Commissioners.

13

The quotations from the Commissioners mentioned in the main opinion and in the proposed resolution of the present
Motion for Reconsideration should thus be appreciated in its proper context.
The interpellation involving Commissioners Rodrigo and Concepcion took place on July 10, 1986 and on July 14,
1986.50 These discussions were about Committee Report No. 18 on the Judiciary. Thus:
MR. RODRIGO: Let me go to another point then.
On page 2, Section 5, there is a novel provision about appointments of members of the Supreme Court and of judges
of lower courts. At present it is the President who appoints them. If there is a Commission on Appointments, then it is
the President with the confirmation of the Commission on Appointments. In this proposal, we would like to establish a
new office, a sort of a board composed of seven members, called the Judicial and Bar Council. And while the President
will still appoint the members of the judiciary, he will be limited to the recommendees of this Council.
xxxx
MR. RODRIGO: Of the seven members of the Judicial and Bar Council, the President appoints four of them who are
the regular members.
xxxx
MR. CONCEPCION: The only purpose of the Committee is to eliminate partisan politics. 51
xxxx
It must also be noted that during the same day and in the same discussion, both Commissioners Rodrigo and
Concepcion later on referred to a National Assembly and not a Congress, as can be seen here:
MR. RODRIGO: Another point. Under our present Constitution, the National Assembly may enact rules of court, is that
right? On page 4, the proviso on lines 17 to 19 of the Article on the Judiciary provides:
The National Assembly may repeal, alter, or supplement the said rules with the advice and concurrence of the Supreme
Court.
MR. CONCEPCION: Yes.
MR. RODRIGO: So, two things are required of the National Assembly before it can repeal, alter or supplement the
rules concerning the protection and enforcement of constitutional rights, pleading, etc. it must have the advice and
concurrence of the Supreme Court.
MR. CONCEPCION: That is correct.52
On July 14, 1986, the Commission proceeded with the Period of Amendments. This was when the exchange noted in
the main opinion took place. Thus:
MR. RODRIGO: If my amendment is approved, then the provision will be exactly the same as the provision in the 1935
Constitution, Article VIII, Section 5.
xxxx
If we do not remove the proposed amendment on the creation of the Judicial and Bar Council, this will be a diminution
of the appointing power of the highest magistrate of the land, of the President of the Philippines elected by all the
Filipino people. The appointing power will be limited by a group of seven people who are not elected by the people but
only appointed.
Mr. Presiding Officer, if this Council is created, there will be no uniformity in our constitutional provisions on
appointments. The members of the Judiciary will be segregated from the rest of the government. Even a municipal
judge cannot be appointed by the President except upon recommendation or nomination of three names by this
committee of seven people, commissioners of the Commission on Elections, the COA and Commission on Civil Service
x x x even ambassadors, generals of the Army will not come under this restriction. Why are we going to segregate the
Judiciary from the rest of our government in the appointment of the high-ranking officials?

14

Another reason is that this Council will be ineffective. It will just besmirch the honor of our President without being
effective at all because this Council will be under the influence of the President. Four out of seven are appointees of
the President, and they can be reappointed when their term ends. Therefore, they would kowtow to the President. A
fifth member is the Minister of Justice, an alter ego of the President. Another member represents the legislature. In all
probability, the controlling party in the legislature belongs to the President and, therefore, this representative from the
National Assembly is also under the influence of the President. And may I say, Mr. Presiding Officer, that even the
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is an appointee of the President. So, it is futile; he will be influenced anyway by
the President.53
It must again be noted that during this day and period of amendments after the quoted passage in the Decision, the
Commission later on made use of the term National Assembly and not Congress again:
MR. MAAMBONG: Presiding Officer and members of the Committee, I propose to delete the last sentence on Section
16, lines 28 to 30 which reads: "The Chief Justice shall address the National Assembly at the opening of each regular
session."
May I explain that I have gone over the operations of other deliberative assemblies in some parts of the world, and I
noticed that it is only the Chief Executive or head of state who addresses the National Assembly at its opening. W hen
we say "opening," we are referring to the first convening of any national assembly. Hence, when the Chief Executive
or head of state addresses the National Assembly on that occasion, no other speaker is allowed to address the body.
So I move for the deletion of this last sentence.54
Based on the chronology of events, the discussions cited by the main ponencia took place when the commissioners
were still contemplating a unicameral legislature in the course of this discussion. Necessarily, only one Representative
would be needed to fully effect the participation of a unicameral legislature. Therefore, any mention of the composition
of the JBC having seven members in the records of the Constitutional Commission, particularly during the dates cited,
was obviously within the context that the Commission had not yet voted and agreed upon a bicameral legislature.
The composition of the Congress as a bilateral legislature became final only after the JBC discussions as a sevenmember Council indicated in the Records of the Constitutional Commission took place. This puts into the proper context
the recognition by Commissioner Christian Monsod on July 30, 1986, which runs as follows:
Last week, we voted for a bicameral legislature. Perhaps it is symptomatic of what the thinking of this group is, that all
the provisions that were being drafted up to that time assumed a unicameral government. 55
The repeated mentions of the JBC having seven members as indicated in the Records of the Constitutional
Commission do not justify the points raised by petitioner. This is a situation where the records of the Constitutional
Commission do not serve even as persuasive means to ascertain intent at least in so far as the intended numbers for
the Judicial and Bar Council. Certainly they are not relevant even to advise us on how Congress is to be represented
in that constitutional organ.
We should never forget that when we interpret the Constitution, we do so with full appreciation of every part of the text
within an entire document understood by the people as they ratified it and with all its contemporary consequences. As
an eminent author in constitutional theory has observed while going through the various interpretative modes
presented in jurisprudence: "x x x all of the methodologies that will be discussed, properly understood, figure in
constitutional analysis as opportunities: as starting points, constituent parts of complex arguments, or concluding
evocations." 56
Discerning that there should be a Senator and a Member of the House of Representatives that sit in the Judicial and
Bar Council so that Congress can be fully represented ex officio is not judicial activism. It is in keeping with the
constitutional project of a bicameral Congress that is effective whenever and wherever it is represented. It is in tune
with how our people understand Congress as described in the fundamental law. It is consistent with our duty to read
the authoritative text of the Constitution so that ordinary people who seek to understand this most basic law through
Our decisions would understand that beyond a single isolated text -- even beyond a prepos1t10n in Article VIII, Section
8 (1 ), our primordial values and principles are framed, congealed and will be given full effect.

15

In a sense, we do not just read words in a legal document; we give meaning to a Constitution.
For these reasons, I vote to grant the Motion for Reconsideration and deny the Petition for lack of merit.
MARVIC MARIO VICTOR F. LEONEN
Associate Justice

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