Hazinga
Hazinga
Hazinga
ZARCO
DONALD J. SHOEMAKER
Report on Student
Organization Conflicts,
University of the Philippines,
Diliman, 1938-2000
19
INTRODUCTION
is paper serves as a follow-up to a report presented to the faculty
nd administration of the University of the Philippines, Diliman
Tampus (UPD) in December 1995, and published in the Philippine
Sociological Review (Zarco and Shoemaker 1995). The earlier report
covered the time period of January 1, 1991 through December 1994.
This current report covers the 1930s up to the year 2000.
This study makes use of data on campus incidents of violence
as recorded by the University of the Philippines Police Department,
Quezon City campus. In addition, information for this report comes
from investigations conducted by various administrative units in
U.P. Diliman and by the senior author.
The purpose of this report is to describe past and present
incidents of inter-fraternity violence in the U.P. Diliman campus.
The report includes information on incidents of violence, the
fraternities involved in the fracases, the weapons used and the
injuries incurred in the assaults, and the times and locations of the
violence incidents. It concludes with a discussion of recommended
strategies to prevent future occurrences of inter-fraternity violence
in the U.P. Diliman campus.
While this paper discusses histOrical and contemporary patterns
of student violence, the focus will be on two major violence issues:
that of inflicting bodily harm to applicants for membership into
student organizations; and the violence between student factions,
particularly among fraternities. These are the predominant types of
violence problems encountered by U.P. authorities in the past 35
years.
Ricardo M. Zarco (1930-2011) was Professor Emeritus, Department.of the
Sociology, University of the Philippines, Diliman. Donald). Shoemaker is
Professor at the Department of Sociology, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and
State University, Blacksburg. The authors wish to thank the research assistance
of Marion R. Dulnuan and Cecilia Cabusas. This study was supported by funds
from the Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the
Masked and naked: fratemity neophytes at the Oblation Run in
in UP Diliman. (Photo by Joseph Ceas)
Philippines.
21
Method
The 2nd World War and the battle for Manila in 1945 destroyed most
of the office and archival records. The papers that survived were also
discarded when the U.P. Main Campus transferred to Diliman, Quezon
City in December 1948. Furthermore, U.P. had no central record
depository involving student disciplinary cases, making it even more
difficult to secure documents for this paper. For these reasons, the most
22
Results
No student organizationwas in violent conflict with other
organizations or against individual students during this period. Out
of the 14 respondents, not one could recall a single violent incident
between student organizations during the reference years. One
respondent, who resided adjacent to the campus, claimed that there
were a few violent skirmishes between fraternities before 1938. But
the University was able to implement effective measures so much so
that in 1938 to December of 1941, no fighting occurred. During this
period, student organizations were competing in refereed debates on
national issues. Student organizations also focused on campus control
through student elections. They competed for seats in the student
council and for the chairmanship of the student council. Furthermore,
students were after the much coveted post of editor-in-chief of the
University paper. Violence, however, was never applied in acquiring
23
24
three years later. The student was tried in 1937 and was acquitted by
the Supreme Courtin October 24, 1940 (Francisco 1965).
One of the most celebrated cases of authoritarian overreaction to an
imagined or invented student misbehavior was the Albert Discourtesy
case:
Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippines, conducted a surprise
visit to the U.P. main campus to see if the on-going construction of the U.P.
Rifle Range beside the College of Engineering building was excessively
obstructing the parade ground. Deciding to extend the inspection into the
academic units, he, with his entourage of three cabinet secretaries, and
a military aide, entered the College of Engineering building. President
Quezon met four ROTC cadets in uniform. The cadets were so surprised
that they forgot to salute the President. Quezon sternly lectured to them
how to respect the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the
country. The President was in this foul mood when he went to the 2nd floor.
As he looked into the classroom, he saw a student slouching with feet
raised, resting against the back of a seat in front. As Quezon approached
the portal, Professor Antonio Albert saw him. His class stood up and
Albert met the President excitedly. The President upbraided Professor
Albert and scolded him for allowing his student to slouch and raise his feet
without his objection. Albert felt humiliated in front of the students and
Quezon's entourage. He answered back, which further infuriated Quezon.
The President further told Albert that he was not standing ramrod straight
while addressing the President of the country. Professor Albert by this
time offered to resign if he was accused of not knowing his responsibilities
as professor. U.P. President Jorge Bocobo, who was by then standing
near Quezon, was ordered by the latter to accept the resignation. The
U.P. President called for an emergency meeting of the Board of Regents
and by 9:00 P.M. of the same day, the board accepted the resignation
of Professor Antonio Albert with a reprimand. The next morning at 8:00
A.M.,Professor Albert was reinstated by U.P. President Bocobo. Albert
went to Malacanang Palace to apologize. He was accompanied by his
father Vicente Albert, who was then the Supreme Court's clerk of court.
25
Analysis
A review of the known, campus violence incidents and student
cases of misbehavior reveals no consistent pattern. In general, most
cases were not recurrent or predictable. For instance, the U.P. mashing
incident has not recurred as of this report and the murder case earlier
mentioned had no equivalent in the years to follow.
The publicized Albert discourtesy incident was not a case of student
misbehavior because the offending student was never identified,
warned, reprimanded, or chastised in any way.' The case was actually
seen as one involving the misbehavior of a Philippine President who,
at that instance, was tactless, inconsiderate of other people's feelings,
and cruel to his subordinates.
Hazing was tolerable and mild. It must be made clear that hazing in
its severest form did not originate in the University of the Philippines.
Its practice has been observed even before the pre-war years covered
by the study, in the Philippine Constabulary Academy, the forerunner
of the present Philippine Military Academy, then located in Camp
Allen, Baguio (Alcaraz 1997).
Methodology
We could not find a single U.P. student who enrolled when U.P.
reopened in 1945. However, four male students, including the writer,
enrolled in the College of Liberal Arts from 1947 to 1950, were
contacted and became respondents for this post-war period.
Results
Student activities were revived. The student paper, The Philippine
Collegian, was reborn in September 1946. The U.P. Student Council
was reactivated right after U.P. reopened.
By 1947, fraternities were found to be recruiting members, and
hazing was noted to be more severe. Three of the four respondents
became fraternity members. They were slapped, subjected to
abdominal and upper-arm fistic blows; one was horse whipped on the
legs; one was ordered to eat two cigarettes; and one was ordered to
drink water from a toilet bowl. These initiations were held at night,
some inside the campus, others outside. One of the respondents was
made to eat two large loaves of bread, drink a gallon of water, and jog
on the parade ground until he vomited. Two respondents were told to
extinguish lighted cigarettes with their bare fingers. These practices
continued even as the University transferred to Diliman, Quezo City
in December 1948 (with the actual massive transfer taking place in
early January to June 1949).
In April and May 1949, during summer classes, the writer witnessed
fraternity initiations held in one of the academic buildings. These
buildings were huge barn-like structures, left open in the evenings
as the campus was completely deserted by sunset. Security was lax
because there were not enough inhabitants in the new university town.
Privacy was ensured in these buildings for fraternities to conduct
27
29
like a top until dizzy and collapse; dance suggestive dances; raise
their skirts to their waists (Alcaraz 1954:40-4 1).
Teodoro Abueva Jr. Advertising man. Initiated into the Sigma Rho
in 1946. He believes that the presence of the faculty adviser would
not make a difference. When he was initiated, the fraternity adviser,
Professor Quisumbing, was there. Believes that they (fraternities) are
responsible for many undemocratic practices in the campus elections.
Fraternities and sororities control political and social positions in the
campus. The kidnapping of representatives of student council and
junior councils. He is for the total abolition of frats and sororities
because the good done is not balanced by the harm to the students
and the university as a whole (Alcaraz 1954:39).
Teodoro Tavita, Liberal Arts Student, applied to Beta Sigma, July
1954, brought to the South dorm, was paddled nine times on the
butt, kicked, kneed, and slapped. Could not walk as a result of kicks
he received; parts kicked were bluish, swollen. He had a physical
exam at the infirmary (U.P. Health Service) after. He denounced
the frat men to Dean A. Abejo (Alcaraz 1954:46).
The U.P. Catholic Chaplain, Fr. John Patrick Delaney S.J., details
the varied torture practices such as the "pinch and grip," burning
with a cigarette, whipping, and flogging, immortalities, the stomach
treatment, and other barbarous practices (Alcaraz 1954:78-80).
Armando J. Malay, columnist of Manila Chronicle, on July 22,
1948, Thursday, mentions that Prof I. Pansaliguis' son was tortured,
his nails removed
Tony Viterbo, son of Prof. Viterbo was beaten until he vomited
blood, lost consciousness, and became a raving maniac before
he was hospitalized. All these were the result of applications for
membership into the Upsilon Sigma Phi.
How could the sudden change of initiation or hazing severity
increase in contrast to the pre-war days? Professor Vicente Sinco of
the College of Law was asked this question. He, without hesitation,
blamed the laxity of moral standards that (usually) follow a war
(Alcaraz 1954:45)
Figure I. Manila Chronicle. 29 July 1954, page 4.
30
31
Analysis
Combined anecdotal and historical data, particularly of the Albert
Case, show that student campus violence in the form of hazing or
32
33
34
Methodology
As in the previous sections, 12 respondents - four women and eight
men - were chosen. All were U.P. students in undergraduate courses
in the U.P. Diliman campus. The respondents' ages at the time of the
interview ranged from 41 to 45 years, all employed professionals.
Ten were former students of the writer. The spontaneity and clarity of
recalled events are remarkable.
Results
Most of the male students who attended U.P. in 1960-61 were
cautioned by their parents to avoid fraternities, fearing hazing violence.
All twelve respondents also categorically mentioned that fraternities
were already fighting as gangs when they attended U.P. in 196061. The gang fights in the early 1960s excluded weapons, and were
confined to bare hand-to-hand group fights (mano-mano). There were
however, rules of engagement. For instance, a coed recalls that in the
early 1960s, when a coed "escorts" a male student or two, the attack is
held off or postponed.
When asked of the irritants that pushed groups to fight, replies
delved into the following:
1 All student positions of leadership which are attained via elections
or nominations, for instance, positions in the U.P. student council,
the editorship of the student paper and the student yearbook, The
Philippinesian, and the cadet commandership of the ROTC, are
much sought-after positions that generate rivalry and conflict
among student organizations.
2 Occasionally, fraternities, as well as non-fraternity male students,
fight over coeds. Dance floor incidents on campus generate quarrels.
Fraternity-held dances outside the campus are occasionally "gate
crashed" by others, triggering violence. The writer has witnessed
35
they weren't in uniform, also each "cadet" held an object in each hand.
These were a rock or an empty pop bottle, and sticks ripped off a plant
enclosure. Across the street was a motley group of about 10 or 15 students
with the same weaponry, only fewer and less organized. The "platoon"
36
37
Analysis
In 45 years, university administrators to date have not yet developed
effective ways to curb recurrent hazing and gang fight deaths among
student organizations. Fraternities conceal the initiation process from
their faculty advisers. In the 1 950s, Dr. Patrocinio Valenzuela, Dean of
Men, required student applicants to go to the fraternity's faculty adviser
to state their intent and take a physical exam at the Health Service,
before and after initiations. This was the first step to curb excesses, but
it was not improved upon, nor enforced, nor continued in later years.
The investigation committee of the Gonzalo Mariano Albert Case
submitted a set of recommendations to castigate the four fraternity
leaders of the Upsilon Sigma Phi by "expulsion without readmission"
from the University. The fraternity was found to have conducted an
illicit procedure, outside the campus, without the supervision of a
faculty adviser. During the investigation, all members of the fraternity
lied under oath or committed perjury. The fraternity appealed. The
expulsion from the University was watered down to a mere suspension
38
for one semester. As a result, three of the four leaders graduated with
a bachelor of laws form the U.P. College of Law, the fourth a pre-med
student, discontinued schooling voluntarily. Fraternities became aware
of this victory - the punishment was light! The University officials, in
direct supervision and control of student activities, eventually spared
the fraternity men despite the recommended heavy penalties. All in all,
the death of the young Albert did not spell the end of deadly hazing
practices among fraternities; in fact, it was only the beginning.
In the subsequent decades, hazing deaths continued with a distinct
pattern. The fraternities hold initiations away from the inquisitive
view of the authorities of a College in the University; applicants
are beaten to a comatose state, or to death, or made to perform an
extremely dangerous task, whereupon a fatal accident happens. The
applicant is then abandoned, or taken to the nearest hospital by the
fraternity masters, then abandoned. Upon inquest, the fraternity masters
continuously lie brazenly, denying involvement in the hazing.The
more affluent fraternity alumni from the government and/or the private
sectors immediately provide financial and legal assistance to those held
responsible, ignoring the suffering of the victim's survivors.
Hazing or initiation deaths are not only associated with universities
with a free, open, and libertarian orientation, as some insist. They
also occur in. other universities and colleges outside U.P., including
the military and police academies. The earliest practice of scandalous
hazing was in a rigid, tightly supervised, ideologically monolithic
institution - the country's military academy, from the 1930s up to this
very day.3 The position of the educational institution in the LibertarianTotalitarian continuum, as some theorize, is not a variable linked to
uncontrolled severe hazing and gang-fighting deaths.
have increased in the 1990s. Moreover, the nature of these student deaths
has included inter-fraternity conflicts, in addition to hazing tragedies. It
is these inter-fraternity conflicts, such as in the deaths of Venturina and
Calinao, which constitute the remaining subject matter of this report.
Gang fights are not strangers to totalitarian institutions. In
Philippine jails and prisons, inmates create gangs as their own
version of "fraternities." These are the dreaded OXO, Bahala Gang,
Sputniks, SigueSigue, and BCJ (Batang City Jail, or City Jail Youth).
Riots resulting in deaths and injury of inmates in the Manila, Quezon
City, and Pasay City jails are routine. In the National Penitentiary,
the same groups exist, and they kill each other. Hazing or initiations
YEAR
FRATERNITY CONDUCTING
INITIATION
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
1954
1967
1984
1992
1995
1998
Total 6
YEAR
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
1969
1977
1994
1999
2000
NAME OF STUDENT
FRATERNITY MEMBERSHIP
Perez, Rolando
Abad, Rolando
Venturina, Dennis
Calinao, Niflo
Reyes, Den Daniel
Total 5
*Sources of Data:
Office of U.P. Chancellor, February 20, 2000
U.P. Police, February 2000
Office of the Coordinator of Student Activities (in U.P. Diliman), February 2000
Prof. Clarita Carlos, Department of Political Science, CSSP, UP., March 1, 2000
40
41
The authors feel that some of the 11 student deaths might have
been avoided had U.P. administrators used other more effective rule
enforcement methods in controlling student violence. When the
YEAR
35
1
7
21
18
Total
171
37
27
25
* Primary data compiled by the University of the Philippines Police, Quezon City Investigation Section.
YEAR
NUMBER OF NUMBER OF
PERSONS
PERSONS
INJURED
INVOLVED
166
211
326
150
2
27
90
136
1108
13
20
32
30
0
2
16
17
130
10
17
29
24
0
2
15
12
109
0
3
3
5
0
0
1
4
16
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
2
41
43
that the majority of these conflicts occurred from 1991 to 1995. After
the death of the studentVenturjna in December 1994, the incidents
of inter-fraternity violence declined significantly, with only one
such incident recorded for all of 1995. From 1996 through 1998, the
incidents of fraternity conflicts increased. One result of this increased
hostility among fraternities was the alleged murder-for-hire killing of
a supposed non-fraternity student in February 1999. Another student
was stabbed to death in February 2000.
The magnitude of these conflicts can also be measured by the
number of students involved. The data is presented in Table 2. For
the eight-year period (1991-1998), it is observed that a total of 1108
people were involved in inter-fraternity conflicts. However, the number
of young men injured in these incidents was much lowerat 130, or
approximately 12% of the total.
The data in Table 2 also indicate the relative non-seriousness of the
injuries incurred as a result of the rumbles. Most of the injuries were
classified as "slight, physical" injuries, which means that the injury
required less than 10 days of medical treatment. Not to be ignored,
however, is the fact that students have been killed and maimed in these
fights.
The kinds of weapons used in these battles area reason for the
relatively minor physical damage. As the numbers in Table 3 indicate,
the predominant weapon used, at least according to police reports and
confiscations, is a steel pipe, mistakenly identified as a lead pipe in
some of the accounts. Steel pipes are relatively light, not so light as to
be harmless, but certainly not as heavy as lead pipes. Other weapons
commonly used are fists, pillboxes, bats and clubs, bottles, and stones.
Again, while these weapons are certainly dangerous, they are not as
lethal as guns or knives.
From the text of this report, it may be inferred that the problem
of inter-fraternity violence in the UPD campus is universal to all
fraternities. This assumption is false. According to the figures displayed
in Table 4, there are only a few fraternities significantly involved in
fights or rumbles. In fact, seven fraternities figure in 74% of the total
violent and near-violent incidences from 1991-1998. Furthermore,
FREQUENCY
Steel Pipes
Fists
Pillbox
Baseball Bats
Wooden Clubs
Glass Bottle
Stones
Molotov Bomb
Tear Gas
Stick
Paper Cutters
Knives
Guns
Ice Picks
Fan Knife
Tennis Racket
Chaco
Wooden Paddle
Softdrink Bottle
Rubber Pipe
Long Knife
Ax
Gloves
Firecrackers (100 pcs)
Pillbox Materials
Rattan Stick
Walking Stick
Wrench
192
60
51
37
22
19
19
10
10
10
9
7
4
3
3
3
2
2
1
Total
1
I
1
1
1
1
1
473
Primary data source: University of the Philippines Police Department, Quezon City Campus
44
45
o
NAMEOF
ORGANIZATION
z
U -
Sigma Rho
41 3 17 2 2 9 7 1 0 0
Upsilon Sigma Phi 31 3 9
1 7 7 6 2 0 0
Alpha Phi Beta
29 7 9
1 3 3 4 0 0 1
Scintilla Juris
28 6 3
1
4 4 8 2 0 0
Tau Gamma Phi
23 3 7 1 4 4 3 0 0 0
15 3
1 2 2 0 3 0 0
Alpha Sigma
14 3
7 0 0 1 0 0 0
Pi Sigma
10350002000
Beta Sigma
9 1 4 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
10
Tau Alpha
8 0 6
11.5
Beta Epsilon
6 0
0 0 0 0
0 0
11.5
Epsilon Chi
13.5
Lalagaw Brothers
Brotherhood of
Filipinos
15
Sigma Kappa Pi
4 1
16
Vanguard
3 0 2 0 1
17
Palaris Confraternity 2
19.5
EMC2 2
19.5
Pan Xenia
2
3
4
13.5
1 0 0 0 0
1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0
0
1 0 0 0 0
0
1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1
19.5 Gamma Sigma Phi 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Unidentified
2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0
Totals
245 37 83 14 27 32 38 10 3 2
19 24 31
* 152 incidents based on 171 police investigations from January 1991 to December 1998.
*Categories are mutually exclusive
46
FREQUENCY OF
VIOLENT INCIDENTS
RANK
FAIRS OF FRATERNITIES
1
2
3
4.5
4.5
6.5
6.5
8
9.5
24
9
8
6
6
9.5
11.5
11.5
11.5
11.5
11.5
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
16
4
3
3
2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
I
1
1
1
1
1
1
98
47
AY 1991-1992
1St Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1992
AY 1992-1993
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1993
AY 1993-1994
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1994
AY 1994-1995
AY 1995-1996
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1996
AY 1996-1997
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1997
AY 1997-1998
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer 1998
AY 1998-1999
1st Semester
2nd Semester
Summer
(Not Finished)
Total
22
14
4
2
1
18
7
4
0
0
0
14
14
4
0
0
0
10
7
0
4
7
4
0
0
0
7
10
0
0
0
0
3
6
0
2
4
4
6
15
0
0
0
0
17
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
0
0
0
0
13
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
9
0
0
3
0
0
4
3
0
0
0
2
3
1
1
0
146
AREAS
PERCENTAGE
FREQUENCY
68.00%
30.00%
10.00%
5.00%
5.00%
3.31%
3.31%
2.00%
2.00%
1.32%
1.32%
1.32%
1.32%
0.66%
0.66%
102
46
15
7
7
0.66%
College of Law
Faculty Center
Math Building
Main Library
College of Home Economics
ISMED
Llamas Hall
Nat'l. Eng. Center
College of Education
College of Science
College of Social Work and Community
Development
Areas of Commercial Activity
CASAA
U.P. Cooperative Vicinity
U . P. Shopping Center
Vinzon's Hall
Bahay ng Alumni
Beach House Canteen
Health Service Parking Lot
Padi's Point Restaurant
Residence Halls
Yakal Vicinity
Ipil Vicinity
Molave Vicinity
Kalayaan Vicinity
Narra Vicinity
Others
U.PSunken Garden
SM City North Carpark*
NSRI Parking Lot
Main Library
Roxas Avenue
Total
48
5
5
3
3
2
2
2
2
9.00%
14
2.65%
2.00%
1.32%
0.66%
0.66%
0.66%
0.66%
0.66%
19.00%
6.00%
6.00%
3.31%
2.65%
1.32%
4.00%
1.32%
0.66%
0.66%
0.66%
0.66%
3
2
1
100.00%
1
29
9
9
5
4
2
6
2
1
1
151
* Occurred outside the U.P. Campus but Reported to the U.P. Diliman Police
49
Areas of Activity
Palma Hall Vicinity
College of Engineering
Registrar's Office
Malcolm Hall of Vicinity
Business Administration
Building
National Engineering
Center
Math Building
ISMED
College of Education
College of Science
Areas of Commercial
Activity
CASAA
U.P. Coop
Shopping Center
Beach House Canteen
Vinzon's Hall
Bahayng Alumni
Residence Halls
Molave Dormitoiy
Yakal Residence Hall
Ipil Residence Hall
Kalayaan Dormitory
Narra Residence Hall
SUBTOTAL
SUBTOTAL
52
27
4
7
3
25
10
8
2
1
2
0
0
2
1
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
i
0
1
0
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
1
1
6
1
0
2
i
0
8 -
2
1
0
0
1
2
2
7
1
6
2
Others
SUBTOTAL
9 -
U.P. Sunken Garden
0
Between Vinzon's
Hall and Business
i
Administration
Ma. Guerrero St.1
50
AREAS
Sa Gulod Beerhouse
(Cruz na Ligas)
Between Sunken
Garden and Business
Administration
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
73
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
0
0
42
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
22
and non-fraternity students at UPD from 1997-1998, Principe and
Zarco (unpublished paper) found that of 38 recorded instances of
fights/near-violent incidences, only two involved non-fraternity
students. Furthermore, among non-fraternity students, the violent
episodes were spontaneous. Fraternity-related violence, on the other
hand, was characterized by reprisals against rival fraternities, and as
such, involved more rationalization and planning, and often escalated
in frequency of occurrence.
Inter-fraternity conflicts in the UPD campus are not randomly
distributed throughout the academic year. As the data in Table 6
indicate, most of the fracases occur in the second half of an academic
term, and almost never during final exams week or registration
periods. One possible explanation for this pattern is that many of
the students involved in violent attacks are failing or doing poorly in
their coursework, and are facing dismissal or disqualification from the
University. To be sanctioned by U.P. for fighting may mask the pending
academic dismissal of the student from the University.
The areas in the UPD campus where most fraternity conflicts occur
are detailed in Table 7. From these records, it is clear that academic
buildings and accessways are where most of the fights arise. From
1991-1998, 68% of the recorded rumbles took place in or near academic
areas of the campus. Thirty percent occurred in the vicinity of Palma
Hall, which provides a large area for the congregation of students and
which is near many of the "tambayans" where student groups meet and
associate.
Not only are academic areas in campus the typical locations of interfraternity violence, but these incidents usually occur during those hours
of the day when students and faculty are most likely to be present. As
shown in Table 8, there are three peak time frames of fighting in the
campus - 11 am-2pm, 3pm-6pm, and 7pm- 12 midnight. Of these three
time periods, the most prominent is the 11 am-2pm time slot. This has
been especially true at Palma Hall, in which 27, or 69%, of the incidents
occurred during such time period. This pattern could be peculiar to U.P.
Diliman because the University is a largely residential institution.
an
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53
RUMBLE
6
7
8
TRUCE
10 October 1997
4 October 1997
7 October 1997
Sigma Rho vs. Alpha Phi Beta 13 October 1997 14 October 1997
Alpha Sigma vs.
26 November 1997 27 November 1997
Alpha Phi Beta
.PiSigma vs. Tau Gamma
2 February 1998 2 February 1998
Sigma Rho vs.
30 January 1998 30 January 1998
Upsilon Sigma Phi
* Unsigned, undated document given to the senior authority by the Vice-Chancellor for Student Affairs, in her
office, 1998, page 2.
54
55
and humiliate "fair game" until a hostile fraternity man, or one of the
coeds belonging to a sister sorority of a rival fraternity, is offended. A
fight is then triggered.
As mentioned earlier, Palma Hall has the largest number of triggers
at present. The colleges of Engineering and Law also have their share.
Less violent student organizations congregate at the periphery of the
Main Library building. Most fraternity fights are triggered in and
around the large academic oval (see Table 7 and Table 9).
Do the deans of colleges disperse violent fraternity groups, which
include non-students,from their respective buildings? No. The triggers
remain. Deans, through office personnel, remove chairs, benches, and
tables from these trigger areas to discourage the fraternity men from
hanging around, but dispersal is a remote option. They must have their
reasons. The repetitive cyclic fraternity gang fights could be associated
with truce and trigger factors.
3. The Nature of Gang Fights or "Rumbles".
The fraternity fights that elicit the imagery of two nearly equal
groups engaged in violence are called a rumble. This was in the 1960s
and 1970s. These days, highly violent fraternities have used the ambush
tactic - a surprise attack. Usually, an unsuspecting lone victim or a
small group is attacked by a larger armed group, riding in cars, and
wearing hoods. This is called a gan g up, in U.P. Police parlance.
A freshly triggered fight develops and escalates into a series of
encounters. The first could be weaponless, with just invectives and
threats, followed by the use of makeshift weapons, steel pipes and
baseball bats, hand-thrown explosives, and incendiaries. Eventually,
they start using knives and guns. The escalation of weaponry goes with
the protracted fight series.
The "triggers" may be in the academic buildings, but the rights spill
into the streets in campus. In the evening, the attacks continue in the
men's dorms, where the fraternity boys reside.
These past years, fraternity fights have in vehicle vandalism.
Hooded men armed with pipes and bats smash up their opponent's cars
in the parking lot. In the past, vandalism took on different forms. They
56
57
58
explains the low casualty rate of only five student deaths and one U.P.
police officer death? The same can be asked of hazing or initiations.
After 55 years of violent hazing practices in the U.P. Main campus, only
five or six students have died. The five or six deaths are the exception
rather than the rule.
As mentioned previously, death and serious injuries are kept
at a minimum because of the use of weaponry that are not as lethal
as expected. Why not submachine guns or extra capacity pistols, or
shotguns, or military assault rifles - all of which are available if the
protagonists desired to acquire or use them? Why just homemade pill
boxes and not military hand grenades? Why Molotov bombs and not
flame throwers to increase deaths and injuries? Five deaths in 41 years,
in around 1000 fraternity fights, is proof that extreme violence is not
intended to exterminate rival groups (see Tables 2 and 3).
When fraternities engage in a fight, members unite. Also, fights
project the image of a macho tough group which has become a value
in U.P. This explains why violent fraternities locate their hangouts in
places with voluminous pedestrian traffic. The tough reputation is for
everyone to see.
59
Types of Affiliation
15%
% OUT
RANK
F
ORGANIZATION CATEGORY, EXAMPLES
OF N=438
ORDER
84.11%
77.45%
6.66%
f
is
3.2%
1.82%
1.42%
0.22%
29
9.66%
8
5
3
4
6
8
8
8
10
91
20.7
54
12.3
33
7.5
32
7.3
29
6.6
23
5.25
21
4.8
21
Outdoors Club, Judo Club
Nationalist (Marxist or Leftist), e.g., League of
21
Filipino Students, Gabriela Youth, Sanlakas
Cultural orgs., e.g., UP Quill, Katha Lad, Theater 18
Council
4.8
Total
343
4.8
4.1
77.45%
membership, and help students adjust to the demands of the LSO. Such
groups become collegial, with strong camaraderie and mutual concern
for one another's welfare.
Throughout the years, students have created and organized such
groups. Today, the UP Diliman campus has 234 recognized campus
organizations - all voluntary student organizations with varying
categories.' Given this number and variety, students can choose
which suits them best. Of the 234, only 17 are fraternities. Our study
reveals that organizations with the most number of members are not
fraternities.
The current 234 student organizations prove the validity of
Schaefer's affiliation theory. These organizations perform a mediating
function between the LSO and the individual, which means that these
groups help the individual adjust to the LSO by providing the basic
social needs of the individual and by making the individual feel a sense
of belonging to a warm human group.
A separate study conducted by the senior author and his student
provides data on the nature of student affiliations. A survey on student
membership in voluntary associations in U.P. Diliman from FebruaryMarch 1999 was conducted with a probability sample size of N=438
out of a student population of 22,000 undergraduates; the sample error
is at 95%, and the level of confidence is 4% (Olba and Zarco 2000).
The results of this study are presented in the following list and table.
The above empirical data on affiliation reflect the variety of student
organizations that provide newcomers with a wide range of choices
to meet specific social needs. Despite parental warnings, students
confronted by a specific situation decide on their own whether or not to
join groups based on their personal circumstances.
62
63
CONCLUSIONS
Several characteristics of inter-fraternity violence at UPD can be
gleaned from this report: (1) only a small number of fraternities are
usually involved in r the fights; (2) the fracases demonstrate some
degree of planning and reprisal for previous incidents involving "rival"
fraternities; (3) the incidents usually occur in broad daylight and at
points of heavy traffic in the campus; (4) incidences of fighting show
cyclical patterns -there is an increase up to the point of death, a period of
significant decline in the next few years, and another gradual increase;
(5) the degree of injury resulting from these fracases is often light or
moderate, requiring minor medical attention, although as previously
64
65
66
67
References
Olba, Jennifer A., and Ricardo M. Zarco. 2000. "Student Organization Affiliation
and Substance Abuse in the U.P. Diliman Campus, February - March
1999"A study in progress. University of the Philippines - Diliman.
Alcaraz, Ramon A.1954. "The Albert Case, The Fraternities and Sororities, and
Their Control and Supervision by the Authorities of the University of the
Book
Festinger, Leon. 1 999.Group Dynamics, Third Edition. New York: Wadsworth.
Francisco, Vicente K. 1965. Was Ferdinand Marcos Responsible for the Death
Nalundasan? Manila: East Publishing Company.
of
Book Chapters
Lazaro, Guillermo R. 1985. "Gonzalez as an Adamant Visionary." P. 268 in The
Newspaper Articles
Alacaraz, Ramon A. 1997. "The Uses and Dangers of Hazing." Philippine
1951." P. 653in
The U P, First 75 Years, edited by Oscar M. Alfonso. Quezon City: U.P. Press.
Journal Articles
Interviews
Tirona, Alma G. 2000. Interview by the principal author, U. P. Diliman, Quezon
City, February 14.
Miralao, Lee. 2000. Interview by the principal author, Ateneo de Manila
University, Quezon City, February.
Aronson, Elliott and Judson Mills. 1959. "The Effect of Severity of Initiation on
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