Donald G. Schley Shiloh A Biblical City in Tradition and History JSOT Supplement 1989 PDF

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
SUPPLEMENT SERIES
63
Editors
David J A Clines
Philip R Davies
JSOT Press
Sheffield
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SHILOH
A Biblical City in
Tradition and History
Donald G. Schlcy
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Supplement Series 63
For Jan
Copyright 1989 Sheffield Academic Press

Published by JSOT Press
JSOT Press is an imprint of
Sheffield Academic Press Ltd
The University of Sheffield
343 Fulwood Road
Sheffield S10 3BP
England
Printed in Great Britain
by Billing & Sons Ltd
Worcester
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Schley, Donald G.
Shiloh: A biblical city in tradition
and history
I. Title II. Series
221.9'5
ISSN 0309-0787
ISBN 1-85075-161-7
CONTENTS
Abbreviations
Preface
Chapter 1
SHILOH IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY
OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM:
FROM DE WETTE TO THE RISE OF THE
NEW DOCUMENTARY HYPO T H E S I S
1.1 The Importance of Shiloh in the Critical Discussion
1.2 De Wette and his Successors
1.3 The Reaction to the Work of de Wette, Gramberg,
and Vatke
Chapter 2
THE WELLHAUSIAN REVOLUTION AND ITS CRITICS
2.1 The Emergence of a New Consensus
2.2 Julius Wellhausen
2.3 The Scholars of the Wellhausian School
2.4 The Critics of the Graf-Wellhausen Hypothesis
2.5 Other Departures from the Synthesis of Graf
and Wellhausen
Chapter 3
THE DISCUSSION OF SHILOH IN THE
TWENTIETH CENTURY
3.1 The Heritage of the Nineteenth Century
3.2 The Beginnings of the Archaeological Debate
3.3 The Danish Excavations
3.4 The Reaction to the Work of Buhl and Holm-Nielsen
3.5 Interpreting Shiloh's Archaeological Remains
3.6 The Literary-Historical Discussion of Shiloh
3.7 The Work of Kaufinann, de Vaux, and Haran
3.8 The Work of Eissfeldt, Cody, and Cross
8
9
11
11
13
20
43
43
44
47
50
60
65
65
67
68
72
76
80
82
88
3.9 Synopsis:
Shiloh's Place in the Twentieth-Century Debate
3.10 Conclusion: Summary of the Critical Issues
Pertaining to Biblical Shiloh
93
94
Chapter 4
SHILOH IN THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
101
4.1 Introduction: The Priestly Documents of Joshua 13-22 101
4.2 The Nature and Function of Joshua 14-22
in the Priestly History
105
4.3 Conclusion: The Place of Shiloh in Joshua 22
and the Priestly History
125
Chapter 5
SHILOH IN THE BOOK OF JUDGES
5.1 Introduction: Shiloh in Judges 17-21
5.2 Judg. 18.30, 31: The House of God at Shiloh
5.3 Judges 20-21: Shiloh in the Account of
the Benjaminite War
5.4 The Shilonite Cult in Judg. 21.16-24
5.5 Conclusion
127
127
128
131
135
137
Chapter 6
SHILOH IN THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL
6.1 Introduction
6.2 The Sanctuary at Shiloh
6.3 The Elide Priesthood at Shiloh
6.4 Samuel, Saul and Shiloh
6.5 The Capture and Exile of the Ark
6.6 The Expropriation of the Sacral Traditions of Shiloh
under David
161
Chapter 7
SHILOH IN THE LATER HISTORICAL BOOKS,
THE PSALMS, AND JEREMIAH
7.1 Shiloh in 1 Kings 11-15
7.2 Shiloh in Ps. 78.60-72
7.3 Shiloh in Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9
7.4 Shiloh in Jer. 41-45
165
165
167
171
181
139
139
140
142
152
157
7.5 Conclusions: The Destruction of Shiloh in

Psalm 78 and Jeremiah
181
Chapter 8
THE TRADITIONS AND HISTORY
OF BIBLICAL SHILOH
8.1 The Traditions
8.2 The History of Biblical Shiloh
185
185
191
Appendix
Notes
Bibliography
Index of Biblical References
Index of Authors
202
207
239
247
254
ABBREVIATIONS
AJA
ANET
BA
BAR
BASOR
CBQ
EAEHL
El
Encjud
HBD
HUCA
IDB(S)
IEJ
IJH
JbDT
JBL
JNES
JPOS
JSOT
JSS
JTS
KS
NedTT
NKZ
OTS
PEFQS
PEQ
QDAP
SAT
Sem
TWAT
VT(S)
ZDPV
American Journal of Archaeology

Ancient Near Eastern Texts (ed. J.B. Pritchard)
Biblical Archaeologist
Biblical Archaeological Review
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy
Land (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society)
Eretz Israel (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society)
Encyclopaedia Judaica
Harper's Bible Dictionary (New York: Harper & Row,
1974, 1985)
Hebrew Union College Annual
Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (Supplement)
Israel Exploration Journal
Israelite andjudean History (ed. J.H. Hayes & J.M. Miller)
Jahrbucher fur Deutsche Theologie
Journal of Biblical Literature
Journal of Near Eastern Studies
Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
Journal of Semitic Studies
Journal of Theological Studies
A. Alt, Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel (3
vols.; 4th edn, Munchen: Beck, 1968)
Nederlandse Theologische Tijdschrift
Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift
Oudtestamentische Studien
Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement
Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine
Die Schriften des Ahen Testaments (ed. H. Gressmann, et a/.)
Semitica
Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alien Testament
Vetus Testamentum (Supplement)
Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina-Vereins
PREFACE
This work was originally presented to the faculty of Emory
University in August, 1986, as a dissertation under the title, 'The
Traditions and History of Biblical Shiloh'. From its inception the
project was intended to provide a thorough critical review of the
historical issues involving the ancient Ephraimite sanctuary. My
personal goal was to establish a fresh basis for the discussion of
Shiloh's role in Israelite history and religion, especially in view of the
numerous unspoken assumptions which have accrued to this debate
during the last several generations. Therefore, the research was
undertaken from a forschungsgeschichtlich perspective, with special
emphasis on the origins of the modern debate in the contradictory
positions taken on the subject by Ewald and Graf in the middle of the
nineteenth century. And it is noteworthy that the present discussion
has not really moved beyond the place it was 130 years ago.
Nevertheless, the aim of this work is not primarily the delineation
of the history of the debate. Rather, the Forschungsgeschichte which
dominates the first half of the book is meant to establish an informed
basis for evaluating the evidence of the second half, which is critical
and interpretative, and which focuses upon the biblical text. Thus
the argument seeks to move from an understanding of the historical
debate to a fresh evaluation of the evidence, which is somewhat free
from uncritical assumptions about the course of Shiloh's history and
its significance for the history and religion of ancient Israel.
Especial thanks are due John H. Hayes for his constant interest in
and criticism of this work, from beginning to end, and to Max Miller
for encouraging me in the development of certain of the more novel
ideas which appear in these pages. A debt of gratitude is also owed to
the faculties of Old Testament and Assyriology of the University of
Gottingen for their dedication in teaching me classical biblical
criticism, and for their willingness to discuss with me departures
10
Shiloh
from, or new venues within that tradition. Finally, I am indebted to

my wife, Jan, for her ten years of sacrifice in support of my research
and education, which alone has made this book possible. This work is
dedicated to her.
D.G. Schley
30 October 1987
Chapter 1
SHILOH IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY
OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM: FROM DE WETTE
TO THE RISE OF THE NEW DOCUMENTARY HYPOTHESIS
1.1 The Importance of Shiloh in the Critical Discussion
Although the biblical city of Shiloh was hardly the central focus of
Old Testament criticism in the nineteenth century, scholars of that
era almost always discussed Shiloh in connection with the problems
of the nature of early Israelite worship and the centralization of the
cult. On the one hand, Shiloh during the pre-monarchic period was
associated with the traditions of the wilderness cultus. Not only was
the tent shrine located at Shiloh Josh. 18.1; 19.51b; 22.19,29; 1 Sam.
2.22b; Ps. 78.60, 67), but the other major features of the priestly
cultus were found there as well: the camp (Josh. 18.9; Judg. 21.12);
the ark (1 Sam. 3.3; 4.4-6; 14.18); the priesthood of Aaron (Josh.
19.51b; 21.1-2; 22.12-13, 30-32; 24.33; 1 Samuel 1-4); the altar (Josh.
22.9-34); and the 'ephod (1 Sam. 14.3). On the other hand, Shiloh
appears only once in texts pertaining to this period in connection
with the tradition of strict cultic centralization: in Josh. 22.9-34, the
Israelites call upon the Transjordanian tribes to explain a seemingly
schismatic altar erected by those groups in the territory of the Jordan
upon their return from the conquest of Palestine. Elsewhere,
however, Shiloh is found alongside other apparently legitimate
Yahwistic shrines in the pre-monarchic period (esp. Mizpah and
Bethel: Judg. 20-21). During the period of the monarchy, Shiloh
plays a less important role. In 1 Kings 11-15, Shiloh is the domicile
of the prophet Ahijah, who first anoints Jeroboam as king over the
northern tribes, yet later condemns that king for the erection of the
shrines at Dan and Bethel. Ps. 78.60-72 and Jer. 7.12-15, moreover,
represent Shiloh as the spiritual predecessor to Jerusalem. Jeremiah
designates Shiloh as 'the place where Yahweh caused his name to
dwell at first', employing a specifically deuteronomic formula. The
12
Shiloh
eclipse of Shiloh by Jerusalem in conjunction with the rise of the

Davidic monarchy appears to lie behind the oracle in Gen. 49.10-12
as well.
The main reason for Shiloh's importance in the debate over the
centralization of the cult was as follows. In the law of Deuteronomy
12, a single, central place of worship is prescribed for the Israelites.
That law, however, never actually designated a site for the sanctuary,
though most scholars since W.M.L. de Wette have assumed that the
centralization law in Deuteronomy referred to Jerusalem. The
priestly laws of Exodus-Numbers, similarly, did not give any
command regarding the place of worship in a specific, geographic
sense. Worship in the priestly code centered instead on the
wilderness camp of the Israelites. In this context, worship and
sacrifice were to be carried out at a specific institution: the tent
sanctuary, alternately designated the 'ohel-md'ed (the 'tent of
meeting') or the miskan-Yhwh (the 'dwelling-place of Yahweh'),
usually translated 'the tabernacle of Yahweh'. According to Lev.
17.1-9, the only legitimate place of sacrifice for the Israelites in the
wilderness was this tent shrine. Apart from the ambivalence of the
designation of the tent shrine, this institution all but disappears from
the historical books following the Israelite conquest of Canaan.
When there is mention of this shrine, it is nearly always in
connection with Shiloh. The only exceptions are a single reference in
1 Kgs. 8.4, where the tent of meeting is brought up with the ark of the
covenant into the temple in Jerusalem, and two references in 2
Chron. 1.2,6. In the latter texts, which parallel that in 1 Kgs 8.4, the
tent of meeting is brought from the great high place of Gibeon to
Jerusalem. 1 Chron. 21.29, and 2 Chron. 1.5 contain further notes on
the tabernacle of Yahweh, which roughly parallel those in 1 Kings.
Thus, Shiloh is the only place associated with the tent shrine before
the reigns of David and Solomon.
During the nineteenth century, then, it was possible to use the
biblical traditions about Shiloh either (a) to demonstrate the absence
of a knowledge of the Mosaic law restricting the worship of Yahweh
to a single sanctuary prior to the establishment of the temple in
Jerusalem, and down into the later years of the Judean monarchy
(when the reforms of Josiah were put into effect), or (b) to claim
continuity between the cultic regulations of the Pentateuch and the
early pre-monarchic and settlement periods. In either case, scholars
1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism
13
were obliged to cite those particular passages which seemed to

support their respective cases, while simultaneously explaining away
the various passages which cast doubt upon their positions. The role
of Shiloh in the early history of Israel was therefore an important
topic in the discussion of the centralization of worship in premonarchic Israel.
Nonetheless, Shiloh did not attract sufficient interest in scholarly
circles to become the subject of a separate controversy. Instead, the
question of Shiloh's status in Israel's early period nearly always arose
in the context of the larger literary-critical and historical issues
regarding the relationship of pentateuchal law to the narratives of the
historical books, particularly as this problem related to the centralization of the cult. Consequently, scholarly opinion concerning
Shiloh was usually formulated in treatments of these larger issues.
Only Karl Heinrich Graf saw fit to prepare a separate treatment on
Shiloh: in 1855 he published a little-known Latin monograph on the
temple at Shiloh, which encompassed most of the major issues that
subsequently occupied scholars with regard to Shiloh.1 Otherwise,
Shiloh continued to play an important tangential role in the Old
Testament criticism of the nineteenth century.
1.2 De Wette and his Successors
1.2.1 De Wette
The scholar who more than any other influenced the course of the
nineteenth-century debate over the relationship of pentateuchal law
to the narratives of the historical books was W.M.L. de Wette.
Although one might think first of Julius Wellhausen,2 Wellhausen's
influence came at the end of the century and contributed above all to
the consensus on pentateuchal sources which emerged during the
last quarter of the nineteenth and the first quarter of the twentieth
centuries. It was de Wette's work, however, which introduced the
basic argumentative framework upon which later scholars such as
Gramberg, Vatke, Graf, and Wellhausen would develop and build. In
fact, de Wette's Beitrdge zur Einleitung in das Alte Testament,3 first

published as a supplement to Vater's Commentar iiber den Pentateuch,
established the terms of debate on the authenticity of the pentateuchal
law, and the relationship of that law to the narratives of the historical
books, from that time down to the present.
14
Shiloh
De Wette's most salient contribution to this debate was the way he

posed the question of the reliability of the pentateuchal claim that
the Law came from Moses. De Wette addressed this problem by
juxtaposing and then comparing the materials of the pentateuchal
narratives with those of the Old Testament historical books. From
this arrangement of the evidence he argued that the characteristic
feature of pentateuchal law was the prescription of a single, central
place of worship, with a ritual law administered by a monolithic,
hierarchical priesthood. In contrast to these key Mosaic prescriptions,
the books of Judges-2 Kings reflected a situation where no such
centralized worship or cultic hierarchy could be found.4 Instead of a
single central sanctuary,5 de Wette pointed out that three main
sanctuaries appear in the book of Judges: Mizpah (Judg. 11.11; 20.1;
21.1, 5, 8), Bethel (20.18, 26; 21.2-4), and Shiloh (Judg. 18.31; 21.12,
16-24).6 Moreover, priestly rights and authority seemed to have
resided with the heads of families and clans, and sacrifice could take
place when and wherever the patriarch of the group chose.7 Where
evidence of priesthood was found, the particular priesthood was not
expressly levitical, and was more often irregular, as in the case of the
priesthood at Dan (Judg. 18.30), that of Micah in the Ephraimite hill
country (Judg. 17), that of the house of Eli at Shiloh (1 Sam. 1-4), or
that of Samuel, who was not a Levite, but rather a child simply
dedicated to the deity through the free vow of its mother. Thus, de
Wette argued, the narratives of the historical books were devoid of
any knowledge of Mosaic law. That law accordingly had to be
ascribed to a period in Israelite history later than the composition of
the books of the former prophets.
Thus, de Wette's approach to the problem of the relationship of
pentateuchal law to the narratives of the historical books treated
Shiloh as one of many holy places at which the Israelites worshipped
Yahweh in the time before Josiah's reign.8 Overall, de Wette's views
on the history of the Israelite cultus can be summarized as follows.
Until the construction of the temple in Jerusalem under Solomon,
there had been no thought of a national holy place where worship of
Yahweh was to be carried out to the exclusion of all other
sanctuaries. The Mosaic law, in fact, was not set into force until the
time of Josiah.9 All traces of cultic centralization to be found in the
historical books were interpolations from later periods, and therefore
useless for the reconstruction of the earlier periods of Israel's cultic
15
history. Institutions such as the 'tent of meeting', which had assumed

a central role in the pentateuchal narratives, were ideal retrojections
(Riickprojezierungen) from the time of the monarchy.10 The tent of
meeting, which in the historical books is associated only with Shiloh
until the capture of the ark of Yahweh by the Philistines (1 Sam. 4),
and thereafter only with Gibeon and later Jerusalem, was a fictional
conception based on the model of the Solomonic temple.11 If there
was any factual basis to this institution, it was to be found only in the
brief reference in Exod. 33.7-11 to Moses' pitching of a simple tent
outside of the camp which he then named the 'tent of meeting'. Of
the famed Mosaic tabernacle (the miSkdn or dwelling-place) only the
tent of meeting as depicted in Exod. 33.7-11 might preserve the
memory of some historical reality.12
De Wette gave a more detailed treatment of the specific history of
Shiloh in his Lehrbuch der hebraisch-jiidischen ArchaeologieP In this
work he argued that the tent of meeting became historically
uncertain after the time of Joshua, and that no certain trace of its
whereabouts appeared until the time of David. De Wette sought
possible locations for this shrine at Mizpah in Gilead (Judg. 21.11),
Shiloh (1 Sam. 1-3), Mizpah in Benjamin (Judg. 20.1; 21.1, 5, 8),
Bethel (Judg. 20.28; 21.2), Gilgal (Judg. 3.19; 1 Sam. 7.16; 11.15;
13.8,11; 25.21,33), Nob (1 Sam. 21.1-9; 22.9ff.), and Hebron (2 Sam.
5.3; 15.7), all of which he considered to be uncertain. This treatment
might at first appear to contradict the view expressed by de Wette in
his earlier Beitrdge. However, de Wette's treatment of the tent shrine
in his Lehrbuch reflected his already stated view that the 'ohel-mo'ed
might have been historical as it appeared in Exod. 33.7-11, but
certainly not as it was depicted in Exodus 26-27.
In addition, de Wette treated previous explanations of the
disappearance of the tent shrine in the later historical narratives.
Several earlier attempts had been made to interpret Mizpah and
Bethel as appelative nouns for Shiloh.14 These same arguments had
been taken up by certain biblical scholars as a means of explaining
the apparent discrepancy between the demand for a single, central
shrine in Deuteronomy 12, and the presence of multiple Yahwistic
shrines in the books of Judges-2 Kings. The sacral role of Bethel and
Mizpah in Judges 20-21, where Shiloh also appeared as the site of
the camp (Judg. 21.12) and the yearly feast of Yahweh (Judg. 21.19),
necessitated some explanation for this apparent contradiction to
16
Shiloh
pentateuchal law. But de Wette dismissed these arguments as

arbitrary, noting instead that the biblical writers themselves had
taken pains to distinguish these various shrines. A case in point is the
exact description of Shiloh's geographic location found in Judg.
21.19. These careful directions come immediately after several
references to Bethel and Mizpah, which are given no further
clarification, as if both writer and audience knew their locations.
Consequently, Bethel and Mizpah were not alternate designations
for Shiloh, but rather, completely different locations.15 Of equal
importance was de Wette's treatment of the note in Maimonides to
the effect that 'after the death of Eli, the dwelling at Shiloh was
destroyed (or deserted?), and they went to Nob, and built there a
sanctuary'.16 Maimonides' conclusion was later to play an important
role in the debate over the destruction of Shiloh. It is, in fact, the
earliest known mention of a destruction of Shiloh in connection with
the disaster at Aphek. De Wette ascribed this tradition to mere
caprice {Willkiir), and further discounted the reference to the tent of
meeting at Gibeon in the Chronicles.17
De Wette's major contribution to the historical discussion came in
the form of the questions he raised about the relationship of the
narratives of the historical books to the laws of the Pentateuch,
rather than in the form of definitive answers. Yet the prominence
Shiloh had assumed in the discussion of the centralization issue in de
Wette's treatment was one which it would occupy throughout the
rest of that century and on into the next.
1.2.2 Winer
De Wette's groundbreaking work did not, however, establish a
consensus in the academic world of the early nineteenth century.
Thus, Georg Benedikt Winer's Biblisches Realworterbuch, first
published in 1820, described Shiloh as the 'seat of the tabernacle and
of the national cultus from Joshua to Eli'.18
Nevertheless, Winer, in his treatment of the tabernacle,19 supported
de Wette's conclusion that the pentateuchal image of the tabernacle
was actually a retrojection of the Jerusalem temple:
One must therefore accept that the saga of that cultic tent was
fantastically embellished, so that out of a simple, portable
sanctuary a magnificent, idealized palacea fairy castleemerged
in the tradition.20
17
Winer thus accepted the historicity of the tent of meeting, not as the
tent sanctuary was depicted in the Exodus 26-27, 35-40, but as it
appeared in Exod. 33.7-11. Later scholars such as Graf and
Wellhausen adopted de Wette's view of the tent shrine, but went
further than either de Wette or Winer and consigned the tent
sanctuary entirely to the realm of fiction.
1.2.3 Gramberg
The publication of C.P.W. Gramberg's Kritische Geschichte der
Religionsideen des Alten Testaments in 1829 continued many of the
positions first advanced by de Wette.21 Thus Gramberg maintained
de Wette's view of the tent of meeting, contrasting the simple tent of
Exod. 33.7-11 with the tabernacle or Prachtzelt of Exodus 26-27,3540, which he regarded as mythical.22 Gramberg also took the
narrative of Joshua 22 to be a fictional creation by an editor seeking
to demonstrate that the laws of Moses were in force already at the
time of Joshua.23 Gramberg further shared de Wette's contempt for
the books of Chronicles as an historical source24 and asserted the
innocence of the historical books with regard to Mosaic law and the
centralization of the cultus. Consequently Gramberg accepted the
necessity of assigning to the pentateuchal law a later date of
composition than the books of Joshua-2 Kings. As a corollary to this
principle, Gramberg agreed with de Wette's insight that those
passages in the historical books in which the forms of the Mosaic
cultus were present, such as Joshua 22, had to be dated to the latest
period of Israelite history.
Nevertheless, Gramberg maintained certain significant differences
with de Wette. He explained, for example, the confusing reference to
variant sanctuaries in the later chapters of the book of Judges in
terms of the idea that the tent of meeting had been at Shiloh during
the pre-monarchic period. At the same time, Gramberg rejected as
dependent upon the narratives Judges those passages in Joshua
which alone would have made such a view tenable (e.g. Josh. 18.1-10;
19.51; 21.2; 22.9, 28-29).25 Conversely, Gramberg argued that the
bet-hd'elohim at Shiloh in Judg. 18.31 was in fact a reference to the
tent of meeting,26 and also took the reference to Bethel in Judg. 20.10,
26 as referring to the bet-hd'elohim in Shiloh, while at the same time
interpreting Bethel in Judg. 21.2 loosely as 'the dwelling-place of
God'. These arguments presaged those of later, more conservative
18
Shiloh
scholars, who sought to defend the authenticity of the Mosaic cultus

in the early period of Israel's history.27
In a somewhat different fashion, Gramberg interpreted the hekalYhwh and the ner-'Elohim in 1 Samuel 1-4 as Solomonic anachronisms
and argued that the writer had here interpolated his own view of the
temple of Solomon. The only sanctuary at Shiloh, according to
Gramberg, had been the tent of meeting.28 Gramberg further argued
that after the capture of the ark by the Philistines, the tent of meeting
and the ark had been separated. With the return of the ark, that cult
object had continued to be transported into battle (1 Sam. 14.18),
while the tent remained at Shiloh where it was no longer venerated.29
Whereas Gramberg's general critical assumptions corresponded to
those of de Wette, the details of his work revealed a piecemeal
approach which did not fully incorporate de Wette's views. Indeed,
many of the arguments advanced by Gramberg concerning the tent
of meeting at Shiloh in the period of the Judges and the appellative
use of bet-hd'elohim and bet-'el for that sanctuary, which de Wette
himself had refuted, were taken up anew by later opponents of de
Wette's work. These arguments were used particularly in attempts to
defuse de Wette's case against the existence of a single national shrine
in the pre-monarchic period.30
1.2.4 Vatke
The next vigorous proponent of views similar to those of de Wette
was Wilhelm Vatke. Vatke's Biblische Theologie, published in 1835,31

further developed de Wette's arguments regarding the emergence of
the Mosaic cultus at the end of Israel's history. In this connection,
Vatke argued that the unity of the people of Israel and the
centralization of the cult as expressed in Exodus-Numbers could
only have occurred as the result of a cultural unification of the people
at a later date.32 Vatke also shared de Wette's view that multiple
sanctuaries had been in use in Israel before the elevation of
Jerusalem under David and Solomon.
At the same time, Vatke maintained certain of the positions first
propounded by Gramberg, which would be used in later attempts to
undercut de Wette's case against the antiquity of pentateuchal law.
With regard to the sanctuary at Shiloh, Vatke contended that bet-'el
and bet-hd'elohim each referred to the 'dwelling-place of God'. These
terms had designated not actual temple buildings, but rather, tent-
19
like structures, or mobile sanctuaries; only Ba'al had been worshipped

in a temple proper. Vatke did not mean to challenge de Wette's
observations at this point, but rather, to draw a sharp distinction
between the nomadic cultus of the Israelites and the sedentary,
cultured worship of Ba'al.34 Vatke further considered the use of
women in the menial service of the cult, as described in Exod. 38.8
and mentioned in 1 Sam. 2.22b, to have been an early custom; only
later had these women been replaced by the Levites.35 Of these
views, the appelative significance of bet-'el and bet-hd'elohim for the
tent sanctuary was taken up by more conservative scholars seeking to
harmonize the manifold references to various cultic sites in the premonarchic period with the deuteronomic prescriptions for a single,
central sanctuary.36
As in the work of Gramberg and de Wette, Shiloh played only a
peripheral role in Vatke's treatment of Israelite religion, while
simultaneously taking a central place in the debate over the
centralization of the cult. Despite Vatke's continuation and development
of de Wette's insights, a new consensus was about to emerge which
would nearly smother the historical considerations which they had
raised concerning the nature of cult and worship in the early history
of Israel.
1.2.5 Robinson and Smith's Biblical Researches
Before embarking upon a treatment of this new trend in scholarship,
it is important to remark upon a small but vital step taken in the
recovery of the history of biblical Shiloh. In 1838, Edward Robinson,
professor of biblical literature at Union Theological Seminary in
New York, traveled to Palestine with Eli Smith, a colleague who had
a command of Arabic. Robinson and Smith criss-crossed Palestine,
recording the local Arabic place-names, including those of uninhabited
ruins. On the basis of this research, Robinson and Smith were able
for the first time to draw correlations between biblical place-names
and the modern Arabic place-names of Palestine.37 Among the sites
identified in this manner was a ruin in the central Palestinian hills
called in Arabic Tell Seilun. Robinson and Smith saw that this Arabic
name corresponded to the Hebrew siloh/silo or Shiloh.38
Heretofore, the approximate location of Shiloh had been known
only through the Onomastikon of Eusebius, and through the
directions to the site given in Judg. 21.19. Robinson and Smith were
20
Shiloh
now able to make a precise determination of the geographic situation

of Shiloh on the basis of the Arabic, which appeared to have
preserved the ancient Semitic name known through the Hebrew
Bible. The work of Robinson and Smith thus brought the recovery of
the history of biblical Shiloh one step closer to realization.
1.3 The Reaction to the Work of de Wette, Gramberg, and Vatke
1.3.1 Hengstenberg
A year after Robinson and Smith made their journey, Ernst Wilhelm
Hengstenberg of the University of Berlin published his comprehensive
critique of the analysis of the pentateuchal cultus which de Wette,
Gramberg, and Vatke had developed.39 Hengstenberg's work hardly
disproved de Wette's theories, but it did set the stage for a more
conservative consensus which lasted nearly half a century. In
general, Hengstenberg argued that the Mosaic origin of the law of the
Pentateuch was authentic. He attempted to prove that pentateuchal
law had been in force in the early period of Israelite history by
showing that there was evidence for the practice of these laws in the
books of Joshua, Judges and Samuel.
Hengstenberg began his work by attacking the historical premise
on which de Wette had based his analysis. Behind de Wette's critique
of the Mosaic origins of the law lay two key factors: the evident
incongruity between the stipulations of Mosaic law and the actual
history of Israel as depicted in Joshua-2 Kings, and the historical
assumption that the Israelites, having been provided by Moses with
sensible forms of worship, and a priesthood to guarantee popular
obedience to that worship, would never have turned to proscribed
forms of religion. The biblical account led one to believe, however,
that not only were the Israelites always ready to turn away from the
Yahwistic cult, but that the priests were most often the leaders of the
apostasy. Accordingly, the Israelites' propensity to turn to forms of
worship condemned in pentateuchal law demonstrated the simple
and non-hierocratic nature of their religion.40 In fact, neither law nor
cult had existed at an early date, and the conflict between the
worship of Yahweh and idolatry had arisen only much later, perhaps
under Assyrian influence.
Hengstenberg, on the other hand, maintained that the biblical
account was based on a more realistic view of human nature than
21
that of de Wette. He argued that the laws of the Pentateuch, with

their strict emphasis on sin and repentence and on Yahweh's
holiness, would have posed severe hardships for a people living in
close contact with the fertility cults of Canaan, which stressed the
power of nature and nature deities, and catered to human pleasure
and sensuality.41
Hengstenberg followed this attack on de Wette's critical presuppositions with a point-by-point treatment of the specific biblical passages
upon which de Wette had built his arguments. Much of the tone of
this part of Hengstenberg's work was apologetic, however, which fact
led to a rejection of much of his scholarship. Scholars such as Ewald,
who were similarly opposed to the views of de Wette and his
colleagues and yet were committed to a critical reconstruction of
pentateuchal sources which took seriously the Mosaic origins of the
Yahwistic cultus, dismissed Hengstenberg as uncritical.42 Nevertheless,
it is precisely because Hengstenberg's work was widely perceived to
have been apologetic, and lacking in critical merit, that one must
examine his treatment of certain of these positions, especially those
having to do with Shiloh.
To begin, Hengstenberg denied that any discrepancy existed
between the establishment of the central sanctuary at Shiloh (Josh.
18.1; 22.9-34) according to pentateuchal law (Lev. 17; Deut. 12) and
the apparent freedom of worship and sacrifice elsewhere in Joshua
(Josh. 24) and Judges (e.g. Judg. 6; 20, 21). In Joshua's raising of the
great stone 'under the oak in the sanctuary of Yahweh' at Shechem
(Josh. 24) the word miqdds referred not to a building per se, but
rather to a holy place. A breach of the law would have taken place
only if Joshua had sacrificed there. As it was, Joshua merely sought
out a venerated holy site for the setting aside of the foreign gods.43
Hengstenberg further contended that in the narrative of Judges, any
site of the appearance of the deity was considered to have been a
'holy place', and the person witnessing such an appearance was pro
tempore priest.44 Thus, Gideon's altar at 'Ophrah (Judg. 6) would
have constituted a breach of the law only if Gideon had erected a
permanent
cultus.45
Hengstenberg
raised
similar
objections
to
treating the other holy places in Judges as breaches of the

centralization law. Mizpah (Judg. 20.1) had not been chosen as a
holy site, but for its proximity to Gibeah.46 Bethel, likewise, was not
a proper holy place, or sanctuary, but only the temporary seat of the
22
Shiloh
ark during the war against Gibeah and the Benjaminites; the true
seat of both the ark and the tent of meeting had been Shiloh.47
Hengstenberg sought not only to demonstrate that the narratives
ofJoshua-2 Kings did not contradict the laws of the Pentateuch, but
that these narratives offered positive evidence for the practice of
those laws as well. His first step was to show that there had been a
central shrine during the pre-monarchic period. To this end
Hengstenberg argued from the references to Shiloh in Joshua 18-22
that Shiloh had been the central shrine of the Mosaic cultus in the
pre-monarchic period.48 He further supported this claim on the basis
of the cryptic statement by the wandering Levite in Judg. 19.18:
zve'et-bet Yhwh 'dni holek, which he translated, 'and I frequent the
house of God'.49 Hengstenberg used this statement as a proof for the
existence of a single national shrine at the time in which this story
was set. Hengstenberg cited the reference to the bet-hd'elohim besiloh
('the house of God at Shiloh', Judg. 18.31) as further proof of the
existence of a single, central shrine at Shiloh during Israel's early
history.50
Hengstenberg raised the additional argument that Shiloh had been
the site of the celebration of the Passover feast immediately following
the war with Benjamin (Judg. 21.19). Moreover, he claimed that all
the great feasts had been celebrated there.51 In this connection,
Hengstenberg concluded that the hag-Yhwh ('the feast of Yahweh,
Judg. 21.19) referred specifically to the Passover. He appealed to the
phrase miyydmim ydmimdh (lit. 'from days to days', usually
understood as 'yearly, annually') in the same verse to corroborate
this thesis, since the same usage occurred in conjunction with the
prescriptions for the Passover in Exod. 13.10. Similarly, Hengstenberg
interpreted the dancing of the maidens in Judg. 21.21 in parallel with
the dancing of maidens led by Miriam in Exod. 15.20. He then used
this interpretation as additional evidence for the celebration of the
Passover during the period of the Judges, claiming that the song of
Mirian was set within the seven days' Passover celebration.52 Finally,
Hengstenberg cited the use of miyydmim ydmimdh in 1 Sam. 1.252 as
additional evidence that this yearly feast had been celebrated at
Shiloh.54
The most important passage in Hengstenberg's argument for a
central shrine at Shiloh in the pre-monarchical period, however, was
1 Samuel 1-3.55 The references to the bet-Yhwh ('the house of
23
Yahweh', 1 Sam. 1.7, 24; 3.15), the hekal-Yhwh ('the temple of

Yahweh', 1 Sam. 1.9; 3.3), and the tent of meeting (1 Sam. 2.22) all
pointed to Shiloh as the exclusive national shrine. Hengstenberg
cited the important passages in Psalm 78 and Jer. 7.12 and 26.6 in
support of his argument, and further noted, on the basis of Jer. 7.12,
that the Shilonite sanctuary had been destroyed in the war with the
Philistines. The city itself, however, had continued down through the
monarchical period; Jeremiah's prophecy had only meant to point to
the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem.56
Hengstenberg's work concerning the national shrine in premonarchical Israel was crucial to the formation of the mid-century
consensus. Most, if not all, of the arguments called forth by
successive conservative scholars who held the view that there was a
central Israelite sanctuary according to Mosaic law in the period
before the dominance of Jerusalem were to be found in rudimentary
form in Hengstenberg's defense of the authenticity of the Pentateuch.
Nevertheless, his work did not exert the decisive influence on Old
Testament scholarship in the middle of the nineteenth century. That
honor fell to the Gfittinger Orientalist, Heinrich Ewald.
1.3.2 Ewald
In 1845, only six years after the appearance of Hengstenberg's
defence of the authenticity of the Pentateuch, Ewald published the
first edition of his Geschichte des volkes Israel, in seven Volumes.57
firstedidionofhisGeschichtedesVolkesIsrael,insevenvolums.5Thi
7 swork,unlikethatofHengstenberg,couldnotbefaultedas
'apologetic'. On the contrary, Ewald's treatment was highly 'critical':
it included afive-stagesupplementary theory of pentateuchal growth
and was the first comprehensive attempt by a modern critical scholar
to present a systematic reconstruction of Israelite history.58
To begin, Ewald adopted some of the more radical positions put
forth by de Wette, attributing the preponderance of the imagery
associated with the tent of meeting and the tabernacle in Exodus 2531, 35-40 to the influence of the Solomonic temple upon the
pentateuchal prescriptions, although he also regarded the Solomonic
temple as having been built according to the model of the sacral
tent.59 Ewald also considered Deuteronomy to be the latest addition
to the Hexateuch, as de Wette had done, and attributed to its author
the final revision of the Hexateuch as a whole.60
Conversely, Ewald maintained the early provenance of much of
24
Shiloh
the material which de Wette had wanted to relegate to the later

period of Israelite history,61 and advocated a 'supplementary
hypothesis' in contrast to de Wette's 'fragmentary hypothesis'. Thus,
while much of the description of the tabernacle had to be attributed
to the experience of the Jerusalem temple, the tent shrine itself had
been real, in a way that de Wette hardly would have conceded:
Now the sacred Tabernacle of Moses had long been recognised as
the great central point of the religion and constitution of the
people, and the Ark of the Covenant had just received an accession
of glory by its reception in Solomon's Temple, built after the model
of the Tabernacle; and therefore . . . the author starts from that
visible sanctuary and describes how it was executed, with all its
contents and appurtenances, after the divine model shown to
Moses by Jahweh (Ex. xxv-xxxi), and was to be built by human
hands upon the earth that it might be entered by the priests in their
robes of office, or by Moses, and the sacred rites be performed in it
(Ex. xxxv-xl).62
Another important point on which Ewald differed markedly from de
Wette was in the interpretation of the history of Israel following the
conquest of Canaan. De Wette had seen national unity as something
which had been achieved only in the period of the monarchy. The
disorder and disunity reflected in the book of Judges had been the
dominant characteristic of Israelite life before the establishment of
the monarchy.
In this connection, Hengstenberg had already challenged de
Wette's position with respect to the unity of the cult, and Ewald's
critique followed a similar tack, though in a more developed form.
Ewald had a high regard for the relationship between tradition and
actual history, and on this basis he argued for the authenticity of the
traditions of Israel's apostasy from orthodox Yahwism in Palestine
soon after the Israelites had entered the Promised Land (cf. Judg.
2.6-13). Ewald used the figure of the wandering Levite in Judges 1718 to illustrate his thesis,63 and he related these traditions to the
scattering of Levi and Simeon (Gen. 49.5-7). Above all, the
dispersion of the Levites and the unsittlich founding of the Danite
priesthood by a Levite (Judg. 18.30) seemed to Ewald to offer certain
evidence of a radical decline of the Mosaic religion after the
settlement of the Israelites in Palestine.64 As further evidence of this
decline, Ewald cited the corruption of the sons of both Eli and
25
Samuel (1 Sam. 2.12-17, 22; 8.1-3), which had made necessary the
emergence of a new institution to replace that of judgeship.65 While
the monarchy had emerged from a period of anarchy, then, it only
succeeded in restoring a former unity which had been lost through
the moral and institutional decline during the time of the judges.
Ewald also put forth a different interpretation of the priesthood
than that of de Wette. De Wette had argued that the pre-monarchical
cultic life had been characterized not by an established priesthood
and priestly regulations, but by the reign of freedom:
As with the patriarchs and the Homeric Greeks, God's open sky
was his temple, every mealtime a sacrifice, every auspicious or
strange occasion a sacral festival, and every prophet, king and
family head without further ado priest.66
De Wette had relied heavily upon the narratives in Judges and
Samuel to make this point.67 Ewald, however, accepted the historical
authenticity of the Aaronic line, and argued that Eli was portrayed as
the proper high priest in 1 Samuel according to pentateuchal law,
despite the fact that the later genealogies in the Chronicles
overlooked him entirely (1 Chron. 6.3-15; 24.1-5).68
Ewald's treatment of Shiloh differed still more radically from that
of de Wette. According to Ewald's reconstruction, Shiloh had been
the central shrine of the Israelite tribal confederacy during the premonarchical period. Joshua had established Shiloh as Israel's central
sanctuary when he had had the ark brought there from the camp at
Gilgal.69 Ewald supported this view by referring to Ps. 78.60-72 and
Jer. 7.12-15, which Hengstenberg had already drawn into the
discussion.70 No other city, Ewald noted, was ever set on equal
footing with Jerusalem in the biblical traditions.71
To be sure, Shiloh had been important to the tribes for its central
location, but that importance, just as that of Gilgal, did not go back
to patriarchal times. There had been many other places stemming
from the pre- or post-Mosaic periods which claimed a certain
sanctity, and where altars were to be found. Such a shrine was at
Bethel.72 Further examples of sanctuaries stemming from the presettlement period were Shechem,73 Gilgal,74 and Mizpah.75 Bethel
had not been chosen as the central shrine, however, because it had
remained a Canaanite stronghold until long after Joshua's death.
Shechem, for its part, had stood as the center of temporal power, but
not as the center of the cult.
26
Shiloh
Yet Shiloh had not remained the central sanctuary. The place
seemed to have lost all further significance after the death of Eli, and
there was no continuing high priest. Furthermore, the tent sanctuary
was found elsewhere following Eli's death, notably at Gibeon (2
Chron. 1.3, 13). Ewald's appeal to the Chronicles stood in striking
contrast to de Wette's open contempt for these books as historical
sources.76 Ewald concluded from this evidence that the Philistines
must have sacked and destroyed Shiloh after capturing the ark, just
as Hengstenberg had supposed. The failure of the Israelites to carry
the ark back to Shiloh following its return from exile in Philistia
seemed to Ewald to confirm this theory. After the disaster at
Ebenezer, Shiloh had been rebuilt and reinhabited only very slowly,
as was the case with many ancient cities. The tent sanctuary itself
survived the calamity, and was transferred first to Nob, and later to
Gibeon (1 Chron. 16.39; 21.29).77 Indeed, it is essentially Ewald's
formulation of the theory of a destruction of Shiloh in the mideleventh century which has survived to dominate the discussion of
biblical Shiloh down to the present.
The publication of Ewald's Geschichte in 1845 came at a critical
juncture in the discussion of the origins of Israel and the reliability of
the biblical traditions. Ewald revised and republished this work in
two successive editions over the next two decades.78 Through the
Geschichte, and his own academic stature, Ewald exerted tremendous
influence upon Old Testament scholarship. He had put de Wette's
critique to rest, at least for a time, and confirmed a generation of
scholarship in which the pentateuchal traditions were given a high
degree of historical credence.
In addition to the decisive role Ewald played in the wider
discussion of Old Testament criticism in the mid-nineteenth century,
the Gottinger Orientalist also had a profound influence on the
subsequent debate over Shiloh. First of all, Ewald was the first
scholar to work into a cohesive form the historical arguments
supporting the theory that Shiloh had been destroyed after the
Israelite defeat at Ebenezer. Moreover, he was the first to pull
together all the various texts in the Hebrew Bible which could
support this view and which have since become the key points of
reference in the modern discussion of Shiloh. Furthermore, Ewald
was the first biblical historian to construct a critical synthesis of
Israel's history which took seriously the idea of Israel as a cultic
27
community with a central sanctuary in the pre-monarchical era. In

the twentieth century, this banner was carried most ably by Martin
Noth, who also developed another idea first proposed by Ewald: that
of the sacral twelve-tribe league.79 Thus, Ewald not only dominated
the mid-nineteenth century formulation of the issues with regard to
the place of Shiloh in the history of Israel, he was an important
harbinger for the course the debate would take in the succeeding
century.
1.3.3 Saalschtitz, Das mosdische Recht
Ewald's Geschichte was followed by a number of less ambitious but

nonetheless detailed works which dealt with Shiloh in some respect.
Das mosdische Recht, by J.L. Saalschiitz, appeared in 1846.80 In his
introductory remarks, Saalschtitz took issue with de Wette's view
that pentateuchal law had been largely the product of later
composition. He adduced several reasons for his conclusion. First,
the objections raised to the Mosaic authorship of the Torah by de
Wette concerned the details, but not the totality of the Law, although
Saalschtitz admitted the correctness of many of the observations on
which de Wette's claims had been based81 and even suggested a later
redaction of the Mosaic law by prophets or priests. Saalschtitz also
noted that the Pentateuch knew nothing of a king outside the book of
Deuteronomy, and on the other hand contained not a hint of an
important motif in the historical books, that Yahweh was the true
king of Israel (cf. 1 Sam. 8.7-9). Finally, Saalschtitz sought to explain
the fragmentary composition of some of the laws by arguing that the
law had been written by Moses, not as a coherent system, but as a
piecemeal composition over a period of forty years. Thus, he sought
to refute the evidence cited by de Wette to assail the theory of Mosaic
authorship.
On the other hand, Saalschtitz was not an apologist for Mosaic
authorship of the Pentateuch. On the contrary, he held that only the
law was 'Mosaic', and that the Pentateuch itself was a literary
creation by a later hand, or hands.82 Saalschtitz also admitted to the
presence of many historical anachronisms in the Pentateuch, such as
the repeated reference to the 'land of Canaan'. He thought it the task
of the exegete to examine supposed 'contradictions' to see whether
these could be explained by the work of the final redactor. When it
was not possible to understand a contradiction by consideration of
28
Shiloh
the work of the final redactor, then the contradiction had to be seen
as an indication of the holiness afforded these documents at a later
time.83
As far as the central sanctuary was concerned, Saalschutz argued
that the historical existence of the tent sanctuary was not a central
concern of his study, which above all sought to elucidate the laws in
theoretical form, regardless of the period in which they had come
into existence. On the other hand, he took issue with critics such as
Bahr, who argued that the depiction of the tent shrine in the
Pentateuch was unbelievable simply because the modern mind found
the amount of precious metals in the possession of the Hebrews to be
unbelievable.84 However, Saalschutz also argued that there was in
the Pentateuch no stipulation regarding worship at the tent sanctuary
after the settlement: only the cultic paraphernaliathe ark, the
tablets, the shewbread table, and the golden lampshad been part of
the permanent cultus. Thus, he anticipated an argument employed
later by Bleek, von Haneberg, andfinallyKaufmann, in distinguishing
between the nature of the central sanctuary before and after the
settlement.85
1.3.4 Riehm
In a vein similar to that of Saalschutz, Eduard Riehm published Die
Gesetzgebung Mosis im Lande Moab in 1854. Riehm claimed
substantial agreement with Ewald in his treatment of Deuteronomy,
though he denied any slavish dependence upon the Orientalist from
Gettingen. Riehm, as de Wette and Ewald, held Deuteronomy to be
the latest book of the Pentateuch. And while Riehm considered de
Wette's work important mainly for having provoked critical discussion
of Deuteronomy, he did not think that de Wette's criticism offered
much in itself. He found Hengstenberg's work, rather, to be the most
useful treatment of Mosaic law.87
Riehm's most important contribution in connection with the
discussion of biblical Shiloh was the direct challenge he raised to de
Wette's treatment of the centralization issue. In treating 'the place
where Yahweh will cause his name to dwell', Riehm noted that this
deuteronomic concept was one of a firm geographic location, and
that this concept occurred in the Bible in connection with only two
places: Shiloh and Jerusalem. He further pointed out that cultic
centralization in Deuteronomy had a perspective different from a
29
similar theme present in the other pentateuchal traditions: in

Deuteronomy the centralization of the cult was conceived in terms of
a fixed geographic locus; elsewhere the Pentateuch knew only the
tent, and gave no hint of the non-transferrable place of worship
known to Deuteronomy.88 This line of argument was a development
upon that already advanced by Saalschutz, who had distinguished
between the cultus before and after the settlement, and between the
laws of Deuteronomy and those in the rest of the Pentateuch. These
distinctions are fair, since Deuteronomy really does presuppose a
cultic order different from that in Genesis-Numbers. It is no
accident that subsequent scholars have raised similar issues in
arguing for the antiquity of the priestly cultus.
1.3.5 Graf, De Templo Silonensi
Although the middle of the nineteenth century was dominated
primarily by conservative treatments of biblical history, there was at
least one important writer who carried on the line of criticism laid
down by de Wette. This was Karl Heinrich Graf, a student of Eduard
Reuss of Strasbourg.89 Graf's initial contribution to the discussion of
Shiloh in the history of Israel came in the form of a small latin
monograph, De Templo Silonensi, commentatio ad illustrandum
locum Iud. 18.30,31, which he published in 1855. Graf's monograph
was in fact the first major treatment concentrating on Shiloh to be
produced by a critical biblical scholar.
In this treatment, Graf advanced several points made originally by
de Wette. First, he denied that Shiloh had ever functioned as a
central sanctuary. The concept of a single, central Yahwistic
sanctuary had not existed in Israel until the time of Josiah. Second,
Graf contended that the tent of meeting had been no more than a late
fiction modelled on the Solomonic temple. He used the references to
Shiloh in 1 Samuel 1-3, where the sanctuary there was designated a
hekdla technical term for 'temple'to support this point. Similarly,
Graf denied the authenticity of the references to the tent of meeting
at Gibeon in Chronicles, contending that the Chronicler had
invented this information to explain how there had come to be two
high priests in the days of David and Solomon.90 For Graf, just as for
de Wette, the narratives pertaining to Shiloh in Judges 17-18 served
to provide further proof that the period before the monarchy knew
no central sanctuary, either in the sense of the deuteronomic or of
the priestly traditions.
30
Shttoh
Graf also made two crucial suggestions of his own. First, he argued
that there had been no tent sanctuary at Shiloh, simply a permanent
temple structure.91 Second, this temple had continued in existence
until the Assyrian deportation of the northern kingdom. The
desolation of Shiloh to which Jer. 7.12-15; 26.6-9 referred was the
result of this event, rather than a consequence of the defeat described
in 1 Samuel 4. Graf reached this conclusion by reading Judg. 18.31 in
parallel with Judg. 18.30, and using the phrase, 'ad-yom geldt hd'dre?
(v. 30) to explain the parallel expression kol-yeme heydt bet-hd'elohim
besiloh (v. 31).92 Graf's claim that there had been no tent sanctuary
at Shiloh was the subject of burning debate during the next two
decades. This issue was finally decided in Graf's favor, at least
temporarily, after Wellhausen's work had destroyed the conservative
consensus of the mid-nineteenth century. The second of Graf's
observations, that the Shiloh sanctuary had not been destroyed, but
had continued in existence down to the fall of the northern kingdom,
came to define the counterpole to Ewald's hypothesis that Shiloh had
been destroyed as a result of the disaster at Ebenezer. Nonetheless,
Graf's treatment of Shiloh received little immediate comment,
though the more conservative scholars of the age found it necessary
to refute at least some of his claims, and Graf himself appears to have
accepted Ewald's theory towards the end of his life.93
1.3.6 Saalschutz, Archaeologie der Hebrder
In the same year that Graf published his monograph on Shiloh,

Saalschutz published his second major work: Die Archaelogie der
Hebrder.94 Here Saalschutz entered some additional arguments into
the discussion which would prove important in the ensuing years,
and some which would continue to be used more than a century
later. First of all, he argued that the term bet-'el did not at first
designate a building, but only a place of veneration or worship, an
argument for which he found support in the story of Jacob's dream
(Gen. 28).95 This argument contradicted Graf's claim that the term
bet-'el or bet-hd'elohim referred to a fixed building, though Saalschutz
gave no indication that he was attempting to refute Graf at this
point.96 Another argument advanced by Saalschutz, which exercised
more long-term influence than that concerning the meaning of bet'el, was his assertion that the tent sanctuary had not had a permanent
location in the Promised Land, but had instead been moved from
31
place to place.97 He mentioned both Bethel (Judg. 20.27-28) and

Shiloh (1 Sam. 1.3; 3.1; 14.3) in this connection and argued that this
protable sanctuary had served as the central place of worship until
the time of Solomon. Wherever the tent had been set up, representative
worship had been carried out by the priests, who offered daily
sacrifice in the name of the whole people. Elsewhere, however,
individuals had been free to consecrate their own sacrifices.98 In a
significant development upon his earlier treatment,99 Saalschtitz
argued that the ritual law of Leviticus and Numbers had been in
force only during the wilderness period, and that the limitation of all
sacrifice to the altar in the tent sanctuary had ceased with the entry
of the Israelites into Palestine.100 This change had taken place,
according to Saalschutz, because the possibility of such centralized
worship had ended when the Israelites had dispersed throughout
Palestine. Thus, the prohibition on sacrifice apart from the tent
sanctuary and its altar was replaced by permission for the free
enjoyment of meat, which no longer counted as a sacrificial meal
(Deut. 12.15-16).101
The difference between Saalschutz's approach and that of de
Wette was as follows. De Wette did not regard the period of the
wilderness wanderings as historically verifiable, and much of it he
frankly regarded as 'mythical', or at best the retrojection of later
institutions, customs, and practices into an earlier time. De Wette
therefore found no reason to discuss the relevance of the laws of the
priestly code in Leviticus and Numbers to life in the camp versus life
in the Promised Land. Saalschutz, having rejected de Wette's view of
the wilderness period, sought a critical reconstruction which took
seriously a substantial degree of historicity for the Mosaic period and
its institutions, which he then sought to reconcile with the data in the
historical books. It was precisely this difference in outlook between
de Wette and Saalschiitzthe former rejecting the historicity of the
pentateuchal traditions regarding the early centralization of the
cultic institutions because of perceived incongruities with the
testimony of the traditions of the historical books, the latter seeking
to understand these inconsistencies in light of the peculiarities of the
pentateuchal institutions and the conditions present among the
peopleon which the entire debate over the centralization of Israel's
cultic institutions has turned through several subsequent generations
of Old Testament scholarship.
32
Shiloh
In summary, Saalschiitz's treatment of the issue of the centralization

of the cult in his second work departed from his earlier treatment.
His initial treatment of Mosaic law had hardly broached the problem
of the central sanctuary in the Pentateuch vis-a-vis the historical
books. In his second volume, however, he advanced the theory that
the tent shrine had served as a portable central sanctuary, and that
the priestly laws of centralization centered exclusively on life in the
camp. Thus, the erection of the tent of meeting at Shiloh had not
been one of the major steps toward centralization, as had been
assumed in rabbinic tradition {m. Zebah. 14.4-8; Meg. 1.11). The
change between Saalschiitz's first and second books was the result of
his effort to explain the apparent contradictions in the text via the
critical interpretation of the text itself, rather than through traditional
clarifications.
1.3.7 Keil
Karl Friedrich Keil published his Handbuch der biblischen Archaeologie
in two volumes, in 1858 and 1859 respectively.102 Keil was a
conservative scholar who paid close attention to the philological
aspects of exegesis, and whose historical reconstruction closely
followed the biblical narratives. Thus, in treating the history of the
tent sanctuary, Keil argued that the Israelites had first erected the
tabernacle at Shiloh, and that Shiloh had remained the one
legitimate cultic site until the time of Eli.103 Therefore, the tent
sanctuary had been transferred, first to Nob, and later to Gibeon,
while the tent erected by David for the ark was different from the
tabernacle. In fact, the ark had had no firm locus, and was often
carried into battle. During the war with Benjaminites, the ark had
been kept at Bethel, where it had remained so long that an altar was
also erected there.104 However, Keil made no further effort to deal
with the other places of sacrifice mentioned in the Bible in the premonarchic period.
Keil made two other observations pertinent to the cultic site at
Shiloh. First, he argued that the priesthood of Eli had been the first
instance of a priest from the line of Ithamar succeeding to the
position of high priest, a post which, according to the pentateuchal
sources, should have remained in the line of Eleazar.105 Second, Keil
attributed the simultaneity of the priesthood of Abiathar and Zadok
to the existence of two sanctuariesone at Gibeon, and one at
33
Jerusalem, from the time that David had erected the tent for the ark
on Mt Zion.106 This last observation carried with it a certain degree
of irony, since it had been Graf's contention that the existence of two
sanctuaries was a convenient fiction meant to explain the presence of
two ruling high priests under David and Solomon.107
1.3.8 Bleek
Every scholarly consensus, it seems, comes to be exemplified in a
single representative work, and the definitive statement of the midcentury consensus on the problem of the Pentateuch and the
historical books of the Old Testament was published in Friedrich
Bleek's Einleitung in das Alte Testament in 1860.108 Bleek was the
only scholar besides Ewald during this period to attempt a consistent
and critical refutation of de Wette's critique. With regard to the
Pentateuch itself, Bleek brought out several examples of laws and law
collections which made no sense outside of their given setting in the
wilderness camp. Thus, he argued, the pentateuchal sources did not
present an anachronistic hierarchical priesthood, but only Aaron and
his sons. At the same time, Bleek accepted de Wette's argument that
there was no certain evidence in the later historical literature that the
deuteronomic law of the central sanctuary had ever been in forcenot merely in the time preceding the building of the Jerusalem
temple, but for a considerable time therafter. With de Wette, Bleek
acknowledged that not only had idolaters worshiped at the high
places and local shrines, but the most zealous servants of Yahweh!
The laws of sacrifice in Leviticus 17 did not have as their object the
central place of worship of Deuteronomy 12, but rather, the door of
the tent of meeting. Moreover, the differentiation of sacrificial
animals on the basis of those slaughtered in the camp, and those
slaughtered outside the camp made no sense outside the setting of the
camp. When one considered Jerusalem as the actual locus of the
central shrine, the incongruity between Leviticus 17 and Deuteronomy
12 became all the more apparent.109 Bleek resolved this problem in
the practice of the law by noting that the law of Leviticus 17 did not
merely forbid sacrifice at a place other than the tabernacle: it
specifically banned the slaughtering and butchering of any animals at
any other place, whether within or without the camp. All that was to
be slaughtered was to be slaughtered at the door of the tent of meeting
and consumed as a thank offering before Yahweh, after the blood had
34
Shiloh
been poured out upon the altar and the fat burned. Such a regulation
could not possibly have been written for application to a later time,
when the people were dispersed in the land. Even less could someone
of a later time have envisioned this law as applying to life after the
conquest and settlement. Such a law could have been written only
for life in the camp.110 Other Mosaic laws had been occasioned by
specific occurrences and were thus tied to specific narrative
traditions.111 These two classes of lawsthose written for the camp,
and those occasioned by specific occurrences and therefore imbedded
in the narrative traditionconstituted the original core of Mosaic
law.112
Therefore Bleek, like Ewald, accepted critical methods, and
acknowledged the division of the Pentateuch into various literary
strata. However, he did not accept de Wette's arguments for the late
dating and fictional nature of the Mosaic law in toto. Rather, Bleek
sought to demonstrate that many of the laws of the Pentateuch were
best understood from the standpoint of the narratives in which they
occurred.
Bleek's treatment of the biblical passages pertaining to Shiloh also
reflected his critical outlook with regard to the Pentateuch. Thus, he
regarded the Shiloh references in Joshua 18-19 as belonging to the
Elohistic Grundschrift of the Hexateuch.113 Joshua 22, which
recounted the Reubenites' building of an altar at a place other than
Shiloh, Bleek regarded as belonging to a later age, owing to its
similarity to the view of centralization in Deuteronomy 12. Nowhere
else in the historical books had the Israelites displayed such zeal in
suppressing the offering of sacrifices at various altars.114 Deuteronomy
itself had been inserted into the hexateuchal framework as the last
step in the redaction of these narratives, and this final redaction had
included substantial changes to the book of Joshua.115
Certain passages in the book of Judges pertaining to Shiloh also
received important treatment from Bleek. The bet-hd'elohim in Judg.
18.31b he interpreted as the tent of meeting with the ark, and the
phrase 'ad-ydm gelot-hd'dres ('until the day of the captivity of the
land', Judg. 18.30) he altered to read 'ad-ydm geldt-ha'aron ('until the
captivity of the ark'). From these modifications, Bleek argued that
the references in Judg. 18.30, 31 were no later than the time of the
Yahwistic-Elohistic composition of these narratives, which were predeuteronomic.116
35
Bleek's treatment of Shiloh came to an end with his treatment of

Judges. Owing largely to his rejection of de Wette's terms of
discussion on the issue of centralization, Bleek had reached conclusions
which differed radically from those of de Wette. While accepting the
lateness of the tradition of geographic centralization of the cult, as
formulated by de Wette, Bleek had denied the applicability of this
tradition to the pentateuchal materials outside Deuteronomy.
With regard to Shiloh, Bleek did not offer especially new or
revolutionary ideas. His importance in the history of the debate over
Shiloh lay, rather, with his treatment of the issue of cultic
centralization. Bleek's analysis of this issue had weighty implications
for the place of Shiloh in the history of the religion of Israel, since it
demonstrated that the place of Shiloh in Israelite history could be
separated from the centralization issue altogether. Thus, Bleek
argued for the authenticity of the hexateuchal traditions, but denied
the Mosaic origin of the deuteronomic tradition. By this means, he
was able to avoid the problems of scholars such as Hengstenberg,
who had treated the hexateuchal laws as a monolith.
1.3.9 Kuper
In 1866, C. Kuper published his work, Das Priesterthum des alien
Bundes.117 Kuper followed Keil's treatment and showed further
dependence upon Hengstenberg and Ewald, regarding Shiloh as the
central sanctuary in the pre-monarchic period,118 while admitting the
separation of the ark from the tabernacle during this time. Ktiper
further argued for a decline of the theocratic order during the period
of the Judges.119 Thus, Ktiper recognized the existence of multiple
places of sacrifice prior to the erection of the temple in Jerusalem,
and like Ewald explained these practices in terms of an era of social
decay.
1.3.10 Graf, Die geschichtlichen Biicher des Alten Testaments, and
''Zur Geschichte des Stammes Levi'
In 1866, Graf's Die geschichtlichen Biicher des Alten Testaments
appeared in print.119 Like his earlier monograph on Shiloh, Graf's
new work challenged the critical consensus that the priestly laws of
the Hexateuch formed the authentic basis of subsequent Israelite
history and society as depicted in the historical books of the Old
Testament. Further, Graf formulated for the first time the theory of
36
Shiloh
pentateuchal composition which came to be known as the New

Documentary Hypothesis. Graf's theory continued the main lines of
criticism laid down by de Wette, in that he maintained the late and
unhistorical character of the materials in the Pentateuch which came
to be designated 'priestly', in his skepticism regarding the historical
worth of the books of Chronicles, and in his insistence that the
centralization of the cult was the key to ordering and dating the
pentateuchal sources.120
Although Graf wrote little directly pertaining to Shiloh in this
work, he argued vehemently that those passages which made Shiloh
the pre-monarchical central sanctuary were late and inauthentic. 121
Graf's work did not meet with ready acceptance, though it did lay
the foundation for a new consensus which would emerge over the
next twenty years.122 Ewald's third edition of the Geschichte des
Volkes Israel appeared in 1866 and the conservative consensus
continued to dominate Old Testament studies in Europe. The failure
of Graf's work to reach a wide audience, in fact, was largely the
result of the widespread influence exerted by scholars such as
Ewald.
Graf's last major contribution to the debate over biblical Shiloh
was an article on the history of the tribe of Levi which he published
at the end of the decade, and in which he altered some of the
positions he had taken earlier.123 While Graf reiterated his view that
the tent of meeting at Gibeon was a late fiction by the Chronicler to
explain the presence of two high priests under David,124 he pulled
back from his earlier arguments about the continuation of the Shiloh
sanctuary until the fall of the northern kingdom. Instead, he argued
in agreement with Ewald:
The house of God at Shilohwhere the ark had stood for several
centuries during the period of the Judges, where the sacrifices for
the collective tribes of Israel were brought and where the assembly
of the people gatheredis depicted as a temple in the traditions of
Samuel... Therefore, the destruction or desertion [of Shiloh], at
the time when the Philistines stripped the tribe of Ephraim of all its
power and won supreme dominion [over Palestine], is placed by
Jeremiah on the same footing as the destruction which he foretells
for the temple in Jerusalem (Jer. 7.12,14; 26.6, 9).125
In this new work, Graf advanced the same arguments in favour of a
destruction (or abandonment) of Shiloh following the Philistine
37
victory at Aphek, which he once had so strenuously opposed. He

even claimed that the ark had been returned to Shiloh after its
release by the Philistines because 'dort weder Tempel noch Priesterschaft mehr war'.126 Conversely, Graf stood by his original claim that
a temple rather than a tent shrine had stood at Shiloh. At the same
time Graf argued that Eli and his line had been authentic
descendants of Aaron, who had been deposed from this status at a
later date because of the ascendancy of the line of Zadok, and that
the Aaronites had had their original home in the Ephraimite hill
country.127
Graf's last publication thus retracted his earlier objections to the
theory that Shiloh had been destroyed in the mid-eleventh century.
His previous observations on the consistent parallelism between the
destruction/abandonment of Shiloh on the one hand, and the exile of
the northern kingdom on the other, were thus forgotten. Not until
the publication of Frants Buhl's Geographie des alten Palastinas128
would anyone formulate a position on the history of Shiloh which
relied upon the evidence originally adduced by Graf.
1.3.11 Von Haneberg
Following the publication of the third edition of Ewald's Geschichte,
other scholars continued to write in support of the reigning
consensus on the Mosaic origin of pentateuchal law and institutions.
One of these, Dan. Bonifacius von Haneberg, abbot of the Benedictine
monastery of St. Boniface in Munich, in 1869 published the second
and largely revised edition of his earlier work, Das Handbuch der
biblischen Alterthumskunde, entitled Die religiosen Alterthumer der
Bibel}29
Von Haneberg not only continued much of the same line of
argument as that established by Hengstenberg, he also brought
together many observations made by other scholars and added a few
interesting insights of his own. To begin with, von Haneberg
accepted the plurality of sancturaies during the period of the Judges
and sought to explain this apparent inconsistency with deuteronomic
law by maintaining, as Hengstenberg had done, that a prophet such
as Samuel had had the authority to designatetemporarilya
particular site of sacrifice.130 Von Haneberg coupled this view with
the claim that after the erection of the tabernacle at Shiloh, Shiloh
had become the central sanctuary of the land.131 Gradually, after the
38
Shiloh
tent sanctuary had fallen into disuse, it had been replaced with a
building. During the years that the tabernacle had stood at Shiloh,
moreover, the worship at the high places had been prohibited.132 By
the time of David, the old portable sanctuary had become no more
than a relic.133 Shiloh itself had been abandoned after the capture of
the ark,134 when the ark and tent had been separated. The high place
at Gibeon, with its altar, and that at Jerusalem during the reigns of
David and Solomon, reflected the rivalry between the two priestly
houses of Ithamar and Eleazar, to which the erection of the temple
had put an end.135 The tabernacle, ark, and other furnishings,
including the bronze altar at Gibeon, had been brought into the
temple by Solomon to be kept there as relics.136 According to von
Haneberg, it was nonsensical to think that 1 Kgs 8.3-9 described the
actual erection of the tent shrine within the temple.137
In making these claims, von Haneberg was at pains to refute the
recent treatment by Graf, which he cited as a newer exponent of an
older, though rejected critical view to the effect that the tabernacle
and the narratives surrounding it belonged in the realm of legend
rather than history.138 The confusion as to the legitimate place of
worship first arose, according to von Haneberg, after the loss of the
ark, when both Gibeon and Nob became places of sacrifice. Indeed,
Gibeon had only become 'the great high place' on account of the
presence of the tent there.139
While von Haneberg had made some interesting observations, he
was unable to give a clear picture of the relationships of the various
cultic places to the one central place of worship. On the one hand, he
had depended upon the Talmudic tradition first cited by Saalschiitz
that the erection of the tent sanctuary at Shiloh had been accompanied
by the setting into force of the prohibition on multiple places of
worship. On the other hand, this position undercut von Haneberg's
initial acknowledgment of a plurality of holy places. While von
Haneberg was therefore unable to offer a convincing synthesis, his
own observation that 1 Kgs 8.3-9 recalled the depositing of the ark
and the tent of meeting in the temple as reliquiae raised an important
consideration in weighing the historicity of the tradition of the tent of
meeting in the pre-monarchic cult.
1.3.12 Wellhausen, Der Text der Biicher Samuelis
The next important work to be published after that of von Haneberg
39
was Wellhausen's Der Text der Bticher Samuelis.140 Although
technical in nature, this work offered a continuation of the type of

approach found in de Wette's critique of the Mosaic origins of the
pentateuchal cult. Thus, for example, Wellhausen argued that the
reference to the sexual relations between sons of Eli and the women
who served at the door of the tent of meeting in 1 Sam. 2.22b was a
late secondary addition to the present text.141 Not only were there no
other allusions to the tent shrine in these chapters, but the sanctuary
otherwise depicted at Shiloh in 1 Samuel was a temple, not the
tabernacle, a view reminiscent of Graf's position. Furthermore, it
was absurd to believe such a report regarding the sons of Eli, because
'the philandering with the serving women of the temple squares
poorly with the obviously princely status of these priests'. Wellhausen
held 1 Sam. 2.22b to be dependent upon Exod. 38.8, the only other
mention of women in the service of the ritual cult in the Old
Testament, and he attributed its presence in this passage to an
attempt by the Pharisees to make the Sadducean priesthood look
bad. While he considered the omission of this verse in the LXX to
speak decissively against its veracity, Wellhausen reported that
Josephus, who had been sympathetic to the Sadducees, also knew of
this scandal. Thus, Wellhausen was compelled to consider the
possibility that this small reference had existed already in the Urtext.
Nonetheless, he rejected the originality of the reference to the tent of
meeting in 1 Sam. 2.22b on literary grounds, in apparent agreement
with Graf's view that the tent of meeting itself was an unhistorical
reflection on the Jerusalem temple.
1.3.13 Oehler
If Wellhausen's book was the first wind of a major change
142 in the
reigningconsensus,the acceptance of the Mosaic origins of pentateuchal
laws and institutions continued in no small way. G.F. Oehler
published his Theologie des Alten Testaments in 1873.142 Oehler
worked from essentially the same perspective as Ewald. He accepted
the theological order of the Pentatuech as chronologically primary to
the rest of Israelite history and treated the period of the Judges as one
of the decline of theological order.143 Oehler also argued that the
centralization law of Deuteronomy 12 had not been enforceable after
the conquest and settlement of the Promised land.144
Oehler maintained that the pre-monarchic center of worship had
40
Shiloh
been Shiloh, where the tabernacle had been set up; he cited Josh.
18.1; 19.51; Judg. 18.31; 1 Samuel 1-2 in support of this position and
compared Ps. 78.60 and Jer. 7.12 with these passages. Oehler further
argued that Shiloh had been the site of the great feasts during the
time of the Judges.145 He cited Judg. 21.19 and 1 Sam. 1.3 in support
of this view, and contended that regular sacrifices had been offered at
Shiloh (1 Sam. 2.12-17). Oehler also appealed to arguments first
raised by Hengstenberg to by-pass some of de Wette's arguments
regarding the multiplicity of sanctuaries in the pre-monarchic
period. Thus, the patriarchal custom of erecting an altar at any site
where the deity had appeared had continued into the settlement
period. Other apparent exceptions to the exclusive character of the
tent sanctuary had arisen only in time of war: when the ark was
brought up to battle, it had been set up in the camp and sacrifices
were offered there.146 That there had only been one ark and one tent
shrine confirmed for Oehler the unity of the pre-monarchic cult.
Shiloh had ceased to be the central sanctuary following the
capture of the ark and the disarming of the Israelites in the aftermath
of the battle of Ebenezer. In the wake of this defeat, the tabernacle
was transferred to Nob where the 'levitical' cult continued uninterrupted. The loss of the ark and the shift in the locus of the central
shrine, however, brought an end to centralized worship. Consequently,
Ramah, Bethel, and Gilgal became places of sacrifice.147 Thus, the
disaster at Ebenezer effected the first interruption of the Mosaic cult.
Later on, the tabernacle was erected at Gibean, but under David the
miskan-Yhwh on Mt Zion became the new center of the cult.
In conclusion, Oehler's reconstruction of the history of Israelite
religion up to the erection of the temple on Mt Zion was based on the
premise that the Mosaic cult of the wilderness period had continued
uninterrupted down to the loss of the ark to the Philistines. At that
time, the one central sanctuary had been supplanted by a number of
holy places where sacrifice had been permitted. Oehler's work thus
continued the line of argument developed by Hengstenberg and did
not make a significant independent contribution to the historical
debate with regard to the history of the cultus. Above all, Oehler
failed to come to grips with the evidential basis of de Wette's position:
that independent Yahwistic shrines had existed not only in the period
immediately prior to the ascendency of Jerusalem, but from the
earliest days of the settlement until far into the period of the
monarchy.
41
1.3.14 Kohler
The last major work to advocate the historicity148of Mosaic institutions
in the early history of Israel prior to the revolution occasioned by
Wellhausen's Geschichte Israels was A. Kohler's Lehrbuch der
biblischen Geschichte des Alien Testamentes. Kohler followed his
immediate predecessors. He agreed with von Haneberg that the tent
shrine had not continued intact from the time of Moses until the
building of the temple in Jerusalem. Instead, the tabernacle had
needed periodic renewal.149 At the same time, Kohler considered
Shiloh to have been the only uncontested center of the legitimate
Yahwistic cultus from the time of the conquest on.150
Perhaps the most important aspect of Kohler's work, however, was
his attempt to answer the critiques leveled by de Wette, Graf, and
most immediately, Wellhausen. Kohler offered some counter-arguments
to de Wette's position concerning multiple holy places prior to the
monarchy. Thus he argued for the LXX reading ofJosh. 24.25, where
the sanctuary in question was the one in Shiloh, not Shechem.151
Moreover, KShler attempted to refute Wellhausen's treatment of
1 Sam. 2.22b, arguing that Josephus' knowledge of this controversial
note showed that the152
LXX translators had deliberately dropped this
reading. Kohler again raised the long-standing objections to Graf's
contention that the terms bet-'el and bet-ha'elohim necessarily
referred to a building. KQhler cited Exod. 23.19; 34.26; Josh. 6.24;
2 Sam. 12.20; Pss. 5.8; 23.6; 27.4; 52.10; 55.15 as evidence that these
terms could refer to a tent. More important in this connection was
his appeal to 2 Kgs 23.7, where bayit clearly refers to something
woven, not to a building, as Graf had insisted. Finally, Kohler
adduced 2 Sam. 7.5-6, where Nathan says that no temple had been
erected to Yahweh before the time of David. Kohler also attempted to
explain away the references to 'doorposts' at the temple at Shiloh
(1 Sam. 1.9) and 'doors' (1 Sam. 3.15) as well as tothehekal-Yhwh
(1 Sam. 1.9; 3.3), where Samuel is depicted as sleeping (1 Sam.
3.3).
Kohler's work therefore fell into the same class as so much of the
work produced by the nineteenth-century advocates of the Mosaic
origins of the Pentateuch: i.e. while he offered many good observations,
Kehler had failed to grasp the real strength of the critique raised by
de Wette. De Wette had worked with broad patterns of evidence
within the biblical narratives, and no piecemeal refutation of
42
Shiloh
particular details, which failed to deal with the overall picture, could
successfully challenge his work. Much less could attempts to depict
the sanctuary in 1 Samuel 1-3 as purely a tent shrine be taken
seriously.
Kdhler's work was not the last to be published from the
perspective of the mid-century consensus. Still, it was the last before
the publication of Wellhausen's decisive re-formulation of de Wette's
critique of the pentateuchal cultus. While Wellhausen did not
experience immediate and universal acclaim, his work did spell the
end of the consensus which had stood so long, and in which his own
teacher, Heinrich Ewald, had played the leading role.
Chapter 2
THE WELLHAUSIAN REVOLUTION AND ITS CRITICS
2.1 The Emergence of a New Consensus
The consensus with regard to the composition of the Pentateuch and

the history of Israel which had been formulated
by Old Testament
1
scholars in the mid-nineteenth century had encountered its first
serious opposition with the publication of Graf's Die geschichtlichen
Biicher des Aten Testaments in 1866. At the same time, a young
Dutch scholar by the name of Abraham Kuenen, who had been
influenced by Graf, was publishing a major work along similar lines.
Kuenen's first work was his Historisch-Kritisch Onderzoek naar het
ontstaan en Boeken des Ouden Verbonds, published in three volumes
between 1861 and 1865.2 Kuenen published a further treatment
along these same lines in his De Godsdienst van Israel, in 1869 and
1870,3 as well as numerous special studies which appeared from the
late 1860s down into the 1880s in the journal Theologisch Tijdschrift.4
The work of Kuenen, like that of his older contemporary Graf, had
strong affinities with the lines of criticism laid down by de Wette,
Gramberg, and Vatke earlier in the century. The representatives of
the mid-century consensus had agreed that the materials in the
Pentateuch ascribed to the Grundschriftthose materials which
would later be designated as priestlyformed the oldest stratum of
tradition. Kuenen, however, advocated the argument, first formulated
by de Wette and continued by Gramberg and Vatke, that these
materials actually belonged to the latest layer of pentateuchal
sources, and represented in reality a late fantastic depiction of
Israel's origins from the standpoint of the culture and institutions of
post-exilic Israel. Following the work of Colenso in England, Kuenen
went farther than Graf, who had argued for the lateness of the laws
of the Grundschrift, while maintaining the antiquity of the narrative
traditions of this body of writings.5
44
Shiloh
The next work of importance to be published from the Grafian

perspective was that of August Kayser, who, like Graf, had been a
student of Reuss in Strasbourg. Kayser's Das vorexilische Buck der
Urgeschichte Israels und seine Erweiterungen, in which he argued that
the Priestly Codex had been unknown to any of the pre-exilic and
early exilic writers of the Old Testament, appeared in 1874.6 Kayser's
work was followed by that of Bernhard Duhm of Goltingen. In 1875,
Duhm released his Die Theologie der Propheten als Grundlage fiir die
innere Entwicklungsgeschichte der israelitischen Religion, where he
attacked the critical consensus that Israel's religion had gone through
successive Mosaic, prophetic, andfinally,Judaic stages. While Duhm
had worked independently of the school of Graf, he made a signal
contribution to that line of argument, contending that the religion of
Israel had to be understood in light of the theology of the prophetic
movement, and that the legal tradition of Judaism had its origins in
the post-exilic community.7
2.2 Julius Wellhausen
By the middle of the 1870s, then, the beginnings of a considerable
case had arisen against the generally accepted view that the law and
institutions of the Pentateuch stemmed from Moses, yet that view
remained fairly intact. Almost a decade and a half after Kuenen's
Historisch-Kritisch Onderzoek had appeared, however, another
young GSttingen scholar, Julius Wellhausen, published a series of
articles in the Jahrbucher fiir deutsche Theologie, which dealt with
the composition of the Hexateuch and of the historical books of the
Old Testament.8 These articles comprised a number of special
studies which focused on key passages in the interpretation and
dating of the pentateuchal sources. In 1878 Wellhausen published a
much more ambitious volume under the title of Geschichte Israels.9
This volume constituted a full-blown attack on the reigning
consensus'die herrschende Meinung'which Wellhausen's teacher
Ewald had been so instrumental in formulating. Above all, Wellhausen's
Geschichte Israels was a scathing critique of the historicity of the
Grundschriftxht priestly documentof the Pentateuch, aimed at
proving that these materials, both narrative and legal, stemmed from
post-exilic Judaism. Wellhausen's work also attacked the historical
validity of the books of Chronicles, especially as far as Chronicles
2. The Wellhausian Revolution and its Critics
45
seemed to lend weight to those scattered references in the books of

Samuel and Kings which pointed to the existence of the Mosaic cult
at the time of the monarchy. This same polemic lay at the basis of
Wellhausen's revision of the fourth edition of Bleek's Einleitung,
which also appeared in 1878.
The effect of this massive and schematically consistent attack on
the earlier consensus for the discussion of Shiloh was immediately
apparent. First of all, any connection between Shiloh and the tent of
meeting was ended for those scholars who accepted Wellhausen's
reconstruction, because this institution was seen as a late fiction
modeled on the Solomonic temple. Moreover, Graf's arguments that
Shiloh had been the site of an actual temple prevailed. Earlier
attempts to understand the problem of tent versus temple at Shiloh
on the basis of Talmudic and Mishnaic tradition became moot.10
Furthermore, Shiloh could no longer be considered the premonarchic central holy place, since there had been no cultic
centralization before the reign of King Josiah and his reform. Just as
de Wette had contended three quarters of a century earlier, Shiloh
was treated as one of the many pre-monarchic sanctuaries which
were to be found in Israel. Any special status which had accrued to
Shiloh had been derived from the ark, which had been kept there
independent of any tent shrine (cf. 1 Sam. 1-4).11 Through the
prophet Samuel, Shiloh had also been the center for the movement
which had led to the establisJiment of the monarchy.12 The
succession of central holy sites from Shiloh, to Nob, to Gibeon, and
finally to Jerusalem, was to be dismissed.13
Indeed, Wellhausen's entire treatment of Shiloh and the tent of
meeting was tied to his pivotal contention that the priestly source of
the Hexateuch presupposed centralization, and was therefore postdeuteronomic. Rather than the site of the central sanctuary, Shiloh
became for Wellhausen the paradigm for the local independent
sanctuary, administered by a local family of priests. He contrasted
the autonomous cult at Shiloh to the ordered cultic inheritance of
priestly office in P. Nonetheless, Wellhausen was compelled to admit
that Shiloh represented an unusual 'type' of sanctuary, in that the
Elide priesthood there had assumed the role of powerful, highly
regarded officials at a major public sanctuary. Other sanctuaries,
such as that of Micah in Ephraim (Judg. 17-18), Gideon at Ophrah
(Judg. 8.27), and that of Abinadab at Kiriath-Jearim (2 Sam. 6.3-4),
had been in private hands.14
46
ShUoh
Consequently, Eli, the priest of Yahweh at Shiloh, was not a

representative of the Aaronite priesthood. Instead, the Elides formed
a hereditary priesthood in their own right, just as many other
families had. The proof that the Aaronite priesthood had not been
normative at an early stage in Israel's history, Wellhausen found in
Judg. 18.30, where Jonathan, the son of Gershom, the son of Moses,
is named as the founder of the priesthood of Dan. According to
Wellhausen, the Elides had traced their ancestry back to Moses as
well. The Aaronite line was only a late invention by the Zadokite
priesthood in Jerusalem, to justify the pre-eminence of their line over
that of the Levites. In Wellhausen's view, the Levites had been the
traditional priests of the ancient sanctuaries of the countryside. They
had traced their ancestry back to Moses, the founder of the cult, and
as such the original priest.15
In only one respect did Wellhausen maintain a degree of continuity
with his teacher on the subject of Shiloh. Concerning the destruction
of Shiloh following the capture of the ark at the battle of Aphek, he
assumed Ewald's position ipso facto.16 Of this event Wellhausen
wrote:
The consequences of this defeat were disastrous: the power of
Joseph was broken, and the Philistines knew how to exploit their
victory. They subjugated not only the plain of Jezreel and the
abutting chain of hills to the south, but also the actual stronghold
of the land, the Ephraimite hill country. They destroyed the
ancient sanctuary at Shiloh, and the priestly family there fled
southward and settled in Nob, in the tribal territory of Benjamin.
The Philistines even extended their rule over Benjamin: in Gibeah
there was a Philistine governor.17
That Wellhausen took this position was probably due to the influence
of Ewald upon his pupil. In most other respects, however, Wellhausen
set forth the lines of criticism laid down by de Wette, Vatke and Graf
with vigor and effect.
The work of Graf, Wellhausen, and Kuenen was neither immediately
nor universally accepted, despite the effort expended by those
scholars to drive home their synthesis. The Mosaic origins of
pentateuchal law, in fact, continued to receive support. Eduard
Riehm, a representative scholar of the earlier consensus, published
the Handworterbuch des biblischen Altertums in 1884. This work
maintained the older view of the historicity of the tent of meeting, its
47
erection at Shiloh, and the continuation of Shiloh as the main premonarchic cultic site,18 and continued earlier arguments that the
references to the 'house of Yahweh' in 1 Samuel had to be read in
light of Judg. 18.31, and meant, in fact, the tent shrine.19
Above all, Riehm's Handworterbuch stressed the continuity of
Mosaic cultic institutions into the pre-monarchical and monarchical
periods of Israelite history, and it was at this very point that the
school fo Graf, Kuenen, and Wellhausen had taken exception to the
older consensus. Over the next twenty years, however, increasing
support accrued to this new school of thought, while the older
consensus faded into insignificance. Its adherents gradually died off,
while those scholars who did not embrace the new consensus, such as
Dillmann, Kittel, and Baudissin, sought to establish independent
lines of criticism.
2.3 The Scholars of the Wellhausian School
Many, mostly younger scholars gradually lent their weight to the
position which had been staked out by Graf, Kuenen, and Wellhausen
concerning the composition of the Pentateuch. Eventually this new
'school' came to dominate Old Testament studies until it approached
a critical orthodoxy. The lively debate over biblical Shiloh, which
had been carried on since the time of de Wette, eventually was
replaced by a general agreement on Wellhausen's view that Shiloh
had been the site of a Yahwistic temple, that this sanctuary had risen
to prominence on the eve of the monarchy, and that it had been
destroyed by the Philistines in the wake of the Israelite defeat at
Ebenezer. This reconstruction was accepted by scholars such as
Reuss, Maybaum, Stade, Cornill, Budde, Smend, Benzinger, Nowack,
Guthe, Dibelius, Meyer, and Kdnig. Even those who dissented from
the emerging accord on the pentateuchal sources adopted the broad
outlines of Wellhausen's reconstruction of the history of Shiloh,
which came to be treated as a matter of historical fact. Nevertheless,
many of the very scholars who lent their weight to this consensus on
Shiloh's history offered their own divergent insights on the subject.
2.3.1 Budde and Stade
Karl Budde of Giessen, a student of Wellhausen, deviated from his
teacher's position only insofar as he regarded the epithet 'true priest'
48
Shiloh
of 1 Sam. 2.27-36 to have designated Samuel originally, and only

later to have been applied to Zadok.20 Bernhard Stade, also of
Giessen, moved beyond the position of Wellhausen and Budde.
Whereas Wellhausen had accepted 1 Samuel 1-3 as historically
reliable and considered only the song of Hanna (1 Sam. 2.1-10) and
the prophecy in 2.27-36 to have been later additions to the SamuelEli narratives,21 Stade argued that 1 Samuel 1-3 was not historically
reliable in its entirety, and as a whole derived from the time of
Josiah.22 Moreover, the prophesied catastrophe in 2.27-36 was not
the disaster at Ebenezer, as Wellhausen had assumed, but the
bloodbath at Nob, where Saul had exterminated the last of the Elide
line. Another theory advanced by Stade was that the ark had
contained not stone tablets, but rather, 'holy stones', perhaps
meteorites.23 Finally, Stade argued that the Shilonite temple was the
oldest Israelite temple, and had been built to house the ark, which
had been a war-related palladium of the tribe of Joseph, or of the
Josephide tribe of Benjamin.24
2.3.2 Smend
Another scholar to deviate somewhat from Wellhausen's view was
Rudolf Smend. Smend accepted most of Wellhausen's reconstruction
but differed at two crucial points. First, while he considered Aaron to
have been little more than a literary double for Moses, he felt that the
connection between Aaron and the golden calf in Exodus 32 proved
that Aaron was the legitimate patriarch of the North Israelite
priesthood.25 Smend also gave credence to the authenticity of the
tent sanctuary, arguing that Yahwistic worship had been quite simple
at its inception, and that temples such as Solomon's in Jerusalem had
been built according to foreign models, which would not have been
tolerated at an earlier day.26 In spite of these notable differences with
Wellhausen's synthesis, Smend considered the Shilonite priesthood
to have been Mosaic, deriving from Eliezer, the son of Moses (Exod.
18.4), whose pedigree had later been altered to make him a son of
Aaron, through the priesthood of Phineas.27 The ancestral inheritance
of this priesthood was located at Gibeath-Phineas in the Ephraimite
hill country, and the priests of this line formed the hereditary
priesthood of the ark.28 Smend's lead on the antiquity of the tent
shrine may have been followed to some degree by Guthe, who
regarded the tent of meeting as a melding of the later features of the
49
Solomonic temple with the memories of the ancient desert shrine.29

This view was similar to that taken earlier by Ewald.30
2.3.3 Dibelius
The most interesting treatment given to the subject of Shiloh after
Smend was that of Martin Dibelius, who later made his mark as a
scholar of the New Testament. In his first monograph,31 Dibelius
contended that the ark was not a desert cult-object, but a Yahwistic
cult-object which had been captured by the Israelites in Canaan.
Similarly, the sanctuary at Shiloh had been taken over from the
Canaanites by the tribe of Joseph, since temples were a feature of
settled, rather than nomadic, culture.32 The Shilonite sanctuary
subsequently achieved great importance as the 'chief sanctuary',
owing to its status as the main sanctuary of Joseph, the most
powerful of all the tribes. As the chief cult-object of Joseph, the ark
served as a war palladium, and was housed in the temple at Shiloh.
At the disaster of Ebenezer, where the ark was captured by the
Philistines, the power of Joseph was broken and the temple at Shiloh
destroyed. The Philistines were subsequently able to extend their
sway over the central hill country of Ephraim.33 Dibelius's reconstruction did not differ from Wellhausen's with regard to the fate of the
Shiloh temple, but he went considerably beyond any previous writer
in fleshing out the place of the ark as a Josephide cult-object. Of
perhaps greater significance was Dibelius's denial of the historical
connection between Samuel and the Elide priesthood in Shiloh (1
Sam. 1-3).34 This connection was artificial, according to Dibelius, as
was demonstrated by the fact that Samuel was never depicted later as
priest at Shiloh, but as the seer at Ramah?s Another, and in some
respects similar, suggestion had been put forth earlier by Benzinger,
who considered the connection between the Shilonite priesthood and
that of Nob to be of fictional origin.36
2.3.4 Meyer
Afinaltreatment which deserves mention is that of Eduard Meyer.37
Meyer, too, accepted the broad outlines of the Wellhausian synthesis,
but his reconstruction was eclectically composed. In accord with
Wellhausen, Meyer argued that the Elide priesthood had originally
traced its descent from Moses, and that it had only later 'corrected'
this tradition, and linked the line to that of Aaron, who became the
50
Shiloh
figure of the 'true priest'. This 'correction' had allowed the cult in
Jerusalem, i.e. the house of Zadok, to claim their line as the sole
legitimate representative of the true Yahwistic religion.38 Meyer
relied on older sources in contending that Aaron was a personification
of the ark}9 He also continued Smend's argument that the holy tent
belonged to the origins of Israel's Yahwistic faith, but he tied the
tradition of the tent shrine to the cultic center at Kadesh.40 The tent,
in fact, had been the most important Israelite cult object. It may have
contained an altar, and certainly housed the holy lots. From it the
law was read before the assembled people, and a 'man of God' within
gave divine oracles.41 The ark Meyer identified with the god Yahweh
Sebaoth at Shiloh, which he considered to have been separate from
the cult of the holy tent42 But contrary to Dibelius, Meyer associated
the ark with Israel's nomadic origins.43 Only when the ark had been
set up at Shiloh had it become identified with the settled farming life,
and its god had become an agricultural deity.44 The ark and tent were
combined into a single cultus in Jerusalem for the first time under
David.
The generation of scholars which had been so heavily influenced
by the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis thus offered a variety of views
regarding biblical Shiloh, all of wiich, however, stayed within the
broad outlines of Wellhausen's reconstruction. One significant
deviation from Wellhausen's views was the argument made first by
Smend, and taken up later by Stade and Meyer, that the tent shrine
actually derived from the wilderness period. Smend was also
responsible for arguing that the line of Aaron was the legitimate
priestly line of the northern tribes. Another bone of contention in the
overall discussion was the ark, its origin and its relationship to the
Israelite tribes. Further disparities remained as well, such as the
historical relationship between Eli and Samuel, and the genealogical
connection between the priesthood of Shiloh and that of Nob.
Otherwise, the Wellhausian revolution issued in a strong consensus
regarding the Shiloh priesthood and sanctuary, especially among
those scholars whose work identified them with that school.
2.4 The Critics of the Graf-Wellhausen Hypothesis
Despite the impressive gains made by the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis
in the years immediately following Wellhausen's publication of his
Geschichte Israels, significant opposition to his reconstruction
2. The Wellhansian Revolution and its Critics
51
continued to emerge. There were two main sources of this resistance:

the older scholars who had helped formulate the mid-century
consensus, and younger scholars who continued to raise critical
objections to both the premises and conclusions of the GrafWellhausen school. The views of these older scholars were superseded
in importance, however, by the critiques leveled by younger men
such as August Diilmann, Franz Delitzsch, and Rudolf Kittel.
Critical medial stances in the debate were taken by Wolf Wilhelm
Grafen Baudissin and August Klostermann. Opposition to the
theories of Graf, Kuenen and Wellhausen regarding the pentateuchal
sources even continued down into the next century, and found new
support in the works of Otto Proksch and Paul Karge. The majority
of the scholars who opposed the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis,
however, gradually died off without leaving any lasting legacy.
Indeed, only Procksch, whose work had barely been noticed in his
own day, left a sizeable impression on the succeeding generation.45
Thus, by the time Gunkel and Gressmannn published their Schriften
des Alten Testaments, the Grafian theory of pentateuchal origins was
all but an established orthodoxy, and scholars could consider that
they stood on the firm footing of the established results of one era of
scholarship, and on the verge of a new one.46 In fact, as early as 1899,
the British scholar Addis had expressed the opinion that the GrafWellhausen hypothesis must be the basis of all future discussion.47
Nonetheless, the scholars who opposed the treatment of Israelite
history promulgated by the new consensus often were careful
exegetes. Their insights consequently deserve review, more especially
as there was still an open debate, albeit a polarized one, when they
wrote.
2.4.1 Diilmann
The foremost of the critics of the school of Graf, Kuenen, and
Wellhausen was August Diilmann, whose views were laid down in
his two commentaries, the one on Exodus and Leviticus,48 the other
on Numbers, Deuteronomy, and Joshua.49 Although there is neither
time nor space here to review Dillmann's work in its entirety, its
main features must be noted. First, he advocated the composition of
the hexateuchal documents in the order PEJD (in his scheme,
ABCD), in which J had been dependent upon E. Diilmann did not
regard D as an original law-code, but as a parenetic plea for, and
52
Shiloh
interpretation of older extant laws, notably those of E, J and P. The

division of Deuteronomy 12-26 from the rest of the book he
considered fallacious, since the parenetic language and style of the
'framework' passages were consistent throughout the book. In more
general terms, Dillmann argued that the extra-biblical evidence from
the ancient Near East demonstrated the antiquity of the priestly
order in Israel, a view subsequently advanced by Kittel and
eventually borne out by the work of Dussaud in this century (see
below, 3.1). Dillmann also insisted that only a coincidence of literary
and historical criteria could determine the existence of a source
behind the present form of the text, and that it was incorrect to use
one to explain the other, as Wellhausen, so Dillmann argued, was
especially wont to do.
With regard to biblical Shiloh, Dillmann's work on the tent of
meeting was especially important. The tent of meeting, he argued,
had been the 'place of the presence of God' according to E and P (cf.
Exod. 33.7-11; Num. 11.16,24-25; 12.16),50 but was unknown to D.51
The laws of Deuteronomy, moreover, were based on those of the
other three sources. The centralization law in Deuteronomy 12, for
instance, was based on Lev. 17.7-11. In general, Deuteronomy had
reproduced the more ancient priestly regulation, then modified it
according to the needs of that later time.52 On the other hand,
Dillmann recognized the idea of 'the place where Yahweh will cause
his name to dwell' as peculiar to Deuteronomy. In so doing, he
opposed the view of Delitzsch and Kleinert that 'the place where
Yahweh would cause his name to dwell' referred to the successive
sites where the tabernacles had been erected as directed by Yahweh
through a prophet.53 At the same time, Dillmann argued that the tent
of meeting had originated in the period of Israel's wilderness
wanderings, a point which had been recognized by some of the most
notable representatives of the new consensus.54
Dillmann's views of the priesthood also had a bearing on the
discussion of Shiloh. Whereas Wellhausen regarded the Shilonite
priesthood as being of Mushite origin, Dillmann considered the
Elides to have been descendants of Ithamar, and the Zadokites to
have been descendants of Eleazar.55 Dillmann further dated the
promise to an eternal priesthood to Phineas, the son of Eleazar
(Num. 25.10-13), to some time during the divided monarchy, since
such a prophecy ex eventu would presuppose not only the end of the
53
line of Ithamar, represented by Abiathar, the last surviving Elide, but

also at least a generation of unbroken dominance of the priesthood by
the line of Eleazar.56
Dillmann thus departed from the Graf-Wellhausen synthesis in two
major points. First, he insisted on the antiquity of the priestly source
of the Hexateuch vis-a-vis Deuteronomy and tried to show that
deuteronomic law actually was dependent upon the priestly legislation.
Second, he took the historical testimony of the books of Chronicles
seriously. Both issues had originally been defined by de Wette, and
these issues continued to form the basis of debate three quarters of a
century later.
2.4.2 Delitzsch
Simultaneously with Dillmann's critique, Franz Delitzsch raised his
own objections to the synthesis of Graf and Wellhausen. Delitzsch,
like Dillmann, argued for the historicity of the tabernacle.57
According to his analysis, there were two views of the tent shrine:
that of J, and that of E (i.e. P), and these two different views shared
the same historical basis. In J, the tabernacle was merely the oracular
tent, whereas the tabernacle in E (P) was both the oracular tent and
the center of the cultic services. But the J tradition presupposed the
holy tent of the priestly writings and was itself only a lifeless sketch
needing to be fleshed out. The holy tent in J probably also belonged
with the ark, although this was never reported.58 The references to
the ark (1 Sam. 3.3; 4.4) and the tent of meeting in Shiloh (Josh. 18.1;
19.51b; 1 Sam. 2.22b) suggested to Delitzsch that the tabernacle and
the ark had, in fact, belonged together, as in the priestly stratum of
the Pentateuch. Furthermore, while the details of the furnishings of
the tent of meeting were largely beyond historical control, the
historical books preserved traces of the existence of a wandering
sanctuary down to the early monarchical period (2 Sam. 7.6; 1
Chron. 7.5; 1 Kgs 8.4). Furthermore, there was evidence, aside from
that of Joshua 18-21, that the tent of meeting had been stationed at
Shiloh (Ps. 78.60,67; 1 Sam. 2.22b).59 Finally, Delitzsch pointed out
that the tent which David had erected for the ark, had had a sacrifical
altar (Ps. 27.6; 1 Kgs 2.28). On the basis of such evidence Delitzsch
concluded that the priestly depiction of the tent of meeting rested on
actual tradition, just as did that of J.
Delitzsch also challenged the Graf-Wellhausen school on the issue
54
Shiloh
of centralization. The laws pertaining to sacrifice at the tent of

meeting applied only to the wilderness period and had been
abrogated by Deuteronomy 12.60 Moreover, it was nowhere said that
one might sacrifice wherever one pleased, but only wherever Yahweh
would cause his name to be established. Thus, the issue of
centralization re-emerged in Delitzsch's treatment, and Shiloh, as
the site of the tent shrine, still played a major role in this
discussion.
Lastly, Delitzsch's treatment of the office of the 'high priest' must
be noted.61 Delitzsch pointed out that the standard designation for
the 'high priest' in the late pre-monarchical and early monarchical
periods was merely the absolute hakkohen ('the priest'). This
designation occurred in connection with Eli, Ahijah, Ahimelech,
Abiathar, Zadok, Jehoiada, Hilkiah, and Azariah, just as it did with
Aaron in the Pentateuch. Moreover, the Pentateuch knew of no
union of temporal and spiritual authority in the person of the high
priest, as Welihausen had argued: nowhere in the history of Israel
and Judah had a high priest emerged on the order of Innocent or
Gregory of Rome. Indeed, Wellhausen's entire treatment of the
position of the high priest vis-a-vis the other priests was based upon
the model of the Pope over and against the other bishops, a picture
which had been read into the text by Welihausen, but for which there
was no historical basis. Indeed, the priesthood of the late premonarchical and early monarchical times had followed a similar
patternone which paired the reigning high priest with a reigning
'temporal' ruler. This pattern was to be found in the pairs JoshuaEleazar, Saul-Ahijah, David-Abiathar, and Solomon-Zadok.62 Not
even the post-exilic period exhibited the hierocratic system depicted
by Welihausen. Rather, this era had been dominated by such nonpriestly figures as Ezra the scribe and Nehemiah the governor.
Against these figures of post-exilic history, the accompanying
priesthood was lifeless and colorless. The priestly order described in
Wellhausen's writings did not in fact come into existence until the
time of the Maccabees, and that order contradicted the priestly order
of the Pentateuch. Moreover, the post-exilic order down to the
Maccabean era could not be accurately depicted as a hierocracy;
rather, it was 'nomistic', and corresponded neither to Wellhausen's
papal order, nor to that of the Priestly stratum of the Pentateuch.
While this argument did not relate directly to Shiloh, it did take
55
notice of the paradigmatic relationship between the priests and the

non-priestly rulers in the pre-monarchical and monarchical period.
In this context, Eli appears to have been the only one of the premonarchic priests who attained an exalted independent status with
temporal functions.63
2.4.3 Kittel
Rudolf KitteFs work closely followed that of Dillmann in both time
and substance,64 but Kittel advanced his own general critique of the
Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis, especially with regard to the extremely
late dating of the priestly writings. To begin, Kittel argued that the
Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis rested on a massive argument from
silence. The lack of evidence in the historical books for the cultic
prescriptions of the priestly tradition was paralleled by a similar
silence with regard to even those cultic institutions which Graf,
Kuenen, Wellhausen, and their followers considered the most
ancient. Thus, only one of the festivals considered ancient by the
school of Graf and Wellhausen, Succoth, occurred in the historical
books.65 Furthermore, Kittel claimed that the prophets could not be
expected to have cited the priestly legislation directly, since these
materials were not publicly recognized documents, but comprised,
rather, an innerpriesterliche Privatschriftthe sacred writings and
regulations to which the priests alone were privy, and by which the
cultus was administered. Kittel added the contention that P rested on
old traditions, that the priestly code contained early traditions which
had recieved a final post-exilic redaction. Only when the content of P
had stemmed from older traditional materials would it have made
any sense to have given it a place alongside those older traditions.66
According to Kittel, it was ludicrous to think that there had been
no codification of ritual law during the entire period in which the
first temple had stood or that the first attempt at technical cultic
legislation had occurred with Ezekiel. So late a codification would
have been absurd in light of the existence of an established
priesthood at the Jerusalem temple during the entire monarchical
period. Moreover, writing had been in use throughout this period, so
that it was unlikely that cultic ritual had been handed on only
through oral tradition. Just as far-fetched was the idea that sacrifices
had been carried out solely according to individual whims and
incidental urges prior to the exile. Just as one could not dispute the
56
Shiloh
fact that the priests had continually refined their rituals during the
period of the first temple, one could not avoid the fact that most of
the priestly forms of sacrifice had been on hand then as well. These
arguments were in accord with those of Dillmann, who had drawn on
Assyrian, Babylonian, Phoenician, and Egyptian parallels to demonstrate that there must have been a cultic order for sacrifice during the
monarchy. Even the centralization movement had begun under the
monarchy, at least as early as the reign of Hezekiah. Certain priestly
materials calling for centralization derived from that period at the
latest, thus pre-dating Deuteronomy.67
Wellhausen had stated the principle of critical historical dating
thus: 'Within the traditions of the ancient period we must preferrably
hold ourselves to those points which diverge from the later
conceptions and customs'.68 Kittel accepted this proposition, but in
further agreement with Dillmann he argued that many priestly
institutions did not fit into post-exilic Judean society. Among these
were (a) the tribal allotments; (b) the levitical cities; (c) the laws of
warfare and spoils; (d) the laws pertaining to the ark; (e) the laws
regarding the Urim and Thummim; (f) the anointing of the high
priest, and (g) the agricultural laws presuposing the free use of the
land. Thus, Kittel challenged Wellhausen's reconstruction on the
basis of the very principles from which Wellhausen claimed to have
worked, not by attacking the methodological assumptions on which
Wellhausen's synthesis rested. Indeed, Kittel criticized key elements
of the historical reconstruction on which Wellhausen had based his
analysis of pentateuchal laws and institutions: that a system of sacral
prescriptions for the administration of cultic services had emerged
only at a very late date in the history of the Israelite people, that the
priestly cultus of the Hexateuch had its historical setting in the exilic
and post-exilic periods, and that the centralization of the cult had
been enacted first under King Josiah.
With regard to Shiloh, Kittel offered a detailed reconstruction in
which he depicted Shiloh as the center for and seat of the
transmission of the true Yahwistic faith imparted to Israel by
Moses.69 Shiloh had been the most important Yahwistic sanctuary
for the Israelites in Canaan: the ark had been stationed there since
the conquest of the land, and the Shilonite cult was administered by
an hereditary levitical priesthood tracing its descent directly from
Moses.70 According to Kittel, Shiloh had preserved the true Mosaic
57
religion until the fall of the sanctuary there. The site had possessed
no temple for most of its history under Israelite rule, but only an ark
and the tent in which it had been housed. The ark and tent comprised
the ancient Wanderheiligthumxht portable tent sanctuary which
went back to Israel's birth in the desert.71 This cultic center, with its
levitical priests, its ark, and its holy tent, was the true bearer of the
Mosaic tradition of worship without images.72
The Shiloh sanctuary, moreover, would have had its own set of
ritual prescriptions, but these were no longer extant, though 1 Sam.
2.13-17 hinted at them. Furthermore, women had taken part in the
services there (1 Sam. 2.22b), and a lamp was kept burning in the
temple. The main festival at Shiloh had been the autumnal feast,
which had been celebrated as a pilgrimage.
The turning point in Shiloh's history had been the battle of
Ebenezer, which had led to the destruction of the temple, the capture
of the ark, and the setting up of a Philistine governor or victory stele
at Gibeah.73 As a result of this calamity, Eli's descendants had
transferred their residence to Nob, where they erected another
sanctuary, at the center of which stood an 'ephodas either an image
or some other oracular meansrather than the ark. Shewbread and
votive offerings were also to be found at Nob.
The loss of the ark and the shift of the Elide priesthood to Nob
brought about the resurgence of images in the cult. David's
restoration of the ark, however, led to the suppression of these
'foreign things', since image-free worship had originally been linked
to the ark.74 The retrieval of the ark from captivity with the
Philistines further led to a resurgence of the levitical priests, because
the levitical priesthood had been closely linked to the Mosaic cult of
the ark. Thus, from David's time on, pressure had been brought to
bear upon the ancient non-levitical lay priests, such as those who
ministered at Dan (cf. Judg. 17-18), to secure a legitimate levitical
descent. Thus, even the founder of the Danite priesthood was made
into a grandson of Moses at a later date, a fact which for Kittel
corroborated the close ties between Levi and Moses.75 The Mosaic
tradition which had been transmitted through the Shiloh priests had
been carried on first by Samuel, then by Nathan, who had opposed
the temple, andfinallyby Ahijah the Shilonite. All of these prophetic
figures had in common their rejection of the degradation of the
worship of Yahweh through modernization, which entailed a high
degree of syncretism with the Canaanite fertility cults.
58
Shiloh
2.4.4 Baudissin
While Franz Delitzsch had continued many of the lines of argument
laid down by the scholars of the mid-century consensus, the works of
Kittel and Dillmann were serious critical responses to the substance
and method of the synthesis advanced by Graf, Kuenen, and
Wellhausen. Wolf Wilhelm Grafen Baudissin, having accepted the
validity of many of the basic claims of the Graf-Wellhausen
hypothesis, nonetheless charted his own analysis along lines which
had affinities with the views of Dillmann and Kittel.76
Baudissin began his history of the priesthood by accepting the
basic principle that the priestly materials embodied a retrojection of
the Jerusalem temple and cult back into the wilderness period of
Israel's historyi.e. that the tabernacle was really a figure for the
Solomonic temple. He also agreed with Wellhausen that the priestly
writings presuposed the centralization of the cult, and thus had to
reflect the period following the reform of Josiah. But here their
similarities ended. While Baudissin conceded the general correctness
of certain of the overarching claims of the school of Graf and
Wellhausen, his own exegesis led him to markedly different conclusions
at key points. Thus, Baudissin held that a Grundstock of P pre-dated
D, and that both D and Ezekiel had been dependent upon this preexilic P material.77 Baudissin also reiterated Kittel's important
notion that P had been on hand as an innerpriesterliche Privatschrift
long before the priestly legislation had been publicly recognized.78
Moreover, Aaron was not the fictional ancestor of the Zadokite
priesthood but the historical figure from whom the ancient Ephraimite
priesthood had traced its descent.79 The line of Eli in Shiloh had been
directly related to the Aaronite line of Eleazar and Phineas, as was
evident in the recurrence of the name of Phineas in Eli's line.
Conversely, the Zadokites were a non-Aaronite line, though probably a
levitical one.80 These supplanted the Aaronite line of Eli and served
merely as 'Zadokites' in Jerusalem. Only at a later time did the
Jerusalem priests adopt as their own the ancient designation of the
Ephraimite priesthood, on account of its established antiquity and
legitimacy. As late as Ezekiel, however, the Jerusalemite priesthood
was designated merely as Zadokite. The Zadokite expropriation of
the Aaronite heritage of Ephraim came about in part because of the
migration of the ancient Ephraimite priesthood to the Jerusalem cult
following Josiah's reform.81 Thus, the Aaronite priesthood of the
59
post-exilic era did not include the Zadokites alone. Rather, 'the sons
of Aaron' was an inclusive term referring to the totality of the
priestly families, of which the Zadokites were only one group. Even
the Ithamarides had served as Aaronite priests in the post-exilic
community, with no evidence of an attempt to exclude them. Thus,
the genealogical connection between Aaron and Zadok was artificial.
The Zadokites, whose own descent was uncertain, had usurped the
legitimate claim of the Elide line of descent from Eleazar, the son of
Aaron.82 Consequently, the connection between Eli and Ithamar
(1 Chron. 24.3) was an artificial one meant to place the Elides in a
position of secondary status over and against the Zadokites.83
Baudissin further disputed the assumption that the priestly
legislation was a fictional addition to the Mosaic tradition. The
formulation of new laws in the Old Testament had not been effected
by the abrupt insertion of new material on its own merits. Rather,
new legislation either sanctioned the ancient tradition, or carried the
threads of older traditions further. Thus, while each new giving of
law superseded and went beyond the old order, it could be seen at the
same time as belonging to that old order, even though the connection
to that older order might have been merely implied. A mere
invention would scarcely have been believed, let alone accepted.84
With regard to Shiloh itself, Baudissin staked out a median
position between the older consensus and the school of Graf and
Wellhausen. Shiloh, while not the central sanctuary, had been the
Hauptheiligtum or main sanctuary in the period immediately
preceding the monarchy. This sanctuary had been the hereditary
possession of the line of Eli, a levitical priesthood tracing its origins
to Phineas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron. The Shiloh cult had
been characterized by at times peculiar cultic institutions such as the
'ephod, a special oracular means. After the destruction of the
Shilonite sanctuary at the hands of the Philistines, the surviving
priests of the Elide line established a new sanctuary at Nob. Under
Saul, Ahijah the son of Ahitub, the son of Phineas, the son of Eli, the
priest of Yahweh at Shiloh, was the 'bearer of the ephod' (1 Sam.
14.3). When Saul massacred the priests at Nob, Abiathar, the lone
survivor, fled to David with the 'ephodthe special oracular means
of the Shiloh priests. Abiathar then served as priest to David, in
which position he held a status higher than Zadok,85 until he was
himself banished from the Solomonic court and succeeded by Zadok.
60
Shiloh
With Abiathar's fall from royal favor, the Aaronite influence at the
Davidic court in Jerusalem was replaced by that of the Zadokites.
The Aaronite priests, in turn, became the priesthood at the high
places in the North, notably Bethel, and returned to Jerusalem only
as a result of Josiah's reform.
Thus, while Baudissin accepted some of the formal arguments of
the school of Graf and Wellhausen, the details of his own reconstruction,
e.g. his arguments for the antiquity of the priestly legislation, the
authenticity of the Aaronite descent of the Elide priesthood, and of
the line of Aaron and Eleazar more generally, deviated significantly
from the new synthesis.
2.5 Other Departures from the Synthesis of Graf and Wellhausen
While the school of Graf and Wellhausen sought to replace the
'reigning consensus' of the mid-nineteenth century with its own
radical reconstruction of the origins and composition of the
Pentateuch, those same scholars had been in substantial agreement
with many of their opponents concerning the history of Shiloh, at
least in its broad outlines. Thus, several aspects of Shiloh's history
were almost universally accepted. First, Shiloh had been the site of a
temple, if only for a short time. Moreover, this temple had been
associated with the ark, and the presence of the ark had afforded
Shiloh a special status among the cultic sites of Israel, although it
was not generally agreed as to just what that special status had
entailed. Shiloh's priesthood had also enjoyed a singular status
through its association with the ark. Finally, the peculiar position of
Shiloh in Israel had come to an abrupt end with the capture of the
ark and the destruction of the sanctuary at Shiloh as a result of the
disaster at Ebenezer. Thus, a slightly modified version of Ewald's
reconstruction of Shiloh's history, sustained by Wellhausen, came to
dominate the critical consensus.
2.5.1 Buhl
Nevertheless, opposition to this view continued. In 1896, the Danish
Semiticist and lexicographer, Frants Buhl, published his work, Die
Geographie des alten Paldstinas, in which he argued that Shiloh had
not been destroyed until late in Israel's history, when the northern
kingdom had fallen to the Assyrians. Buhl built his position on the
61
same evidential grounds cited by Graf in his original treatment of

Shiloh.87 According to Buhl, Shiloh had been the permanent site of
the ark until that cult object fell into the hands of the Philistines
under the tenure of Eli and his sons. The city itself remained
inhabited, however, since the prophet Ahijah resided in Shiloh
(1 Kgs 11.29). The destruction of Shiloh mentioned in Jer. 7.12 most
likely referred to the destruction of Ephraim under the Assyrians. At
the same time, Jer. 41.5 demonstrated that Shiloh had been
reoccupied after 722 BCE. Buhl's analysis contradicted the most
widely established opinions of the day with regard to the history of
Shiloh; consequently, it found little audience. Still, Buhl's work had
a decisive bearing on the debate in the twentieth century, especially
through the work of Marie-Louise Buhl, the former Curator of
Ancient Collections at the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen.88
2.5.2 Procksch
In addition to Buhl, two other scholars who wrote under the shadow
of the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis offered significantly divergent
opinions on the issue of biblical Shiloh. The first of these was Otto
Procksch.89 Procksch's views on Shiloh were contained in a work
which was important for its development of a traditionsgeschichtlich
approach to the study of Israelite history, which was most effectively
exploited by Alt and Noth: Das nordhebraische Sagenbuch: Die
Elohimquelle.90 In this work, Procksch attributed to Shiloh a far
greater role than had heretofore been recognized by any other
scholar. While his historical reconstruction followed the lines of the
school of Wellhauseni.e. Shiloh was the seat of the ark and the
chief sanctuary ofJoseph, and fell into oblivion following the capture
of the ark by the Philistines at Ebenezer.91Procksch developed the
idea that Shiloh had been the pre-eminent seat of the Holy Law, the
place where the Elohistic laws of Exodus 21-23 had been developed
and handed on in the spirit of the Mosaic covenant. Here Procksch
expanded upon an idea first introduced by Kittel, namely that Shiloh
had been the center of the Mosaic cultus, an idea which also squared
somewhat with Wellhausen's identification of the Shilonite priesthood
as Mushite.92 Procksch further argued for the reliability of the
priestly account of the setting up of the ark in Shiloh in Joshua,
thereby Unking the Covenant Code to the levitical priesthood in
Shiloh. On this basis Procksch asserted that the connection between
62
Shiloh
Exodus 21-23 and the time of Moses could be established. To be

sure, the laws of the Covenant Code reflected the culture of Israel
after the settlement, rather than that of pastoral nomadism, but they
continued in the ethical spirit of the lawgiver from the desert, and
they reflected as well the arrangement of the Decalogue. Moreover,
the Shilonite sanctuary had been the place where the national
Elohistic saga was cultivated and formed.93 At the same time that
Shiloh actually had been the chief sanctuary of the Joseph tribes, it
bacame the guardian of the national treasurethe national memory
of the people {die Volkserinnerungen). The national saga had grown at
Shiloh, the experience of Joseph had become the experience of his
brothers, and thus the national consciousness awoke in the soul of
Israel. In Procksch's view, this development had been completed by
David's day. Procksch further maintained that the Shilonite priesthood
had collected and shaped the Covenant Code.94 The ground for this
argument was that there was no king in the Covenant Code, but
rather, a priestly court with judicial powers.95 Thus, the Book of the
Covenant had been in the hands of the priests: not the royal priests,
but those who had been conscious that they, as the representatives of
God, were the highest guardians of the Law and were dependent
upon no one.96 Since Shiloh had been the dominant sanctuary
immediately prior to the rise of the monarchy, and its priesthood had
guarded the ark, and because this sanctuary had enjoyed considerable
public esteem, it was likely that the Covenant Code had been
formulated as an Ephraimite law book by the Shilonite priests.
The historical-cultural milieu of Exodus 21-23 confirmed for
Procksch such a provenance for the Covenant Code. In these laws,
Israel was a settled agrarian society, and apparently had been for a
considerable time. The Canaanites might still have been present in
the land, but were no longer a threat. The Israelites comprised a
society of farmers, and were not city-dwellers. Animal husbandry
consisted mainly of sheep and goats, and the ass was the beast of
burden. There was no mention of either horses or camels, as one
would have expected from a nomadic culture. This picture corresponded exactly to what was known of Israelite life from the son of
Deborah and the story of Saul's search for the lost asses.
Procksch's analysis, therefore, led him to the assignment of a far
greater role to Shiloh in the early history of Israel than had been the
case with his contemporaries. Shiloh, while not serving as the central
63
shrine for the entire nation in the sense of Deuteronomy 12, had
served as the center for the transmission and development of the
national saga and the concomitant covenant theology. Thus, Shiloh,
with its Ephraimite priesthood, had fostered the emergence of a
national consciousness, which had led to the creation of the
monarchy. Despite the far-reaching implications of Procksch's
conclusions, his work had little immediate impact on the overall
discussion of biblical Shiloh. Only much later would his development
of the role of Shiloh in the pre-monarchic national life be picked up
by later scholars such as Eissfeldt and Lindblom.97
2.5.3 Karge
Another scholar of note for this study was Paul Karge, a Roman
Catholic priest from Breslau. Karge's history of the covenantal idea
in the Old Testament" is one of the 'lost works' of Old Testament
scholarship: a groundbreaking study which received little contemporary
and even less later attention. Nonetheless, Karge's peculiar approach
to the history of the theology of covenant was developed as a
significant position by scholars such as G.E. Mendenhall in the fifties
and sixties." Of special note in this regard was Karge's appeal to
ancient Near Eastern treaty forms to explain the phenomenon of
covenant in the Old Testament.100
While Karge's treatment of Shiloh followed the fairly standard
outlines of his day, there were some important exceptions. For
example, he argued in agreement with Graf and Wellhausen that a
temple building had stood at Shiloh, but at the same time he
considered this temple to have been the national sanctuary.
Furthermore, Karge argued that cultic ritual and liturgy had played
an important role in the life of the sanctuary at Shiloh.101 Thus he
advocated the early origins of Israel's cultic life in general, as well as
the antiquity of many of Israel's cultic prescriptions, a view
reminiscent of Dillmann, Kittel, and Baudissin.102 Otherwise,
Karge's treatment of Shiloh was in accord with the critical consensus
of his day. The Josephide sanctuary at Shiloh had served as the site
of an autumnal pilgrimage and had been administered by a Mushite
priesthood. The Philistine victory at Ebenezer in the mid-eleventh
century had brought about the destruction of Shiloh and the
abandonment of its sanctuary. The Elide priesthood had resettled at
Nob and continued its ministry under Saul, but came to an end when
Abiathar was expelled from the court of Solomon.103
64
Shiloh
2.5.4 Smend: 'Mosiden und Aharonideri*

The last major work published by a scholar from the Wellhausian era
was Rudolf Smend's Die Erzahlung des Hexateuch.104 This work
followed the same lines developed earlier by Smend, but included a
detailed treatment of the relationship between the Mushite and
Aaronite priesthoods.105 While Smend appeared to maintain his old
view that Aaron had been the legitimate ancestor of the northern
priesthood, he argued that the Zadokites had sought from the earliest
days to pass themselves off as Aaronites. Exodus 32, in fact, was the
Elohistic reproach of the priests of Jerusalem, not because the
Zadokites had been guilty of perpetuating the bull-iconography, but
because they sought to trace themselves from Aaron. From this point
on, Smend followed Wellhausen's reconstruction: the Shilonite
priesthood had been Mushite, since Eleazar, the son of Aaron, had
originally been Eliezer, the son of Moses. Abiathar had continued the
Mushite line of Shiloh at Anathoth, of which Jeremiah was also a
descendant.
The publication of Smend's work brought the period of discussion
which had been sparked by the revolutionary writings of Graf,
Kuenen and Wellhausen to an end. The last voice of opposition had
been Karge's; thereafter a practical orthodoxy reigned with regard to
the literary-critical and historical-critical reconstructions. No really
new elements would be introduced into the discussion of Shiloh until
the emergence of biblical archaeology as a full-blown discipline in its
own right, with its concomitant importance for the discussion of
biblical history and literature.
Chapter 3
THE DISCUSSION OF SHILOH
IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
3.1 The Heritage of the Nineteenth Century
The debate regarding Shiloh in the nineteenth century turned on two
issues: the centralization of the cult as defined by de Wette at the
beginning of the century, and the antiquity and validity of the
priestly source of the Pentateuch as advocated at mid-century by
Ewald, and opposed by Vatke, Graf, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Reuss et
al. It was Wellhausen more than any other scholar who set the terms
for the ensuing discussion regarding Shiloh. While he himself stood
in the critical line of de Wette, Vatke, and Graf, Wellhausen was the
pupil of Ewald, and it was a modified form of Ewald's reconstruction
of Shiloh's history which Wellhausen furthered. That Shiloh had
been the resting-place for the ark, that this sanctuary had attained
special status shortly before the emergence of the monarchy, only to
be destroyed in the wake of the disaster at Ebenezer, were the basic
elements of the view which had come to dominate biblical scholarship
by the close of the nineteenth century. Indeed, Ewald's reconstruction
of Shiloh's later history had actually become, through Wellhausen, a
'firm conclusion' of Old Testament scholarship.
Yet two factors emerged during the early years of the twentieth
century which expanded the dimensions of the debate over Shiloh.
The first of these factors was the introduction of comparative
Semitic evidence pertaining to the rituals of priestly sacrifice in the
Old Testament. This material, especially that from the SyroPhoenician
sources, was first published in a 1914 monograph by
2
Rene Dussaud.1 Dussaud followed this work with the publication of
his famous Les origines cananeenes du sacrifice israelite seven years
later. His third work on this subject, Les decouvertes de Ras Shamra
et VAncien Testament, appeared subsequent to the discovery of the
66
Shiloh
library at Ras Shamra-Ugarit.3 The data assembled by Dussaud

indicated that the priestly sacrificial ordinances, so far from being an
invention of post-exilic Judaism, were actually related to the ancient
Canaanite tradition of cultic ritual. Thus Dussaud's work at least
partially vindicated the appeal made by Dillmann and Kittel to the
culture of the ancient Near East as a means of confirming the
antiquity of the priestly traditions. Dussaud's studies had a significant
influence upon French scholars such as Adolphe Lods and Roland de
Vaux and provided the basis for the position later taken by scholars of
the Albrightian school, that the priestly stratum of the Pentateuch,
while only extant in a late literary form, in fact reflected an ancient
tradition in Israel. Such a position had significant ramifications for
the history of biblical Shiloh, since those texts in the historical books
which seemed to make Shiloh the central sanctuary in the period
following the Conquest are found only in the priestly layers of the
book of Joshua Josh. 18-22).4
The second factor to emerge in a crucial role in the debate over the
course of Shiloh's history was the consideration of archaeological
evidence in the reconstruction of Israelite history. Excavations and
archaeological research in Palestine had been gaining impetus since
the last decade of the nineteenth century, and the application of this
form of investigation to the site of ancient Shiloh came under
consideration for the first time in 1913. In that year, a committee of
Danish scholars was formed to fund and carry out excavations at Tell
Seilun, the accepted site of biblical Shiloh since the publication of
Robinson and Smith's Biblical Researches.5 The outbreak of World
War I prevented the Danes from digging as planned in 1915, and
soundings by the team under Dr Aage Schmidt were not made at the
site until 1922. Excavations only began in earnest in 1926, under the
direction of Hans Kjaer, Deputy Keeper of the National Museum in
Copenhagen. Subsequent expeditions under Kjaer returned to Tell
Seilun in 1929 and 1932, with the final Danish excavations being
carried out by Svend Holm-Nielsen and Marie-Louise Buhl in 1963.
The Danish excavations of Shiloh not only provided material to be
discussed in connection with the prevalent view of Shiloh's history,
but owing to the ambivalence of the artifactual evidence uncovered
there, they also served as an important catalyst in the overall
debate.
3. Discussion of Shiloh in the Twentieth Century
67
3.2 The Beginnings of the Archaeological Debate
From the very beginning, the debate over the interpretation of the
artifactual evidence from Seilun was overshadowed by the longstanding historical assumption that Shiloh had been destroyed by the
Philistines, and that it had not been reoccupied thereafter. Already in
1913 Aage Schmidt had expressed the view that Shiloh 'no doubt was
suddenly destroyed at the time of Eli's death'.6 Similarly, W.F.
Albright, in his article on the first Danish soundings at Seilun,
generally followed the standard reconstruction of the history of
Shiloh and noted that the artifactual remains of Seilun agreed
'remarkably well with biblical indications'.7 Albright thus noted an
abundance of Iron I pottery and an absence of Iron II pottery and
took this evidence as confirmation that the Shiloh sanctuary had
been destroyed by the Philistines after the Israelite defeat at
Ebenezer. As a result of this calamity, the place had been largely
abandoned, aside from a few inhabitants, who were still present at
the accession of Jeroboam to the throne of the northern kingdom (1
Kgs 11.29). Yet Jeroboam's selection of Dan and Bethel as his chief
cultic sites spelled the end of any hope that Shiloh might have been
restored to its original prestige. By Jeremiah's time, 'Shiloh lay in
ruins, and had apparently been destroyed so long before that it was
proverbial'. Thus, the compiler of the book of Judges had been
constrained to give specific directions as to the location of the site,
since by his day the place had been largely forgotten.
Ironically, the first controversy to break out as a result of the
Danish decision to excavate at Tell Seilun had to do with the actual
location of biblical Shiloh. The assumption that Tell Seilun was the
site of ancient Shiloh was challenged by A.T. Richardson in 1925.8
Richardson argued that the Palestinian site of Beit Sila, near Gibeon
in the Wadi Imyash, offered a more likely spot for the famous shrine
than did Tell Seilun. According to him, the description of Shiloh in
Judg. 21.19, 'on the north of Bethel, on the east side of the highway
that goes up from Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of Lebonah',
most likely referred to a lesser-known site which later became
confused with the original Shiloh after the destruction of that
sanctuary by the Philistines. Richardson followed this line of
argument with an article two years later in which he expanded his
case.9 There Richardson argued that two sites originally had
existedSila and Silo(n)and this distinction was reflected in the
68
Shiloh
variant Masoretic spellings of slh and slzv. Sila, 'in the land of
Canaan' (Judg. 21.12), referred to the site of the great holy place.
This site, in the neighborhood of Gibeon, was identified as being 'in
the land of Canaan' because Gibeon and its environs had remained
in the hands of the Hivites down to the period of the early monarchy.
The proximity of the central sanctuary to Gibeon explained the fact
that the Hivites had been put to work as hewers of wood and drawers
of water (Josh. 9.21, 23, 27) for the tent sanctuary. On the other
hand, Silo (or Silon) designated the site of Tell Seilun, a little-known
village which had been raided by the Benjaminites for wives, and the
location of which required explicit directions. Richardson supported
his contention with other literary evidence and cited interesting
corelations between his theory and the alternating spelling slh and
slw in the account of Judges 21.
Richardson's arguments, however, were never taken up in the
ensuing discussion. In the same issue in which Richardson published
his final arguments on the site of Shiloh, Albright, then head of the
American Schools of Oriental Research in Jerusalem, challenged
Richardson's views.10 Although Albright did not deal with the
substance of Richardson's claims, he did suggest that 'Mr. Richardson'
raise around ten punds to pay for several test holes to be dug on the
site of Beit Sila, so that he might see for himself that there were no
traces of ancient occupation there. No record of any such soundings
at Beit Sila exists; Albright's note apparently put the matter to
rest.
3.3 The Danish Excavations
After Aage Schmidt's soundings in the fall of 1922, the Danish
excavations at Seilun were resumed in 1926, and the results were
published in preliminary fashion in 1927.11 In his preliminary report
on the site and its history, Hans Kjaer expressed the view of Frants
Buhl, that Shiloh had suffered no real catastrophe until much later
than the disaster in which the ark had been lost, although from that
time, certainly, the town's prestige had waned. Still, the place was
apparently never destroyed in tao. Kjaer offered this opinion as an
introduction to the results of that year's excavations, which
uncovered only the later strata of the tell down to the Hellenistic
period.
69
No evidence pertaining to the fate of the biblical sanctuary city

was unearthed until the second Danish expedition in 1929.12 The
team concentrated primarily on an exposed wall line on the western
edge of the tell, approximately 60 meters from the summit. On the
outside of this wall, which was subsequently determined to date from
the Roman period, a room containing a layer of ash was uncovered.
This room was designated 'House A'. There the excavators unearthed
seven large 'collared-rim' jars, some of which contained deposits of
ash. Albright, who was on site to interpret technical matters relating
to pottery dating, among other things, immediately connected the
'destruction layer' of'House A' and the 'collared-rim' jars which had
been found in situ with the theoretical destruction of Shiloh by the
Philistines in the mid-eleventh century BCE. On the basis of this
interpretation, Kjaer reversed his earlier view and concurred with
Albright's suggestion.
Nevertheless, not all the archaeological community accepted
Albright's interpretation. C.C. McCown, who succeeded Albright as
director of the American school in Jerusalem, wrote in 1930:
Was the place unoccupied during the Middle and Late Iron Ages,
that is, after the loss of the ark? And was it destroyed by the
Philistines, or did it gradually fall into ruins after the loss of the
ark?13
Indeed, the discovery of certain sherds similar to Iron II types in the
same destruction layer containing the large pithoi lent strength to
McCown's skepticism.14 Nevertheless, the Iron II sherds did not
enter the discussion until much later. Most of these sherds were
never publicised or even returned to Denmark until twenty years
later. Instead, Schmidt kept them with him in Jerusalem until his
death in 1953.15 Thus were McCown's remarks forgotten, and
Kjaer's subsequent reconstructions and dating tailored to Albright's
historical assumptions.
The excavations of 1929 and 1932 brought to light new evidence
which compelled Kjaer to modify certain aspects of the reconstruction
of Shiloh's history. Chief among these data was the discovery of
numerous sherds from the MB II and LB I-II periods, which lent
weight to earlier assertions that Shiloh originally had been a
Canaanite site which later was taken over by the Israelites.16 The
results of the 1932 excavations were not published, however, until
Marie-Louise Buhl and Svend Holm-Nielsen compiled and edited
70
Shiloh
the notes from all these various expeditions after the completion of
the final Danish season in 1963.17 The Danish excavations of the
twenties and thirties, then, strengthened the prevailing consensus
concerning the course of Shiloh's history.
The work of Buhl and Holm-Nielsen, however, raised a serious
challenge to this dominant view. While the original Danish excavations
had been carried on during the 'pioneer days' of Palestinian
archaeology, those of 1963 had the advantage of nearly two
generations of excavations as well as the concomitant pottery and
stratigraphy studies. Thus, the better part of Buhl and HolmNielsen's work on Shiloh was concerned with the reinterpretation of
the earlier Danish evidence. The earlier Danish excavations had
identified extensive occupation of Seilun in the Iron I period, with
little evidence of habitation during Iron II, and renewal of occupation
during the Iron III, or Hellenistic period. When Buhl and HolmNielsen re-evaluated this evidence in light of more recent excavations
and stratigraphic data, they concluded that Seilun had first been
settled during MB II, and that this habitation had continued through
LB I and II, and on into Iron I and II, finally coming to an end
around the close of the seventh century BCE.18
A critical aspect of the work of Buhl and Holm-Nielsen was their
identification of numerous sherds from Iron II, both in key sectors of
the excavations and among the surface sherds taken from the tell at
the outset of the excavations.19 The most controversial aspect of their
treatment, however, was the redating of the large storage jars found
in House A in1929from Iron I to Iron II. They made this distinction
on the basis of parallels from Hazor strata VI and V, excavated under
the direction of Yigael Yadin in four seasons from 1955 to 1958. The
vessels in question were those designated 1761-176VI in the original
Danish reports, but cataloged under the numbers 187-192 by Buhl
and Holm-Nielsen.20 During the earlier Danish excavations under
Hans Kjaer, Albright had been the principal authority on the pottery
of the Holy Land, and the real author of the pottery sequence in
Palestinian archaeology. Pottery dating during the twenties and
thirties, however, was still in its formative stages. Whereas Albright
saw the 'collared-rim' jar as a specifically early Israelite artifact,
subsequent excavations demonstrated that this form continued in
widespread use down into the latter part of Iron II. Buhl and HolmNielsen based their revisions of the previous interpretation of the
71
evidence by Albright and Kjaer on this more recent development in

the study of Iron Age Palestinian pottery, especially with regard to
what they saw as the stronger parallels between the storage vessels of
'House A' and the artifacts of Strata VI and V at Hazor.
In addition to their archaeological work, Buhl and Holm-Nielsen
concluded their study with a survey of the biblical traditions
regarding Shiloh.21 Holm-Nielsen denied the historical authenticity
of the references to Shiloh in the book of Joshua. According to him,
these derived from later traditions which had built upon the
importance of Shiloh as a cultic center in late pre-monarchic times.
In this respect, Holm-Nielsen displayed an affinity with the school of
Wellhausen. He further suggested that Shiloh in these passages had
replaced original references to Gilgal or Shechem. Conversely,
Holm-Nielsen held the traditions about Shiloh in the book of Judges
to be reliable, especially that of the annual 'Feast of Yahweh' in Judg.
21.19, which he compared with the similar tradition in 1 Sam. 1.3.
Holm-Nielsen also stressed the apparently special connection
between Benjamin and Shiloh, and suggested that this relationship
might go back to Shiloh's status as the object of a cultic pilgrimage
for an earlier immigrated Benjamin tribe before Ephraim settled in
central Palestine. If so, it would mean that when Ephraim later
immigrated into the country, Benjamin was forced to withdraw to
the south. This would explain why Benjamin's special connection
with Shiloh was still preserved in the later pan-Israelite traditions.22
Holm-Nielsen also argued that there had been a 'strong Cana'anite

weft in the Shiloh cult'.23 The dancing girls in Judges 21 might refer
to Canaanite fertility rites, while 1 Sam. 2.22b might hint at sacral
prostitution. Indeed, recurrent reference to 'Shiloh, in the land of
Canaan' and the need for explicit directions to the site in Judg. 21.19
might have originated at a time when Shiloh was a Canaanite
settlement not yet under Israelite control, although it may have had
cultural and religious ties to the tribes of Israel, especially Benjamin.
Accordingly, the formerly Canaanite city of Shiloh may have had
special connections to the tribe of Benjamin, but it had fallen under
Ephraimite suzerainty sometime during the twelfth century BCE.
There was, however, no tradition of an Israelite conquest of the
place.
More importantly, Holm-Nielsen denied any justification for the
72
Shiloh
conclusion that Shiloh as a cultic center had been destroyed as a

result of the battle at Ebenezer. In support of this position, he
pointed to the archaeological evidence amassed by himself and Buhl
which indicated that Shiloh had continued in existence as an
inhabited town down to the end of Iron II. He appealed, moreover, to
the biblical references which earlier had been cited by Graf and
Frants Buhl, but which had been overlooked or ignored by the rest of
the academic community. Moreover, the traditions which had been
used to identify a destruction of Shiloh during the mid-eleventh
century did not afford an unequivocal picture on that score. The
story of the ark's Philistine captivity might have been no more than
an 'unhistorical cult legend'. If, on the other hand, the capture of the
ark actually had taken place, the setting-up of the ark in Kiriathjearim would have occurred because that town was in Philistine
territory, not because Shiloh had been destroyed. That Shiloh was
not mentioned again after 1 Samuel 3 derived from the fact that after
2 Samuel 7, the narrative was no longer concerned with the ark.
Therefore, Buhl and Holm-Nielsen concluded their work with an
attempted refutation of the widely accepted reconstruction, suggested
by Hengstenberg and worked out by Ewald, that Shiloh had been
destroyed following the battle at Ebenezer during the mid-eleventh
century.
3.4 The Reaction to the Work of Buhl and Holm-Nielsen
The publication and reinterpretation of the data from the Danish
excavations at Shiloh by Buhl and Holm-Nielsen sparked a broad
but mixed reaction within the community of biblical scholars and
archaeologists. On the one hand, the work won new support for the
views originally propounded by Graf and Frants Buhl. Thus, a
number of articles appeared in the ensuing years contradicting the
prevailing consensus,24 and Holm-Nielsen wrote the article on
Shiloh in IDBS, 1976.25 Thus, the widespread agreement on the
course of Shiloh's history, which had dominated Old Testament
studies since the days of Wellhausen, met for the first time with
serious, broad-based opposition.
Nonetheless, the work of Buhl and Holm-Nielsen did not go
unopposed. Yigael Shiloh, the noted Israeli archaeologist, wrote a
critical dissenting review of the Danish treatment, in which he
73
attacked the pottery analysis of Buhl concerning the key storage jars
found during the 1929 expedition in House A.26 As Shiloh correctly
noted, the fundamental problem with regard to the dating of the
Danish pottery was that no overall stratigraphy of the site had ever
been established. Thus, Buhl had been thrown back on the straight
comparative data of the sherds themselves. It was at that facet of
Buhl's work that Shiloh leveled his critique. According to Shiloh,
Buhl did 'not differentiate between the typical Iron Age I "collared
rim", in whith the "collar" is at the base of the neck, or the top of the
shoulder' and the later type, which, while it was ' a development of
the early type', had 'the "collar" further up', creating 'a ridge at the
middle of the neck'. Shiloh argued, moreover, that the Iron II
examples of this form of jar were all considerably smaller than their
Iron I prototypes. Shiloh raised the additional claim, made since
Albright's pioneering work at Tell Beit Mirsim and Tell el-Ful, that
the so-called 'collared-rim jar' was to be associated with the initial
settlement of the Israelites in Palestine. Finally, Shiloh denied that
Plate 14 of Buhl's treatment of the pottery remains contained a single
example of an Iron II sherd, thus challenging her judgment in more
than half of the over twenty-five sherds displayed there. The intent of
Shiloh's critique was to discredit the contention of Buhl and HolmNielsen that the Iron Age settlement at Tell Seilun had not been
destroyed until the late seventh century, and to reinforce the earlier
consensus that biblical Shiloh had been destroyed by the Philistines
in the eleventh century. At the same time, the rest of Buhl and
Holm-Nielsen's data, which indicated that Tell Seilun had continued
as an inhabited site during the period of the Divided Monarchy, was
accepted by Shiloh in lieu of earlier arguments that the town had
been abandoned after its destruction and never resettled. Similarly,
John Day, in seeking to refute the arguments of Holm-Nielsen,
Pearce, and van Rossum concerning the destruction of the Shilonite
sanctuary sometime in the late seventh, or perhaps the eighth,
century BCE, was compelled to admit that Shiloh had continued as a
viable settlement even after the destruction of its sanctuary.27
The reversal of the interpretation of the archaeological evidence
from Shiloh provided by Buhl and Holm-Nielsen went a long way
toward breaking the long-standing consensus concerning the fate of
Shiloh's settlement and sanctuary. Even the adherents of the older
view have had to modify their claims regarding Shiloh's destruction
74
Shiloh
after Ebenezer. Thus, Shiloh admitted to the continuation of the

town at Tell Seilum down into the Iron II period, while Day argued
for the destruction of the sanctuary alone, not the settlement as a
whole.28 Nevertheless, the Danish scholars did not succeed in
establishing a new consensus.
At present, an Israeli team under the direction of Israel Finkelstein
of the Bar-Ilan University has renewed excavations at Tell Seilun
with the hope of clearing up the major technical points at issue. The
results of this work have been published as noted, and in Prof.
Finkelstein's newly published work on the Israelite settlement.29 The
preliminary reports assert on architectural grounds that the stratum
in which House A and House B of the Danish excavations were
found belong to the Iron I period.30 Moreover, it is claimed that this
entire level perished 'in afiercefire,the signs of which are to be seen
everywhereash on thefloorsand collapse of stone and baked mudbrick'.31 Final assessment of the archaeological evidence, however,
must await publication of the complete site reports before any
definitive judgment can be reached regarding the accuracy of these
new claims.
Finkelstein's work has nonetheless provided a good overview of
the settlement history of the site, and this evidence has important
bearing on the interpretation of the biblical traditions. The first
occupation of Tell Seilun occurred in MB IIB (1750-1650 BCE), in the
form of an unwalled settlement. During MB IICC (1650-1550 BCE)
Seilun became the site of a walled city, complete with a massive,
beaten-earth glacis supporting the main wall, which reached a height
of twenty-five feet in some sectors and varied in thickness from ten to
seventeen feet. Even at that time Seilun apparently had been the site
of a Canaanite shrine, as small votive bowls and cultic stands taken
from the storerooms along the city wall indicate. Since no houses of
this period have been found in the tell to date, Finkelstein has
suggested that during MB IIC the inhabitants of the small villages of
Ephraim may have built fortress-cities such as Shiloh as places of
refuge during times of attack. This MB IIC city was destroyed
sometime in the sixteenth century BCE, as evidenced by fire in the
rooms adjacent to the city. While activity resumed at Shiloh during
the Late Bronze Age, very little construction and no real settlement
took place. The largest concentration of LB remains, in fact, seems to
have been a 'dump' or 'intentional deposit'. This evidence led
Finkelstein to interpret the LB site as
75
an isolated cultic place to which offerings were brought by people

from various places in the region. The fact that there were very few
permanent Late Bronze sites anywhere in the vicinity of Shiloh
may indicate that these people lived in pastoral groups, in
temporary dwellings. It is probable that these offerings, many of
them Late Bronze I (15th century B.C.) in date, were brought to
the site of the destroyed Middle Bronze Age sanctuary, which may
even have been reconstructed. The steadily declining amount of
pottery indicates a decrease in activity at the site, and then a
complete cessation, apparently before the end of the Late Bronze
Age.32
Seilun was reoccupied at the beginning of the Early Iron period, and
the Israeli team found the buildings from this period built into the
MB IIC glacis. According to Finkelstein, these were 'public'
structures, and may have been 'annexes to the cultic complex that
stood farther uphill'. 33 Finkelstein then argued that these buildings
had been erected 'no earlier that the second half or end of the twelfth
century B.C.', since this dating would be in agreement with the
evidence for the creation of the 'first supratribal center', and
'especially the date of the beginning of the process of Israelite
settlement'.34
In conjunction with the ongoing excavations at Tell Seilun, the
Israeli team has also been conducting a survey of the Ephraimite hill
country, which has yielded some important data for the evaluation of
Shiloh's importance in the early period of Israelite settlement. The
results of this survey are as follows, (a) During the Middle Bronze
Age, small settlements dotted the Ephraimite hill country but were
abandoned before the end of that period, (b) During the Late Bronze
Age, an even more precipitous decline in population occurred, with
the number of sites decreasing from fifty to five, and with the size of
those settlements falling off as well, (c) Occupation increased again
at the beginning of Iron I, and the area around Seilun was the focus
of much of this settlement. In fact, out of one hundred sites surveyed
from this period, twenty-two were found within a three-to-four mile
radius around Seilun, and over half of these emerged later in Iron I.
By comparison, Bethel further south had only twelve Iron I
settlements in close proximity to it.
Finkelstein draws several important conclusions from this evidence.
Starting from the premise that the large, 'collared-rim' pithoi found
at Seilun are characteristic of an ethnically Israelite group, he asserts
76
Shiloh
that the Israelite settlement at Shiloh can be traced to no earlier than

the twelfth century BCE.35 Accordingly, Shiloh became an important
cult center 'no earlier than the second half or end of the 12th century
B.C.', a view which, for Finkelstein, agrees with the rest of the
chronological indicators. The centers of Israelite worship changed,
however, as the population moved southward. With Shiloh's
destruction around 1050 BCE, Benjamin became the center of
Israelite settlement, and Bethel became an important shrine.36
Finally, Finkelstein offers a new interpretation of the settlement at
Shiloh. The Iron I occupation covered no more than three acres, and
Finkelstein argued that this area probably contained the 'complex of
the tabernacle and its auxiliary buildings'. Furthermore, since the
LB remains are an indication of the nature and function of the Iron I
site, he suggests that Iron Age Seilun was most likely a 'sacred
temenos'a. specially marked off area devoted to cultic purposes.
Finkelstein further ventures to identify the summit of the tell as the
site of the tabernacle, and adduces various arguments for this
conclusion, at the same time admitting that the question is
unanswerable.37
The current Israeli excavations, then, are being interpreted as
supporting the traditional theory that Shiloh was destroyed in the
mid-eveventh century. Moreover, this reconstruction is associated by
the excavators with a twelfth-century entrance of the Israelite tribes
into Canaan. The latter assumption carries with it other mainstays of
the Albrightian synthesis, most notably the identification of the
'collared-rim' jar with an ethnically Israelite culture. Thus, much of
Finkelstein's interpretation is open to question, at least, on the basis
of the archaeological and historical assumptions from which he has
obviously worked.
3.5 Interpreting Shiloh's Archaeological Remains
The interpretation of the results of the original Danish excavations
at Tell Seilun as supporting the prevalent consensus regarding
Shiloh's destruction in the mid-eleventh century BCE has been one of
the fundamental dynamics in the ensuing debate. Consequently, the
reinterpretation of those data by Marie-Louise Buhl and Svend
Holm-Nielsen called that view into question and opened the way for
a different treatment of Shiloh's history. The work of Buhl and
11
Holm-Nielsen has itself come under fire, however, so that the

archaeological evidence must itself be considered problematic. Yigael
Shiloh touched upon this problem when he noted that the Danish
excavations had failed to yield a general stratigraphy for the site.
Indeed, the disputed 'destruction layer' was known to be located only
in Houses A and B, until the present Israeli excavations got under
way. This basic lack of stratigraphic evidence has made the
interpretation of the pottery remains difficult, to say the least.
Moreover, the dabate over the dating of this destruction level has
centered on seven storage jars of a similar type. Ideally, an
archaeologist would have preferred a number of dissimilar types of
vessels and sherds from which to date such a crucial stratum. Since
only one basic pottery form has emerged to cast light on this
problem, and since that form has a long history, from the beginning
of Iron I to the close of Iron II, it should come as no surprise that
there is considerable disagreement among those most familiar with
this evidence over its significance for the dating of the stratum in
question.
Additional disagreement has been spawned by the employment of
previously accepted, but now questionable hypotheses. Thus, both
Shiloh and Finkelstein have reasserted Albright's claim that the
'collared-rim' jar represents an ethnically Israelite pottery type. Yet
evidence from elsewhere in Palestine, Hazor, for example, indicates
widespread precursors of this form from the Late Bronze Age
onwards.38 Forerunners of this type may even occur as early as MB
II.39 Excavations in the Transjordan have revealed a wider distribution
of the 'collared-rim' jar than was previously thought to be the case.
This fact has led one archaeologist to argue that this form is to be
connected with a socio-economic milieu, rather than a specific ethnic
group.40Thus,the 'collared-rim' jar, which hasfiguredso prominently
in attempts to identify the first 'Israelite' strata in Palestinian sites,
appears to be simply a development on the native Canaanite storage
jar which originated in the Middle Bronze Age. The identification of
the first levels of 'Israelite' occupation by the presence of these
peculiar, but culturally widespread pithoi is therefore fallacious.
These 'collared-rim' jars comprise just one aspect of a common
Palestine-Transjordan culture during Iron I, which had origins in
earlier periods.
Another problem raised in this connection by Shiloh is the relative
78
Shiloh
dating of the evolving forms of these pithoi by the position of the

'collar' in relationship to the neck and shoulder of the jar. While it is
now clear that this basic form persisted until the end of Iron II,
Shiloh has maintained that Iron I 'collars' were set at the base of the
neck, or the top of the shoulder of the jar, whereas Iron II 'collars'
had moved up to the middle of the neck, and were somewhat smaller
than their Iron I counterparts: 0.4-0.6m, as against 1.1-1.2m. Still,
there is evidence of the 'earlier' type of'collared-rim' jar, as identified
by Shiloh, in Stratum VAfromHazor, although the jar in question is
somewhat smaller than its couterparts at Tell Seilun.41 Another jar
from the same stratum at Hazor,42 however, exhibits the 'collar' just
below the rim, a form which Shiloh considers typical of the later
period.43 The occurrence of these two allegedly different forms of
vessel in the same Iron II stratum at Hazor suggests that the problem
of Tell Seilun's pottery is more ambiguous than has heretofore been
realized. Some forms may have actually continued to enjoy limited
popularity, even after they had fallen into wide disuse. This seems to
be the logical conclusion of the evidence of Hazor VA.
Nonetheless, Shiloh's observation that the large size of the Iron I
'collared-rim' jars is a distinctive feature of the storage jars of that
period, in contrast to the smaller vessels of that style found in Iron II,
bears consideration. In fact, Finkelstein's team has unearthed an
impressive collection of jars of similar size and form to those found
by the Danes nearly sixty years ago, and these in conjunction with
other Iron I pottery.44 Although these massive pithoi do not seem to
have survived past the end of Iron I (despite the continuation of the
general form of the 'collared-rim' jar down to the end of Iron II), it is
also possible that such large jars remained in use in some places long
after they had fallen out of generU use. The polemical nature of the
debate over this issue, especially from the side of those who operate
out of the assumption that Shiloh was destroyed by the Philistines,
allows little ground for a resolution.
Further objections to the interpretation offered by Finkelstein may
be raised as well. It is doubtful, for instance, whether the first
'Israelites' in Palestine can be identified by the material remains of
their sedentary culture. Indeed, the tradition of the Israelites as tentdwellers in the land seems to have persisted until quite late, and is
reflected in the cries 'Each to his tents, O Israel!' (2 Sam. 20.1), and
'To your tents, O Israel!' (1 Kgs 12.16). Judg. 7.8; 1 Sam. 4.10; 13.2
79
also assume that the Israelites still dwelt in tents. One could
therefore argue that the dating of the earliest Israelite elements in
Palestine is beyond the reach of archaeology, since nomads leave
precious little in the way of artifactual remains. One might take this
argument one step father and identify the LB I remains at Seilun,
interpreted by Finkelstein as 'an isolated cultic place to which
offerings were brought by people from various places in the region',45
with the Israelites of this period, who at that time may well have
been no more than 'people who lived in pastoral groups, in
temporary dwellings'.46 If the Canaanite shrine in the old tradition
behind Judg. 21.16-24 had been the MB IIC cultic center at Seilun,
this connection might place the Israelite tribes in Palestine as early as
thefifteenthcentury BCE.47 The archaeological problem is this: if one
cannot distinguish a typical Israelite artifact from other types of
artifacts, one cannot demonstrate by archaeolgical means when the
Israelites were on the scene. Certainly the Alt-Noth hypothesis that
the Israelite tribes penetrated Palestine over a long period of time is
preferable to that of one sudden conquest, at least in light of the
disparate nature of the conquest traditions.48 The tribe of Asher,
which settled in western Galilee adjacent to the Canaanite cities
along the Mediterranean coast, may be mentioned in an Egyptian
inscription from the end of the fourteenth century BCE.49 And
contrary to Finkelstein's assertion that 'there is no unequivocal
archaeological evidence that the Israelite settlement began as early as
the 13th century B.C.',50 the Merneptah stele definitely identifies a
non-settled group in Palestine as 'Israel' during the last decades of
the thirteenth century.51 Consequently, Finkelstein's attempt to
associate the first Israelite settlers in Canaan on the basis of their
artifactual and architectural remains is mistaken. How long the
various tribes inhabited the land before they settled into agrarian
communities and adapted to the local Canaanite culture is unknown.
However, the presence of Asher in the fourteenth century BCE, and
of Israel in the thirteenth, suggests that at least a century passed
during which the tribes that eventually became Israel lived in
Palestine as pastoraliststhe very culture which Finkelstein associates
with the Late Bronze Age in the central hill country. Since the
biblical account of the Israelite Landnahme is not of one piece, and
since the broad conquest of the land ascribed to Joshua is an
idealization (as Josh. 13.1-6; 15.63; 17.12-13,14-18 demonstrate), it
80
Shiloh
is difficult to see how the Israelite occupation of the land can, today,
be viewed as a simple, archaeologically objectifiable process tied to a
single, culturally distinctive group.
Another difficulty with Finkelstein's reconstruction is the apparent
confusion between the temple at Shiloh and the tabernacle. Thus,
one is perplexed at his expectation that archaeological evidence
might be uncovered which would pinpoint the location of the
tabernacle. Moreover, the relationship between the 'cultic complex',
which stood uphill from the 'public pillared buildings' on the western
slope of the tell,52 and the tabernacle, is not made clear. It is as if the
excavators cannot decide whether they are looking for a tent shrine, a
temple, or both. The biblical tradition locates both a temple (1 Sam.
1-3) and a tent shrine (Josh. 18-22; 1 Sam. 2.22b) at Shiloh, which in
fact merely points up the difficulty of 'confirming' the biblical
account of Shiloh through archaeology.
In conclusion, the archaeological evidence from Tell Seilun, just as
the biblical narratives of Shiloh, does not afford an unambiguous
picture of the history of the Israelite settlement there. While the
current Israeli team worked out the periodization of the site, serious
interpretative problems remain. Noth's caution against 'the improper
search for direct biblical connections'53 is no less valid today than it
was thirty years ago. The biblical traditions present neither a clear
picture of Shiloh's history nor a straighforward account of the
sanctuary there; and similar problems are posed by the reconstruction
of the Israelite Landnahme. It is therefore difficult to know just how
and where the Shiloh traditions of the Hebrew Bible should relate to
the archaeological data from Tell Seilun. For instance, the LB I site
could have been the locus of the tabernacle, while the Iron I
settlement might have centered on a temple (and other equally
plausible reconstructions are possible). At any rate, the complexity of
the biblical traditions themselves as to the nature and history of the
Shilonite sanctuary defy the positing of'objective' historical reconstructions based on direct correlations between the biblical traditions and
the archaeological data.
3.6 The Literary-Historical Discussion of Shiloh
in the First Third of the Twentieth Century
At the same time that 'biblical archaeology' was coming of age as a
81
discipline, the historical-critical debate over biblical Shiloh was

witnessing the opening of avenues of discussion which were basically
antithetical to those laid down in the consensus of the late nineteenth
century. Not that any major changes were suggested with regard to
the reconstruction of Shiloh's history propounded by Wellhausen,
other than those already mentioned above. The twentieth century
witnessed a resurrection of the notion of the antiquity and reliability
of the priestly source of the Pentateuch, which resulted in a
reopening of the older debate concerning the importance of the cult
at Shiloh. As early as 1923, Albright had treated the erection of the
tabernacle at Shiloh as a foregone conclusion requiring no particular
defense, in sharp contrast to the international consensus.54 Noth's
famous study, Das System der zwolf Stamme Israels, first published
in 1930, argued that important elements of the priestly source
preserved older, historical traditions.55 On the basis of this assertion,
Noth theorized that the Israelite tribes originally had been organized
in an amphictyony similar to those found in ancient Greece and
Etrusca.56 Noth thus sought to redeem as historical what had been
regarded by the previous generation as merely idealistic, historicizing
fiction. In so doing, he had gone back to the work of Ewald,58the
mainstay of the mid-nineteenth century consensus.57 The amphictyonic
members, Noth argued, had been bound together by the obligation to
protect and maintain the cultic service at the central sanctuary
the communal cult there forming the binding element between the
various tribes.59 A six-member amphictyony of the Leah tribes had at
one time occupied the central hill country of Palestine and had
served the sanctuary at Shechen, which tradition is still preserved in
Joshua 24.60 It was this six-tribe amphictyony which had formed the
basis for the later twelve-tribe amphictyony. But when the amphictyony
expanded to include the tribes of Joseph and Benjamin, the ark, the
old nomadic shrine of the tribe of Joseph, became the actual central
shrine of the tribal amphictyony.61 The original permanent locus of
the ark had been Shechem, but the ark was transferred at least once
in the pre-monarchical period to Shiloh.62 The occasion of this
transfer, according to Noth, may have been the destruction of
Shechem by Abimelech.63
Noth's groundbreaking work opened the way for a thoroughgoing
revaluation of the historicity of the pre-monarchic traditions of the
unity of the Israelite tribes. Even more significantly, the amphictyonic
82
Shibh
theory established a basis for the credibility of the pre-monarchic

existence of Israel as a cultic community, a phenomenon which
Wellhausen had associated with Second-Temple Judaism. With its
emphasis on the concrete pre-monarchic cultic unity of the Israelite
tribes, Noth's thesis paralleled the contemporary work of S.
Mowinckel, whose Psalmenstudien emphasized the role and importance
of the cult during the period of the monarchy.64
The first third of the twentieth century, then, saw significant
breaks with the historical-critical presuppositions established at the
end of the nineteenth century, primarily with regard to the antiquity
of the cultic institutions of Israel. This new climate sparked changes
in the discussion of biblical Shiloh and produced conclusions
sometimes resembling those reached by the dissenting historians of
the late nineteenth century: Dillmann, Kittel, and Baudissin.
3.7 The Work ofKaufmann, de Vaux, and Haran
In addition to Noth's work on the amphictyony, several other
scholars made significant contributions to understanding Israel's
cultic traditions preserved in the priestly strata of the Hexateuch in
the context of Israel's early history. The scholars who deserve credit
for this work came from two different schools: the French school,
which began with the work of Dussaud on the connection between
Canaanite and Israelite sacrifice, and the Israeli school, which began
with Yehezkel Kaufmann. The principal figure among the French
scholars was Roland de Vaux. Among the Israeli scholars, Kaufmann's
work has been taken up by a whole generation of scholars, among
whom Menahem Haran is of special concern to this study.
3.7.1 Yehezkel Kaufmann
The most distinctive work on the history of the religion of Israel
written in the twentieth century was that of the Israeli scholar,
Yehezkel Kaufmann.65 Kaufmann formulated his work as an
alternative to the Wellhausian synthesis. In so doing, he revived
arguments which had been first raised by Saalschutz, Riehm, Bleek,
Dillmann and other nineteenth-century German scholars. The
central claim of Kaufmann was that the priestly source of the
Pentateuch was older than and independent of the deuteronomic
code, and consequently, that P presented a true picture of Israel's life
83
and worship in the wilderness period. Kaufmann made this point in

several ways. He argued that the cultic unity of the priestly source
was presupposed by JE, which also reported for the desert period
only one camp, one ark, and one tent.66 Moreover, the priestly source
did not betray a hint of the kind of cultic centralization demanded in
Deuteronomy.67 The only instance where such an interpretation
might have been possible was Leviticus 17. Yet this text, which
prohibited the slaughtering of animals away from the 'entrance' to
the Tent of Meeting, would have effectively banned the eating of
meat outside of Jerusalem, if it had been written under the influence
of the deuteronomic code. Hence, the only possibility for Kaufmann
was that Lev. 17.3 actually presupposed a multiplicity of legitimate
local Yahwistic sanctuaries.68 To be sure, the priestly source
identified only a single, legitinate sanctuary: the tent of meeting. But
after the entry into Palestine, the tent sanctuary had been regarded
as a thing of the past, and many sanctuaries were recognized and
'identified' with the tent of meeting. That is why the priestly source
was silent regarding sacrifice on the high places: it recognized no
such sin. Indeed, Lev. 26.31 showed that P recognized the multiple
holy places when it threatened destruction of the Israelite temples for
failure to comply with the strictures of the Holiness Code. The
pronounced emphasis on a single, central place of worship with a
specific geographic locus, according to Kaufmann, was a peculiarity
of the deuteronomic code. Kaufmann further stressed the oracular,
prophetic, and military aspects of the priestly cult, none of which
found a place in the Second Temple.69 Those few points of contact
between the priestly code and the institutions of the post-exilic
community derived from the attempt by redactors of that later
period to put the old priestly legislation into effect, no matter to what
limited extent such an exercise might have been possible.
Kaufmann's work thus comprised an attempted rebuttal of the
reigning consensus on pentateuchal criticism, as far as the authenticity
of the priestly source was concerned. However, he did not argue in
the manner of the scholars of the mid-nineteenth century, that is, by
trying to show the antiquity of the centralization tradition. Rather,
Kaufmann acknowledged the lateness of the deuteronomic demand
for centralization of the cult and argued that P, so far from
presupposing centralization, as Wellhausen had maintained, actually
assumed multiple places of worship.
84
Shiloh
With regard to Shiloh, Kaufmann departed from the tendency

among conservative scholars to regard as historical the tradition that
Shiloh had been the first place where Yahweh had made his name to
dwell. He maintained instead that Jeremiah's appeal to Shiloh's fate
recast 'the past in accord with the Deuteronomistic requirement',
especially when Jeremiah designated Shiloh as 'the place where I
caused my name to dwell at first' (Jer. 7.12). To Kaufmann, Jeremiah
was himself responsible for this connection between the centralization
tradition and Shiloh, and it was Jeremiah's view which had laid the
basis for the later Mishmaic tradition (m. Zebah. 14.4-10).70
3.7.2 Roland de Vaux
Another scholar to argue for the authenticity of the priestly
material
1
of the Old Testament, although to a lesser12extent than Kaufmann,
was Roland de Vaux. De Vaux's views were published in his
monumental work on The Early History of Israel,7? and in his
smaller, but equally valuable Ancient Israel. De Vaux continued the
tradition begun by Rene Dussaud's studies of sacrifice, in that he
relied heavily upon the extra-biblical evidence to clarify and explain
the biblical traditions. Thus, he appealed to the ancient Arab
institution of the portable tent-shrine to substantiate the biblical
tradition of the tabernacle. According to de Vaux, the pre-Islamic
Arabs had maintained a tent-shrine called a qubba: a red leather tent
housing the tribe's stone idols, and cared for by women. In this
connection, de Vaux noted that the priestly miskdn was covered with
ram skins dyed red, and was served by women. Furthermore, the
priestly tabernacle had housed the stone tablets of the Covenant.73
Just as the Israelites had carried the ark, with its stone tablets, into
battle, the Arabs and even the Carthaginians had carried their
respective tent-shrines into war. Finally, the term qubba actually
occurs in Num. 25.8, possibly in connection with the tent. From this
evidence, de Vaux argued that the tabernacle had been the actual
Israelite tent-sanctuary, which had been set up last on the plains of
Moab, prior to the entry into the land.74
With regard to the ark, de Vaux maintained that this item had been
an integral part of the desert worship, but at the same time was older
than the tabernacle. The ark had had two functions. In the first place
it had served as the throne, or footstool, of Yahweh. Its further
function had been as a repository for the tablets of the Covenant. De
85
Vaux cited Egyptian and Hittite parallels in which religious

documents, treaties, oaths, and other forms of attestation were
deposited 'at the feet of the god'.75 While the oldest traditions, i.e.
those of JE, did not connect the ark with the tabernacle, de Vaux
argued that these two institutions probably had been linked, and that
the omission of this linkage in JE was the result of the fragmentary
form in which those traditions had been preserved. With respect to
this latter argument, de Vaux suggested that the 16 of Exod. 33.7
could possibly have referred to the ark, as opposed to Moses or
Yahweh, if Exod. 33.7-11 had been separated from its original
context. De Vaux raised additional considerations in support of the
validity of the priestly tradition which connected the ark with the
tabernacle: (a) the ark must have been housed in something in the
desert, probably a tent; (b) the tent of meeting likewise must have
housed something, just as the Arabic quabba had housed divine
symbols. Thus, de Vaux concluded that the ark and the tabernacle
should not be separated. The priestly depiction of the desert
sanctuary, however colored by the Solomonic Temple, represented
an authentic, historical tradition of the early Israelite cult.76
Although de Vaux maintained the validity of the priestly tradition
of the desert shrine, he was skeptical of the other priestly tradition of
the erection of the tabernacle at Shiloh at the end of the conquest. He
pointed out that it was Gilgal, not Shiloh, where the memory of the
entry into the land had been preserved. Shiloh, however, had
eclipsed the sanctuary at Gilgal during the period of the Judges, and
had become the central sanctuary of the tribal confederacy. At
Shiloh, a temple, rather than a tent, had housed the ark. Moreover,
the Shilonite cult designated Yahweh for the first time as 'Sebaoth,
who sits above the Cherubim'. Otherwise, de Vaux doubted that
much more could be known of the Shiloh sanctuary, other than that
it had been sacked in the aftermath of the disaster at Aphek. The last
valid reference to the history of the tabernacle concerned its erection
on the plains of Moab, and no further reliable mention of this shrine
was preserved. David's tent for the ark merely emulated the
tabernacle of the wilderness period, and it was this latter tent which
the glossator in 1 Kgs 8.4 had identified as the tent of meeting. The
Chronicler's presentation of the tent of meeting was, on the other
hand, entirely pretended.
De Vaux thus continued certain of the argumentsfromWellhausen's
86
Shiloh
synthesis, while at the same time following lines of argument laid

down by scholars such as Dussaud and Noth, which undercut the
force of Wellhausen's critique of the priestly source. Nevertheless, de
Vaux did not carry his vindication of the antiquity of the priestly
traditions over to his treatment of those traditions as they appeared
in the latter chapters of the book ofJoshua. Therefore, his discussion
of the Shilonite cult was nearly identical to that of Wellhausen, with
the sole exception of his identification of Shiloh's heyday with its
status as the central sanctuary of the tribal confederacy, an idea
which was derived from Noth's important work.
3.7.3 Menahem Haran
The final major work of the twentieth century to deal with Shiloh in
an important way has been that of Menahem Haran.77 Haran's
study, like that of Kaufinann, attempted to demonstrate the antiquity
of 'all the material embodied in the pentateuchal priestly source' and
to show that 'the literary crystallization of P must have taken place
in pre-exilic times'. At the same time, however, Haran contended
that the priestly law had not been canonized until the period of Ezra,
when it became 'a cornerstone of Jewish communal life'. In this latter
connection, Haran advanced the idea, first developed by Dillmann,
and promulgated by Kittel and Baudissin, that the priestly document
had originated as the rules and regulations of the ritual cult which
had been maintained and handed on in the closed company of the
priesthood.78
With regard to Shiloh, Haran both continued and broke with the
Wellhausian tradition. First of all, Haran treated Shiloh as one
among many pre-monarchic temples, but argued that Shiloh had
been the most prestigious of these pre-monarchic holy places.79
Shiloh's prestige had declined following the loss of the ark to the
Philistines, though there was no literary evidence that Shiloh or its
sanctuary were at this time destroyed. The destruction of the town
and shrine did not occur, in fact, until the general destruction which
befell the entire northern kingdom in the last quarter of the eighth
century, and even after that a small settlement may have continued
on the site.80
Moreover, the Shilonite priesthood had been Aaronite, even
though the Aaronites had their origins in Judah and Benjamin.81
This was demonstrated by the fact that all of the Levitical cities
87
which were assigned to the Aaronites were located within the

territory of these two tribes. The fact that the Elide Abiathar,
banished from the court of Solomon, went to his inheritance in
Anathoth, and that Jeremiah, the only prophet to mention Shiloh,
was also from Anathoth, confirmed for Haran the Aaronite pedigree
of the priests of Shiloh.82
Haran's most important contention, however, was his argument
that the tent of meeting was not a figure for the Jerusalem temple,
but for the temple at Shiloh.83 The priestly traditions had thus had
their origin in Shiloh, as had the priestly legislation. Haran noted,
moreover, that the tabernacle in P was not provisional, to be replaced
by a temple, but was itself an object of veneration, meant to stand in
the land for many generations after the settlement. Furthermore, the
priestly tradition never linked the temple in Jerusalem to the tent of
meeting, despite the traces of a priestly hand in 1 Kgs 8.4.84 Instead,
the priestly tradition saw the tent of meeting in Shiloh as afigurefor
the Shilonite sanctuary. Haran, however, denied that a temple
originally had stood at Shiloh. The texts which treated Shiloh as the
site of a temple derived from the period of the monarchy, and had
been written from the standpoint of those later conditions. In fact,
the sanctuary at Shiloh had been the tabernacle, which had
continued in use from the nomadic period down to the time of the
settlement in Canaan simply out of a strict adherence to a venerable
old institution.85 Nevertheless, the priestly legislation regarding the
tabernaclei.e. the priestly 'temple legend'was not the old
Shilonite legend, per se, but the Jerusalemite version of it, in which
the tabernacle, having long since passed out of existence, was
unconsciously portrayed in the garb of the extant temple of
Jerusalem.86
To recover the historical reality of the priestly tabernacle, Haran
compared the traditions of the tent shrine in JE with those of P. He
concluded that all of these traditions agreed with one another in
identifying the divine revelation with afixedinstitution.87 However,
the priestly tradition had linked divine revelation to the inner
sanctum, the miskdn, located at the center of the camp. The miskdn
paralleled the later institution of the temple, since both served as a
'dwelling-place' for the deity. Conversely, the traditions of JE
focused upon the 'ohel-mo'ed, located outside the camp (Exod. 33.711), where the focal point of revelation had been the entrance to the
88
Shiloh
tent. This tent shrine ofJE was a unique prophetic institution, but it
had been superseded by the belief that prophetic revelation could
occur anywhere, and had been absorbed into the hierocentric priestly
tradition. Thus, the 'dhel-mo'ed and the rmskan became interchangeable
terms in the priestly materials in the Hexateuch. In point of fact, the
JE tradition of the 'dhel-mo'ed was the older, but in P this was made
indistinguishable from the miskdn.88
In working from the views of Kaufmann, Haran likewise broke
with the legacy of Wellhausen and the late nineteenth century and
advocated the antiquity of the priestly traditions. Haran's argumentation on this point is based upon a careful reading of the Hebrew text,
and cannot be dismissed as apologetic or uncritical. With specific
regard to Shiloh, Haran has maintained the authenticity of the
tradition of the tent shrine there, contending that the tent shrine is
not a figure for the Jerusalem temple. Finally, Haran has appealed to
the same exegetical evidence cited by Graf, Buhl, and Holm-Nielsen
to argue that no biblical evidence exists for a destruction of Shiloh in
the mid-eveventh century BCE.
3.8 The Work of Eissfeldt, Cody, and Cross
While significant inroads were made against Wellhausen's synthesis
during the twentieth century, his ideas also continued to recieve
creative support and were further developed with regard to biblical
Shiloh. The treatments of Eissfeldt, Cody, and Cross all represent
expansions on the sythesis of Wellhausen with regard to Shiloh, its
history, and its priesthood.
3.8.1 Otto Eissfeldt
Otto Eissfeldt presented an essay before the International Congress
for the Study of the Old Testament in Strasbourg, France, in 1956, in
which he expanded upon the religionsgeschichtlich aspects of the
relationship between Jerusalem and Shiloh.89 In the introduction to
this paper, Eissfeldt concurred with Albright and Kjaer, that the
archaeological excavations at Shiloh had proven the accuracy of the
view that Shiloh had been destroyed violently in the eleventh
century BCEE, and that this destruction was, at least with high
probability, alluded to in Jer. 7.12, 14; 26.6, 9; and Ps. 78.60, where
the destruction of the temple at Shiloh was either explicitly narrated,
89
or unmistakably implied.90 In terms of the historical scenario which

was presupposed, then, Eissfeldt's essay followed the reconstruction
of Shiloh's history which had dominated biblical studies since the
time of Wellhausen.
Nevertheless, the basic thesis of Eissfeldt's paper was at odds with
the spirit of the Wellhausian synthesis, insofar as Eissfeldt contended
that during the pre-monarchic period
Shiloh had for the history of Israel, and with it the history of
humanity, the same significance as Jerusalem, inasmuch as
Jerusalem, without Shiloh, would never have become what it
[actually] became.91
According to Eissfeldt, Shiloh had embodied the national and
religious unity and consciousness prior to the Davidic monarchy.
After David had seized power and made the Jebusite fortress city his
capital, he had to solve the problem of maintaining the Jebusite cult
of El Elyon in the city, represented by the priesthood of Zadok, while
at the same time preserving the heritage of the Israelite faith in
Yahweh. David did not accomplish this task by 'going to Shiloh', as is
perhaps implied in Gen. 49.10.92 Rather, David 'brought Shiloh to
Jerusalem'that is, he brought the ark, the cult object which
symbolized the values of Israel's pre-Canaanite pastup into the
city. Yet this act by David entailed far more than the mere
introduction of an Israelite cult object and priesthood into the
Jebusite stronghold. By this action, David had transferred to the
Yahweh of Jerusalem the divine epithet of the Shilonite diety:
'Seba'oth, who is enthroned above the cherubim'. Thus, Yahweh had
become 'Yahweh Seba'oth, who is enthroned above the cherubim'. 93
According to Eissfeldt, this fundamental change in the divine name
was of as great a magnitude as the revelation of the divine name
Yahweh to Moses in Exod. 6.2-3, in that it brought about a dramatic
expansion in the concept of God, especially with regard to the power
and majesty of Yahweh, Moreover, Shiloh's stone temple had
inspired David to erect a temple to Yahweh in Jerusalem, and
Shiloh's cult had inspired Solomon's two gold-covered cherubim
which stood over the ark in the holy of holies in Jerusalem.
The central contribution of Eissfeldt's essay was his development
of the significance of the role of Shiloh in the emergence of the
Yahwistic religion during the early monarchy. These ideas were not
90
Shiloh
altogether new: Martin Noth had argued already in 1950 that in

bringing the ark to Jerusalem, David had tied Canaanite Jerusalem
to the Israelite tradition. 94 Furthermore, the religious significance of
Jerusalem had increased independently of the status of the Davidic
house during the period of the later monarchy due to the presence of
the arkthe focus of Israel's vorpaldstinische tradition. Thus,
Eissfeldt's treatment of Shiloh and Jerusalem, while it presumed
Wellhausen's reconstruction of the history of the Shiloh sanctuary,
actually furthered the religionsgeschichtlich views of Martin Noth.
These views, as has been shown above, stood in basic contradiction
to those of Wellhausen, in that Noth insisted on the pre-monarchic
cultic unity of the Israelite tribes.
3.8.2 Aelred Cody
The contribution of Aelred Cody to the discussion of Shiloh has
come mainly in regard to his treatment of the Shilonite priesthood.95
Cody displayed the tendency of the majority of scholars in the
middle third of the twentieth century to accept the credibility of the
traditions regarding the pre-Canaanite origins of Israel's cult. For
instance, Cody argued that the biblical traditions regarding Moses'
appointment of the Levites prior to the entry into Canaan as
attendants to the ark may actually have had an historical nucleus. In
connection with the priesthood of Eli, Cody contended that Eli's
family had been an hereditary order of levitical descent, attached to
the shrine at Shiloh because of the presence of the ark there. 96 This
levitical ancestry of the Elides Cody found confirmed in the
recurring names of Hophni and Phileas, which were both Egyptian
in origin.97 Furthermore, Cody accepted the tradition of the
judgeship of Eli on the basis of Exod. 18.13-26; Deut. 17.8-13; 21.5.
Thus, he interpreted the Shilonite priesthood as one of sanctuary

attendants
whose oracular consultation was perhaps developed into judicial
tora, or beginning to develop into that kind of tora. The Elides had
no monopoly on sacrifice, however, for... Samuel's father Elkanah
sacrificed as a pilgrim to the sanctuary they frequented (1 Sam.
1:3).98
Samuel, on the other hand, had been neither priest nor Levite.
According to 1 Sam. 2.13, Samuel was a na'ar-hakkohen. Since na'ar
was a technical Phoenician designation for a lower temple servant.
91
Samuel had shared this status." This position corresponded best to

Hannah's humble vow to Yahweh (1 Sam. 1.28). The material
placing Samuel in the Shlonite cult had been preserved not to
demonstrate Samuel's own priesthood, but to 'root' him 'in the place
which was the center of the pre-monarchical Yahwistic spirit, leading
up to his climax showing Samuel as a prophet in that spirit's
tradition'. Samuel as an adult was both judge and prophet, as
Deborah had been (Judg. 4). His cultic role had been limited to these
functions as well, and had not extended to those of the priesthood,100
Shiloh had been destroyed as a cultic center following the battle of
Ebenezer, and Nob had succeeded it as the center of the covenantal
traditions, and was administered by the descendants of Eli, while the
ark remained in Kiriath-Jejarim. In all of his reconstruction, Cody
maintained a tenuous balance between the views of Wellhausen,
which held the priestly literature to be late, and the consensus of the
mid-twentieth century, which held that that literature was based
upon authentic traditions;. Cody also relied heavily upon the
comparative methodology [first established by Dussaud. Thus, he
arrived at a view of Shilojh's history and priesthood which was a
melding of elements from various competing perspectives.
3.8.3 F.M. Cross
Another important treatment of the Shilonite priesthood written

under the influence of both the Wellhausian tradition and the
consensus of the middle third of the twentieth century was that of
Cross.101 Cross began his treatment by accepting Wellhausen's
reconstruction of the history of the priesthood: the earliest age,
characterized by independent, hereditary priesthoods; the age of the
monarchy, when the Levites formed a rising priestly class; and the
post-exilic age, when the Aaronites became the dominant priestly
class, and the Levites had been demoted to the status of hierodules.102
Furthermore, Cross maintained Wellhausen's view that the Elide
priesthood, along with that of Jonathan ben Gershom in Dan, had
been Mushite, and not Aaijonite.103 The Mushite priests at Shiloh, in
fact, not the priesthood i in Jerusalem, was responsible for the
Elohistic polemic against Aaron (Exod. 32). The bull iconography
must have been centered at Bethel,104 and the Bethel priests must
originally have traced their heritage directly to Aaron. Cross further
appealed to the lone reference to the ministry of Phineas, the son of
92
Shiloh
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, at Bethel (Judg. 20.27-28) as confirmation

of the Aaronite origins of the Bethel priests.105 Thus Cross reasoned
that Jeroboam I appointed two competing priesthoods: the Mushite
line at Dan, and the Aaronite line at Bethel. This move was not an
innovation, but an attempt to ground the national cult on the
people's ancient traditions. Therefore, the cult at Bethel had eclipsed
that at Shiloh, even though Shiloh had been the center of the
formulation of the Elohistic tradition.106
Cross found further evidence for this Mushite versus Aaronite
competition in the connection between Moses and the Midianite
priesthood of Jethro. The Mushite priesthood had been of mixed
origin and had served at the sanctuaries of Dan, Arad, KadeshNaphtali, and Shiloh. The mixed heritage of the Mushite line was
reflected in the story of Moses' Cushite (i.e. from the Midianite clan
of Kusan, or from Ethiopia) wife, as well (Num. 12). Moreover,
Mirian and Aaron had opposed Moses in this matter, for which
Miriam was smitten with leprosy, in a demonstration of (a) the
legitimacy of the Mushite priesthood despite its mixed blood and (b)
the superiority of Moses to Aaron as a divine mediator.107 Conversely,
the priestly tradition of Num. 25.6-15 portrayed the Midianites as
arch-enemies of Israel. The same incident was implied by the gloss in
1 Sam. 2.22b, which was designed to impugn the Mushite priesthood
of Shiloh by tying it to that incident. That is, the reference to the
sons of Eli lying with the 'women who served at the door of the tent
of meeting' (1 Sam. 2.22b) was meant to recall the Israelite who
brought his Midianite wife into his tent while the congregation was
weeping at the door to the tent of meeting (Num. 25.6). Such tales,
Cross theorized, reflected the much wider conflict between competing
priestly families which once existed, but have not survived in the
present sources.108
Having located the Aaronite priesthood at Bethel and the Mushite
at Shiloh, Dan, Arad, and Kadesh-Naphtali (in line with Wellhausen's
thesis that the northern priesthoods had generally traced their
heritage from Moses), Cross went on tha argue that the Aaronites
actually had been the ancient Judahite priesthood.109 Thus, Zadok
had not founded an entirely new line,110 but was a true representative
of the Aaronite priesthood of Judah.111 In support of this point, Cross
pointed to the Aaronites in service to David, among them, Jehoiada
and Zadok (1 Chron. 12.27-29). Thus, Cross both supported
93
Wellhausen's reconstruction, and at the same time argued for the

antiquity of the Aaronite, and for him, Zadokite priesthood, which he
considered Judahite.112
There are, however, serious difficulties with Cross's theory. To
begin, it was precisely the priests of Bethel whom Josiah is said to
have sacrificed upon the altar there (1 Kgs 13.1-3; 2 Kgs 23.15-20),
and there is no disagreement but that these were Aaronites. What
connection existed, however, between the Aaronites at Bethel and
the supposedly Aaronite priests of the line of Zadok? It is in fact more
logical to assume that the polemic against the Aaronites in Bethel (as
preserved in Exod. 32,1 Kgs13and 2 Kgs 23) came from Jerusalem
and not Shiloh, since the priests in Jerusalem had waged a two
hundred-year struggle against Bethel and its priestly house. Moreover,
that Phineas the son of Eleazar was an Aaronite is taken for granted
by Cross, but he makes no mention of the connection between this
Phineas and the son of Eli, both of whom are primarily associated
with Shiloh, and not Bethel. Thus Cross's reconstruction contradicts
the most intractable evidence regarding the identity of the Aaronite
priesthood.
3.9 Synopsis: Shiloh's Place in the Twentieth-Century Debate
In conclusion, the discussion of the Israelite cult in the twentieth
century has witnessed the weakening of the older consensus on the
relative dating of the pentateuchal sources, especially as regards the
reliability of the materials of the priestly source. While the GrafWellhausen hypothesis is not dead, a succession of critical scholars
and a wealth of comparative data from elsewhere in the ancient
world have brought continued pressure upon the older reconstruction,
so that that synthesis can no longer be considered to be above debate.
The single strand which has unified the critics of the GrafWellhausen hypothesis has been the insistence on the antiquity of the
priestly code.
The twentieth-century discussion of Shiloh, however, has witnessed
only the continuation of the discussion, begun in the nineteenth,
with no major variations in the opposing positions first taken by Graf
and Ewald. The theory of the destruction of Shiloh as a result of the
disaster at Ebenezer remains the crux of the historical debate. Some,
such as Day, have reiterated Ewald's thesis point for point and have
94
Shiloh
sought to strengthen it as well.113 Others, such as Buhl, HolmNielsen, and Haran, have continued to point up the lack of direct
biblical evidence that the Philistines destroyed Shiloh. With regard
to more peripheral issues, such as the ancestry of Shiloh's priests,
one is stilll confronted by Wellhausen's reconstruction and variations
on it, or by the opposing views of those who still accept the Aaronite
origin of the Elide line.114 The same can be said of the Shiloh
sanctuary: there has been no clear resolution of whether the old
wilderness tent shrine, or the Elide temple, or both, or neither, stood
there. Thus, after nearly a century and a half of debate, there has
been no substantial progress toward the resolution of the issues
involved in the reconstruction of Shiloh's history.
3.10 Conclusion: Summary of the Critical Issues Pertaining to the
Discussion of Biblical Shiloh
3.10.1 The Broader Issues Relating to Shiloh
In the debate over biblical Shiloh during the last 180 years, the city's
role in the history of Israel has generally been discussed in the
context of larger issues. The chief of these issues has been the
question of the historicity of the pentateuchal cultus and the
relationship of this cultus to Israelite life in Palestine in general and
to Shiloh in particular. The conviction that there had been an
historical period of wilderness wanderings, in which the Israelites
had possessed a distinctive cultus, the outlines at least of which are
presented in the priestly stratum of the Pentateuch, led to an
emphasis on Shiloh as the center of this cultus in Palestine. This
position was taken by scholars of the mid-nineteenth-century
consensus, such as Hengstenberg, Ewald, Saalschiitz, Riehm, and
others. Conversely, those scholarssuch as de Wette, Graf, and
Wellhausenwho advocated a later provenance for the pentateuchal
cultus and consequently, the priestly stratum, denied that authentic
traces of this cultus could be found in the historical books of the Old
Testament and were inclined to see a number of independent
sanctuaries as characteristic of pre-monarchic Israelite life, among
which Shiloh had risen to prominence through the influence of the
priestly family of Eli.
Directly related to the issue of the historicity of the pentateuchal
cultus and its attestation during the settlement period was a second
95
major issue, namely, the problem of the centralization of the cult. As

a rule, two positions have prevailed in this discussion. On the one
hand, de Wette, Vatke, Graf and Wellhausen argued that cultic
centralization had constituted a late stage in Israel's religious
development. The deuteronomic demand for a single central place of
worship first emerged during Josiah's reform (2 Kgs 22-23) at the
end of the seventh century. According to Wellhausen, the priestly
stratum, although it never mentioned centralization, actually presupposed
a single central place of worship, which wasfictionallyrepresented in
the wilderness period by the tabernacle, but which post-dated
Deuteronomy.
In response to the position advocated by scholars such as de Wette,
various approaches were employed to argue that cultic centralization
was not a late development, but actually a pre-monarchic phenomenon. The most consistent counterpoint to Wellhausen's formulation
of the issue of cultic centralization in P has been that P knew of
centralization in terms of the tent shrine. Delitzsch and Kleinert
argued that the deuteronomic 'place where Yahweh will cause his
name to dwell' actually referred to any place where the tent shrine
was erected. Kaufmann, on the other hand, contended that in P, the
tent shrine was representative of any local shrine. Along different
lines, Noth argued in favor of early centralization, and concluded
that the central amphictyonic shrine had been the ark, the seat of
which had been transferred at least once during the pre-monarchic
period, from Shechem to Shiloh.
Rooted in the first two problems of the historicity of the
pentateuchal cultus and the centralization of the cult was a third,
already alluded to: the date of the priestly stratum of the Pentateuch.
For scholars who accepted Wellhausen's reconstruction of pentateuchal
sources and his general methodology, P was invariably late in both
content and outlook. Many scholars, however, raised objections to
the late dating of P. The most important of these arguments, namely,
that the antiquity of the pentateuchal cultus was attested by extrabiblical evidence from the ancient Near East, first introduced by
Dillmann, was taken up by Kittel and reached its fullest development
during the twentieth century. In a similar vein, scholars such as S.I.
Curtiss looked to contemporary Bedouin custom and practice to
understand the early Israelite cultus. Although Wellhausen also
argued that the culture of the late pre-Islamic Arabs was the best
96
Shiloh
source for understanding ancient Israelite life, he did not believe that
this material corroborated the antiquity of the pentateuchal cultus.
The appeal to ancient Near Eastern evidence and modern Arab
custom to establish the antiquity of the pentateuchal cultus, or at
least key elements of it, was followed by French scholars of the
twentieth century, notably Dussaud and de Vaux. De Vaux accepted
the lateness of P's literary form, but argued for the antiquity of
certain elements of the priestly cultus, such as the ark and the tent
shrine. W.F. Albright and his students adopted a similar postion.
A second major development which was used by those scholars
who maintained the antiquity of P was the traditio-historical
methodology developed by Gunkel. While Gunkel and his students
accepted the Wellhausian source-hypothesis, they sought to recover
the pre-literary history of the traditions embodied in the text. This
methodology was put to use in connection with Shiloh most notably
by Procksch and, later, Noth. Taken together, these two new
approaches, the one employing extra-biblical evidence, the other
GunkePs traditio-historical method, led many to conclude that while
the final literary form of P may have been late, the priestly stratum
itself contained much early material. Many scholars thus sought to
transcend the polarized debate over the relative age of the literary
sources of the Pentateuch, while maintaining a certain confidence in
the authenticity of the pentateuchal cultus during the early period of
Israel's history.
At the same time, some scholars have continued to adduce
evidence in support of the older theory of the literary antiquity of the
priestly source. The most notable work of this persuasion has been
supplied by Yehezkel Kaufmann and his students. Among these,
Haran has argued that the priestly cultus in fact traced itself to the
sanctuary at Shiloh, and not Jerusalem.
Thus, a broad spectrum of views, on hand already in the late
nineteenth century, persists between those scholars who maintain
the antiquity and authenticity of the priestly source of the Pentateuch,
and those who have accepted Wellhausen's reconstruction.
In addition to the issues of the composition, dating, and historicity
of the various sources of the Pentateuch, the question of the narrative
shape and extent of these materials has been a topic of debate. This
problem can be summarized in terms of three theses: (a) the
pentateuchal sources extended into the book of Joshua, and formed
97
the conclusion to the Hexateuch [Graf, Wellhausen, Mowinckel, von

Rad]; (b) the sources of the Pentateuch, especially J and E, could be
traced into the books of Samuel [esp. Budde]; (c) the pentateuchal
sources had at one time been hexateuchal in form, but the original
ending to this 'Hexateuch' had been broken off and replaced by the
Deuteronomistic History (Deuteronomy-2 Kings), leaving the Tetrateuch and Deuteronomistic History as the basic literary entities
between Genesis and 2 Kings (Noth). The importance of this issue to
the discussion of biblical Shiloh was that one's treatment of Shiloh
could vary significantly, depending on which of these theses one held
to be correct. Thus, Wellhausen, accepted the literary theory of a
Hexateuch, considered the Shiloh references in Joshua to be priestly,
and hence, late, over and against the central content of the historical
books, which he held to be early, and thus more reliable. Since Budde
held that the earlier strands of the pentateuchal narratives were
continued in the books of Judges and Samuel, his position was not
substantially different from that of Wellhausen. He accepted the late,
priestly origin of the Shiloh references in Joshua and sought the more
reliable historical testimony with regard to Shiloh in the continuation
of JE into Judges and Samuel. Noth's theory of the Deuteronomistic
history, which denied the continuation of the pentateuchal sources
beyond Numbers, explains much of the material in Joshua previously
considered priestly as deuteronomistic, while at the same time
discounting the Shiloh references in Joshua as miscellaneous and late
additions.
Finally, if one accepts the priestly origin of the Shiloh materials in
Joshua, the question arises of why P, an ostensibly Jerusalemite
document, would have concluded the account of the Landnahme
with the hallowing of Shiloh, and not Jerusalem, as the site of the
legitimate cultus of Israel. If the references to Shiloh in Joshua do
inhere in the priestly corpus, there are solid grounds for doubting
that P represents a pro-Jerusalem viewpoint. As will be demonstrated
below, the attitude of the Jerusalem cultus towards Shiloh was far
from the positive depiction exhibited in the materials of priestly
affinity in Joshua.
3.10.2 Particular Issues Relating to Shiloh's History
In addition to the wider questions which have an important bearing

on the reconstruction of Shiloh's role in Israelite history, past
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Shiloh
attempts to trace the history of biblical Shiloh have involved a series

of more specific issues. The first of these might be defined as the
nature of the Shilonite cultus. This issue subsumes six basic
problems: (a) the nature of the sanctuary at Shiloh (i.e., was it a tent
[Hengstenberg, et al., Haran], a temple [Graf, Wellhausen, Dibelius,
de Vaux], or both [cf. von Haneberg]?); (b) the relationship of the ark
to the Shilonite cultus; (c) the ancestral origins of the Shilonite
priesthood (i.e., was Shiloh's priesthood Mushite [Reuss, Wellhausen,
Cross] or Aaronite [Graf, Baudissin, Haran]?), and in the same
connection, the origin of the priesthood of Aaron (i.e., was Aaron a
fictionalfigureforthe Zadokite priesthood in Jerusalem [Wellhausen,
Reuss, Cross], or was Aaron the traditional ancestor of the northern
priests [Smend, Baudissin, Haran]?); (d) the role and status of the
Shiloh sanctuary in Israelite life during the pre-monarchical period;
and (e) the role and status of Shiloh during the late monarchy.
A second major focus of debate has been the relationship of
Samuel to Shiloh, and the relationship of Samuel and Shiloh to Saul
and the rise of the monarchy. The issues here have to do with
Samuel's role in the establishment of the first king of Israel, and the
connection between Samuel and the Elide priesthood at Shiloh. A
related issue is whether there was any historical connection between
Samuel and Shiloh at all.
A third major problem, which only emerged during the twentieth
century, has to do with the nature and interpretation of the
archaeological evidence from Tell Seilun (the Palestinian site
traditionally identified with biblical Shiloh). That is, does the
archaeological evidence support the theory, first proposed by
Hengstenberg, and later developed by Ewald, that Shiloh was
destroyed after the battle at Ebenezer, where the ark was lost and the
Elide priests slaughtered (1 Sam. 4)? This theory, and the assumption
of its veracity, have dominated treatments of the history of biblical
Shiloh since the time of Wellhausen. Objections to this position,
initially raised by Graf (though later abandoned by him), have since
been reiterated, first by Frants Buhl, and later by Marie-Louise Buhl
and Svend Holm-Nielsen, among others. Even advocates of the
dominant viewpoint have had to admit as a result of the archaeological
evidence brought to light by the Danish excavations at Tell Seilun
that Shiloh continued in existence into the later period of the
monarchy.
99
A fourth and final issue, dealt with by Eissfeldt, Haran, and

Mettinger, has to do with the relationship of the Jerusalem cultus to
that at Shiloh. This issue subsumes three basic questions: (a)
provided that Shiloh had once enjoyed a peculiar status among the
Israelite shrines, did Jerusalem succeed to that status? (b) in what
ways, if any, did the Jerusalem cultus continue elements of the
Shilonite cultus? and (c) finally, how did the Jerusalem cultus
perceive its relationship to the cult at Shiloh? These questions are
religionsgeschichtlich in nature, and arise in connection with texts
such as Ps. 78.60-72; Jer. 7.12-15; 26.6-9.
Chapter 4
SHILOH IN THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
4.1 Introduction: The Priestly Documents of Joshua 13-22
Aside from the Shiloh oracle in Gen. 49.10-12 (see below, 6.7.1), the
biblical references to Shiloh begin in the book of Joshua, where
Shiloh occurs eight times in the MT, and ten in the LXX. In the MT, all
of these references occur in Joshua 18-22. Two additional references
are found in the LXX of Josh. 24.1, 25, where the MT reads
'Shechem'.1
All of the MT references, moreover, occur in the broad literary
context describing the occupation of the land by the Israelites and
the distribution of the tribal inheritances. Josh. 18.1 records the
erection of the tent of meeting at Shiloh immediately following the
Joseph tribes' taking of the central hill country. (Josh. 17.14-18). In
Josh. 18.1-10 and 19.51, Shiloh is the site where Joshua the son of
Nun and Eleazar the priest cast lots lipne-Yhwh to determine the
inheritances of the seven northern tribes. The war-camp is also
found at Shiloh (Josh. 18.9), and Josh 21.1-2 gives 'Shiloh in the land
of Canaan' as the site of the appointment of the levitical cities.
Finally, Josh. 22.9-34 records the erection of an altar in the region of
the Jordan by the Transjordanian tribes, an act which is considered
heretical by the tribes dwelling in Palestine. The apparent point of
this account is that the sole legitimate place of sacrifice for the
Israelite tribes is the altar which stands before the miskan-Yhwh at
'Shiloh, which is the land of Canaan'.
Shiloh is mentioned in the MT of Joshua primarily in four lists.
These lists recount, in order, the inheritances of the Transjordanian
tribes (Josh. 13), the inheritances of the tribes who settled in
Palestine (Josh. 14-19), the appointment of the cities of refuge (Josh.
20), and the apportionment of the levitical cities (Josh. 21). Only
Joshua 22 is not a list.
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Shiloh
The scholars of the nineteenth century considered most of the

passages in Joshua referring to Shiloh to have been priestly. While
this view has not been consistently supported by more recent
scholars, important considerations have been raised in favor of it.
First, Joshua 14-21 contains information arranged in lists, a favorite
device of the priestly source of the Pentateuch. Second, the formulaic
language characteristic of P is preserved in these lists, especially in
the superscriptions and subscriptions (cf. e.g. Josh. 14.1-5; 19.51;
21.1-2). Of particular note in this regard is the consistent use of the
term matteh for tribe in the lists of tribal inheritances, and the
emphasis on the apportionment of the land by lot (gdrdf). Third, each
list fulfills a specific injunction given in the priestly stratum of the
book of Numbers. Thus, Joshua 13, which gives the inheritances of
the tribes in the Transjordan, fulfills the commandment of Moses in
Num. 32.28-32. The list in Joshua 14-19 fulfills Moses' charge in
Numbers 34 to Joshua the son of Nun and Eleazar the priest to
divide the land in Palestine by lot. Joshua 20 precisely follows the
injunction in Num. 35.9-34 to appoint cities of refuge. Finally,
Joshua 21 satisfies the command to set aside cities for the Levites in
Num. 35.1-8. Each of these texts in Numbers is distinguished by
language characteristic of the priestly source. Furthermore, the
employment of lists as a basic mode of conveying information is a
primary feature of P. Accordingly, many nineteenth-century scholars
recognized the lists in Joshua 13-21 as belonging to P. Although
Josh. 22.9-34 does not form a list, the language and motifs employed
in it are distinctly priestly. In addition, Josh. 18.1, which introduces
Shiloh in the account of the allotment of the tribal inheritances,
contains two crucial priestly motifs: the erection of the tent
sanctuary in the Promised Land (Josh. 18.1a), and the subjugation of
the land (Josh. 18.1b).2
Thus, although other strata besides P were acknowledged to be
present in Joshua 13-22, notably JE, the passages in which Shiloh
inhered were generally attributed to P. Wellhausen, for instance,
gave the following breakdown of the pentateuchal sources in Joshua
13-22:
P:
JE:
D:
13.15-14.5; 15 (except w. 13-19); 16.1-8; 17.1-10; 18.1, 11-25;

19.10-48, 51; 20; 21 (except w. 43-45); 22.9-34;
16.9-10; 17.11-18; 18.2-10; 19.49-50; 21.43-45; 22.8; 24;
22.1-6; 23.
4. Shiloh in the Book of Joshua
103
Since the work of Alt and Noth in this century, however, the
provenance of these chapters has been a matter of dispute.3
According to Noth, Deuteronomy-2 Kings originally constituted a
single, unified historical work, the 'Deuteronomistic History'. Noth
further argued that an original hexateuchal narrative, as recognized
by the scholars of the nineteenth century, had at one time existed,
but that the conclusion to this material had been suppressed in favor
of the Deuteronomistic History. In its present form, the Genesis-2
Kings continuum comprised two distinct works: the Tetrateuch
(Genesis-Numbers) and the Deuteronomistic History. Noth also
denied the existence of a systematic deuteronomistic redaction of the
Genesis-Numbers traditions. Finally, Noth argued that the lists in
Joshua 13-19, which made reference to Shiloh and which earlier had
been identified as priestly, and hence late, were actually quite
ancient, and preserved the boundaries of the pre-monarchic Israelite
tribes.4 While Alt sought to tie some of the same lists to the reign of
Josiah, the thrust of both scholars' work was the same: to deny the
priestly provenance of these lists, and to date them to an earlier
period than heretofore would have been admitted.
The views of Alt and Noth met with critical opposition in the work
of Sigmund Mowinckel.5 Mowinckel reiterated the position of the
nineteenth-century critics that there had been an original Hexateuch
extending from Genesis to Joshua. Accordingly, he assigned Joshua
13-19 to the priestly stratum of the Pentateuch, as Wellhausen had
done before him. At the same time, Mowinckel entered the most
important critique to date of Noth's treatment of the pentateuchal
sources in the book of Joshua.
Mowinckel began his critique of Noth's position with regard to
Joshua 13-19 by pointing out that Noth had based his denial of a
priestly provenance for this material on the supposition that P had hs
no Landnahme tradition. To this point, however, Mowinckel
countered by pointing out that several priestly fragments in
Numbers anticipate an account of the conquest. He listed these as
Num. 13.2; 20.12b; 22.1; 27.12-23, and took them as proof that P had
contained a conquest-settlement report. Morover, Numbers 32
betrayed important stylistic and linguistic characteristics of P, while
Num. 33.50-34.29 also stemmed from P on the basis of both style
and content. Mowinckel therefore concluded that the boundary
descriptions in Joshua 13-19 which depended upon the priestly
stratum in Numbers must also have originated with P.6
104
Shiloh
MowinckeFs critique of Noth thus concluded by reiterating the

strong literary connections between the priestly stratum of Numbers
and the description of the tribal inheritances in Joshua 13-19. In
addition, Mowinckel noted the connections between Joshua 20 and
21 and the priestly account of Numbers. However, after establishing
the dependence of Joshua 20 on Num. 35.9-15, Mowinckel later
rejected ch. 20 as an intergral part of the priestly account of the
settlement, and with Noth, treated it as a later insertion based on
Deuteronomy 19.7 Thus, Mowinckel reckoned only Joshua 1419+21 to P. Mowinckel raised other considerations as well, but those
given here are sufficient to point out what had been obvious before
the publication of Noth's theory: namely, that the narratives which
ran from Genesis to Numbers found their proper conclusion in the
book ofJoshua. Since Genesis-Numbers was not in itself a complete
work, no 'Tetrateuch' had in fact ever existed.8
4.1.1 The Critical Perspective of the Present Investigation
In the subsequent treatment it is accepted, on the basis of language

and style as well as the deliberate literary connectives between the
final priestly chapters of Numbers and the material in Joshua 14-22,
that the priestly conclusion to the Hexateuch is found in Joshua.
Thus far, this investigation is in basic accord with the literary-critical
observations of the late nineteenth century. At the same time, the
matter of the dating of the priestly strata ofJoshua is left open here.
The dating of Old Testament traditions and literary strata is a fragile
undertaking at best, and neither the late dating of P advocated by
Wellhausen and those who followed him, nor the early dating of the
lists of tribal inheritances in Joshua advanced by Noth can be
adequately substantiated. A further departure from Wellhausen's
source analysis is the argument in the present work for a deuteronomistic redaction of the priestly stratum ofJoshua 13-22. This evidence
has critical implications for the relative dating of the pentateuchal
sources, and consequently, for the problem of the antiquity of the
priestly materials which refer to Shiloh.
Nonetheless, the primary concern here is not the dating of the
pentateuchal sources, nor specifically the dating of P, though this
matter is of considerable ancillary significance. Rather, the foremost
interest of this treatment is to understand the place of Shiloh in P's
traditions and theology, and thus the possible historical connection
between the priestly tradition and Shiloh.
105
The methodology employed in this study may be characterized

generally as literary-critical, as the term was understood by
Wellhausen and those who followed him, though this work is not
predicated upon Wellhausen's conclusions. Rather, by working from
the language and style of P in Genesis-Numbers, conclusions similar
to those of Graf and Wellhausen have been reached here. In a similar
manner, what is 'deuteronomic' (dtn) has been determined on the
basis of what is typically and exclusively characteristic of the
language, style, and theology of Deuteronomy. What is 'deuteronomistic' (dtr) has been established on the basis of what has been
generally accepted, even before Noth's epochal work, as that
historical and redactional framework of the former prophets based
upon, but not necessarily identical with, the rhetorical language and
style of Deuteronomy.9 It is here accepted, moreover, that at least
traces of this redaction can be found in the Pentateuch.10 In sum,
while this work does not represent a strict adherence to any of the
particular theories of pentateuchal sources which have been offered
to date, it stands in general accord with the identification of the
priestly source in Joshua offered by Wellhausen and reiterated by
Mowinckel. At the same time, this investigation departs from each of
those treatments at important points. This seeming incongruity
arises from the conviction that it is not so much the conclusions of
previous generations of scholars which should provide the basis of
subsequent debate, but the literary evidence with which those
scholars were wrestling. Thus, one may find oneself in general
agreement with the specific observations of one's predecessors,
without simultaneously advocating the same conclusions.
4.2 The Nature and Function of Joshua 14-22
in the Priestly History
4.2.1 The Nature of the Priestly Stratum in Joshua 14-19
Before proceeding to an evaluation of Shiloh's place in the overall
priestly narrative, it is necessary first to examine in detail the texts in
Joshua in which Shiloh receives mention, in both their general and
more particular contexts. Although the first references to Shiloh in
Joshua occur in 18.1-10, this passage is found in the context of the list
of tribal inheritances in Joshua 14-19. The tribal allotments are
introduced in Josh. 14.1 by a superscription in the priestly style
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Shiloh
known elsewhere in the Pentateuch: 'elleh 'dser-ndhdlu bene-Yisrd'el

be'eres kena'an 'dser ndhdlu 'otdm 'el'dzdr hakkohen wihdsua' binnun wero'se 'dbot hammappot libne Yisrd'el (These are that which the
Israelites inherited in the land of Canaan, which Eleazar the priest
and Joshua the son of Nun and the heads of the fathers of the tribes
of the Israelites apportioned to them'). Equally important is the
subscription in Josh. 19.51 which concludes the list begun in Josh.
14.1: 'elleh hannehdldt 'dser nihdlH 'el'dzdr hakkohen wihdsua' binnun wero'Se hd'dbdt lemappot bene-Yisrd'el ('These are the inheritances
which Eleazar the priest and Joshua the son of Nun and the heads of
the fathers of the tribes of the Israelites apportioned . . . ' ) . These
formulae in Josh. 14.1 and 19.51 mark the beginning and end of a
long list of tribal inheritances which provides the basis for these six
chapters. The formal arrangement of the list, according to its
superscriptions and subscriptions, has been outlined below in Tables
1 and 2 (see Appendix).
The greater list which forms the basis of Joshua 14-19 is
characterized by the inclusion of smaller sublists regarding the
inheritance of each tribe. These sublists delineate either the
'boundary' (gebul) of a given tribe, or the 'cities' {'drim) of that tribe,
or both. As with the greater list, these smaller lists contain
introductory and concluding formulae, or superscriptions and
subscriptions, which distinguish them from one another (see Tables 1
and 2). It can be seen from the arrangement of superscriptions and
subscriptions that the sublists were generally ordered according to a
superscription regarding the allotment (gdrdl) of the tribe, and
subscription regarding the inheritance {nafrdldh) of the tribe.
Exceptions to this pattern occur in connection with Judah, Ephraim,
Manasseh, and Benjamin. (1) In the case of the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin, the initial descriptions of the allotments are given in the
form of the delineation of boundaries. These boundary descriptions
are then concluded with their own subscriptions:
zeh gSbUl bine-yehuudah sabib ISmiipfyotam ('This is the boundary
of the Judahites round about, according to their families')

zo't nahalat bini binydmin ligbuloteha sabib Ifrnispihotdm ('This is
the inheritance of the Benjaminites according to its boundaries
round about, according to its families').
(2) In addition, Judah and Benjamin also include lists which have
their own superscriptions:
107
zo't nahdlat bSne-yihuddh UmispShotdm ('This is the inheritance of

the Judahites according to their families')
zvihdyit he'drim Idmaffeh bene binydmin ISmisihotehem ('And the
cities of the tribe of the Benjaminites were according to their
families')
as well as subscriptions:
wayyihyu he'drim (miqfeh) Hhnaffeh bene yehuddh Umispe'hotdm
('And the cities from the outer boundary of the tribe of the
Judahites were according to their families')
zo't nahdlat bene-binydmin leemispehotam ('This is the inheritance
of the Benjaminites according to their families')
(3) The pattern of these formulae in the case of Judah is somewhat

irregular. In the present text, the formula zo't nahdlat bene-yehuddh
lemiSehotdm ('This is the inheritance of the Judahites according to
their families'), which in most other cases functions as the regular
subscription to the descriptions of the respective tribal allotments,
stands as the superscription to the Judahite inheritance. The
narrative introduction to the Judahite city-list may at one time have
served as the subscription to the same city-list, if the tribe of
Benjamin may be taken as a model.11
(4) A disorder similar to that in the list for the tribe ofJudah exists
with regard to the allotments to Ephraim and Manasseh as well. To
begin, a general superscription is given for Joseph, which is prefixed
to the description of Ephraim's southern boundary. This superscription uses the verb yasa', which occurs in the superscriptions for
Simeon, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali and Dan. Those of Benjamin and
Zebulun use 'dldh, while Judah, Ephraim and Manasseh employ
hdydh. This fact, along with the otherwise regular formulae, places
the superscription for Joseph within the order of the greater list.
Nonetheless, no specific inheritance is ascribed to Joseph, so that one
might wonder whether Joseph in fact belongs in the list. Moreover,
Ephraim is the only tribe which carries a superscription for its
boundary (gebul), although Judah bears a subscription for its
boundary (Josh. 15.12b). Furthermore, Manasseh has no subscription,
though it does retain a regular superscription.
It is difficult to determine what has led to these variations in a
document which otherwise is so orderly. Mowinckel may have been
right is ascribing some of these variations to the freedom of the
108
Shiloh
author's style or to textual corruption.12 On the other hand, the

confusion between Joseph and Ephraim may simply reflect an early
ambiguity with regard to the relationship between these two
entities.13
(5) A further difficulty is posed by the uneven presence of the citylists. The most extensive of the sublists is that of the cities cf Judah
(Josh. 15.21-62), which comprises twelve separate listings ofJudahite
towns and villages. In addition to Judah, each of the descriptions of
the inheritances of Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali
and Dan, i.e. the last seven tribes, includes some sort of city-list. This
fact led Alt to argue that the list of tribal boundaries in Joshua 13-19
combined two originally separate lists, a city-list and a boundary list.
Alt was followed in this view by Noth, and more recently by
Aharoni.14 That both cities and boundaries have been included in the
greater list is obvious. Nonetheless, only Judah and Benjamin possess
independent city-lists. That the subscriptions elsewhere for the cities
within the tribal boundaries serve merely as addenda to the
description of the inheritances belies Alt's claim. In fact, most of the
tribal lists contain no independent city-lists at all. The present form
ofJoshua 14-19, therefore, apart from the variations noted above, is
a self-contained entity, whatever the deficiencies in its content may
be.15 This fact is demonstrated by the regularity of the arrangement
of the superscriptions and subscriptions.
Moreover, the considerable confusion in the super- and subscriptions pertaining to Judah, Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh may be
the result of the insertion of other material into theframeworkof the
list at these points. The list of tribal inheritances in Joshua 14-19, in
fact, has been supplemented with three different kinds of information:
(a) various settlement traditions relating to particular tribes, or to
clans within a particular tribe (e.g. under Judah's list of inheritances,
the inclusion of Caleb and Othniel); (b) historical anecdotes, often
explaining why the inheritance of a certain tribe was not occupied or
settled in the area allotted in the list (e.g. Josh. 15.63, the continued
presence of the Jebusites in Jerusalem); and (c) introductory and
concluding statements which serve to incorporate the greater list into
the overall priestly history (e.g. Josh. 14.2-5, the explanation of the
division of the land by lots). These materials are of uncertain origin.
The settlement traditions (see Table 3, p. 204) have traditionally
been ascribed to JE.
109
Many inconsistencies have emerged in the list as a result of these

myriad expansions, and the greatest confusion exists with regard to
the lists for Judah, Joseph, and Ephraim, where the most significant
intrusions in the list are found, mostly in the form of settlement
traditions. Nevertheless, the parameters of the list can still be
established on the basis of the superscription in 14.1 and the
subscription in 19.51a. Within these boundaries, the materials
belonging to the original list are readily separated from the later
supplementation, which, however, has not shattered the overall
structure of the list. While the inclusion of this traditional and
historically explanatory material in theframeworkof the list has led
to a great deal of controversy as to the source and/or origin of the list
itself, the historical introduction in Josh. 14.1-5 and the conclusion in
19.51, as well as the formulaic super- and subscriptions throughout
the list, which are priestly in both language and style, identify the list
as priestly, regardless of the material added to it.
Contrary to Mowinckel's arguments, moreover, Joshua 14-19 does
not depend upon any earlier hexateuchal source for its arrangement.
Instead, it is an independent entity, and its arrangement has served
as the basis for the expansion of the narratives of Joshua by the
piecemeal addition of isolated settlement traditions at the relevant
places in the list, as is illustrated by the confusion wrought in the list
by the insertion of the tradition in Josh. 14.6-15. Moreover, the
incorporation of this list into the greater hexateuchal context
demanded some modifications, especially in the addition of historical
introductions to bring the list into line with the overall hexateuchal
narrative, and in the inclusion of historical anecdotes by which the
list of inheritances was made consistent with the historical realities
known to the priestly writer(s).
These modifications and additions to the list of tribal inheritances
were necessary because the.basic priestly document in Joshua 14-19
reflects an idealized view of the land of Israel. The classic priestly
statement of this ideal is given in Numbers 34. This Israel was
considered to have inherited the land of Canaan, according to the
borders of the former Egyptian province.16 Thus, the boundaries of
the land run down to the sea on the west. In the same manner, the
Canaanite cities in the Jezreel and along the coast, which were not
incorporated into Israel proper until the time of David and Solomon,
and the Philistine cities in the southwest, which remained independent
110
Shiloh
of the Israelite kingdoms, are ignored in the list proper, and are only
noted in the anecdotes to the list.
In conclusion, Joshua 14-19 contains several literary strata. The
basis of the whole is provided by the priestly list of tribal
inheritances. This list, in turn, has been supplemented with several
kinds of information: (a) old Volkstraditionen, silimar to what one
finds, for example, in JE; (b) historical anecdotes, clarifying certain
parts of the list in light of comtemporary reality; and (c) introductory
and conclusory historical material which incorporate the list into the
overall schema of the priestly history.
4.2.2 Shiloh in Josh. 18.1-10; 19.51
The most important addendum to the list in Joshua 14-19 is the
pericope in Josh. 18.1-10. This passage recounts the setting up of the
tent of meeting at Shiloh and the subsequent division of the land
among the remaining seven tribes by Joshua the son of Nun and
Eleazar the Priest:
(18.1) And the whole congregation of the Israelites assembled at
Shiloh, and they erected there the tent of meeting. And the land lay
subdued before them. (2) And there remained among the Israelites
seven tribes who had not received their inheritance. (3) And Joshua
said to the Israelites, 'How long will you neglect to go and take
possession of the land which Yahweh, the god of your fathers, has
given to you? (4) Commission three men per tribe, and I will send
them, and they will arise, and they will go throughout the land, and
they will write it down, according to the edict of the inheritances,
and will come unto me. (5) And they will apportion it in seven
portions, Judah standing against his border in the south, and the
house ofJoseph standing against their border to the north. (6) And
you will write down the land (in) seven portions, and you will bring
it unto me here. And I will cast lots for you here before Yahweh our
god. (7) (Because there is no portion for the Levites in your midst,
because the priesthood of Yahweh is their inheritance; and Gad
and Reuben, and the half-tribe of Manasseh have taken their
inheritances beyond the Jordan to the east, which Moses, the
servant of Yahweh, gave to them.) (8) And the men arose, and they
went. And Joshua commanded those who were going to write down
the land, saying, 'Go, and and go throughout the land, and write it
down, and return unto me. And I will cast lots for you before
Yahweh at Shiloh'. (9) And the men went, and they traversed the
land, and they wrote it down according to cities, according to seven
111
portions, upon a scroll. And they came to Joshuaunto the camp

at Shiloh. (10) And Joshua cast lots for them at Shiloh before
Yahweh. And Joshua divided the land there for the Israelites
according to their allotments.
The origin of this passage and its original place in the list (if indeed
it had one!) have long been matters of controversy. Wellhausen
argued that because of the statement in 18.1b, 'and the land lay
subdued before them', 18.1 actually belonged at the beginning of the
list, preceding 14.1.17 More recently, Mowinckel has advanced the
same argument.18 Furthermore, there was a long-standing tendency
on the part of nineteenth century literary critics to ascribe the basic
stratum of Josh. 18.1-10 to E or J,19 while the introduction and
conclusion were attributed to P, or to some other secondary
redactor.20 Mowinckel, however, attributed Josh. 18.2-9 to the dtr
Grundlage, which introduced the concept of the distribution of the
land in two stages: the initial allocation of inheritances to Judah,
Ephraim, and half-Manasseh, and the subsequent allotment to the
seven smaller northern tribes.21 Noth, on the other hand, regarded
18.1 as an individual addition to the text, as he did Josh. 14.1 and
19.51, without connection to a broader hexateuchal narrative. At the
same time he held 18.2-10 to be the second layer of expansion to the
original list of tribal inheritances. Noth further regarded this list as
the basis for Joshua 13-19.22
In the context of this three-way debate, several points must be
made. First, Wellhausen's observation that 18.1b ('and the land lay
subdued before them') originally must have preceded 14.1 is
probably correct, because one would naturally expect to find such a
statement immediately following the conquest and prefacing the
allotment of the tribal inheritances. This conclusion is supported by
19.51a, which knows of only a single allotment proceedure, and that
'by lot at Shiloh before Yahweh, at the door of the tent of meeting'.23
The distribution of the inheritances in two stages reflects a secondary
revision of the material, probably by a dtr hand, as will be shown
below. Third, Noth's treatment of 18.1 as an individual addition to
the text is not far off: 18.1 is no different in form from other
anecdotes in the list, such as 15.63,16.10, or 17.12-13. Nevertheless,
18.1 is more than simply a single notation. Its wider connection to
P's hexateuchal narrative is confirmed by the dependence of 19.51a;
21.1-3; 22.9-34 upon this singular event. Again it will be demonstrated
112
Shiloh
below that 18.2-10 are dependent upon 18.1, and some portions are
even tied directly to the present placement of 18.1. Moreover, 14.1
and 19.51a cannot serve as a model for excising 18.1 from the list as
secondary since these two verses comprise the proper super- and
subscription, respectively, to the list as a whole. Indeed, so far from
standing as a mere individual gloss, 18.1 is part of a specific
redactional layer of Joshua 14-19. This redaction entailed the
modification of an important aspect of the list in Joshua 14-19,
namely, the subscription in 19.51a. Josh. 21.1-3 also conforms to the
view laid out in 18.1-10 and 19.51a, that Shiloh, in the land of
Canaan, had been the site of the final distribution of the land. Josh.
22.9-34 assumes this same scenario. Inasmuch as certain priestly
elements unite all of these materials in Joshua 18-22, it is logical to
regard these materials as part of a unitary priestly recension of the
book of Joshua.
The chief characteristic of this recension is that basic lists, such as
those which form the Grundlage for Joshua 14-19, 20 and 21, have
been brought into the historical framework of the Hexateuch by the
prefacing of those lists with brief historical introductions. Indeed,
Josh. 18.1-10 serves in its present position as a kind of introductory
passage to the lists of the last seven tribes (Josh. 18.11-19.48).
Furthermore, each of these historical introductions reflects the
language and conceptual historicalframeworkof the priestly source,
and most relate explicitly to priestly passages in the book of
Numbers. Thus, Josh. 14.2-5 relates to Num. 34.13-15; Josh. 20.1-6
describes the fulfillment of Num. 35.9-34; and Josh. 21.1-3 refers
back to Num. 35.1-8.
That 18.1 did not originally belong to the list is evidenced by its
anecdotal character, and Wellhausen and Mowinckel are correct in
finding the original locus of Josh. 18.1 prior to 14.1. Conversely, the
separation of 18.2-10 from 18.1 has been advocated by nearly every
critical scholar who has examined this material, usually on the
assumption of a non-priestly Grundlage which knew of no particular
site of the distribution of the inheritances, or which actually assumed
Gilgal to have been the place. These two problems, the placement of
18.1 within the list as a whole, and the relationship of 18.1 to 18.2-10,
lie at the heart of the question of the importance of Shiloh in the
priestly tradition, as well as the more controversial issue of the
historical origin of the connection between Shiloh and P.
113
The first question of importance in this connection regards the

literary placement of Josh. 18.1 (2-10): i.e., why has the erection of
the tent of meeting and the casting of lots at Shiloh been postponed
until Judah, Ephraim, and Manasseh have received their inheritances?
The most logical answer is that this change of scene was influenced
by the insertion of the tradition in Josh. 17.14-18.24 There the Joseph
tribes complain that they cannot take possession of the land in the
valleys, since the Canaanites there have chariots of iron. Joshua
therefore commands the people of Joseph to go up and clear the hill
country, to dwell in it. The inclusion of the tradition of Joseph's
settlement of the central mountains in which Shiloh lay brought
about the transfer ofJosh. 18.1-10 to its present place in the list. The
reason for this transfer of 18.1 to immediately after 17.14-18
probably derived from the association of Shiloh's cultus specifically
with the tribe of Joseph.25
The next problem is the specific literary provenance of Josh. 18.110. The priestly character of 18.1a is clear from its language.
wayyiqqdhdlu kol-'adat bene-Yisrd'el reflects the distinctive language,
style and theology of P. The centrality to the priestly ideology of the

congregation {'eddh) which assembles (qdhat) is indisputable and
requires no further proof. Blenkinsopp has shown that 18.1b is
priestly as well, since wehd'dres nikbesdh lipnehem reflects the
priestly concern for the subjugation of the land expressed in nearly
identical language in Gen. 1.28.26
The rest of the passage, however, is not of a single piece. It is at
least broken by the statement in v 8awayydqumu hd'dndsim
wayyeleku ('And the men arose, and they went')which precedes
Joshua's command to those sent out to 'write down' the land in v. 8b.
Furthermore, v. 9a again reads wayyeleku hd'dndsim wayya'abru
bd'dres ('And the men went, and they passed through the land'). On
the other hand, a simple division of sources on the basis of language
is not readily apparent in this text.
In fact, this passage seems to have experienced a gradual
expansion, until it reached its present form. Support for this
contention is found in the following factors. (a) Verse 6 repeats the
instruction given in vv. 4-5a. In doing so, v. 6 assumes the division of
the land into seven portions, and anticipates the casting of lots, as
mentioned in v. 8b. (b) Verse 5b gives instructions to Judah and
Joseph to stay within their borders, which might fit into the context,
114
Shiloh
but is somewhat cumbersome. (c) Verse 7-8a have no immediately

clear antecedent. Ki 'en-heleq lalwiyyim beqirbekem ki-kehunnat
Yhwh nahdldto ('Because there is no portion for the Levites in your
midst, because the priesthood of Yahweh is their inheritance') may
have at one time directly followed v. 5a, which commands the
writing down of only seven tribal inheritances. Nonetheless, w. 7-8a
read like many of the other brief harmonistic comments in these
chapters, and therefore do not belong to the traditional Vorlage of the
present text.
In order to account for these discrepancies in Josh. 18.1-10, the
theory is offered here that the basic account of Josh. 18.1-10 is
priestly. It includes the obviously priestly introduction in 18.1, and
thereafter, w. 3a, 4, 8b, 9 (with the exception of the phrase, le'drim
lesib'dh hdldqim 'al-seper'according to cities, according to seven
portions, upon a scroll'which is dtr) and 10. This Grundlage would
have read as follows:
(1) And the whole congregation of the children of Israel assembled
at Shiloh, and they caused to dwell there the tent of meeting. And
the land lay subdued before them. (3a) And Joshua said unto the
children of Israel, (4a) 'Choose for yourselves three men per tribe,
and I will send them, and they will arise and go throughout the
land, and they will write it down according to the decree of their
inheritance, and they will come unto to me'. (8b) And Joshua
commanded those who were to go to write down the land saying,
'Go, and criss-coss the land, and write it down, and here I will cast
for you lots, before Yahweh at Shiloh'. (9) And the ment went, and
traversed the land, and wrote it down, and they came unto Joshua,
unto the camp at Shiloh. (10) And Joshua cast for them lots, at
Shiloh, before Yahweh. And Joshua apportioned there the land for
the children of Israel, according to their allotments.
This Grundlage reflects the priestly theology that the land was
distributed among the various tribes by Joshua, after the erection of

the wilderness cultus in the Promised Land. It also uses consistent
priestly phraseology, e.g. in the formula hislik gordl, in reference to
the casting of lots. Most important, however, is the repeated
reference to Shiloh, first as the place where the tent of meeting is set
up (v. 1), and thereafter in 8b, 9b, and 10a, where Shiloh is the place
where Joshua casts lots for the inheritances. A notable feature of the
Grundlage as a whole is its innocence of the division of the land in
two stages.
115
This Grundlage has been expanded by a dtr hand through the

addition of the dtr motif of the seven tribes yet to receive their
inheritances in w. 2, 5a, and 9a. A dtr hand is also recognizable in
the distinctly dtr clauses labo' lareset 'et-hd'dres ('to go to take
possession of the land'),27 and 'dser ndtan Idkem Yhwh 'elohe
'dbotekem ('which Yahweh, the god of your fathers, has given to
you').28 A final dtr addition is found in v. 7. An important
characteristic of the dtr redaction of the Hexateuch, according to
Wellhausen, was the insertion 'everywhere' of the two-and-a-half
Transjordanian tribes and the Levites.29 Indeed, the priestly lists in
13-19 account for the twelve tribes without reference to the
Levites.30 Moreover, while v. 7 employs the otherwise exclusively
priestly term kehunndh ('priesthood'), the concept of the Levites
forming a 'priesthood of Yahweh' comes from the book of Deuteronomy.31 Verse 7b also shares with v. 5b an interest in explaining
what has already transpired, namely the apportionment of the
inheritances of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh in Transjordan (7b)
and the allotment of the inheritances of Judah and Joseph in the
Promised Land (5b).
This dtr expansion of the priestly Grundlage of Josh. 18.1-10 also
confirms the truth of the possibility raised by Mowinckel, namely,
that Dtr was responsible for the view of a division of the land in two
stages. The dtr interest in a distribution of the tribal inheritances in
two phases further suggests that Dtr may also have been responsible
for the shift of Josh. 18.1-10 from its original place at the head of the
list in Joshua 14-19 to its present locus. The priestly recension, at
any rate, knew of only a single, ritual division of the land, as is
demonstrated both by 14.1 and 19.51.
In addition to the dtr redaction of the priestly Grundlage of Josh.
18.1-10, traces of a further expansion of the passage are in evidence
in w. 6 and 8a which must be seen as a repetition of w. 4b, 9a.
Verses 6 and 8a, in fact, cause the severest breaks in the text of the
Grundlage. Their origin probably lies with a later independent
expansion.
In conclusion, Josh. 18.1-10 originated with the priestly writer and
introduced the final critical sequence in the priestly history: the
establishment in the Promised Land of the cultus practiced in the
wilderness and the distribution of the land among the tribes by lot.
This passage was expanded over time, most comspicuously by the dtr
116
Shiloh
additions in w. 2, 3b, 5, 7, 9a, and later by the addenda in w. 6, 8a.

MowinckeFs argument that 18.2-9 reflects the dtr view of a two-stage
allocation of the inheritances is correct. That these verses originated
with dtr and subsequently received a priestly modification, is
incorrect.32 One cannot arbitrarily assume that there was a dtr report
of this event and then assign the only extant treatment to Dtr. In fact,
the theology of the underlying stratum of 18.1-10 is demonstrably
priestly. The dtr hand is clearest in those verses, such as 5 and 7,
which constitute unmistakable addenda to the Grundlage. The dtr
editorial activity in Josh. 18.1-10 is otherwise limited to a few
parenetic notices, e.g. 18.3b, 5 and 7, which give a dtr flavor to a nondtr passage.33 Despite dtr editing, then, there is no evidence of an
actual dtr source for Josh. 18.1-10. Nor can the Grundlage of Josh.
18.2-10 be ascribed to JE, since there are no clear indicators of that
stratum to be found here. Verse 5b, which seems to presuppose a
setting at Gilgal, simply reflects the anachronistic dtr view based on
the tradition in Josh. 14.6-15.
A further problem with the interpretation of the Shiloh references
in 18.1-10 has been the assigning of w. 2-10 to JE, and each
occurrence of Shiloh to a secondary recension of this pericope. Both
Noth34 and Eissfeldt35 represent this position. Their view, however,
is not compelling. The idea that Gilgal, and not Shiloh, was the
original setting for the distribution of the tribal inheritances by lot
overlooks two facts. First, there is no connection, traditional or
otherwise, between Gilgal and the allotment of the tribal possessions.
The presence of Gilgal in Josh. 14.6 neither inheres in the priestly list
in Joshua 14-19, nor evinces a connection to the tradition that
Joshua and Eleazar divided the land by lot. Rather, Gilgal in Josh.
14.6 is part of the independent Caleb tradition and has nothing to do
with the account of the distribution of the tribal inheritances.
Nor is there a sound grammatical basis for regarding the Shiloh
references as secondary. Josh. 18.1 would hardly make sense without
mention of a geographic location, and Shiloh is the only reading for
such a site which attested for this verse. Moreover, the 'ohel-md'ed is
nowhere associated with Gilgal. Nor is the problem of the tent of
meeting at Shiloh solved by reducing 18.1 to a secondary addition to
the passage, since the entire passage hangs on this verse. Shiloh
belongs in v. 9b as well, where its deletion is nothing less than
capricious.36 Indeed, 'el-hammahaneh siloh ('unto the camp at
117
Shiloh'), is a traditional element known also from Judg. 21.12 and

parallels 'el yehosua' ('unto Joshua'). This appositional usage is
typical of stylistic parallelism, and there are no grounds for deleting
the second member of the parallel. The presence of Shiloh in v. 10a is
also necessary from the standpoint of the MT, since wayhalleq-sdm
yehosua' 'et-ha'are? ('and Joshua apportioned there the land') in
v.10bdemands a geographic antecedent. Although the LXX does not
contain v. 10b, it does render v. 10a literally, including the specification
of Shiloh as the place where Joshua cast lots before Yahweh.
Therefore, while it might be argued that v. 10b is a later instrusion
into the text, the LXX has retained the presence of Shiloh in v. 10a,
anyway, so that the deletion of Shiloh here depends upon doubtful
literary-critical considerations.37
To sum up, Shiloh inheres indisputably in 18.1-10 in w. 1, 9b and
10a. The assumption of an Elohistic Grundlage is unfounded: there is
no trace of the key feature of the Elohist as known from Genesis and
the first chapters of Exodus: Elohim as the unqualified proper name
of God. Moreover, no connection between JE and the distribution of
land by Joshua by lot can be established. Instead, the Grundlage of
Josh. 18.1-10 is characterized by priestly language and interests, and
these center on the erection of the tent of meeting at Shiloh and the
apportioning of the tribal inheritances there by lot. Indeed, Shiloh is
the unambiguous geographic focus of the priestly narrative of Josh.
18.1-10.
The role of Shiloh at this point of the priestly history has farreaching consequences for the understanding of the rest of the book
of Joshua, as well as for the theology and historical background of
P. Josh. 18.1-10 marks a critical development in the history of the
settlement for the priestly source. With the establishement of the tent
of meeting at Shiloh, the Shiloh sanctuary becomes of central
importance in the narrative framework of P. Thus, for example, the
subscription to the long list of tribal inheritances in Josh. 19.51 has
been modified by the addition of a notation marking the exact culticgeographic locus of the land division: besiloh lipne Yhwhpetah 'ohel
mo'ed ('in Shiloh before Yahweh, at the door of the tent of meeting').
That this notation is an addition to the subscription to the list of
tribal allotments is suggested by the fact that the superscription of
the list in Josh. 14.1 makes no mention of the geographic setting of
the distribution of the inheritances. Thus, 19.51a is based directly
118
Shiloh
upon 18.1, and brings the subscription into conformity with the
priestly historical perspective that the allotment of the tribal
inheritances took place before the tent of meeting at Shiloh.
The concluding formula in Josh. 19.51b, waykallu mehalleq 'ethd'dres ('and they finished apportioning the land'), likewise belongs
to P's historicalframework,where it serves as a summary conclusion
to the historical narrative produced by P's casting of the list of tribal
inheritances in narrative form. It is important to note in this context
that this phrase is quite similar to the priestly conclusion to the
account of Creation in Gen. 2.1: waykuM hassdmayim wehd'dres
wekol-sebd'dm ('And the heavens and the earth and all their host
were completed'). Blenkinsopp has shown on the basis of the
conjunction of the standard conclusion formulae and the more
solemn execution formulae in P that there are three critical moments
in P's history: (a) the creation of the world; (b) the construction of
the sanctuary; and (c) the establishment of the sanctuary in the land
and the associated division of the land between the tribes.38 This
structural evidence not only supports the literary claims made thus
far, namely, that Joshua 13-22 forms the conclusion to P's version of
Israel's origins, but also demonstrates that the themes of the erection
of the wilderness tent shrine in the Promised Land and the allotment
of the tribal inheritances were of critical moment to P's overall
theology. Furthermore, that Shiloh was the site which P associated
with the culmination of the settlement in the Promised Land means
that the Shilonite cultus held a special status, one above all other
sanctuaries, in the priestly tradition.
4.2.3 Shiloh in Joshua 20 and 21
The priestly materials in the Hexateuch which follow the crucial
events of Joshua 14-19 are found in Josh. 20; 21; 22.9-34. Joshua 20
is the priestly version of the appointment of cities of refuge for the
manslayer, as commanded in the priestly text of Num. 35.6-34.41
Mention of Shiloh is not found in this chapter, however, but only in
the subsequent account of the levitical cities in Josh. 21.1-42, where
Shiloh occurs in v. 2 in the historical introduction to this list. Indeed,
Josh. 21.1-2 comprises the literary Fortsetzung of the theme
established in 18.1-10, namely that the Israelites had set up the
wilderness tent shrine at Shiloh and had divided the land there by
lot. That no trace of this motif is found in Josh. 20.1-9 probably is to
119
be attributed to the fact that Josh. 19.51 and 21.1-2 bracket the
account of the appointment of the cities of refuge, making additional
mention of Shiloh superfluous in this account.
The priestly list of the levitical cities in Josh. 21.1-42,42 as with the
list of tribal inheritances in Joshua 14-19, initially included no
specific mention of the geographical locus of the activity. Both lists,
in fact, seem to have been merely that: lists, with brief super- and
subscriptions. Like Joshua 14-19, moreover, Josh. 21.1-42 has been
brought into the priestly narrative by the appending of a brief
introductory statement in the priestly style to the beginning of the
list. This introduction gives the historical and geographical setting of
the list, and in Josh. 21.1-2 reads:
wayyiggesu ro'Se 'dbot halwiyyim 'el-'el'dzdr hakkohen we'elyShoSua' bin-nun we'el-ro'Se 'dbot hammaffdt libne Yusra'el;
waydabbSrH 'dlehem besiloh be'eres kena'an le'mor: Yhwh fiwwdh
beyad-moSeh Idtet-ldnu 'drim idSdbet umigresehen libhemtenu
And the heads of the fathers of the Levites drew near unto Eleazar
the priest and unto Joshua the son of Nun and unto the heads of the
fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel; and they spoke to
them at Shiloh in the land of Canaan saying, 'Yahweh commanded
by the hand of Moses to give to us cities to inhabit, and their
pasture lands for our livestock'.
Whether Josh. 21.3 ever served as the superscription to this list, or

whether the original superscription has been integrated into P's
historical introduction (cf. the language of 14.1 vis-a-vis 21.1) is
impossible to say. What is clear is that the formal superscriptions to
the various sublists of levitical cities, apportioned according to
families, actually begin in v. 4, in a form known also from the list of
tribal inheritances: wayyese' haggordl lemispehot haqqehati ('And the
lot went out for the Kohathite families'). Shiloh occurs in v. 2 and
therefore belongs to the historical introduction, and stems from the
same stratum of P (i.e. the narative historicalframework,rather than
the Grundlage, which included the lists in Josh. 13-21) as does the
key passage in Josh. 18.1-10, which once served as P's historical
introduction to the list in Joshua 14-19. The reiteration of Shiloh in
Josh. 21.2 confirms what has been shown previously, namely, that
the erection of the tent shrine at Shiloh, and the distribution of the
tribal inheritances before the sanctuary there played a key role in P's
historical theology.
120
Shiloh
4.2A Shiloh in Joshua 22

Unlike Joshua 13-21, the priestly portion of Joshua 22 contains no
list. Rather it seems to have had as its basis an old tradition of a
conflict between the Transjordanian tribes of Reuben and Gad and
the tribes dwelling west of the Jordan. This chapter, however, is not
wholly priestly, as Josh. 22.1-8 bears the marks of dtr editing. The
characteristic dtr language first emerges in v. 4a, with the motif of
Yahweh's granting of rest to the Israelitesa direct reference to
Deut. 3.20. Verse 5 is almost wholly deuteronomistic:
raq simru me'od la'dsot 'et-hammiswah we'et-hattordh 'dSer ?iwwdh
'etkem moSeh 'ebed-Yhwh le'ahdbdh 'et-Yhwh
'elohekem weldleket bekol-derdkdyw weliZmor misotayw uledobqdh bo
ule'obdo beliol-Ubabkem ubekol-napsekem
Only be on guard exceedingly to do the commandment and the law

which Moses, the servant of Yahweh commanded you: to love
Yahweh your god and to walk in all his ways and to keep his
commandments and to cleave to him and to serve him with all your
heart and with all of your lives.
This verse deliberately takes up the central injunction in Deut. 6.5.

The expression uledobqdh bo ('to cleave to him') is found exclusively
in Deuteronomy. 'To walk in all his ways' {Idleket bekol-derdkdyw)
and 'to keep his commandments' (lufrndr misotdyw) are equally
deuteronomistic. The final dtr expression is found in v. 8a. The
mention of the Transjordanian tribes' return to their inheritances
'with very many possessions' {ubemiqneh rab me'od) is tied to Deut.
3.20 and represents the dtr fulfillment of the role of the Transjordanian
tribes in the conquest and settlement.
In addition to the deuteronomistic characteristics in Josh. 22.1-8,
there are also non-deuteronomistic elements, which betray a pre-dtr
Grundlage. Welahap mappeh menasseh ('and the half-tribe of Manasseh')
in v. 1 is a distinctively non-dtn/dtr usage, the dtn/dtr writers having

preferred the more usual word for tribe, sebet, to the exclusion of
mappeh. Mapfeh is in fact a priestly term, and its presence here
suggests that the original introduction to Joshua 22 was priestly. The
expression miswat Yhwh 'elohekem is neither clearly priestly nor
clearly dtn/dtr.43 The use of the word 'dhuzzdh ('inheritance') in v. 4,
however, is further evidence of the priestly provenance of the
hexateuchal Vorlage: the term occurs only once in Deuteronomy, in
32.49, in the Yahwistic account of the death of Moses. Otherwise,
121
'dhuzzdh is largely a priestly term, and must be here so regarded as

well.44 An additional priestly term is present in v. 3 with mismeret:
'charge' or 'injunction', usually given in connection with some
specific cultic directive.45 Since w. 2-3a refer to the charge of Moses
to the Transjordanian tribes in Numbers 32, these must also be
considered part of the hexateuchal Vorlage of this passage. Finally,
v. 6 is devoid of dtr language, and probably belongs with w. l-3a,
which together form a proper introduction to w. 9-34. The final
difficulty regarding w. 1-8 has to do with v. 7. This verse comprises
an anecdote on the inheritance of the half-tribe of Manasseh in
Transjordan. It has no logical antecedent in the passage, and was
probably introduced as part of the dtr recension of the passage.46
In conclusion. Josh 22.1-8 contains the priestly introduction to the
tradition in 22.9-34, and this introduction knew only the two tribes of
Reuben and Gad. These verses have experienced a substantial dtr reediting in the addition of the peculiar dtr rhetoric to the passage and
in the correction of the simple pairing of Reuben and Gad to include
Manasseh, to conform with the standard dtr order stressing the two
and-a-half tribes of Traansjordan. A similar phenomenon is evident
in the dtr re-working of Josh. 18.1-10 (see above).
4.2.5 The Priestly Character of Josh. 22.9-34
Josh. 22.9-34 conceives of a single legitimate place of sacrifice for the
Israelites in the Promised Land and is to be associated with the
priestly traditions, rather than with the work of the deuteronomists.
These verses are replete with priestly language, which illustrates the
priestly origins of the tradition (see Table 5, Appendix).47
Given the priestly provenance of this passage, it is necessary to
raise a question regarding its literary character: namely, is this
passage a literary construct, or is it an older priestly tradition?48 This
problem can only be resolved by consideration of those elements in
the passage which would betray an actual tradition, i.e. the
traditional figures, motifs, etc. In this connection, Wellhausen's
criterion for the antiquity of tradition, namely, to prefer those
features as authentic which most clearly departed from the later
standards, must be given credence.49 Conversely, it is extremely
difficult to disprove the claim that a particular tradition or account is
a fictional literary construct, drawing on earlier elements. Since this
type of argument requires precious little evidence, however, it should
122
Shiloh
be regarded with suspicion. Only clearly anachronistic elements

betray the later provenance of a document and can reveal the
employment of archaic elements in the service of a later Tendenz.
The central question with regard to Josh. 22.9-34, is, in fact,
whether there is an actual traditional basis for the events described,
or whether archaic features have been employed in the composition
of a late text, in order to give the appearance of an early provenance.
The first pertinent piece of evidence in this connection is the fact that
there appears to have been an underlying stratum in this chapter
which dealt not with the two and-a-half tribes, but with the
Reubenites and Gadites alone (w. 25,31,32,33,34). The association
of Reuben and Gad alone with the Transjordan is contrary to the
later formulation of both dtr and P, which strata adhered to the
division of the people of Israel into the nine-and-a-half tribes in
Palestine, and the two and-a-half tribes in Transjordan. This later
formulation is present in Josh. 22.9,10,11,12,13,15, 21. Indeed, a
glance at this breakdown reveals a division between the first and
second halves of the passage: the first half uses the standard furmula,
while the second half, and incidentally, that which contains the
aetiology of the altar of'witness', preserves the anomalous pairing of
the Reubenites and Gadites, without reference to Manasseh. This
evidence suggest that an older tradition has been preserved within
the context of a later narrative text.
Other traditional elements play an important role in Josh. 22.9-34
as well. The most notable of these is the figure of Phineas, the son of
Eleazar the priest. The first mention of this Phineas in the
Hexateuch comes in an anecdote to the priestly list of the levitical
families in Exod. 6.16-25. Exod. 6.25a is, in fact, the birth notice of
this Phineas: 'And Eleazar the son of Aaron took for himself from the
daughters of Puti'el, for himself for a wife, and she bore to him
Phineas'. The death notice of Eleazar, the son of Aaron (Josh. 24.33),
also mentions this Phineas: 'And Eleazar the son of Aaron died, and
they buried him at the hill of Phineas, his son, which had been given
to him in the hill country of Ephraim'.
These notices exemplify an important traditional form in Hebrew
literature. Similar notices exist regarding Samuel (1 Sam. 7.15-17;
8.1-3; 25.1a), Abraham (Gen. 25.7-10), Isaac (Gen. 35.29), Jacob
(Gen. 49.33), each of whom 'breathed his last' and 'was gathered to
his people'; also Joseph (Gen. 50.26; Josh. 24.32), Sarah (Gen. 23.1-
123
2), Rachel (Gen. 35.19), and Joshua (Josh. 24.29-30). Of all of these
death notices, those of Joshua and Samuel are most like that of
Eleazar: in each case, only a statement of death, and the location of
the grave site are given, with a third bit of information. In the case of
Eleazar, the third entry is merely a qualification of the grave site: 'the
hill of Phineas his son, which had been given to him in the hill country
ofEphrairrC. Since Eleazar's death notice is formally similar to other
such notices in Hebrew tradition, and since its location in Ephraim is
inconsistent with the later traditions linking the Zadokites of
Jerusalem to this Eleazar, Josh. 24.33 should be taken as preserving
authentic traditions regarding the Aaronite origins of these two
priestly figures.
Two other instances exist in which one finds Phineas, the son of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron the priest, taking a central place in
hexateuchal tradition: Num. 25.6-13, and Num. 31.1-12. The priestly
provenance of each passage is uncontested. In the first, Phineas slays
an Israelite and his Midianite wife during the events surrounding
Ba'al-Pe'or, an act which stays Yahweh's wrath and prevents the
slaughter of more Israelites by the divinely sent plague. As a reward
for his zeal, Phineas is then promised an eternal priesthood (cf. Ps.
106.28-31). Num. 31.1-12 is related to this incident, but has to do
with the war of vengeance subsequently carried out by Israel against
Midian, allegedly for the Midianites' complicity in the seduction of
the Israelites 'in the matter of Pe'or' (Num. 31.16).50
These priestly texts regarding Phineas the son of Eleazar suggest
two conclusions. First, Phineas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron,
was an important figure in the priestly lore. He was associated with
the wilderness tent shrine (Num. 25.6), and with the holy war carried
out against the Midianites (Num. 31.1-12). Second, this Phineas
must at one time have played a far greater role in both priestly and
popular tradition, since he is promised an eternal priesthood, and
since the burial site of Eleazar is identified by reference to this, his
son Phineas (Josh. 24.33).
This evidence provided by Num. 25.6-13; 31.1-12; Josh. 24.33 has
important implications for understanding the role of Phineas in Josh.
22.9-34. To begin, Phineas appears in this pericope in much the same
role as he does in the two passages in Numbers: he is a priest, the son
of Eleazar, and as such ministers before the tent shrine (Josh. 22.19,
29) in connection with an incident which at least threatens holy war.
124
Shiloh
Thus, Phineas the son of Eleazar in Josh. 22.9-34 is the same

traditionalfigureas he is in the book of Numbers. Both Num. 25.6-13
and Josh. 22.9-34, in fact, seem to reflect a cycle of independent
traditions focusing upon Phineas, the son of Eleazar, which dealt with
his exploits in preserving the purity of the Yahwistic cultus. In fact,
this figure of Phineas seems eventually to have served as the
unspoken foil for the godless sons of Eli, Hophni and Phineas, on
whose account Yahweh destroyed the line of the Shilonite priests in 1
Samuel 2-4.51 Thus, alongside the anomalous pairing of Reubenites
with the Gadites and the aetiology of the altar of 'witness', the
tradition of Phineas ministering before Yahweh's tabernacle at
Shiloh constitutes the third major piece of evidence that Josh. 22.934 contains an archaic tradition, or several archaic traditional
fragments, which deal with a confrontation of the tribes west of the
Jordan with the Reubenites and Gadites over an heretical altar.
On the other hand, evidence that these earlier traditions have been
brought together in a later redaction is provided by several links
between Josh. 22.9-34 and the preceding narratives of the Hexateuch.
First, Josh 22.17 explicitly ties this passage to Num. 25.1-13 and the
matter of Ba'al-Pe'or. Second, Josh, 22.20 recalls Achan's theft of the
devoted things, and his subsequent punishment in Joshua 7. Third,
the erection of the wilderness tent shrine at Shiloh (Josh. 18.1) and
the conclusion to the division of the land (Josh. 19.51; 21) is here
assumed. These assumptions, and the fact that these events belong to
the narrative historicalframeworkof P, indicate that Josh. 22.9-34 in
its present literary form belongs to this stratum of P as well.
Nevertheless, the priestly historical narrative in Josh. 22.9-34 (as
well as the priestly Grundlage of Josh. 22.1-8) preserves elements of
older traditions which have been incorporated into P's overall
history. These elements include the priesthood of Phineas at the tent
shrine, the two tribes in Transjordan, and the aetiology of the altar of
'witness', which assumes two rather than two and-a-half Transjordanian
tribes. In Josh. 22.9-34, then, the evidence is not for the archaizing of
a later Tendenz, but rather, for the inclusion of older traditions in a
later literary form. That several old traditions have been brought
together under the rubric of P's extended historical framework in
Joshua 22 argues that the priestly stratum of the Hexateuch,
whatever the date of its final literary form, preserves much ancient,
and possibly authentic, material.
125
4.3 Conclusion:
The Place of Shiloh in Joshua 22 and the Priestly History
The first question with regard to Joshua 22, however, is not whether
or not P's account of these events is authentic, but what role Shiloh
plays in the passage, and thence, in the overall priestly narrative. In
this regard it is significant that while Shiloh is not the central focus
of this passage, Shiloh is directly connected to P's dominant concern
for the exclusive sanctity of the miskan-Yhwh and the altar standing
before it which the Israelites erected in the Promised Land at Shiloh.
This concern is consistent with Leviticus 17, where the 'ohel-mo'ed
and the altar at its entrance constitute the sole permissible place of
sacrifice for the Israelites. Transgression of this exclusivity, moreover,
is the source of potential harm to the whole community, as the
references to the matter of Pe'or (v. 17) and to the fate of Achan
(v. 20) make clear. Joshua 22 does not ascribe this exclusive status to
Shiloh per se, however, but this status accrues to Shiloh as a direct
result of the establishment of the wilderness cultus there. Thus,
Shiloh, for P, becomes the geographic focus for the legitimate
worship of Yahweh in the Promised Land, because it is the site of the
tent shrine and altar.52
In the broader context of the priestly recension of Joshua 13-22,
Joshua 22 serves as the final cultic injunction to the Israelites settling
Palestine. The erection of the wilderness cultus and the distribution
of the tribal inheritances, which comprise the third great moment in
the priestly history, do not end the priestly narrative. Instead, the
priestly history concludes with the retelling of older traditions for the
purpose of levelling sanctions against violations of the wilderness
cultus established in the Promised Land. For P, then, the legitimate
cultus in the Promised Land centered on the tent and the altar which
stood before the tent, both of which were located at Shiloh.
Moreover, since no provision is made for the transfer of status from
the wilderness cultus to another form of cultus (e.g. a temple), and
since there is no anticipation of a succession of the legitimate cultus
from Shiloh to Jerusalem, there is no legitimate basis for regarding
Shiloh in P as a late fictional representation of the Jerusalem cult. In
fact, the priestly narrative is concerned with Shiloh as the site of the
wilderness cultus, and there is no evidence that anything else is
intended.
Thus, P's account of the origins of Israel ends with the establishment
126
Shiloh
of the legitimate institutions of the worship of Yahweh at Shiloh, and

with the definition of the sole legitimate place of sacrifice in the
Promised Land as the altar before Yahweh's tabernacle at Shiloh.
Shiloh is, in fact, the focus of the priestly history's interest in the
wilderness cultus in the Promised Land. While at least one other
shrine is recognized in the priestly stratum of the Hexateuch, i.e. that
at Bethel, the connection between Shiloh and the wilderness cultus
in P is unique. This fact suggests that the priestly tradition
recognized more than one shrine, but that Shiloh held a special
status in that tradition, a status which was deliberately emphasized
in the priestly recension of the Hexateuch.
Moreover, that the emphasis of the priestly history centered upon
a place, Shiloh, and a shrine, the tent sanctuary, which in the
Jerusalem tradition were regarded as having been rejected by
Yahweh (see below, Chapter 6), provides strong evidence that the
priestly tradition did not derive from Jerusalem. Indeed, P's
hallowing of Shiloh, along with the heretical temple at Bethel (Gen.
35.9-15), both northern shrines, and the traditions linking the origins
of the Aaronite priesthood, represented by Eleazar and Phineas, to
Ephraim, suggest that the priestly traditions of the Hexateuch stem
from northern Israel, and not from Judah and Jerusalem.
To sum up, Joshua 22 furnishes the final priestly word on the
crucial theme of the legitimate Yahwistic cultus in Palestine. This
cultus comprises the tent shrine and its altar established at Shiloh.
The exclusive legitimacy of the wilderness cultus at Shiloh carried
divine sanction, and any breach threatened the entire community.
The priestly history, by this means, set the Shiloh sanctuary above
all other sanctuaries in Palestine, and made no provision for change
in this order, which it presented as an ideal, permanent institution.
Chapter 5
SHILOH IN THE BOOK OF JUDGES
5.1 Introduction: Shiloh in Judges 17-21
Shiloh does not appear in the book of Judges until chs. 17-21, in a
section sometimes called the 'appendix' to the book ofJudges. These
chapters center on the theme of the arachic days before any king
ruled in Israel, when 'every man did that which was right in his own
eyes' (Judg. 17.5; 18.1; 19.1; 21.25). They depart from the framework
established in Judg, 2.6-23, which is based on a succession of judgedeliverer stories. Judges 17-21 can be broken down into separate
sections. Chapters 17-18 relate how one Micah erected a household
shrine in the Ephraimite hill country, and how the Danites robbed
him both of his cultic images and his levitical priest. Chapters 19-21
recount the tale of an intra-tribal war against the Benjaminites,
which was occasioned by the murder-rape of the concubine of a
Levite by the men of Gibeah.
Shiloh first emerges in these narratives in Judg. 18.31, where it
receives incidental mention in connection with the cult at Dan. A
second incidental reference to Shiloh is found in Judg. 21.12, where
Shiloh appears as the site of the war-camp at the end of the
Benjaminite war (Judg. 20.1-21.15). Only in Judg. 21.16-24 does
Shiloh become the focus of the narrative, There, the Benjaminites
raid Shiloh during the annual 'feast of Yahweh' and carry off the
dancing maidens for wives. Thus, the references to Shiloh in Judges
form no consistent picture of Shiloh's role in the period before the
rise of the Israelite monarchy. Difficult, isolated notes, such as Judg.
18.31 and 21.12, combine with the intriguing tale in Judg. 21.16-24 to
pose additional problems for understanding the role of the Shilonite
cult in pre-monarchic Israel.
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Shiloh
5.2 Jfudg. 18.30, 31: the House of God at Shiloh
The first reference to Shiloh which confronts the reader of the book
of Judges occurs in Judg. 18.30-31:
(30) And the sons of Dan erected for themselves the graven
image,
And Jonathan, the son of Gershom, the son of Moses,
He and his sons were priests to the tribe of the Danites
Until the day of the captivity of the land.
(31) And they set up for themselves the graven image of Micah,
Which he had made,
All the days that the house of God was in Shiloh.
These verses form the conclusion to the story of Micah's shrine in
Judges 17-18 from which the Danites robbed the cultic objects, and
whose priest, a Levite from Bethlehem, established the priesthood of
Dan (Judg. 18.30). Much debate has centered on these verses in
connection with the discussion of the nature and history of the
sanctuary at Shiloh.
First, whereas Shiloh is the site of the Mosaic tent shrine in Joshua
18-22, the first mention of Shiloh in the book ofJudges is as the locus
of a bet-ha'eldhim ('house of God', Judg. 18.31). Graf argued on the
basis of this verse that an actual temple, and not the Mosaic
tabernacle, had stood at Shiloh. Moreover, the phrase kol-yeme
'dser heyot bet-ha'eldhim besiloh ('all the days that the house of God
was in Shiloh') stands in parallel with the preceding 'ad-yom gelothd'dres ('until the day of the captivity of the land'). The juxtaposition
of these two expressions of time, 'the day of the captivity of the land',
and 'all the days that the house of God was in Shiloh', was taken by
Graf to mean that the sanctuary at Shiloh had continued in existence
'until the day of the captivity of the land', i.e. until the fall of the
northern kingdom to the Assyrians.1 Graf's position was the first
major opposition voiced with respect to Ewald's theory that Shiloh
and its sanctuary had been destroyed as a result of the Philistine
victory at Aphek (1 Sam. 4). Nonetheless, the relationship between
v. 30 and v. 31 is a matter of dispute: while Graf had read these two
verses as mutually interpretative,2 Budde saw them as the separate
conclusions to two independent sources.3
The historical referent of the bet-ha'eldhim besiloh in v. 31 has
been variously regarded as a temple4 or a tent sanctuary.5 That the
5. Shiloh in the Book of Judges
129
term bayit must always refer to a building is shown to be false by 2

Kgs 23.7, which reads:
wayyitto? 'et-batte haqqedesim
'aser bebet Yhwh
'dser hanndsim 'oregot sdrn bdttim Id'aserdh
And he tore down the houses of the male prostitutes

which were in the house of Yahweh,
where the women were weaving houses for Asherah.
This verse mentions woven 'houses' in a particular sacral context,
and thus demonstrates the bayit could refer to something other than
an actual building. This appelative bet-hd'elohim may have been
applied similarly to all manner of sanctuaries, including the tent of
meeting at Shiloh. Thus, one cannot rule out altogether the
possibility that the bet-hd'elohim in Judg. 18.31 may refer to a tent
shrine. On the other hand, if this were a reference to the wilderness
tent, one would have expected one of the technical appelations, of
this institution, 'dhel-mo'ed or miskan-Yhwh, since these were its
traditional designations (as is clear from Exod. 33.7-11 and Josh.
22.9-34). Even Ps. 78.60-72 refers to the miskan-Silo and the 'ohelYosep, using at least devivatives of the technical priestly appelations.
Thus, in the absence of more compelling evidence, bet-hd'elohim in
v. 31 should be taken as implying its typical referent, a temple. The
narratives in 1 Samuel 1-4, in fact, presuppose an actual temple at
Shiloh, and probably this same sanctuary is referred to in Judg.
18.31. Thus, the bet-hd'elohim in Judg. 18.31 should be taken as
referring not to the tent of meeting at Shiloh, but to a temple
building which stood there.
The relationship between v. 30 and v. 31, however, is more
problematic. On the one hand, vv. 30a, 31a form the kind of doublet
used by nineteenth-century source critics to discern the presence of
parallel sources. In this context, v. 30a appears to be the legitimate
conclusion to the tradition of the Danite migration, and v. 31 the
summation of the tradition of Micah's graven image. At the same
time, the feature which most clearly distinguishes these verses is not
their respective relationships to the foregoing traditions, but the
nature of the time referents which they contain. Thus, vv. 30 and 31
may not represent parallel sources, but may instead introduce
parallel, or even correlative, time references. Verse 31a may in fact be
130
Shiloh
treated as a Wiederaufnahme of v. 30a, a stylistic device whereby the

initial phrase of a parallel is taken up at the beginning of the second
member of the parallel to introduce a new, albeit related, motif or, in
this case, piece of information. If this is the case, w. 30 and 31 are
not the respective conclusions to separate sources, but parallel
historical comments which carry the ramifications of the older
traditions incorporated into the present text far beyond the historical
scope of those traditions. Indeed, the phrases 'until the day of the
captivity of the land' and 'all the days that the house of God was in
Shiloh' are astonishingly perspicacious historical referents, betraying
a broad, schematic perspective which demarcates Israelite history
using two key referents: a definitive national event'the day of the
captivity of the land', i.e. the fall of the northern kingdom on 722/721
BCEand an extended period of national significance'all the days
that the house of God was in Shiloh'. This expansive frame of
reference is unusual, and suggests that Judg. 18.30 and 31 do not
coincidentally derive from two separate sources or traditions which
have been woven together in Judges 17-18. A better explanation for
this parallelism would be that these notices are the work of a single
redactor/historian whose concern was to provide, at a much later
date, a broad historical scheme by which the events of Judges 17-18
might be correlated. It is therefore legitimate to conclude, as Graf
did, that v. 31 is intrinsically dependent upon v. 30.6 These two
historical notices probably come from the same hand, and may not
have been introduced until long after the traditions in Judges 17-18
had been combined into a single narrative. If this analysis is correct,
the correlation of 'the day of the captivity of the land' (v. 30) with 'all
the days that the house of God was in Shiloh' (v. 31) would imply
that Shiloh had continued as an important sanctuary until the fall of
Samaria.7
In conclusion, two important pieces of information regarding
Shiloh can be gleaned from Judg. 18.30-31. First, whatever Shiloh's
relationship to the wilderness tent shrine had been, the place was
remembered at a much later period, after the fall of the northern
kingdom, as the site of a temple. This information is confirmed in 1
Samuel 1-4. Second, this particular sanctuarythe Shilonite templeremained in existence until the fall of the northern kingdom. Nothing
in Judg. 18.30-31, in fact, supports the theory that Shiloh was
destroyed and abandoned in the mid-eleventh century. Rather, a
131
close analysis of these verses confirms Graf's original view that the
Shilonite sanctuary continued in existence down to the fall of
Samaria, at least according to the associations of the historian/
redactor responsible for the insertion of vv. 30 and 31 into this
text.
5.3 Judges 20-21: Shiloh in the Account of the Benjaminite War
After Judg. 18.30-31, Shiloh is not mentioned again until Judg. 21.12
and 16-24. The first of these references is to 'the camp at Shiloh,
which is in the land of Canaan' (Judg. 21.12). This verse forms the
conclusion to the account of the Benjaminite war and is notable
because it is the only reference to Shiloh in this account; the
sanctuaries upon which Judg. 20.1-21.15 otherwise focuses are
Mizpah (20.1; 21.1, 8) and Bethel (20.18, 26; 21.2). In fact, the
multitude of sanctuaries which emerges, quite unapologetically, in
Judges. stands in contrast to the importance of Shiloh as the
exclusive legitimate sanctuary of Yahweh following the conquest and
settlement of the land in Joshua. In Judg. 18.30-31, the sanctuary at
Shiloh is placed without apology alongside that at Dan, and in the
story of the Benjaminite War (Judg. 20.1-21.15) Shiloh appears
alongside the sanctuaries of Mizpah and Bethel, without any clear
distinction in status. Moreover, Judg. 21.16-24 contains a tradition
according to which the Benjaminites, on the advice of the 'the elders
of the congregation' took the dancing maidens from the vineyards
around Shiloh during 'the feast of Yahweh' and carried them off for
wives.
The juxtaposition of Shiloh with Mizpah and Bethel in Judges 2021 was especially important to de Wette's position that the period
before the monarchy knew no central sanctuary, only a multitude of
local shrines. Thus, 'the congregation assembled . . . to Yahweh at
Mizpah' (Judg. 20.1), and the people 'had sworn at Mizpah' (Judg.
21.1a). Similarly, 'the people arose and went up to Bethel, and
inquired of God' (Judg. 20.18). Again Judg. 20.26-28a reads:
Then all the people of Israel, the whole army, went up and came to
Bethel and wept; they sat there before Yahweh, and fasted that day
until evening, and offered burnt offerings and peace offerings
before Yahweh. And the people of Israel inquired of Yahweh, for
the ark of the covenant of God was there in those days, and
132
Shiloh
Phineas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron, ministered before it
in those days . . . .
In Judg. 21.2, the Israelites again 'came to Bethel, and sat there until
evening before God'. The expression lipne Yhwh, and its Elohistic
counterpart, lipne hd'elohim, usually indicate the presence of a
temple or cultic site.8
Despite the contrasting portrayals of Shiloh in Joshua and Judges,
certain elements of the depiction of Shiloh in Judges 21 correspond to
elements in the priestly stratum of Joshua. Thus, for example,
hammahdneh siloh ('the camp at Shiloh', Judg. 21.12) occurs only one
other time in the Hebrew Bible, in Josh. 18.9. Similarly, Siloh 'dser
be'eres kena'an ('Shiloh, which is in the land of Canaan', Judg. 21.12)
is found only in Josh. 22.9, and in the related phrase siloh be'eres
kena'an ('Shiloh in the land of Canaan') in Josh. 21.2. Other
elements of the narratives of Judg. 20.1-21.24 can only be described
as priestly as well. Wattiqqdhel he'eddh ... 'el-Yhwh hammispdh
('and the congregation assembled... unto Yahweh at Mizpah', Judg.
20.1) recalls Josh. 18.1. Similarly, ziqne hd'eddh ('the elders of the
congregation', Judg. 21.16) are found otherwise only in Lev. 4.15,
while the term 'eddh ('congregation') is itself nearly always priestly.
Surprisingly, the most clearly priestly expressions ('and the congregation assembled', 'the elders of the congregation') occur in passages in
Judges which presuppose the existence of rightful sanctuaries other
than that at Shiloh. It must be remembered in this connection that
the priestly tradition of Genesis also hallowed Bethel (Gen. 35.9-15),
the sanctuary present in Judg. 20.18, 26, 28; 21.2.9 These common
traditional elements could suggest that the priestly passages in Josh.
18.1-10; 19.51; 21.2; 22.9-34; Judg. 20.1-21.15 derive from a complex
of traditions cast in language otherwise known from the priestly
stratum of the Hexateuch. Indeed, phrases such as 'the camp at
Shiloh' and 'Shiloh which is in the land of Canaan' could imply a
common traditional background for all of these stories. The
appearance of the same stereotypical phraseology in narratives of
such diverse theological cast as the books ofJoshua and Judges is best
explained by assuming that the priestly materials of the Hexateuch
represent a development on an older body of tradition which is in
part preserved in Joshua 18-22 and Judg. 20.1-21.15. And while
Shiloh played a key role in these traditions (cf. Josh. 18.1-10; 22.934), sanctuaries such as Bethel and Mizpah were hallowed as well.
133
This evidence supports observations already made in connection

with the material in Joshua, namely, that P included a number of
independent cultic traditions which presupposed a common sociohistorical background. This common background included such
ideas as the centralization of power in the hands of the 'elders of the
congregation', Shiloh as the locus of the war-camp and the
wilderness cultus, and the site of Shiloh as being in 'the land of
Canaan'. Moreover, within this priestly tradition-complex, cultic
centralization was sometimes attested, as in Josh. 22.9-34, and
sometimes not, as in Judg. 20.1-21.15. Thus, in addition to the
tradition of the exclusive legitimacy of the wilderness cultus, there
was a further priestly tradition which hallowed not one but several
Yahwistic sanctuaries: Shiloh, Bethel, and Mizpah. That Shiloh was
hallowed above any other sanctuary in the final Priestly recension of
the Hexateuch, however, attests the antiquity and persistence of the
tradition of Shiloh's cultic pre-eminence in early Israel and may
explain the bitter Jerusalemite invective against Shiloh in Ps. 78.6072.10
Besides the differences in the views of cultic centralization within
the priestly tradition, those traditions in the Hexateuch and their
counterparts in Judges have been incorporated into two distinctive
narrative frameworks. The ideological concern of P in the Hexateuch
centers on the maintenance of the legitimate cultus, centered on the
tent shrine and its altar. The final statement of this ideology is found
in the prohibition of sacrifice at any altar save for the one before the
tabernacle of Yahweh at Shiloh in Josh. 22.9-34. The priestly
traditions of Judges 20-21, on the other hand, have been edited to
conform to a different set of redactional goals: namely, the depiction
of life before the monarchy as characterized by anarchy and senseless
violence.
In point of fact, the traditional materials which belong to P in the
Hexateuch, such as the traditions of Phineas, are not intrinsically
different from those in Judges: they have only been edited to different
ends. Many of the hexateuchal traditions of P represent independent
cultic stories (cf. Gen. 35.9-15; Num. 25.6-15; Josh. 18.1-10; 22.9-34),
just as do Judg. 20.1-21.15 and 21.16-24, at the same time holding
much in comon. The stories relating specifically to Shiloh and its
priesthood either associate Shiloh with the holy war traditions of the
pre-monarchic period (Num. 25.6-15; Josh. 22.9-34; Judg. 21.12) or
134
Shiloh
place it in a unique position vis-a-vis the wilderness cultus and the

other sanctuaries of the land (Josh. 18.1-10; 22.9-34). The only
exception to these categories is found in Judg. 21.16-24, which seems
to preserve the tradition of Shiloh as a pre-Israelite shrine of
Yahweh.
5.3.1 Synopsis
What these traditions have to say about the role of the Shiloh
sanctuary in the early pre-monarchic period is, however, uncertain.
It seems that Shiloh was remembered, at least in Judg. 21.16-24, as
the site of a non-Israelite shrine. The radical nature of this claim in
the face of orthodox tradition makes it likely that Judg. 21.16-24
actually preserves an historical memory of Shiloh before it had been
incorporated into the territory of the Israelite tribes. At the same
time, the emphasis on Shiloh's singular exclusivity in the hexateuchal
framework of P does not impeach the historicity of that tradition.
Inasmuch as the Jerusalem cultus assumed that Shiloh was, in a
negative sense, heir to the wilderness cultus which Yahweh had
rejected,11 the priestly traditions in Josh. 18.1-10 and 22.9-34 would
seem to pre-date the Jerusalem tradition, and may therefore preserve
an authentic memory of Shiloh's origins as an Israelite sanctuary.
This conclusion is supported by the traditional association of Shiloh
with the wilderness tent shrine, the association of both with the
Aaronite priesthood of Phineas, and of all three with the traditions of
early tribal wars.
To sum up, the traditions in Judg. 20.1-21.15 make three principal
contributions to our understanding the role of Shiloh in the early life
of the Israelite tribes. First, they attest the existence of premonarchic, socio-historical order in which Shiloh was regarded as
the locus of the war-camp in early tribal wars. Second, these
traditions assume the existence of sacred shrines other than the one
at Shiloh, namely, Bethel and Mizpah. Judg. 20.27-28 goes so far as
to identify the Aaronite priesthood of Phineas with Bethel, a notable
Aaronite shrine in any case. Third, the primacy in pre-monarchic
Israel of the tribal council, where power centered on the elders of the
congregation, as known from the Priestly stratum of the Hexateuch,
is confirmed by the assumption of this order in Judges 20-21. Each of
these contributions, in its own way, confirms the antiquity of the
priestly traditions of the Hexateuch, especially the recognition of the
135
shrines at Bethel, Mizpah, and Shiloh, all of which were anathema to

the cultic community in Jerusalem in later Judean history.
5.4 The Shilonite Cult injudg. 21.16-24
Perhaps the most intriguing of the traditions dealing with Shiloh in
the book of Judges is that in Judg. 21.16-24. This pericope recounts
how the Benjaminites, on the advice of the elders of the congregation,
kidnapped for wives the dancing maidens from the vineyards of
Shiloh at the yearly feast of Yahweh. According to Svend HolmNielsen,
It is generally recognized that Judg. 21, as well as I Sam. 1-3,
indirectly witness to a strong Cana'anite weft in the Shiloh cult.
The young women dancing in the vineyards and the abduction of
brides are well-known motives in the Cana'anite fertility cult
. . . One could also draw attention to Judg. 21.12 where the
geographical setting ' . . . Shiloh which is in the land of Cana'an' is
peculiar. If a geographical definition was felt necessary one would
have expected 'in the land of Ephraim' as opposite to Gilead. Judg.
21.19 gives an even stranger extremely accurate definition:
'... Shiloh . . . in a place which is on the north side of Bethel, on
the east side of the highway that goes up from Bethel to Shechem,
and on the south of Lebonah'. Both cases may be accidental and of
no importance; but they may also originate from a time when
Shiloh was still a Cana'anite town outside the proper Israelite
boundaries, though culturally as well as religiously connected with
Israelite tribes, especially Benjamin.12
Holm-Nielsen further suggests in a footnote that 'Shiloh could even

have been the property of a Benjamin tribe which was highly
influenced by Cana'anite culture and religion'.13
There may be some truth to the observation that the Shilonite cult
had been influenced by non-Israelite ritual and practice. The
Israelite cultus in general was highly influenced by the practices
known elsewhere from Syria-Palestine, as has been demonstrated in
the work of Dussaud.14 The designation of Shiloh as being 'in the
land of Canaan' might recall a time when Shiloh lay outside the
direct control of the Israelite tribes. The use of the same terminology
in Josh. 21.2 and 22.9 might imply a similar setting for these priestly
traditions, as would the precise geographical description of Shiloh's
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Shiloh
location in Judg. 21.19. Of further importance in this respect is the

fact that Shiloh is nowhere mentioned as having been destroyed or
conquered. Thus, the traditions of the establishment Israelite
sanctuary at Shiloh may reflect a relationship between the Israelite
tribes in the central hill country, and a non-Israelite sanctuary at
Shiloh.
The Israeli excavations at Tell Seilun indicate that Shiloh had
been the site of a sanctuary from the Middle Bronze Age on.15 The
LBA site does not appear to have contained anything more than
an isolated cultic place to which offerings were brought by people
from various places in the region. The fact that there were very few
permanent Late Bronze sites anywhere in the vicinity of Shiloh
may indicate that many of these people lived in pastoral groups, in
temporary dwellings.16
One can thus infer from both archaeological and written evidence
that Seilun during the Middle and Late Bronze Age had been the
sanctuary of non-Israelite origin which is depicted in Judg. 21.16-24,
from which the Benjaminites had kidnapped non-Israelite maidens
for wives. That the kidnapped women were non-Israelite is indicated
by the fact that they were considered fair game for the Benjaminites,
even though all Israel had sworn not to give their daughters in
marriage to Benjamin.
The present text assumes, however, that the maidens actually had
been Israelite. The plea, 'Grant them graciously to us, for we did not
take each man his wife in battle, for you did not give them to us,
because then you would be guilty' implies that the Shilonites had
participated in the covenant against Benjamin. Nevertheless, this
text may have been edited to fit its own context, according to which
Shiloh was an Israelite shrine. That an older tradition depicting
Shiloh as a non-Israelite entity lies behind the present story,
however, is suggested by the strong parallel between this story and
the Roman tale of the 'Rape of the Sabine Women'.17 If one accepts
that these two stories share a common motif, namely, one group's
taking of wives by force from an ethnically different group at a public
festival, one can postulate that the tradition in Judg. 21.16-24
originally dealt with a Benjaminite Weibenraub carried out at a nonIsraelite festival of Yahweh at Shiloh.
If it is impossible to judge the historicity of this particular
tradition, it is nonetheless significant that behind the present text of
137
Judg. 21.16-24 lies the now muted tradition of Shiloh as a Yahwistic

shrine beyond the control of the Israelite tribes. The profound
diflference between this tradition and that of the special cultic status
ascribed elsewhere to Shiloh (cf. Josh. 18.1-10; 19.51; 21.1-2; 22.9-34;
Judg. 21.12) offers strong evidence that Judg. 21.16-24 preserves the
actual memory of a time when Shiloh stood as a Yahwistic holy place
outside the territory occupied by the Israelites.
This tradition subsequently was recast to conform to the controlling
motif of Judges 17-21, which is expressed via the repeated notation,
'In those days, there was no king in Israel; every man did what was
right in his own eyes' (Judg. 17.6; 18.1; 19.1; 21.25). The kidnapping
of the dancing girls at the behest of the 'elders of the congregation' in
this context serves to pillory the old pre-monarchic order with its
tribal and cultic, rather than royal leadership. In this present
account, the elders' advice to the Benjaminites is the supreme act of
moral cynicism, since the raid is directed against maidens at the chief
Israelite sanctuary. The juxtaposition of the rape of the Shilonite and
Gileadite maidens with the rape of the concubine at Gibeah (on
which account the tribes had made war on the Benjaminites in the
first place!), climaxes the perversity of the tribal conduct under the
pre-monarchic order. The Weibenraub at Shiloh thus serves as a
prime example, and the final atrocity, in the depiction of the anarchy
among the tribes 'before any king ruled in Israel'.
5.5 Conclusion
The adaptation of the traditions in Judges 17-21 to the overriding

motif of pre-monarchic anarchy has been carried out in an extremely
subtle fashion, so that tradition and redaction are not always easily
separated. Nevertheless, a picture of pre-monarchic institutions can
be gleaned from these chapters. The Israelite institutions of this era
include the various sacral points of assembly (Bethel, Mizpah,
Shiloh), the location of the war-camp at Shiloh and of Shiloh 'in the
land of Canaan', and the central role played by the tribal council and
the elders of the congregation. The society thus depicted is so
different from that which existed during the monarchy, and so
contrary to the later (and especially deuteronomistic) view of the
ideal order, that its basic features should be taken as historical. At the
very least, the redactor and his audience associated certain institutional
138
Shiloh
realities, known also from the Priestly stratum of the Hexateuch,

with the pre-monarchic order, and regarded these as having been
rightly supplanted by the monarchy.
The connections between Judges 19-21 and the priestly strata of
the Hexateuch, especially in the form of traditional elements such as
'the camp at Shiloh', 'Shiloh in the land of Canaan', and the 'elders
of the congregation' to name a few, further confirm the importance of
Shiloh and its sanctuary in the priestly tradition. Similarly, the
traditional figures associated with Shiloh in Joshua 18-22, i.e.
Eleazar, Phineas and Joshua, are imbedded in the traditions of the
early tribal wars (especially Phineas and Joshua), while Josh. 22.9-34
and Judges 19-21 deal with concerted actions by the 'eddh against an
offense by a member tribe. The insertion of Phineas into the account
of the Benjaminite war in Judg. 20.27-28 attests to the persistence of
the figure of Phineas in Israelite lore. Many of the traditional
elements of this narrative further link Shiloh to the period of the
tribal confederacy, and to the holy wars waged against both those
outside Israel as well as those Israelite tribes which had committed
some cultic offense. It is crucial that the argument for the superiority
of the monarchical order in the present narrative framework actually
presupposes that cultic warfare as depicted in Judges 20-21
governed by elders and sanctioned by priestwas part of a failed
archaic order which had been happily superseded by the institution
of kingship. That someone in the monarchical period could thus
argue precludes the conclusion that the tribal warfare in Judges 2021 (which is not unlike that in Josh. 22.9-34, nor even Num. 25.6-13;
31.1-12) was the invention of a later age.
Consequently, the priestly traditions pertaining to Shiloh in the
book of Judges, whatever their ultimate date of compostion, preserve
the memory of a pre-monarchic order. In this order, Shiloh was the
site of the war-camp and played a role in the cultic wars waged by the
Israelite tribes. At the same time, Judg. 21.16-24 preserves the still
older memory of Shiloh as a Yahwistic shrine outside the tribal
territory of Israel.
Chapter 6
SHILOH IN THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL
6.1 Introduction
The materials in 1 Samuel which directly relate to Shiloh are limited
to the narratives of 1 Samuel 1-4 and to brief references in 1 Samuel
14. 1 Samuel 1-4 narrates the birth of Samuel, his dedication to
Yahweh before Eli, the head of the priestly family at Shiloh, his
growth to full stature as a prophet of Yahweh at Shiloh (in contrast to
the corrupt Elide priests), and, finally, the extermination of the
Shilonite priests and the loss of the ark to the Philistines in battle. In
1 Samuel 14, the priest with Saul, Ahijah, is tied to the family of Eli,
'the priest of Yahweh at Shiloh'. In addition to these direct references
to Shiloh, however, a wide range of material in both 1 and 2 Samuel
as well as 1 Kings must be considered, generally in connection with
the priesthood of Shiloh and its descendants.
Within the greater compass of the Shiloh traditions in the Old
Testament, those in the books of Samuel have been considered the
most reliable source of information. The narratives of 1 and 2
Samuel appear at first glance to offer a straightforward historical
account of the last days of the house of Eli at Shiloh, the loss and
exile of the ark until the time of David, the continuation of the house
of Eli through the line of Ahimelech the son of Ahitub at Nob, and
the final demise of the Elide line when Solomon expels Abiathar the
priest from the court in Jerusalem.
Nevertheless, closer study of this material reveals several disturbing
contradictions. To begin, the story of the exile of the ark between the
beginning of Samuel's tenure and the elevation of David to the
throne in Jerusalem is belied by the plain statement in 1 Sam. 14.18
that the ark was in the camp of Saul during that monarch's Philistine
campaigns. Moreover, the apparent re-emergence of descendants of
Eli in the priestly house of Nob after the debacle at Aphek goes
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Shiloh
wholly without explanation, although one is given the impression

that the priestly office of the Elides was terminated in 1 Samuel 4.
Finally, the story of Samuel's birth and his dedication to cultic
service under the priests of Shiloh is built around the verbal root
sa'al, which would seem to refer to the name of Saul, rather than
Samuel. These problems with the depiction of Shiloh and its
priesthood in the Samuel narratives are not easily resolved and call
into question the historicity of the story of Samuel at Shiloh.
In addition to these difficulties, several other issues regarding
Shiloh's place in Israelite life are raised by the Samuel narratives.
The first of these has to do with the nature of the cultus at Shiloh:
i.e., was there a tent shrine, a temple, or possibly both located at the
site? 1 Samuel 1-4 assumes the presence of a Yahwistic temple at
Shiloh (1 Sam. 1.9, 25, 3.3,15), while 1 Sam. 2.22 mentions the tent
of meeting. Another difficulty which has already been touched upon
has to do with the origin of the Shilonite priesthood, and the
relationship of this priesthood to other priestly families, such as that
of Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub, at Nob, and that of the Davidic
priest, Zadok. To sum up, many of the most pressing questions
regarding the place of Shiloh in Israelite history come to a head in
the narratives of 1 and 2 Samuel.
6.2 The Sanctuary at Shiloh
The first issue to be examined with regard to Shiloh in 1 Samuel has
to do with the nature of the Shilonite sanctuary. 1 Samuel 1-3 clearly
presupposes that a hekdl, or temple, was the central structure of the
cultus at Shiloh (1 Sam. 1.9; 3.3). The use of bet- Yhwh (1 Sam. 1.24;
3.15) in the same context as hekal-Yhwh indicates that this second
term likewise refers to an actual building. Consequently, these
references to Shiloh as the site of a Yahwistic temple (1 Sam. 1.9,25;
3.3, 15) have been taken as proof that the tent shrine at Shiloh was
merely a fictional construction meant to lend credibility to the
(fictitious) claim that the sacral tent of the wilderness period had
actually existed.1 Scholars of this persuasion have similarly dismissed
the mention of the tent of meeting (2.22b) as a late, post-exilic
addition, linking the crimes of Eli's sons to that in Num. 25.6-15.2 If
any item associated with the wilderness cultus had been at Shiloh,
that item had been the ark (3.3; 4.3-5), from which alone Shiloh had
6. Shiloh in the Books of Samuel
141
drawn its prestige.3 Conversely, it has been argued, most recently by

Haran,4 that the references to the tent of meeting reflect the
historical sanctuary at Shiloh, and that the assumption of a temple in
1 Samuel 1-3 derives from the influence of the Jerusalem temple
upon the writer of these chapters.
The existence of a Shilonite temple, however, does not preclude
the erection of the tent shrine at the same place, so that the tradition
of the tent of meeting at Shiloh does not confute the presence of a
temple there. In fact, there are two well-attested traditions regarding
the sacral cult at Shiloh: one of the tent of meeting, the other of a
temple. Thus, Ps. 78.60-72, which can be related to the events of 1
Samuel 4, identifies the shrine at Shiloh as a miskdn and an 'ohel. 2
Sam. 7.6, using similar language, claims that Yahweh had never
before dwelt in a house (bayit), but that he had always gone about
be'dhel ubemiskan ('in a tent and in a tabernacle/dwelling').
Consequently, the incidental assumption that a temple stood at
Shiloh (1 Sam. 1-3) is balanced by the assumption elsewhere that a
tent shrine stood there. The Mishnaic tradition that the structure at
Shiloh consisted of stone walls with a tent roof is an apparent
attempt to harmonize these two separate traditions,5 just as were the
nineteenth century interpretations of bet-hd'elohim and hekal-Yhwh
as referring to the tent of meeting.6
That Shiloh was a pre-Israelite cultic site has been shown both by
the archaeological evidence and by the old tradition in Judg. 21.1624. In addition, it is known that the building of temples was a feature
of the settled, pre-Israelite culture of Palestine. Thus, it is possible, at
least, that a temple building had stood at Shiloh since before the
Israelites' settlement of central hill country. This possibility must be
considered alongside the evidence in 1 Samuel 1-3 that Shiloh was
remembered as the site of a temple. On the other hand, Shiloh was
remembered as the site of a tent shrine not only in the priestly
traditions of northern origin, but in the competing Jerusalemite
tradition preserved in Ps. 78.60-72.7 Tradition further claimed that
the tent had been moved to Gibeon with the demise of the Elide
priesthood, and its final resting place was supposedly the temple in
Jerusalem (1 Kgs 8.4).8 The traditional locus of the tent in all
acounts, however, was Shiloh.
In conclusion, the incidental nature of the assumptions regarding
the existence of both tent and temple at Shiloh make it likely that
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Shiloh
both of these traditions reflect historical realities.9 The tent sanctuary

is most clearly linked to the ancient era of holy wars and to the
figures of Phineas and Joshua; the temple at Shiloh is associated with
the house of Eli. Nevertheless, that the Elides were associated with
the tent shrine, and that a temple was known also in the period of
Israel's rise, cannot be ruled out entirely.10
6.3 The Elide Priesthood at Shiloh
According to the priestly traditions of Joshua, the priesthood of
Shiloh was Aaronite from Shiloh's earliest days as an Israelite cultic
center. Eleazar, the son of Aaron, cast lots with Joshua at Shiloh for
the tribal inheritances after the erection of the tent of meeting there
(Josh. 19.51; 21.1-2). Eleazar's son Phineas is found ministering
before the altar of Yahweh, which stood before the tabernacle at
Shiloh during the conflict with the tribes of Reuben and Gad over
the erection of a second altar in the region of the Jordan (Josh. 22.234).
In the biblical sequence, the death notice of Eleazar in Josh. 24.33
is the last mention of the priesthood at Shiloh until 1 Samuel 1-4.
There 1 Sam. 1.3 introduces the priesthood of Eli and his sons as
follows, giving no genealogical background:
Now this man [Elkanah] used to go up year by yearfromhis city to
worship and sacrifice to Yahweh Seba'oth at Shiloh, where the two
sons of Eli, Hophni and Phineas, were priests of Yahweh.
The next piece of information on the Elides comes from the story of
the naming of the son of Phineas, Ichabod, upon Phineas' death in 1
Sam. 4.19-22. Through this Ichabod, 1 Sam. 14.3 ties the line of Eli
to the priestly house of Nob, whose head, Ahimelech, the son of
Ahitub, does not appear in the narrative until 1 Samuel 21-22. The
link between the house of Eli and the priestly house of Nob is made
in 1 Kgs 2.27, which attributes the expulsion of Abiathar from
Solomon's court to the prophecy against Eli and his sons in 1 Sam.
2.27-36. Subsequent references confuse this genealogical picture.
Thus, 2 Sam. 8.17 makes Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, in
contradiction to 1 Samuel 22, where Abiathar is clearly the son of
Ahimelech. Indeed, the priest Zadok in the same verse is made out to
be the son of Ahitub, originally the father of Ahimelech and the
grandfather of Abiathar. The Chronicles carry on the genealogical
143
tradition of 2 Sam. 8.17, making Ahimelech the son of Abiathar

(1 Chron. 18.16; 24.6). It is important to note also that the
Chronicles struck the Elides from the priestly tradition altogether,
making Ahimelech, the son of Abiathar, the direct descendant of
Ithamar, the son of Aaron, and Zadok the descendant of Eleazar
(1 Chron. 24.2-3).
The excision of the Elides from the Aaronite genealogies in
Chronicles probably was the result of the tradition in 1 Sam. 2.12-17,
22-25, which depicts the sons of Eli as abusing their priestly
prerogatives and lying with the women who served at the entrance to
the tent of meeting. Indeed, 1 Sam. 2.27-36 prophesies the obliteration
of Eli's priestly house and the election of a new 'faithful priest'
instead. 1 Sam. 3.11-14 expands upon this prophecy and puts it in the
mouth of the boy Samuel. In apparent fulfillment of these oracles,
the Philistines capture the ark in battle and slay the two sons of Eli
(1 Sam. 4). At the same time, the priestly line of Nob has been related
to that of Eli (1 Sam. 14.3) and the curse upon Eli and his sons
carried down to Abiathar (1 Kgs 2.27). In sum, both the genealogical
and traditional material present a confused picture of the origins and
end of the priestly line of Shiloh.
The standard solution was proposed by Wellhausen and Reuss and
has been followed more recently by Cross. Despite the connection
between the house of Eli and the Aaronite line of Eleazar and
Phineas, which is suggested by the recurrence of the name Phineas in
both families,11 these scholars have argued that the Elide priesthood
at Shiloh was Mosaic.12 Key elements of this formulation are the
claim that Eliezer, the son of Moses, in Exod. 18.4, is the same
person as Eleazar, the son of Aaron, and indeed, that Eleazar only
secondarily has been tied to Aaron a double for Moses, the true
founder of the cult. This Aaron actually was the fictional ancestor of
the Zadokite priests in Jerusalem, who thereby sought to displace the
older levitical priesthood, which had traced its descent from
Moses.
Nonetheless, important objections to this position have been
raised. First, as Baudissin noted, it is absurd to think that the
Zadokites, whose pedigree was doubtful, would have been able to
overcome this deficiency by the invention of a heretofore unknown
brother of Moses, i.e. Aaron, from whom they could then trace the
(theoretically) Mosaic line of Eleazar, which had held a recognized
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Shiloh
public status for centuries.13 Although Cross does not treat Aaron as
a late, fictional creation, his identification of the Zadokites with
Aaron is difficult to reconcile with the deep-seated animosity
between the priests of Jerusalem and those of Bethel, who were
certainly Aaronite. The identification of Aaron with the Zadokites is
also a problem for Wellhausen as well, for how is one to believe that
the Zadokites would have created a fictional founder of their house,
only to identify him with the heretical shrine at Bethel and allow him
to bear the blame for the odious calf-worship?
Conversely, Baudissin made a strong case for the Aaronite origins
of Shiloh's Eldie priesthood, as well as for the secondary connection
between the upstart Zadokites and Aaron.14 Moreover, even though
Reuss correctly recognized that there is no genealogy tying Eli to
Aaron,15 this fact most probably derives from the deliberate purging
of Eli's name from the later genealogies, as is clear from the
Chronicler's omission of Eli even from the genealogy of Abiathar
(1 Chron. 24.3, 6), whom 1 Kgs 2.27 links to the priesthood of
Shiloh.
In point of fact, the line of Eli was linked to that of Aaron through
the occurrence of the name Phineas for the illustrious son of Eleazar,
the son of Aaron, as well as for Phineas, the corrupt son of Eli. The
depiction of Eli's corrupt sons in 1 Samuel 2-4 appears to have been
written against the backdrop of the earlier traditions of Phineas, the
son of Eleazar, a zealous and militant priest in the early traditions of
Israel's holy wars (Num. 25.6-13; Josh. 22.9-34; cf. Judg. 20.27-28).
Indeed, the tale of the corruption of the sons of Eli, one of whom is
named Phineas, seems to be a deliberate reversal of the older
tradition of the son of Eleazar by the same name, whose zeal for
Yahweh turned back the divine wrath from Israel at Ba'al-Pe'or
(Num. 25.6-13). The controversial note in 1 Sam. 2.22b, that the sons
of Eli 'lay with the women who served at the door of the tent
meeting', whether original to the narrative or not, merely makes
explicit the already implicit relationship of Eli's sons to the traditions
of Phineas, the son of Eleazar. Therefore, the tradition of Eli's
corrupt sons, Hophni and Phineas, presupposes the Aaronite descent
of Eli as a rejected line of descent, to be replaced by a wholly new
line, that of the sons of Zadok.
At one time the Elide traditions in 1 Samuel 1-4 may even have
formed part of a greater cycle of Aaronite traditions which could
145
have included those in Numbers 25; 31; Josh. 22.9-34; 24.33; Judg.
20.1-21.15, as well as many stories which are no longer extant. Such
a postulate would explain the notable lack of any formal introduction
to Eli and his sons in 1 Samuel 1 as well as the interesting
identification of Eleazar's burial site by reference to his son
Phineas.16
The traditional connnections between the Elide traditions in 1
Samuel and the Aaronite traditions in the Hexateuch form a crucial
link between the house of Eli and the priestly line of Aaron. In fact,
since a genealogy is never given for Eli, any attempt to reconstruct it
must rely on the various incidental notations in the Hexateuch
concerning the origins of the priesthood of Phineas, the son of
Eleazar. This Phineas, because of the recurrence of his unusual
name in the house of Eli, is the one probable ancestor of the
priesthood of Shiloh. That the original Phineas was the son of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, and not the grandson of Moses, is
indicated by his repeated designation as the son of Eleazar, the son of
Aaron (Num. 25.7, 11; Judg. 20.28). Exod. 6.25 actually records the
birth of Phineas to Eleazar, the son of Aaron the priest, by one of the
daughters of Putiel, and the burial notice of Eleazar (Josh. 24.33)
identifies this Phineas as the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron.17 This
last reference is an important piece of evidence because it indicates
that whether Eleazar was the son of Aaron or not he was
remembered as such at his traditional burial site in the hill country of
Ephraim. Conversely, Wellhausen's argument that Moses' son
Eliezer was identical with Eleazar, the son of Aaron, is based upon
the dubious assumption that where similar names occur the same
person must be on hand. There is no evidence in support of this
assumption, in the first place, and it condenses biblical traditions
along rather arbitrary lines.18
Nor is Wellhausen's claim sound that Moses was the traditional
Urpriester and founder of the Israelite priesthood. In fact, Moses is
never depicted as priest, but as prophet and lawgiver; as such he is a
transhistorical figure whose primary purpose is to commission
Israel's fundamental institutions, including the priesthood. The basic
task of the priesthood is to oversee and administer the technical order
of the cultthe proper offering of sacrifice, and the correct
observance of the prescribed rituals. Moses, however never performs
these functions, which are instead relegated to Aaron and his sons. 1
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Shiloh
Sam. 2.27-28, which Wellhausen took as referring to Moses, refers to

the election of the Urpriester during the Israelite captivity in Egypt,
'to go up to my altar, to burn incense, to wear an ephod before me'.
This text does not recall the traditional functions exercised by
Moses, but describes, rather, the archetypal activities of Aaron and
his sons (cf. Lev. 9.8-10.3). It is Aaron, in fact, who serves as the
traditional Urpriester: he understands the technical cultic matters of
the fashioning of images (Exod. 32.1-6) and the employment of
correct language. This traditional background probably lies behind
the designation, 'Aaron, the Levite' in Exod. 4.14, as well as of
Aaron's traditional place as Moses' speaker before the Egyptian court
in J (Exod. 4.10-17).19
On the other hand, Wellhausen is correct in arguing that Moses'
grandson, Jonathan ben Gershom, was the founder of the priestly
line at Dan: this tradition (Judg. 18.30) is so disturbing within the
tradition of the primacy of the Aaronite priesthood that it must be
taken as authentic. The Mosaic descent of the Danite priests,
however, lends credibility only to Wellhausen's portrayal of the
disparate priestly houses which at one time ministered at Israel's
various shrines; it shows nothing regarding the Mosaic heritage of
the priests of Shiloh.
Wellhausen's explanation of Aaron as the fictional ancestor of the
Zadokites is the final linchpin in his attempt to break the connection
between the Elides and the priestly line of Aaron. Nevertheless,
1 Samuel 2-4, which implicitly identifies the Elides with the priestly
line of Aaron, shows no evidence linking these Shilonite priests to the
Zadokites, nor anything which would link the Zadokites to the
Aaronites in contrast to the Elides. On the contrary, a demonstrable
connection between the cult in Jerusalem, administered by the
Zadokites, and the Aaronites, who were indisputably linked with
northern shrines, such as the heretical altar at Bethel, is nonexistent. That the founder of the priesthood identified with the
heretical shrine at Bethel should become afigurefor the Zadokites of
Jerusalem, who were possibly even Jebusite in origin,20 is unimaginable.
The dtr polemic against the sanctuary at Bethel with it priesthood
(1 Kgs 12.25-33; 13.1-10; 2 Kgs 23.15-20), which is also Jerusalemite,
furnishes proof enough that the Zadokites and Aaronites were two
different, even opposing groups. Especially striking in this regard is
the ascription to Aaron of the same sin and words for which
Jeroboam the son of Nebat is condemned:

1 Kgs 12.28b:
Exod. 32.4b:
1 Kgs 12.28b:
Exod. 32.4b:
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hinneh 'eloheka Yisra'el

'elleh 'eloheka Yisra'el
'dser he'elukd me'eres misrayim
'dser he'elukd meeres misrayim
This crucial passage in Kings could date from the period following
Josiah's reform, but may be based on older sources as well. It is at
any rate Jerusalemite in origin, and hence Zadokite in its sympathies,
and its Tendenz is to condemn the Aaronite priesthood and their
shrine. This anti-Aaronite polemic of Jerusalemite origin contrasts
with the priestly tradition in Gen. 35.9-15, which actually hallows
Bethel. This fact demonstrates that there was no serious historical
link between the Zadokites in Jerusalem and Aaronites as late as the
writing of the Deuteronomistic history. In the traditions of Jerusalem,
the Aaronite priests were associated with the heretical cult at Bethel
and were abhorred by the Zadokite priesthood. Even an exilic writer
such as Ezekiel distinguished the Zadokites as a separate priestly
group.21 The connection between Zadok and Aaron was not drawn
until the post-exilic period, when the Chronicler for the first time
presented the Zadokites as Aaronites.22
The anti-Aaronite attitude of the priests the sons of Zadok, can be
seen in the earliest traditions, in which the Zadokites seem to have
sought to displace the Aaronites altogether. Thus, 1 Sam. 2.35-36,
where the priestly line chosen in Egypt is to be replaced by 'a faithful
priest' kohen ne'emdn, probably refers to Zadok.23 In this connection,
Yahweh's choice of a priest who will 'do according to what is in my
heart, and what is in my soul'ka'dser bilbdbi ubenapsiya'aseh
recalls 1 Sam. 13.14, where Yahweh rejects Saul in favor of'a man
according to his [Yahweh's] heart''is kilbdbo. The striking parallel
between Yahweh's unnamed 'faithful priest' in 1 Sam. 2.35-36 and
the characterization of David in 1 Sam. 13.14 suggests that the
referent of 1 Sam. 2.35-36 was the Davidic and Solomonic priest,
Zadok, whose line in Jerusalem displaced that of Abiathar of the
priestly house of Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub, at Nob. The antiElide prophecy in 1 Sam. 2.27-36, however, probably originated as a
judgment oracle against the Elides alone, and stopped at v. 34, as is
suggested by the giving of the sign by which Eli would know that this
judgment was about to be fulfilled. Verses 35-36 were then added by
a later redactor/author so as make the prophecy point to a new
priesthood, without pedigree, which would replace the corrupt
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Shiloh
Elides. The Zadokite priesthood's claim to authority, then, like that

of David rested on divine election rather than pedigree. Therefore, 1
Sam. 2.35-36 can only refer to the line of Zadok. This is the clear
meaning of 1 Kgs 2.27, where the prophecy against Eli is made to fall
upon Abiathar, the last descendant of the priests of Nob, in favor of
Zadok.
The link between Eli and Abiathar, however, is another dubious
aspect of the priestly genealogies in Samuel and Kings, although it
has scarcely been questioned by previous scholars. The first
indication that the Elides and the priests of Nob represented two
independent priestly families is provided by the traditional treatment
of the respective groups. Thus, Eli's sons, by despising the proper
cultic order, bring disaster upon their whole line. It is even said that
Eli did not restrain his sons, an accusation which makes him party to
their sin. On the other hand, Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub, and his
son Abiathar are portrayed only in a positive light, as supporters of
David in his struggle against Saul. Indeed one would not know from
the narratives which introduce Ahimelech and Abiathar that they
were connected to the fallen Elides at all. Only the genealogy of
Ahijah (1 Sam. 14.3) and the note in 1 Kgs 2.27 make this
connection. Otherwise, one finds two separate priesthoods: that of
Eh' at Shiloh, which had an illustrious ancestor in Phineas, the son of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, the priest, but whose later representatives
had taken on currupt ways; and that of Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub,
at Nob, who had been loyal to David, and whose son spent a lifetime
in service to the first Judean king.
The next piece of evidence to cast doubt upon the Elide descent of
the priests of Nob is provided by the traditional designation of
Ahimelech of Nob as 'the son of Ahitub', without further clarification
of his pedigree (1 Sam. 22.9,11,12, 20). A connection with Shiloh is
nowhere drawn. This is a crucial fact. As has been argued in the
cases of Phineas and Eleazar above, the traditional designations of
popular figures probably offer better evidence for reconstructing
these priestly lines than do the artificial genealogies of Samuel and
Chronicles.
Moreover, the genealogical material which has been preserved on
Abiathar and Zadok is not reliable. Although 1 Sam. 2.35-36 assumes
that Zadok was a man without pedigree,24 Zadok appears in
subsequent genealogies as the son of Ahitub, Abiathar's grandfather(!)
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(2 Sam. 8.17; 1 Chron. 6.8, 12; 18.16). If this information were

true, Zadok would theoretically have been a descendant of the priests
of Shiloh as well. The connection of Zadok to Ahitub (if Ahitub
really had been the line of Shiloh) would then have meant that the
general curse on the descendants of Eli would have fallen upon
Zadok's line, too. Moreover, such a connection, had it been known,
would have undermined the Zadokite claim to represent a new,
divinely chosen priestly house. Despite the traditional conflict
between the Zadokite and Aaronite priests, however, the Chronicles
make Zadok a descendant of the Aaronite forebear, Eleazar (1
Chron. 24.3) who was the father of Phineas, the probable Urpriester
of the Elide line at Shiloh. The genealogical materials on Zadok in
both Samuel and Chronicles thus contradict the very strong
tradition that Zadok was the progenitor of a priestly line, elected by
Yahweh to replace the traditional Aaronite priesthood of Shiloh ( 1
Sam. 2.27-36). The artificiality of the genealogies in Chronicles at
this point is illustrated by the fact that the descendants of Ahimelech
are made the offspring of the shadowy Ithamar the other surviving
son of Aaron (1 Chron. 24.3: 'Ahimelech of the sons of Ithamar'),
while Zadok is made a descendant of Aaron through Eleazar. This
bifurcation of the Aaronic line to include Zadok is nonsensical, since
Zadok, who is treated as the son of Ahitub, Ahimelech's father, is
made a descendant of Eleazar, while Ahimelech, also a son of Ahitub,
is traced to Ithamar.
The logical explanation for this confusion is that Zadok's
connection to Aaron and Eleazar through Ahitub is an artificial
device, fashioned at a late date to create a priestly descent where
there was none. The descent of Ahimelech from Ithamar is a similar
attempt to harmonize the rejection of Abiathar and the Elides with
the succession of Eleazar to the priesthood over his brother Ithamar.
The wholesale rewriting of the priestly genealogies in Chronicles, in
deliberate contradiction to the older traditions and narratives in 1
Samuel, suggests that the Zadokite connection to Eleazar was the
result of post-exilic editing. The link between Zadok and Ahitub,
which overlooks the anti-Abiathar Tendenz of 1 Kgs 2.27 and plays
upon the tradition of loyalty between the priests of Nob and David,
resulted from later editing, when the Zadokites were given a
traditional lineage.
In fact, there were probably two stages in the development of the
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Shiloh
Zadokite pedigree. During the first stage, Zadok and his descendants
sought to maintain their station by appeal to divine election, similar
to the appeal made for David by his advocates. This was the position
taken by the Zadokite priests throughout the monarchy and the exile.
The second stage occurred during the post-exilic period: Ahitub was
selected as Zadok's father, and made a descendant of the ancient
Aaronite priest, Eleazar, probably on the strength of the tradition of
the loyalty of Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub, to the cause of David
(1 Sam. 22). The name of Zadok's father may indeed have been
Ahitub, but this Ahitub has subsequently been identified with the
Ahitub of Nob, if only implicitly.
In addition to altering their own genealogical heritage, the
Zadokites made corresponding alterations in the relationship between
the priests of Shiloh and the house of Ahitub at Nob. At first, the
house at Zadok, on friendly terms with Abiathar of Nob, aspired
merely to discredit and replace the priesthood of Eli and his sons at
Shiloh. After the expulsion of Abiathar from the Solomonic court,
however, it was convenient to tie Abiathar to the Elides (1 Sam.
14.3), and to let the curse upon Eli and his sons fall upon Abiathar. In
view of this reasoning, the genealogy of Ahijah (1 Sam. 14.3)
probably read, in its original form: 'Ahijah, the son of Phineas, the
son of Eli, the priest of Yahweh at Shiloh'. This move was meant to
strengthen the claims of the Zadokites to an exclusive election and to
justify the exile of Abiathar.25 Finally, during the post-exilic period,
the Elides were excised from the Aaronite line altogether, and the
genealogy known from Chronicles was formulated, making Zadok
the descendant of Eleazar, and Abiathar the representative of the line
of Ithamar.
6.3.1 Summary
To sum up, the genealogies of Zadok and Abiathar are suspect, and
with them, the blood descent of Abiathar from Eli. In fact, in its
present state, the biblical text cannot be relied upon for an accurate
record of the priestly lines of Shiloh, Nob, and Jerusalem. These
must be reconstructed rather, from the literary and traditional
evidence otherwise available. Particularly with regard to the house of
Eli and the house of Ahimelech the son of Ahitub, the considerably
different treatments which these two priestly families receive in the
narratives of 1 Samuel belie their genealogical relationship. The
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Aaronite lineage of Zadok given in Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles

likewise confounds the earlier traditions of Zadok, which depicted
him as a new man, holding office, like David, by divine election
alone. In place of the express genealogical relationships, the
traditions of the Elides, the priests of Nob, and the Zadokites indicate
that these families comprised three independent priestly houses. The
Elides could trace their heritage to Israel's earliest days (cf. 1 Sam.
2.27-28) and were Aaronite in origin. Their most illustrious ancestor
was Phineas, an important priest in the early tribal wars. Less can be
gleaned from the traditions of the priests of Nob. Located in the
vicinity of Jerusalem, the shrine of Nob was adminstered by
Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub. Ahimelech and the rest of the priests
were allegedly slain at Saul's behest, and only Abiathar escaped to
minister under David. Zadok, who became priest under David, and
who succeeded Abiathar under Solomon, laid claim to no traditional
priestly line of Israel. Nor did he or his heirs seek such a pedigree, if
the traditions are correct. This Zadok probably had been the priest of
El-Elyon in Jerusalem, prior to David's rise, and his descendants
maintained their independent status down into the post-exilic period.
The pro-Zadokite recensions of the traditions of the Shilonite
priesthood sought first to descredit the house of Eli, and later,
through the artificial connection between Shiloh and Nob (1 Sam.
14.3), to discredit the house of Abiather as well. The pro-Zadokite
Tendenz was originally coupled with an affirmation of the independent,
non-Aaronite, indeed, non-levitical origins of the line of Zadok
(1 Sam. 2.37-36; 1 Kgs 2.27). This situation persisted down to the
time of the exile, and even later, when the Zadokites finally purged
the line of Eli from the official Aaronite genealogies and replaced it
with their own. The old traditions of Numbers, Joshua and 1 Samuel,
however, correctly associate the priesthood of Phineas, the son of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, in the Ephraimite hill country (Josh.
24.33) with the line of Eli at Shiloh.
In the last analysis, the connection of Eli with the line of Aaron
was not the result of post-exilic reconstruction. The post-exilic Jews,
in fact, excised the house of Eli from the official line of Aaron. Only
the link between Zadokites and the line of Aaron is demonstrably a
product of the post-exilic community.
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Shiloh
6.4 Samuel, Saul and Shiloh
6.4.1 Samuel and Saul in 1 Samuel 1-7

The princial issue in the narratives of 1 Samuel 1-7 is the
relationship of Samuel to Shiloh and the priesthood of Eli. The
dominant figure in these chapters is Samuel, whose character is
developed against the backdrop of the corrupt sons of Eli. 1 Samuel 1
narrates the birth of Samuel to Hannah, wife of the Ephraimite
Elkanah, a woman who up to that time had been barren. Out of her
thankfulness for the birth of a male child, Hannah names the child
Samuel (semil'el), 'Because I asked him from Yahweh' {kimeyhwh
se'iltiw 1 Sam. 1.20b), and dedicates him to Yahweh, saying, 'All the
days which he lives, he is lent to Yahweh' (kol-hayydmim 'aser hayah
hu' sa'ul laYhwh, 1 Sam. 1.28b).26 The motif of the one asked from
Yahweh, and the one lent to him, continues in 1 Sam. 2.20, where Eli
the priest blesses Elkanah with the words: 'May Yahweh establish for
you seed from this woman in place of the loan (se'eldh) which she
lent (se'al/hs'yl[h) to Yahweh'. The boy Samuel, dedicated to Yahweh
by his mother, grows up under Eli's supervision at Shiloh (1 Sam. 23).
A second tradition is introduced into these narratives in 1 Sam.
2.12-17,22-25,27-36. There Eli's two sons, Hophni and Phineas, are
found abusing the sacrificial ritual for their own gain. Although Eli
remonstrates with his sons, they do not listen. Therefore, an anonymous
'man of God' is sent to pronounce judgement upon Eli and his house
(1 Sam. 2.27-36). This judgment is reaffirmed when the word of
Yahweh comes to Samuel in 1 Samuel 3. Then, in 1 Sam. 4.1, Samuel
succeeds to prophetic office at Shiloh. The prophesied judgment
upon Eli is fulfilled in 1 Samuel 4, where the ark is lost in battle to
the Philistines and the sons of Eli slain. Eli himself, upon hearing the
news of the disaster, falls over and breaks his neck. The story of the
captivity of the ark among the Philistines and its miraculous
deliverance from its captors follows in 1 Samuel 5-6. The conclusion
of this section is the account of Samuel's deliverance of Israel from
the Philistine oppression.
Evidence indicates, however, that the entire body of tradition in
1 Samuel 1-7 has been composed and edited into its present form to
superimpose the figure of Samuel upon the pre-existing Elide and ark
traditions, and to create of Samuel an ideal figure similar to Moses.
The first indication that the authenticity of the account of Samuel's
153
boyhood at Shiloh is doubtful comes from 1 Samuel 1-2. The

traditions of Samuel's birth and dedication to the priests of Shiloh
always have been problematic on account of the aetiology of
Samuel's name, which uses the verb sd'al, 'to ask, to loan', as the
incongruous explanation of the name semu'el (Samuel). In fact, sa'al
is used seven times in the account of Samuel's birth and childhood at
Shiloh (1 Sam. 1.20b, 27 [2x], 28b [2x]; 2.20 [2x]). 1 Sam. 1.28b
actually reads, hu' sd'ul laYhzvh ('he is [one] lent to Yahweh').27 The
aetiology thus suggests an original reference to Saul, not Samuel.
The chief obstacle to interpreting the story of Samuel's birth and
dedication to the cultus at Shiloh as an originally Saulide tradition is
that the names of Samuel's parents, Hannah and Elkanah, and not
those of Saul, 'the son of Kish', are found in this story. One may
easily surmount this difficulty, however, by positing not only the
substitution of Samuel's name for Saul in v. 20, but also the
replacement of the names of Saul's parents with those of Samuel's
parents as well. This thesis is supported by the fact that the play
upon the root of Saul's name is integral to the birth story, and would
not have been easily expunged, whereas the names of the parents
could be interchanged with little trouble. Thus, the introduction to
the story in 1 Sam. 1.1-2 may also have supplanted an original
Saulide introduction, while the home of Samuel has replaced that of
Saul. McCarter has argued similarly (in agreement with Dus) that
the birth story of Samuel has borrowed elements of an older tradition
of the Nazirite origins of Saul's birth, and that the identification of
Saul's father Kish may originally have stood at the beginning of the
Nazirite birth narrative.28
At the same time, both Dus and McCarter have argued for the
independence of the Shiloh and Eli elements of the story from the
Saulide and Nazirite features. This position, however, seems rather
arbitrary, as there is no exegetical reason for such a move. That
Shiloh is a secondary element in the birth story in 1 Samuel 1 can be
maintained only as long as the birth story is held to have referred to
Samuel originally.29 The same is not true, however, if 1 Samuel 1 at
one time referred to Saul. Indeed, Saul's connection to Shiloh
emerges in 1 Sam. 14.3, where the priest Ahijah, of the line of Shiloh,
is found in camp with Saul, with an ephod. In 1 Sam. 14.18, the same
priest inquires of the ark for Saul, without any hint that the ark had
been lost to the Philistines (1 Sam. 4). Thus, 1 Sam. 14.3 and 18 link
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Shiloh
Saul to both the Shilonite priesthood (v. 3) and the ark (v. 18), even
though the narratives in 1 Samuel 4-7 indicate that by Saul's day,
the priests of Shiloh had been long dead, and the ark in captivity
under the Philistines. 1 Sam. 14.3 and 18 would therefore seem to
preserve a tradition of a connection between Saul and Shiloh.
Because of the discord between the presence of the ark in Saul's
camp and the narrative sequence in 1 Samuel 4-7, one cannot lightly
dispense with this evidence.30
Dus, however, claims that the priest and the sanctuary in 1
Samuel 1 were originally anonymous:
At the time that Saul was born, Shiloh would already have lain in
ruins: Saul was a contemporary of a great-great-grandson of the
last priest of Shiloh (cf. 1 Sam. 14.3). Shiloh and Eli evidently were
introduced into the story by the author of the 'youth-tradition' in 1
Samuel 1-3, for whom Shiloh as well as Eli were essential,fromthe
beginning to the end of his account.31
Dus's argument rests upon two assumptions: that Shiloh was
destroyed in the mid-eleventh century, and that the genealogy
connecting the priests of Shiloh to those at Nob is accurate. The
dubious reliability of the genealogy of Ahijah (1 Sam. 14.3) has been
demonstrated above; the alleged destruction of Shiloh in the mideleventh century is hardly certain. For now it is necessary only to
point out that no scholar has yet cited any convincing traditiohistorical evidence that Shiloh and Eli are secondary to the text of 1
Samuel 1. Indeed, that the word play on sd'al is found in the mouth of
Eli in 1 Sam. 2.20 suggests that the connection between Eli and Saul
was original to the birth story.
Therefore, there is no compelling reason to excise Eli and Shiloh
from the traditions in 1 Samuel 1-2. In all likelihood, the birth story
in 1 Samuel 1 originally tied Saul to Eli and Shiloh, until the figure of
Saul was displaced by that of Samuel. The writer who introduced
Samuel into the story probably did so in order to break Saul's
connection to Eli and Shiloh, and to replace it with the SamuelShiloh connection. This particular editorial activity aimed at
discrediting Saul's ties to the prestigious northern shrine, and at
establishing the legitimacy of the call of Samuel. This change was
most likely the product of the pro-Davidic redaction evident in the
anti-Elide passages mentioned above (e.g. 1 Sam. 2.27-36).
Therefore, the originality of Shiloh and Eli to the traditions of
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1 Samuel 1-2 is not to be doubted, but rather, the connection of

Samuel to both. As Noth correctly observed, Samuel was tied to
Shiloh in order to bridge the gap between the pre-monarchical and
monarchical orders.32 Moreover, a deliberate foil has been created by
the juxtaposition of the young, faithful Samuel, growing up before
Yahweh, and the evil and corrupt sons of Eli.33 While Dus has
reckoned to the original Saulide tradition the statement in 1 Sam.
3.19, 'And Samuel [Saul] grew, and Yahweh was with him',34 the
other notations about Samuel's growth before Yahweh (1 Sam. 2.26;
3.1; 4.1) are secondary to the tradition, accenting the contrast
between Eli's corrupt sons and the boy Samuel.
The motif of Samuel's dedication to Yahweh, begun in 1 Samuel 1,
reaches its climax in 1 Sam. 3.19-4.1a. The ark Narrative in 4.1b-7.2
interrupts this theme, which only re-emerges in the story of Israel's
deliverance from the Philistines under Samuel in 1 Sam. 7.3-14.
While vv. 3-12 seem to reflect an older tradition of Samuel as a
judge-delverer figure, the motif of Samuel's rise from temple servant
to prophet of Yahweh at Shiloh culminates in 1 Sam. 7.13-14. The
theme of Samuel as prophet differs both from that in 7.3-12, where
Samuel is depicted as a deliverer figure, and that in 7.15-8.3, which
assume that Samuel was a judge, according to the order found in the
book of Judges. The real question, then, concerns the authenticity of
these two respective treatments of Samuel.
In this regard, it seems that 1 Sam. 7.3-12 may be a story originally
associated with Samuel the judge-deliverer. The account of Samuel's
judgeship includes fairly precise information as to Samuel's sphere of
activity, which accords with what is recorded elsewhere of Samuel's
origins (1 Sam. 1.9; 2.11a; 25.1) and does not depend upon the figure
of Samuel developed in 1 Samuel 1-3. Indeed, 1 Sam. 7.3-12 and
7.15-8.3 seem to comprise the only genuine Samuel traditions in
1 Samuel 1-7. The rest of the picture of Samuel in these chapters,
from his birth and dedication to Yahweh at Shiloh to his emergence
as a prophet, has built upon expropriated Saulide traditions. These
the editors have expanded into a significant literary stratum making
Samuel the dominant presence in Israel on the eve of Saul's
monarchy. The figure of Samuel developed in this literary stratum
plays the key role in the subsequent account of Yahweh's rejection of
Saul and his election of David. Therefore, it is logical to conclude
that this treatment of Samuel is the work of the Davidic editors of
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Shiloh
the traditions of David's rise, in whose interest it was to supplant the

figure of Saul with that of Samuel.
The secondary nature of the motif of Samuel's growth to the
stature of a prophet to 'all Israel' means that the prophecy against Eli
attributed to Samuel (1 Sam. 3.11-14) is also secondary.35 Indeed,
this prophecy presupposes that in 2.27-36 when Yahweh says, 'On
that day I will fulfill all that I have spoken concerning his house,
from beginning to end'. Moreover, 1 Sam. 3.11-14 adds nothing to
2.27-36, but only stresses that Eli's punishment will be forever, and
that neither sacrifice nor offering will expiate the iniquity of Eli's
house. Samuel's prophecy against Eli, then, intensifies the judgment
against Eli, just as the redactional motif of Samuel's growth to the
status of prophet heightens the tension between the traditions of the
fidelity of Samuel's family to Yahweh and those regarding the
iniquity of the Elides.
Given the secondary nature of the figure of Samuel in 1 Samuel 1-3,
the entire tradition of Samuel at Shiloh appears to have been
theologically formulated rather than historically based. The actual
traditional materials related to Samuel in 1 Samuel 1-2 belong to an
original body of Saulide traditions and preserve a memory of Saul's
close association with the Elide priesthood at Shiloh. There are, in
fact, no reliable traditions which tie Samuel to Shiloh. Samuel is
identified, rather, with the shrine at Mizpah (1 Sam. 7.5), as well as
with those at Bethel and Gilgal (1 Sam. 7.16), while his home was at
Ramah (1 Sam. 25.1). 1 Sam. 1.1, 19; 2.11, which assume that
Samuel's parents came from Ramah, are based on traditional lore
regarding Samuel, but have been secondarily inserted into their
present context. Finally, the oldest traditions regarded Samuel as a
judge (1 Sam. 7.15-8.3), a seer (1 Sam. 9-10), and a lawgiver (1 Sam.
11.25), and not as a prophet.36
6.4.2 Conclusions
In sum, 1 Samuel 1-4 includes three old traditions relating to the

priests of Shiloh: the birth of Saul and his dedication to the sanctuary
at Shiloh, perhaps as a Nazirite; the corruption of the sons of Eli, and
the demise of the Shilonite priesthood and the loss of the ark to the
Philistines. These traditions, in turn, have been overlaid with the
motif of Samuel's birth to Hannah, his service under Eli, and his
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emergence as a prophet to all Israel (1 Sam. 3.19-4.1a), who led his

people in their struggle against the Philistines (1 Sam. 7). Of these
Samuel narratives, only 1 Sam. 7.3-13 actually has a basis in old
tradition; the rest are part of a broader literary development of the
figure of Samuel which sought to magnify Samuel's role in the
foundation of the monarchy, and to minimize that of Saul, as well as
Saul's connection to Shiloh.
The importance of Samuel to the cause of David in the subsequent
narratives of David's rise led to Samuel's eventual displacement of
Saul, and his succession to the authority of Shiloh in the current
narratives. The elevation of Samuel to the stature formerly held by
the priesthood of Shiloh made him the protagonist in the establishment
of the monarchy. At the same time, the pro-Davidic redactors used
Samuel to legitimize David's controversial claim to the throne first
held by Saul. The aim of the present text, then, was to provide sacral
legitimation for David's throne, while simultaneously wiping away
Saul's traditional link to the pre-eminent shrine and priesthood in
pre-monarchic Israel.
6.5 The Capture and Exile of the Ark
1 Samuel 4 reports a great Israelite disaster where the ark was lost to
the Philistines, and the priests of Shiloh slain. This story fulfills the
prophecy by the anonymous man of God against Eli and his house in
1 Sam. 2.27-36 and introduces the traditions of the ark's captivity (1
Sam. 5-7.2). These traditions relate the effects of the ark upon the
Philistines, and its return from Philistine territory. A key verse in
this complex is the historian's redactional conclusion in 1 Sam. 7.2:
'And it came to pass from the day that the ark dwelt in KiriathJearim, that the days were many, and they were twenty years; and all
the house of Israel lamented after Yahweh'. Furthermore, Samuel's
story (1 Sam. 7.3-14) concludes with the statement:
The Philistines were subdued and did not again enter the territory
of Israel. And the hand of Yahweh was against the Philistines all
the days of Samuel. The cities which the Philistines had taken from
Israel were restored to Israel, from Ekron to Gath; and Israel
rescued their territory from the hand of the Philistines. There was
peace also between Israel and the Amorites (1 Sam. 7.13-14).
1 Samuel 4-7 thus depicts the ark as having been lost to the
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Shiloh
Philisiines under the Elides and concludes with the resurgence of

Israelite fortunes under Samuel. The related text in 2 Samuel 6
recounts the return of the ark to Jerusalem under David. According
to the present account, then, the ark could not have been in the
possession of the Israelites at any time during the reign of Saul.
Certain factors, however, cast doubt upon this order of events.
First, Samuel's expulsion of the Philistines stands in open contradiction
to the situation elsewhere in 1 and 2 Samuel. Yahweh describes Saul
to Samuel as the 'prince over my people Israel' (1 Sam. 9.16) and
says to him, 'He shall save my people from the hand of the
Philistines, for I have seen the affliction of my people, because their
cry has come to me'. This verse assumes that the Philistines
oppression continued down to the time of Saul, and that Saul was
Israel's true deliverer from the Philistines. Moreover, this assumption
knows nothing of the period of peace and freedom depicted in 7.1314. Indeed, a garrison of the Philistines is said to be in Gib'athd'elohim in 1 Sam. 10.5, where Gib'at-hd'elohim must be in Israelite
territory, as the other geographical referents, Bethel, the tomb of
Rachel in Benjamin, and Gilgal, are in Benjamin. The only referent
which appears out of place is the 'oak of Tabor'. Again, Jonathan, the
son of Saul, is said to have defeated a garrison of the Philistines at
Geba' (1 Sam. 13.30), probably identical with Gibeah.37 Finally, 1
Sam. 13.19-23 describes a situation in which the Philistines have
effectively prohibited the Hebrews from working iron. Such circumstances could have been possible only at a time when the Israelites
were in forcible subjugation to the Philistines.
Therefore, the claims made in 1 Sam. 7.13-14 concerning the
results of Samuel's victory over the Philistines at Ebenezer are
fictional. They do no belong to the tradition of the victory at
Ebenezer itself, but to the redactional overlay, written to contrast the
ignominous end of the corrupt house of Eli with the glorious reign of
faith under Samuel, and to allow the figure of Samuel to overshadow
that of Saul. Thus, the claims made for Samuel in 1 Sam. 7.13-14
have no value for the reconstruction of the history of Samuel's
career, and derive from the same literary stratum which is responsible
for the idealization of Samuel elsewhere in 1 Samuel 1-7.
Just as the Philistine domination of Israel in 1 Samuel 9-13 casts
doubt upon the redactional notice in 1 Sam. 7.13-14, the Saulide
narrative in 1 Samuel 14 casts doubt upon the present order of events
159
which places the capture of the ark and the annihilation of the priests
of Shiloh prior to the reign of Saul (1 Sam. 4). In fact, 1 Sam. 14.2-3
describes Saul as having with him 'about six hundred men, and
Ahijah, the son of Ahitub, the brother of Ichabod, the son of Phineas,
the son of Eli, the priest of Yahweh in Shiloh, bearing an ephod'. As
has been shown above, this genealogy is the result of a pro-Zadokite
Tendenz tying the Aaronite line of Eli to the independent line of
Ahitub at Nob. In its original form, Ahijah's genealogy probably
read, 'Ahijah, the son of Phineas, the son of Eli, the priest of Yahweh
at Shiloh'. Moreover, 1 Sam. 14.3 betrays no knowledge of either the
curse on Eli's line in 1 Sam. 2.27-36, or its fulfillment.38 The Saulide
narrative in 1 Sam. 14.18 increases the difficulty posed by 14.3: 'And
Saul said to Ahijah, "Bring hither the ark of God". For the ark of
God went at that time with the people of Israel'. This verse stands in
directBLconflict with the present scheme of 1 Samuel, in39which the ark
is captured long before Saul's acclamation as king (1 Sam. 11).
The usual solution to this difficulty is to prefer the reading of the
LXX
for v. 18, which reads ephoud instead Indeed,
of 'dron.
Saul's
command to Ahijah, 'Withdraw your hand', might best be understood
as referring to the pockets of the oracular ephod, in which the Urim
and the Thummim were carried. The importance of the oracular
ephod which stood in Nob, and which Abiathar carried to David (1
Sam. 23.6, 9; 30.7), may be connected to this text as well.
Nonetheless, the presence of the ark in Saul's camp in 1 Sam.
14.18 is introduced so incidentally, and with such plain innocence of
the events of 1 Samuel 4, that it is unlikely that it is a secondary
intrusion into the text. The explanatory phrase in 1 Sam. 14.18b
'for the ark of God went at that time with the people of Israel'
knows nothing of the captivity of the ark in 1 Samuel 4-6,40 and it is
difficult to see why a later editor would have introduced so
problematic a reading. Furthermore, since the ephod has already
been introduced in 14.3,41 it is logical to conclude that 14.18b was
written specifically to account for the presence of the ark, which had
not yet entered the narrative. The use of ephoud in the LXXBL of
14.18 (2x) represnts a harmonization of the original Hebrew text
with the mention of Ahijah as 'bearing an ephod' (or 'wearing an
ephod'?) in 14.3, with the traditions in 1 Samuel 21-22, where the
sanctuary of Nob houses an ephod, and with Samuel 4-7. Although
this harmonization may reflect an older Hebrew Vorlage, that
Vorlage was not as old as the MT.
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Shiloh
The presence of the ark in the camp of Saul has wide-ranging

ramifications for the history of the Shilonite priesthood, for the ark,
and for the Saulide monarchy. Most importantly, Saul is portrayed
as conducting his monarchy with the support of the Shilonite
priesthood. This connection between Saul and Shiloh in 1 Sam. 14.3,
18 is in accord with the older tradition of Saul's dedication to
Yahweh before Eli at Shiloh in 1 Samuel 1-2. Taken together, the
traditional association of Saul with the sanctuary and priesthood of
Shiloh, and the tradition of Saul's carrying of the ark on his
campaigns, suggest that the events of 1 Samuel 1-4 did not occur
before Saul's rise, but during Saul's own career. If this conclusion is
correct, the logical place to look for the battle in which the ark was
lost is at the end of Saul's life, on Mt Gilboa. It is of interest in this
context that the Philistines are said to have gathered at Aphek in
both 1 Sam. 4.1 and 1 Sam. 29.1.42 Both engagements resulted in
sweeping defeats for the Israelites. Indeed, on the heels of Gilboa,
Saul's scattered forces could only regroup in the Transjordan.
6.5.1 Summary
To sum up, the story of the loss of the ark and the slaughter of the
priests of Shiloh in 1 Samuel 4 most likely does not relate to events
prior to the reign of Saul, but to the decisive battle at the end of
Saul's life. That is, the engagement in which the Philistines captured
the ark was probably one and the same with Saul's defeat on Mt
Gilboa. This reconstruction has the advantage of accounting for a
number of significant discrepancies in the present narrative sequence
of 1 Samuel. First, it explains the conflict between the literary
development of the figure of Samuel in Samuel 1-7 and the
incidental assumptions about the circumstances surrounding Saul's
elevation to the kingship. Second, by tying the capture of the ark and
the slaughter of the priests of Shiloh to Saul's last battle, one can
explain the now muted associations of Saul with the priesthood and
sanctuary of Shiloh as well as the ark (1 Sam. 1-2; 14), which are
incongruous in the present narrative sequence. Finally, this theory
places the development of the present narrative structure of 1
Samuel in the context of an identifiable editorial Tendenz: i.e. the
needs of the Davidic editors of the Saulide traditions to separate
Saul's monarchy from its very real association with the sanctuary at
Shiloh, the ancient Aaronite priesthood of Eli, and the ark.43
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6.6 The Expropriation of the Sacral Traditions of Shiloh

under David
The rewriting of the history of the early monarchy to give it a proDavidic flavor was made necessary by David's status as a usurper of
the legitimate throne. Although David probably had enjoyed the
support of Samuel, he lacked connections to Israel's traditional
institutions. Saul, on the other hand, enjoyed a degree of support
among the Israelites unknown to David,44 and the persistent claims
of Saul's house to the throne of Israel haunted David throughout his
tenure. Very early in his reign, David attempted to overcome these
disadvantages by appropriating Shiloh's cultic symbolism: he had the
ark brought up from Kiriath-Jearim to be housed in Jerusalem
(2 Sam. 6), and the name of the Shilonite Deity, Yahweh Seba'oth
transferred to the Jerusalem cult as well.45 The erection of the tent
shrine at the great high place at Gibeon (1 Chron. 16.39; 21.29; 2
Chron. 1.3,13; cf. 1 Kgs 3.4) may have been carried out for the same
reason.46 By such means, David sought to tie his claim to royal
legitimacy to the religious traditions of Israel.
6.6.1 The Shiloh Oracle (Gen. 49.10-12)
David's appropriation of the sacral traditions of the Shiloh cult is
found not only in the pro-Davidic redaction of the books of Samuel,
but also in the Shiloh oracle in Gen. 49.10-12. This text reads:
(10) The scepter shall not depart from Judah,
Nor the ruler's staff from between his feet,
Until he comes to Shiloh;
And to him shall be the obedience of the peoples.
(11) Binding his foal to the vine
And his ass's colt to the choice vine,
He washes his garments in wine,
And his vestments in the blood of grapes;
(12) His eyes shall be red with wine,
and his teeth white with milk.
Although the reading of 'Shiloh' in v. 10 has given commentators no

end of difficulty,47 the plain reading of the MT makes good sense if
interpreted in light of David's political need to appropriate the
religious heritage of Shiloh.
Despite the objection that the MT reading is grammatically faulty,
or even incomprehensible, the adverbial use of siloh without the aid
162
Shiloh
of either of the he locale or a preposition, is attested elsewhere in the

Hebrew Bible, most notably in Josh. 18.1: wayyiqqdhdlu kol-'adat
bene-Yisrd'el siloh ('and the whole congregation of the children Israel
assembled at Shiloh'); and in Josh. 18.9: 'el-hammaJidneh siloh ('unto
the camp at Shiloh'). Thus, the present MT reading of Gen. 49.10 can
stand as it is. Consequently, Lindblom's interpretation of this verse
as applying to David's appropriation of the sacral authority of the
Shiloh traditions, especially through the adoption of the ark into the
Jerusalem cultus, is correct.48 That is, this oracle should be
understood against the background of David's attempt to bring unity
to his kingdom, and more importantly, perhaps, a semblance of
sacral legitimacy to his throne. 'Until he comes to Shiloh' would then
refer to David's hoped-for attainment of the sacral and political unity
and legitiamacy represented by the Shiloh sanctuary in the late premonarchic and early monarchic period.49 The reference to the
Judaean ruler coming to Shiloh probably implies David's political
ambitions to move north from Hebron to take over Israel as well.
Indeed, the latter interpretation might help explain another
important conundrum in this oracle. That is, if Gen. 49.10 is to be
understood against the background of David's early attempts to
secure his throne and to unite Israel both religiously and politically,
v. 11, 'Binding his foal to the vine, and his ass's colt to the choice
vine', would appear to be a veiled reference to Jerusalem. In support
of this suggestion is the fact that the Jerusalemite prophet Isaiah
consistently uses agricultural terminology for the cities of Jerusalem
and Samaria, as well as for royal houses. Isa. 4.2 makes the clearest
reference to Jerusalem using such language: 'In that day the branch
of Yahweh shall be beautiful and glorious, and the fruit of the land
shall be the pride and glory of the survivors of Israel'. Although Isa.
4.2 refers to Jerusalem as Yahweh's semah, and Gen. 49.11 speaks of
thegespen, the similarity in imagery cannot be mistaken: Gen. 49.11
refers to David's taking of Jerusalem as his sacral and political
capital. Accordingly, this oracle celebrates David's selection of
Jerusalem as his capital, his unification of Israel, and his appropriation
of Shiloh's cultic heritage.
A precise date for this piece is, however, difficult to determine.
The oracle could stem from David's days as king in Hebron, since
the tone is forward-looking. With regard to Shiloh, the oracle
expresses David's hopes for Judean dominance of Israel, and for
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appropriating to his own cause the sacral sumbolism of the ancient

sanctuary of Shiloh. With regard to Jerusalem, David's selection of
the city of the Jebusites as his capital is celebrated, along with the
good fortune which this move is expected to bring to his throne and
his line.50 Thus, Gen. 49.10-12 bears witness to David's ambitions
regarding Shiloh and Israel, and to the importance of Shiloh in both
a political and religious sense in unifying David's nascent kingdom.
6.6.2 Conclusion
In conclusion, the traditions of 1 and 2 Samuel preserve the traces of
a significant connection between Saul and the sanctuary and
priesthood at Shiloh, and this tradition is born out indirectly by 1
Sam. 14.3, 18. Furthermore, there is considerable evidence that the
current chronological arrangement of the traditions in 1 Sam. 4-6; 7;
29.1; 31 is unreliable. Indeed, the events of 1 Samuel 4-6 are best
associated with Saul's defeat on Mt Gilboa and its aftermath.
The present arrangement of the traditions, moreover, which places
the capture of the ark and the destruction of the ancient priesthood of
Shiloh prior to Saul's reign, reflects a pro-Davidic redaction. This
editorial activity has obscured the breadth of power wielded by the
Shilonite priests and their strong affiliation with Saul's monarchy.
Shiloh may even have served as the royal sanctuary of Saul, although
Saul also had ties to the priests at Nob.51 The Davidic editors,
however, substituted Samuel for Saul in 1 Samuel 1-3 and elevated
Samuel to the status of prophet to all Israel in place of the corrupt
Elides of Shiloh. After David, similar steps were taken by Solomon's
apologists to tie the line of Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, the son of
Ahitub, of the sanctuary at Nob, to the fate of the house of Eli, and
thus to replace Abiathar's line with that of the upstart Zadok. That is
to say, the Davidic and Solomonic editors of 1 and 2 Samuel had
been more than willing to alter genealogies (cf. 1 Sam. 14.3; 2 Sam.
8.17), and to write certain figures out of the traditions pertaining to
them (1 Sam. 1), to justify their heroes, just as the Chronicler wrote
the line of Eli completely out of his history and replaced it with
Zadok. In each instance, however, enough traces of the earlier order
have remained to posit a plausible reconstruction, and to illumine
the close relationship which once existed between Saul and Shiloh,
and which David sought to displace.
Chapter 7
SHILOH IN THE LATER HISTORICAL BOOKS,
THE PSALMS, AND JEREMIAH
7.1 Shiloh in 1 Kings 11-15
After the long silence of the latter half of 1 Samuel, all of 2 Samuel,
and the first ten chapters of the first book of Kings, Shiloh reemerges in 1 Kings 11-15 as the domicile of a prophet, Ahijah the
Shilonite. The name 'dhiyydh hassiioni occurs in 1 Kgs 11.29; 12.15;
15.29. The designation 'dhiyydh hanndbi' appears in 1 Kgs 14.2, 18;
and hanndbi' 'dhiyydh hassiioni occurs in 11.29. Otherwise, Ahijah is
referred to four times without further specification: 11.30; 14.4, 5, 6.
In 1 Kgs 11.26-40, the initial reference is to 'dhiyydh hassiioni, the
next two to 'dhiyydh. 1 Kings 14 begins with a reference to 'dhiydh
hanndbi', who thereafter becomes merely 'dhiyydh. 'Ahiyydh hassiioni
is found as a single reference in 1 Kgs 12.15; 15.29, where it appears
to be a traditional designation such as 'Uriah the Hittite', 'Do'eg the
Edomite', or 'Ittai the Gittite'. The city of Shiloh receives mention as
Ahijah's residence apart from the gentilic appelative to his name, in
14.2,4. Thus, of a total offivereferences to Shiloh in these chapters,
three occur in the gentilic appelative of the prophet Ahijah, and two
refer specifically to the place where he resided.
In the narratives of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, Ahijah serves a
function similar to that of Samuel in the narratives of Saul. It is
Ahijah who anoints Jeroboam king over the northern tribes and
promises him 'a sure house'1 if Jeroboam does what is right by
keeping the statues and commandments of Yahweh (1 Kgs 11.26-40).
Later, however, Ahijah prophesies Yahweh's judgment upon Jeroboam
for the erection of the calf images at Dan and Bethel (though Dan
and Bethel are never specified, only the 'molten images'), as well as
the destruction of Israel (1 Kgs 14.1-20). Thus, Ahijah first
commissions the secession of the northern tribes under Jeroboam
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Shiloh
from the house of David but later condemns Jeroboam for his
idolatry.
While Shiloh appears in 1 Kings 11-15 as the residence of the
prophet Ahijah, it is difficult to assess what role Shiloh played at this
time. The narratives of 1 Kings tell us only that Shiloh was the home
of Ahijah. Caquot has argued that Ahijah first supported Jeroboam
in the hope that Jeroboam would restore the old sanctuary to its
former prominence.2 However, when Jeroboam chose to honor
Bethel and Dan, Ahijah turned against him, as he had turned against
Solomon. While Caquot's thesis cannot be proven, it is interesting
that Ahijah bears the same name as the Shilonite priest in the camp
of Saul in 1 Samuel 14. This fact might suggest that Ahijah himself
was a descendant of the Elide priests. The existence of a prophetic
figure such as Ahijah at Shiloh is not unrelated to the oracular
tradition of the Elides, who were 'oracular priests', as is implied in
1 Samuel 14.1 Sam. 3.1b also alludes to the prophetic function of the
Shilonite priesthood, albeit in a negative fashion,3 and the rest of the
narrative assumes that Eli himself was accustomed to receiving the
word of Yahweh. One could thus hypothesize that Ahijah represents
the continuation of the ancient oracular tradition at Shiloh.
Inasmuch as that tradition was tied to the cult, it is also possible that
Ahijah was a representative of the Elide priesthood. One could
conclude on this basis that Ahijah represented the interests and
claims of the ancient Shilonite cult and sought the restoration of the
old Ephraimite sanctuary to the prominence it had held in preDavidic times.
That this thesis cannot be proven does not detract from its
attractiveness. Any concrete connection between Ahijah the Shilonite
and the Elides probably would have been suppressed by the dtr
editors in accordance with the prophecy in 1 Sam. 2.27-36.
Moreover, Ahijah does not function for the deuteronomists as a
representative of a particular cultus. Rather, he has become one of
those enigmatic 'men of God' who from time to time appear to cast
Yahweh's judgment upon those disobedient to his will. Thus any
connection between Ahijah and Shiloh in the dtr presentation is
merely incidental and traditional.
In addition to the muted relationship between Ahijah the Shilonite
and the old Josephide sanctuary at Shiloh contained in 1 Kings 1115, the presence of Shiloh in these chapters at the very least indicates
7. Shiloh in Kings, Psalms, and Jeremiah
167
that Shiloh was not abandoned at the time of Jeroboam I, and that a
memory of its cultic glory may have been maintained there. The
presence of these narratives should in themselves have been enough
to dispel the idea that Shiloh had been destroyed and had long lain
deserted. 1 Kings 11-15 notwithstanding, the majority of scholars
have continued to accept the theory that Shiloh was destroyed in the
mid-eleventh century, and that for a long time thereafter the town
lay deserted. Only the discovery of a considerable number of Iron II
sherds at Tell Seilun by the Danish expedition of 1963 disproved the
second part of the theory of Shiloh's destruction.
7.2 Shiloh in Ps. 78.60-72
One of the two most important texts invoked in support of the theory
that Shiloh was destroyed in the mid-eleventh century is Ps. 78.6072; the other is Jer. 7.12-15. Psalm 78 is part of a long historical
psalm which deals with Israel's repeated rebellion against Elohim,
despite the deity's continual demonstrations of mercy and kindness.
This theme is somewhat reminiscent of the deuteronomistic theology
of history in the book of Judges and presupposes a hexateuchal
schema of Israel's pre-history.4 Neverthelesss, Day is probably
correct in arguing that this psalm belongs to pre-deuteronomistic
tradition.5 The psalm displays none of the fatalistic acceptance of
kingship characteristic of the deuteronomistic history, but is instead
related to the Zion psalms in its unabashed hallowing of the Davidic
monarch and the holy city and in its use of the divine name Elohim.6
Psalm 78 culminates in Elohim's wrathful judgment upon the tribes
of Israel and Shiloh, their sanctuary, and his elevation of Judah and
Zion in their stead. Elohim's rejection of Shiloh therefore forms the
crux of Psalm 78, and it is this fact which has made Ps. 78.60-72 a
key passage in the debate over Shiloh's destruction.
The crucial text reads thus:
56.
Yet they tested and rebelled against 'Elohim 'Elyon

And did not observe his testimonies.
57.
But they turned away and acted treacherously
like their fathers;
They twisted like a deceitful bow.
58. For they provoked him to anger with their bdmoth;
They moved him jealously with their graven images.
168
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
Shiloh
Elohim heard, and he grew wroth,
And he utterly rejected Israel.
He forsook his miskan at Shiloh
the 'ohel he caused to dwell with mankind,
and he gave his strength over to captivity
his glory to the hand of the foe.
And he gave his people over to the sword
And was wroth with his inheritance.
Fire consumed his young men
and his maidens were not praised.
His priests fell by the sword
And his widows did not lament.
Then the Lord awoke, as from sleep;
Like a warrior shouting from wine;
And he drove his enemies back;
He gave them everlasting reproach.7
And he spurned the 'ohel of Joseph
and the tribe of 'Ephraim he did not choose.
But he chose the tribe of Judah,
Mt Zion which he loves.
He built his miqdas like the heights of heaven
like the earth, he established it forever.
And he chose David his servant,
and took him from the sheepfolds.
From after the going up he took him
To be shepherd over Jacob his people,
and over Israel, his inheritance.
He shepherded them with the innocence of his heart,
with skillful hand he led them.
It is clear from this reading that the rejection of Shiloh in Ps. 78.60
is the turning point of the entire psalm. Elohim repeatedly had
shown his fidelity to the northern tribes, while these continually
rejected him. Finally, he became outraged over their disloyalty and
rejected both them and their tent sanctuary. In their stead, the tribe
ofJudah and the temple on Mount Zion were chosen and elevated to
the leadership of Israel and Jacob.
The language of these verses is significant for understanding the
cult at Shiloh and its history. In the first place, Elohim is said to
reject the miskan silo and the 'ohel sikken bd'ddam. These references
clearly denote a tent shrine. Indeed, a striking distinction is made
between the miqdas which Elohim built (bandh) on Mount Zion,
169
which, 'like the earth', he founded forever (v. 69), and the miskdn or
'ohel at Shiloh in the territory of Joseph which he rejected. The
parallelism of miskdn I'ohel reflects the terminology of the priestly
materials of the Pentateuch, where these two terms are used
interchangeably for the tent sanctuary (cf. Josh. 18-22). At the same
time, the miqdds which Elohim built (bdndh) on Mount Zion refers
to the Jerusalem temple and reflects the Zion theology, especially
where the miqdds is compared with the earth, which has been
'established forever' (v. 69). Ps. 78.60-72 thus assumes two cultic
centers: the Jerusalem temple, which Elohim has chosen, and the
Josephide tent shrine at Shiloh, which he has rejected.
The juxtaposition of Jerusalem's temple with Shiloh's tent
therefore lends incidental support to the historicity of the tradition
that the tent shrine stood at Shiloh. At the same time, the absences of
any mention of a temple building at Shiloh, as depicted in 1 Samuel
1-3 and (probably) in Judg. 18.31, may derive from the desire to
contrast the tent shrine, the traditional cultic symbol of the northern
tribes, with the temple in Jerusalem. Thus, Ps. 78.60-72 supports the
tradition otherwise known from priestly texts that the tent shrine
had stood at Shiloh, but offers no insights on the existence of a
temple at Shiloh.
The counterposing of the motifs of Elohim's rejection of Shiloh
with his concommitant election of Mount Zion makes Ps. 78.60-72 a
taunt song celebrating the emergence of a new Judean order
(embodied in the elevation of the Davidic monarchy and in the
building of the temple on Mount Zion), while mocking the fall of the
old order of the northern tribes with their tent sanctuary and
priesthood at Shiloh.8 This celebration of the rise of the new order of
the Davidic monarchy has as its closest parallel the redactional motif
of Judges 17-21: the days when no king ruled in Israel, and affairs
were badly conducted by the priests and the quasi-cultic council of
the northern tribes. Moreover, just as Judges 17-21 is devoid of the
fatalistic resignation to the monarchy characteristic of the Deuteronomistic History, Ps. 78.60-72 represents a similar departure from
such attitudes and comprises one of those pre-dtr documents still
flush with the confidence of the new Judean monarchy.
7.2.1 The Destruction of Shiloh in Ps. 78.60-72
While Ps. 78.60-72 focuses upon Shiloh's rejection, it says nothing of
170
Shiloh
a destruction of Shiloh, and mentions no temple sanctuary, on the

miskan/'ohel.9 The divine rejection of Shiloh and Joseph is expressed,
rather, in the following events:
(a) Elohim forsakes the miskan Silothe tent he (Elohim) caused to
dwell (Sikkeri) with mankind (v. 60);
(b) He (Elohim) gave over of 'his strength' to captivity, and his
glory (tip'arto) to the hand of the foe (v. 61);
(c) He (Elohim) gave over of his people to the sword (w. 62-63);
and let their priests to fall by the sword (v. 64);
(d) He rejected the tent {'ohel) of Joseph and refused to favor
Ephraim (v. 67).
The events depicted here are probably to be identified with those of 1

Samuel 4; on this point there is widespread agreement.10 If the
Philistines did follow up their victory at Ebenezer by destroying
Shiloh, however, Psalm 78 and 1 Samuel 4 are conspicuous for their
silence on this count. In Ps. 78.60-72, Elohim's rejecton of the
Josephide sanctuary at Shiloh is described in terms of three
events:
(1) a major military disaster (w. 62-63);
(2) the capture of the ark by the Philistines (v. 61);
(3) the slaughter of the Shilonite priests (v. 64).
Indeed, Ps. 78.60-72 is consistent with 1 Samuel 4 in this threefold

presentation of the defeat at Aphek, and neither passage mentions a
destruction of Shiloh.11 Nor does Day's claim hold up that the
rejection of Shiloh implies the destruction of that sanctuary. As Ps.
78.67-68 shows, Elohim's rejection of Shiloh and Ephraim is a
theological assertion which sets the stage for another theological
assertion: the election of Judah and Mount Zion in their stead. In
neither case is anything concrete suggested. Psalm 78 voices the
theological claims of the Jerusalem cult to preeminence over the
ancient Josephide shrine at Shiloh.
7.2.2 Summary
Ps. 78.60-72 thus alludes to the historical disaster depicted in 1
Samuel 4, but likewise mentions no destruction of the Shilonite
sanctuary. Apparently, the disaster at Ebenezer, which resulted in
the capture of the ark by the Philistines and the slaughter of the
priests of Shiloh, was viewed by the Judeans as ample proof of
171
Yahweh's rejection of the northern tribes and their sanctuary. Had

Shiloh actually been destroyed in connection with these events, one
would have expected this fact to have been mentioned in Psalm 78,
given the gloating tone of vv. 67-72. Instead, Ps. 78.60-72 is in
agreement with 1 Samuel 4 in its silence regarding any destruction of
Shiloh. While this evidence does not disprove the theory of a mideleventh-century destruction of Shiloh and its sanctuary, it does
indicate that scholars' assumption of a destruction of Shiloh is no
more than an inference into Psalm 78.
To sum up, Ps. 78.61-64 reveals no evidence that Shiloh was
destroyed in connection with the events of 1 Samuel 4. That Elohim
rejected the tent sanctuary at Shiloh does not imply a destruction of
Shiloh, as Day has claimed, but functions instead as the foil for the
theological claim that Elohim has elected Mount Zion, the tribe of
Judah, and the Davidic king. Inasmuch as the rejection of Shiloh in
Psalm 78 has a practical manifestation, this is described in the
concrete terms of the capture of the ark, the slaughter of the soldiery
and the priests, and the failure of the priests' widows to weep.
7.3 Shiloh in Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9
Since the time of Hengstenberg, Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9 have been
used alongside Ps. 78.60-72 to argue that Shiloh was destroyed in the
mid-eleventh century. It has already been shown, however, that
Psalm 78 offers no evidence that Shiloh was destroyed as a result of
the disaster at Aphek. In fact, the Bible preserves only three allusions
to a possible destruction of Shiloh. The first of these, Judg. 18.30-31,
has been treated above, and places the temporal expression, 'all the
days that the house of God was at Shiloh', in parallel with another:
'until the day of the captivity of the land'. Judg. 18.30-31 thus
appears to associate the end of the Shiloh sanctuary with the exile of
the northern kingdom.13 The other two allusions to a possible
destruction of Shiloh are found in Jer. 7.12-15; 26.6-9. Jer. 7.12-15
reads:
Go now, to my place that was in Shiloh,
where I caused by name to dwell at first
{'dSer sikkanti semi sdm bdri'sondh)
and see what I did to it for the
wickedness of my people Israel.
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Shiloh
And now, because you have done all these things, says Yahweh,
and when I spoke to you persistently you did not listen,
and when I called you, you did not answer,
therefore I will do to the house which is called by my name,
(we'dsiti labbayit 'dser niqra' semi 'dldyw) and in which you trust,
and to the place which I gave to you to your fathers,

as I did to Shiloh.
And I will cast you out of my sight,
as I cast out all of your kinsmen
all the offspring of Ephraim.
This theme is taken up again in Jer. 26.6:
Then I will make this house like Shiloh,
and I will make this city a curse for all
the nations of the earth.
In response to Jeremiah's prophecy, the congregation laid hold of
him saying,
You shall die!
Why have you prophesied in the name of Yahweh saying,
'This house shall be like Shiloh,
and this city shall be desolate, without inhabitant'?
(Jer. 26.8b-9a)
Each of these passages relates to a single concern of Jeremiah:

namely, that Yahweh can destroy (or lay waste?) the temple in
Jerusalem, just as he had done earlier to the sanctuary at Shiloh.
Thus, just as Ps. 78.60-72 celebrates Jerusalem's displacement of
Shiloh, so also Jer. 7.12-15 works from the assumption that
Jerusalem had succeeded Shiloh as the place where Yahweh had
caused his name to dwell. Jeremiah takes this claim, however, and
turns it into a prophecy of judgment upon Jerusalem. In fact, the
prophecy in Jer. 7.12-15 derives its effectiveness from the irony
created by the deliberate reversal of the theological claims of the
Jerusalem cultus based on the Jerusalemite appropriation of Shiloh's
status. The cultic community in Jerusalem seems to have believed
that Mount Zion, in succeeding to Shiloh's position as the place
where Yahweh had caused his name to dwell, had attained to an
unparalleled status of glory and cultic eminence. This is the
implication of Ps. 78.60-72. In Jeremiah's prophecy, however,
Jerusalem's attainment to the status once held by Shiloh means that
173
Jerusalem had not only succeeded to Shiloh's former glory, but also
to the judgment which had befallen Shiloh. This intentional use of
irony aroused the ire of the Jerusalem community (Jer. 26.6-9)
because this prophecy was grounded in accepted popular traditions
(such as that expressed in Ps. 78.60-72). Indeed, the tradition that
Shiloh had been 'the place where Yahweh caused his name to dwell'
appears to have been an important ingredient of the theology of the
cultic community in Jerusalem. The further claim that Jerusalem
had succeeded to Shiloh's status formed the second member of this
axiom. The belief that Jerusalem had succeeded to Shiloh's former
status is precisely the substance of Ps. 78.60-72, and the prophecy in
Jer. 7.12-15 is a play upon this belief.
7.3.1 The Supposed Deuteronomistic Origin of Jer. 7.12-15
Day has argued that Jer. 7.12-15 is deuteronomistic and that this
oracle therefore presupposes that the destruction of Shiloh alluded to
here occurred prior to the elevation of Jerusalem:
Now, according to the Deuteronomists there was only one
legitimate place where Yahweh caused his name to dwell (cf. Deut.
xii 14) and from the 10th century B.C. onwards this was Jerusalem,
specifically its Temple (cf. 1 Kings ix 3, xi 36, xiv 21; 2 Kings xxi 4,
7). In view of this, the reference to the destruction of Shiloh, the
place where Yahweh caused his name to dwell, cannot refer to an
8th century destruction but only to one prior to the building of the
Jerusalem Temple in the 10th century B.C.14
First let it be said that one cannot move directly from the dtr
ideology of Jerusalem's exclusive legitimacy as the national sanctuary
to any historical conclusions as to the manner of Jerusalem's
attainment of that status. What the deuteronomists may perchance
have believed about the sacral legitimacy of the cult in Jerusalem in
the sixth century BCE in fact proves nothing about the history of
Shiloh's eclipse by Jerusalem five centuries earlier. As has been
shown with regard to the pro-Davidic narratives of 1 and 2 Samuel,
quite a few liberties were taken to portray the Jerusalemite
priesthood as bearing the same legitimate descent once claimed by
the Elides. Thus historical traditions, and the perspectives by which
later generations maintain them, possess a mutable quality that
cannot be overlooked in discussing the connection between the dtr
ideology of Jerusalem's succession to Shiloh's status, and the actual
history of that succession.
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Shiloh
Second, it is not at all certain that Jer. 7.12-15 reflects the dtr
theology. To be sure, Jer. 7.12 uses the phrase meqdtni ... 'dser
sikkanti semi sdm ('my place . . . where I caused my name to dwell'),
which is closely related to one found in Deut. 12.11: hammdqom
'dser-yibhar Yhwh 'elohekem bo lesakken semd sdm ('the place which
Yahweh your god will choose to cause his name to dwell there'; cf.
also Deut. 14.23; 16.2,6,11; 26.2). This phraseology, however, never
occurs in the books of Joshua-2 Kings. This striking discontinuity
between the deuteronomic theology and that of the deuteronomists
provides a key counterpoint to Day's sweeping claim that Jer. 7.12-15
is the product of deuteronomistic redaction. Given the signal
importance of the theology of'the place where Yahweh will cause his
name to dwell' in Deuteronomy, the absence of this theology in the
so-called Deuteronomistic History is remarkable. Indeed, one would
have supposed that this Sent theology would have found its most
poignant expression in the narrative of 1 and 2 Kings.15 Properly
speaking, however, the theology that Yahweh would 'cause his name
to dwell' in a particular place in deuteronomic, not deuteronomistic.
Since Jer. 7.12-15 reflects the deuteronomic rather than the
deuteronomistic theology one must reject Day's claim that Jer. 7.1215 presupposes a peculiarly dtr theology.
The theology of the divine dwelling place, and of the dwellingplace of the divine name, is also found outside of deuteronomic texts.
For instance, that Yahweh dwells in the temple on Mount Zion is
presupposed in genuine Isaianic texts such as Isa. 18.4, 7. Thus, Isa.
18.4 says that Yahweh will look from his dwelling, and Isa. 18.7 calls
Mt Zion meqom sem-Yhwh $ebd'ot ('the place of the name of Yahweh
Seba'ot'). Moreover, the tent sanctuary in P is alternately designated
the 'ohel mo'ed or the miskan-Yhwh ('dwelling-place'), using the
same root, sdkan, as is used in the typical formulation of the sem
theology of Deuteronomy. The priestly text of Jos. 22.19 even
describes the setting of the miskan as the 'eres 'afyuzzat Yhwh 'dser
sdkan-sdm miskan Yhwh ('the land of Yahweh's possession where
dwells the tabernacle of Yahweh'). Nor is it insignificant that the
location of the tent sanctuary in this text is Shiloh. The priestly text
of Jos. 18.1 reads: wayyiqqahdlu kol-'ddat bene-Yisrd'el siloh wayyaskinQ.
sdm 'et-'ohel mo'ed ('And the whole congregation of the Israelites

assembled at Shiloh and erected [or "caused to dwell"!] there the
tent of meeting'). The usual translation of wayyaskinu here as 'and
7. Shiloh in Kings, Psalms,and Jeremiah
175
they set up' may in fact miss the real point, namely that 'they caused
the tent of meeting to dwell there'. This reading is in fact borne out
by Jos. 22.19, where the miskdn is said to 'dwell' (sdkan) in the land of
Yahweh's possession.
A subsidiary point which deserves mention here is the direct
coupling of the verb sdkan in these instances with the adverbial
particle sdm. The place where Yahweh's tent dwells must be specified
by the referent of the sdm particle, since this location is not taken for
granted. This usage suggests that the priestly phrase, sdkan-sdm, may
reflect a certain openness regarding the site where Yahweh's sanctuary
dwells. A similarfluidityprevails as well in Deuteronomy, where the
place where Yahweh's name will dwell is only specified as 'the
place'hammdqom. While scholars have traditionally taken this
phrase as implicitly referring to Jerusalem, there is no proof of this
assumption. In fact, Deuteronomy may itself preserve a nonJerusalemite tradition of Yahweh's autonomy in selecting the place
where his shrine, or his name, would dwell.
Moreover, the real distinction between D and P on this count is
that the priestly usage centers on Yahweh's dwelling-place, the
miskdn, while the dtn usage focuses upon the mdqomthe actual
place where Yahweh will cause his name to dwell. The common
thread which unites these two distinctive theological concerns is that
Yahweh will dwell in the Promised Land, and that he will cause
either his name or his miskdn to dwell there. This fact suggests that
the priestly traditions and Deuteronomy give divergent expression to
a similar theology of Yahweh's dwelling. In the priestly tradition, this
theology finds concrete expression in Yahweh's dwelling-place, the
miskdn. Deuteronomy, in focusing on the dwelling of Yahweh's name
(as is found in Isa. 18.7), preserves a theology which emphasizes
Yahweh's transcendence.
As Mettinger has shown, the difference between the theology of
Yahweh's dwelling in P and D, on the one hand, and the Deuteronomistic History, on the other, is that Dtr avoided the belief that
Yahweh actually caused his name to dwell in a specific place,
whereas in D and P, the ideal of Yahweh's dwelling among men is
crucial. The apparent reason for Dtr's avoidance of this idea was that
the Deuteronomistic History was written in full awareness of the
calamity which befell Jerusalem and its temple in 586 BCE. In the
Jerusalem cult, however, the sem theology was particularly associated
with the temple and the Zion theology.16
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Shiloh
For its own part, Jer. 7.12-15 constitutes an attack upon a

fundamental premise of the Zion form of the sem theology, that
Jerusalem enjoyed a special status above other sanctuaries that
would secure the holy city against the misfortunes of history.
Jeremiah, in making use of the deuteronomic phraseology, appeals to
the pre-Zion form of the tradition and Yahweh's freedom to choose
the place where he will cause his name to dwell. Thus, he argues that
just as Yahweh rejected his chosen dwelling-place at Shiloh, so can
he also reject Jerusalem. By citing the example of Shiloh, moreover,
Jeremiah has reversed the meaning which his comtemporaries seem
to have attributed to the idea that Jerusalem was the 'place where
Yahweh caused his name to dwell'. That is, Jerusalem was not only
heir to the glory which had once been Shiloh's; the holy city would
also inherit the desolation which Yahweh had brought upon
Shiloh.
Thus, in employing the terminology of hammdqom 'dser sikken
Yhwh semo-sdm ('the place where Yahweh [has] caused his name to
dwell'), Jeremiah drew upon deuteronomic rather than deuteronomistic
theological tradition. At the same time, there are sharp parallels
between Jeremiah and the language of the Deuteronomistic History.
For instance, 2 Kgs 22.19 contains a reference by Huldah the
prophetess to an earlier threat by Yahweh to make Jerusalem 'a
desolation and a curse' (lihyot lesammdh weliqldldh]er. 26.6, 9).
This fact shows that both Jeremiah and the dtr editors of 1-2 Kings
drew on common traditions in formulating their respective messages.
Therefore, the use of deuteronomic language by Jeremiah does not
mean that that passage was composed by the dtn/dtr school, as Day
has argued. On the contrary, just as Jeremiah drew upon the
technical terminology of the priests,17 he also employed the theology
and terminology of the deuteronomic tradition.18
To conclude, the oracle in Jer. 7.12-15 stands midway between the
dtn and dtr theologies, and its language reflects that of dtn rather
than dtr. That is, Jeremiah appeals to the dtn sem theology to
prophesy the coming of events which would bring about the
reformulation of that theology as found in the Deuteronomistic
History. Rather than a deuteronomistic text, Jer. 7.12-15 is,
technically speaking, a pre-dtr appeal to dtn theology. Consequently,
one cannot equate the historical assumptions behind this oracle with
those of Dtr or the dtr theology.
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7.3.2 The Destruction of Shiloh injer. 7.12-15

Despite Yahweh's threat to 'do to the house which is called by my
name . . . as I did to Shiloh' (Jer. 7.14), the connection between this
threat and the theory of a destruction of Shiloh in the mid-eleventh
century is doubtful at best. Thus, exactly what Yahweh will do to
Jerusalem, or what he did to 'my place where I caused my name to
dwell at first' (meqomi.. . 'dser sikkanti sdmi sdm bari'sonah), is not
specified in Jer. 7.12-15. Apart from the analogy drawn between that
which he did to Shiloh and what he will do to Jerusalem, nothing else
is said except that Yahweh will 'cast out' the Judeans from his sight
(wehislakti 'etkem me'al pdndy) as he cast out their kinsmen, the
Ephraimites.
Jeremiah's association of Yahweh's 'casting out' of the Judeans
with the exile of 'all the offspring of Ephraim' is a critical factor in
identifying the desolation of Shiloh spoken of in Jer. 7.12-15 and
26.6-9. Historically speaking, the state of Israel ceased to exist as a
political entity at the end of the reign of Jeroboam II. Thereafter, the
northern kingdom was limited to Samaria and the central hill
country of Palestine, that is, to the territory of Ephraim. Israel's loss
of territory had begun during the expansion of the Syrian ruler,
Rezin of Damascus, who had apparently taken Galilee and the
Israelite regions of the Transjordan. With the Assyrian conquest of
Damascus in 732 BCE, the Israelite territories lost to Damascus were
incorporated into the Assyrian empire as separate provinces, and the
territory of Israel reduced to the hill country of Ephraim. Had
Jeremiah wished to refer to a destruction of Shiloh in conjunction
with events of the eleventh century, he likely would have referred to
Israel, rather than Ephraim. Ephrain became the political designation
for the north only after the Syrians and later the Assyrians had seized
those Israelite regions outside the central hill country of Palestine.19
The same principle, in fact, applies to Psalm 78. There, the
Ephraimites are twice mentioned as a particular tribe, but the psalm
is more generally concerned with Israel, which is the object of the
divine wrath manifested in the rejection of the sanctuary at Shiloh.
Jeremiah, however, did not associate the exile of Judah and the
desolation of the temple on Mount Zion with Israel's fall, but with
that of Ephraim. Therefore, it would seem that Jeremiah had in mind
the actual events surrounding the Assyrian exile of Samaria when he
likened Jerusalem's coming destruction to that of Shiloh, and the
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Shiloh
coming exile of Judah with the exile of 'all the offspring of

Ephraim'.
The parallel between the destruction of Shiloh and the exile of the
northern kingdom is given additional weight by the similar parallel
in Judg. 18.30-31 (above, 5.2). Indeed, it is hardly coincidental that
that destruction is set in parallel with the fall of the northern
kingdom in two of the three biblical texts which imply a destruction
of Shiloh.
7.3.3 The Destruction of Shiloh in Jer. 26.6-9
Besides the implicit reference to a possible destruction of Shiloh in
Jer. 7.12-15, a destruction of Shiloh is mentioned in more specific
language in Jer. 26.6-9. This language casts further light on the
probable historical events with which Jeremiah associated Shiloh's
fall. Jer. 26.6-9 mentions a prophecy by Jeremiah that Jerusalem and
its temple will be made like Shiloh: 'a curse for all the nations of the
earth' {liqldldh lekolgoye ha'ares). The theme that Yahweh will make
a place a 'curse' {qeldldh) occurs no less than eight times in Jeremiah
(24.9; 25.18; 26.6; 42.18; 44.8, 12, 22; 49.13). Of these instances, all
but the last occur in connection with Jerusalem and its inhabitants.
Jer. 49.13 employs the same language and motifs as the other
instances, but applies these to Bozrah, the Edomite capital. In
Jeremiah, the term qeldldh is coupled regularly with several other
parallel expressions: sammdh ('desolation/horror', Jer. 25.18; 42.18;
44.12, 22; 49.13); 'dldh ('execration', Jer. 42.18; 44.12);20 herpdh
('taunt', Jer. 42.18; 44.8, 12; 49.13). The individual parallelisms
between these terms do not, however, lead to any clear interpretation
of qeldldh. Only the word sammdh ('desolation, horror') gives some
concrete indication of the specific content of the threat.
Nevertheless, the oracle against Jerusalem is further illuminated
by the oracle against Edom in Jer. 49.7-22. There, the fate foreseen for
that land is similar to that prophesied for Jerusalem in 26.6-9:
For I have sworn by myself, it is the pronouncement of Yahweh,
that Bozrah will become a desolation, a taunt, and a curse.
And all her cities will become ruins forever.
This judgment is further spelled out as follows:
As when Sodom and Gomorrah and their neighbor cities were
overthrown, says Yahweh, no man shall dwell there, no man shall
179
sojourn in her . . . even the little ones of theflockshall be dragged

away; surely their fold shall be appalled at their fate (Jer. 49.18,
20b).
This text describes the desolation and depopulation of Edom. The
analogy drawn with the fate of Sodom and Gomorrah is all too clear
to be ignored: the total destruction of Edom and its cities (and the
exile of its population) is what is foretold. That the same is meant for
Jerusalem in Jer. 26.6-9 is made clear in v. 9, where the people quote
Jeremiah as having said, 'This house shall be like Shiloh, and this
city shall be desolate: without inhabitant'.
The language of exile and devastation used in Jer. 26.6-9 to
describe the parallel fates of Shiloh and Jerusalem would seem to
indicate that the destruction of the northern kingdom by Assyria and
not the theoretical devastation by the Philistines is what is meant in
Jer. 7.12-15. Indeed, this conclusion is borne out by the parallel
between Yahweh's threat to do to Jerusalem as he once did to Shiloh
and his subsequent threat to 'cast you out of my sight, as I cast out all
your kinsmen, all the offspring of Ephraim'. This parallel strengthens
the connection between Jer. 7.12-15 and the destruction of the
northern kingdom during the last quarter of the eighth century.
Similarly, the end of the Shiloh sanctuary in Judg. 18.31 stands in
parallel with 'until the day of the captivity of the land'. The evidence
of Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9 thus supports the claims of Karl Heinrich
Graf, Frants Buhl, Marie-Louise Buhl and Svend Holm-Nielsen,
that the desolation of Shiloh in Jeremiah occurred at the time of the
fall of the northern kingdom.
The evidence of 1 Kings 11-15, that Shiloh continued as an
inhabited place during the later years of the united monarchy and the
first years of the divided monarchy, at least demonstrates that the
desolation of Shiloh to which Jeremiah calls the attention of his
audience cannot be identical with the theoretical destruction of that
place as a result of the disaster in 1 Samuel 4. The challenge,
Go now to my place that was in Shiloh, where I caused my name to
dwell at first, and see what I did to it for the wickedness of my
people Israel...
refers to the concrete results of a judgment still painfully visible to
the people ofJerusalem in the last years of the seventh century. Since
no desolation of Shiloh is mentioned in 1 Samuel 4 (to which Jer.
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Shiloh
7.12-15 has all too often been made to refer), and Shiloh remained an
inhabited place in the early chapters of the books of Kings, it is
unlikely that the ruins alluded to by Jeremiah are those which
resulted from a destruction of Shiloh after the disaster at Ebenezer.
Instead, the actual physical evidence to which Jer. 7.12-15 refers
would most likely have stemmed from the Assyrian invasion and
exile of the northern kingdom, as Graf and his successors have
argued.
7.3.4 Summary
On the basis of the evidence of Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9, then, the
conclusion that Shiloh was laid waste at the time of the fall of
Samaria is inescapable. The parallel in Jer. 7.14-15 between the fall
of Shiloh and the casting off of 'all the offspring of Ephraim',
supported by that in Judg. 18.30,31, between 'the day of the captivity
of the land' and 'all the days that the house of God was in Shiloh',
suggests that Shiloh's abandonment coincided with the exile of the
northern kingdom. There is no 'natural' way to make this evidence
point to the events in 1 Samuel 4. The language of the related passage
in Jer. 26.6-9, which points to the desolation and depopulation of
Shiloh, confirms this analysis.
At the same time, Jeremiah does not argue that the desolation of
Shiloh was a pre-condition to Jerusalem's status as 'the place where
Yahweh has caused his name to dwell'. The point of Jer. 7.12-15, in
fact, has nothing to do with the order of events by which Jerusalem
supplanted Shiloh. Rather, this prophecy aims at reversing the effect
of the Jerusalemite claim to have attained to Shiloh's status. Whereas
the Jerusalem community had viewed this status as entirely positive,
Jeremiah's proclamation claims that just as Jerusalem is heir to
Shiloh's glory, the holy city likewise will be heir to Shiloh's demise.
Thus, Jer. 7.12-15 naturally assumes that Shiloh once was the place
where Yahweh had caused his name to dwell, while Jerusalem is not
that place. But nothing is said of the time at which Jerusalem came to
this status, or the process by which this status was attained. The
matter of the succession does not even arise. The real concern ofJer.
7.12-15 is to establish the syllogism: Shiloh was the place where
Yahweh caused his name to dwell at first; Shiloh was destroyed.
Yahweh likewise has caused his name to dwell at Jerusalem;
Jerusalem likewise can be destroyed. This analogy focuses upon the
181
real effects of the status of a city being 'the place where Yahweh has
caused his name to dwell', not upon the transfer of this status from
one city to another. In making Jerusalem's succession to Shiloh's
special status the key issue ofJer. 7.12-15, Day has missed the central
concern of the text.21
7.4 Shiloh in Jer. 41.5
If the fall of Shiloh is associated with that of the northern kingdom
by Jeremiah, the city had been re-occupied by the exilic period, since
Jer. 41.5 depicts Shiloh as an inhabited place:
And it came to pass, on the day after the killing of Gedaliah, when
no man knew, that men came from Shechem, Shiloh, and
Samariaeighty men (with) shaven beards and rent garments and
gashed bodies, and cereal offerings and incense to bring to the
house of Yahweh.
This text suggests that the history of biblical Shiloh was more
complex than has been assumed by historians. Whereas the
traditional theory has presupposed a single destruction, and that in
the mid-eleventh century, the evidence provided by Jeremiah is that
Shiloh may have been destroyed or abandoned, and then reinhabited a number of times during the Israelite period.
7.5 Conclusions:
The Destruction of Shiloh in Psalm 78 and Jeremiah
In conclusion, the references to the destruction of Shiloh in Jeremiah
do not point to a destruction in the Early Iron Age, but to a desolation
of the site in conjunction with the exile of the northern kingdom. On
the other hand, Psalm 78, which has likewise been used as a key
passage in the formulation of the theory of an eleventh-century
destruction of Shiloh, mentions no destruction at all. In fact,
Jeremiah's allusions to Shiloh's end have been brought together with
the rehearsal of the events surrounding the loss of the ark in Psalm 78
in order to create a connection between the tradition of the capture of
the ark and the tradition that Shiloh was destroyed (or abandoned),
where none existed before. The truth is that Ps. 78.60-72 refers to
events quite distinct from those alluded to in Jeremiah. Jer. 7.12-15
and 26.6-9 refer to the laying waste of Shiloh, probably in the late
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Shiloh
eighth century BCE. Conversely, Ps. 78.60-72 recalls the military

catastrophe in 1 Samuel 4 in some detail but mentions no destruction
of Shiloh or its sanctuary. Like 1 Samuel 4, Ps. 78.60-72 is notable
for its silence regarding the fate of Shiloh and its sanctuary when the
ark was lost. Thus, the outstanding feature of the theory that Shiloh
was destroyed by the victorious Philistines in the wake of their
capture of the ark is the remarkable dearth of biblical evidence for
such a theory.
The lack of solid, exegetical evidence for a destruction of Shiloh in
the mid-eleventh century, moreover, has led to considerable weight
being placed upon the archaeological excavations at Tell Seilun.
Nevertheless, if the excavators have uncovered an Iron I destruction
(and the preliminary reports make this claim)22 one must conclude
that reference to this destruction was never preserved in the biblical
traditions. In any event, the earliest interpretation of 1 Samuel 4 in
terms of a destruction or abandonment of Shiloh was offered from by
Moses Maimonides, the great twelfth-century philosopher and
physician to the sultan Saladin, some two millennia after the
presumed events.23
Furthermore, if Jeremiah did allude to a destruction of Shiloh
which he associated with the events of 1 Samuel 4, and if, moreover,
he pointed to the ruins of his day as proof, the historical veracity of
his testimony must be questioned. That is to say, since 1 Kings 11-15
depict Shiloh as an inhabited town, the ruins visible to Jeremiah
must have stemmed from a time later than that of Ahijah the
Shilonite. A further consequence of interpreting the oracles of
Jeremiah as references to the battle where the ark was lost is that
serious doubt is thereby cast upon the notion that events placed in
parallel with one another by the biblical writers are mutually
interpretive. Indeed, when Day overlooks the connection between
Yahweh's casting off of Judah and Jerusalem and his casting off of
Ephraim (Jer. 7.14-15) and explains away the parallel between the
'day of the captivity of the land' and 'all the days that the house of
God was in Shiloh' (Judg. 18.30-31), he rejects the clear associations
made in the biblical traditions in favor of a theory about them. In
short, considerable damage must be inflicted upon the biblical text
and its historical testimony if one is to argue for a destruction of
Shiloh in the mid-eleventh century on the basis of Ps. 78.60-72 and
Jer. 7.12-15.
183
It may well be that Shiloh was burned to the ground in the wake of
the defeat at Ebenezer; the current Israeli excavations at least seem
to have identified an Iron I destruction layer.24 It is nonetheless
strange that a destruction of Shiloh is never mentioned in connection
with the battle where the ark was lost, and conversely, that in those
texts which actually mention the end of the Shiloh sanctuary (Jer.
7.12-15; 26.6-9; Judg. 18.30-31), there is a similar silence concerning
the loss of the ark. These facts suggest that if Shiloh was destroyed in
connection with the disaster at Ebenezer, this destruction has, for
whatever reasons, gone unmentioned in the biblical traditions.
Chapter 8
THE TRADITIONS AND HISTORY OF BIBLICAL SHILOH
8.1 The Traditions
8.1.1 Categories of Traditions
Before moving to the reconstruction of Shiloh's history, it is first

necessary to survey the traditions of biblical Shiloh, the respective
periods which they represent, and their corresponding relationships
to one another. In general, the traditions of Shiloh can be grouped
under two broad headings: those of priestly or independent cultic
provenance, and those bearing the distinctive impress of the
Jerusalem cultus.
8.1.1.1 Priestly and Independent Cultic Traditions about Shiloh
The largest of these two categories is comprised of priestly traditions
(i.e. traditions bearing the distinctive impress of the priestly language
and style known from the Hexateuch) and of independent traditions
focusing upon cultic places, events, and issues. The specifically
priestly traditions include the account of the distribution of tribal
inheritances at Shiloh, which is found in the lists of tribal allotments
in Joshua 14-21, and specifically in Josh. 18.1-10; 19.51; 21.1-3. Josh.
22.9-34, which is related to the traditions of Phineas in Num. 25.613; 31.1-12, belongs to this category as well, as does the burial notice
of Eleazar, the son of Aaron (Josh. 24.33). The tradition of the
Benjaminite war (Judg. 20.1-21.15) is also related to the priestly
traditions of the Hexateuch, though it is not part of the Priestly
corpus. Among the independent cultic traditions which are not
distinctively priestly are the story of 'the rape of the Shilonite
maidens' (Judg. 21.16-24) and the traditions of the Elides at Shiloh
(1 Sam. 1-4; 14). The traditions of Ahijah the Shilonite (1 Kgs 1115) are not expressly cultic but, rather, prophetic. Nonetheless, these
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Shiloh
may be grouped together with other independent traditions which

focus upon cultic concerns. Judg. 18.30-31 is not formally a tradition,
but a historian's notation. Inasmuch as this notation reflects
independent traditions of the Danite and Shilonite cults which are
otherwise lost, however, it may classed with the independent cultic
traditions.
Certain elements, moreover, are common to both the priestly
traditions and those of independent origin. Among these common
elements, a general focus upon northern shrines is to be noted,
including Shiloh (Josh. 18-22; Judg. 18.31; 21.12, 16-24), Mizpah
(Judg. 20.1; 21.1, 8), Bethel (Judg. 20.18, 26-28), and Dan (Judg.
18.30). Second, these traditions revolve around northern cultic
figures such as Eleazar, buried in the hill country of Ephraim (Josh.
24.33), Phineas, his illustrious son (Josh. 22.9-34; Judg. 20.27-28), the
Elides, probable descendants of Eleazar and Phineas (1 Sam. 1-4,
14), and Ahijah the Shilonite (1 Kgs 11-15). This evidence suggests a
northern, non-Jerusalemite provenance for the priestly tradition.
With specific regard to Shiloh, there are several recurrent motifs.
These include Shiloh as the site of the tent shrine (Josh. 18.1-10;
19.51; 22.9-34), Shiloh as the site of the war camp (Josh. 18.9; Judg.
21.12), Shiloh as located 'in the land of Canaan' (Josh. 21.2; 22.9;
Judg. 21.19), Shiloh as the cultic center in early tribal wars (Josh.
22.9-34; Judg. 20.1-21.15), and Shiloh as a shrine of the Aaronite
priesthood (Josh. 21.1-3; 22.9-34; 1 Sam. 1-4; 14). From these
common elements and motifs, one may make the preliminary
observation that in the cultic lore of northern Israel, Shiloh enjoyed a
special, but by no means exclusive, status (cf. Gen. 35.9-15).
8.1.1.2 The Jerusalemite Traditions about Shiloh
In contrast to these largely northern cultic traditions of Shiloh, a
group of distinctly Jerusalemite traditions about Shiloh exists as well.
This group is decidedly smaller than that stemming from the north;
it includes Gen. 49.10-12; Ps. 78.60-72; Jer. 7.12-15; 26.6-9; 41.5.
Whereas the traditions of Shiloh stemming from northern lore treat
Shiloh in a positive light and assume its special status, the traditions
of Shiloh which derive from Jerusalem are competitive at best, and
downright derogatory at worst. Thus, Ps. 78.60-72 is a Jerusalemite
taunt song which celebrates Elohim's rejection of Shiloh and his
concomitant choice of the sanctuary on Mount Zion. While Gen.
8. The Traditions and History of Biblical Shiloh
187
49.10-12 does not take an expressly negative attitude towards Shiloh,

this oracle probably reflects David's appropriation of Shiloh's cultic
heritage to Jerusalem. The Shiloh oracle (Gen. 49.10-12) casts light
upon the reasons for Jerusalem's eclipse of Shiloh and upon the
tradition, preserved in Jer. 7.12-15, that Jerusalem had succeeded to
Shiloh's former status as 'the place where Yahweh had caused his
name to dwell'.
The Jerusalemite traditions of Shiloh thus offer the reverse side of
those preserved in the north. Instead of hallowing Shiloh as the site
of the wilderness shrine, the cultic community in Jerusalem looked
upon Shiloh as the rejected sanctuary, its tent as having been
surpassed by the temple on Mount Zion. Gen. 49.10-12, which
apparently views Shiloh's religious heritage in a positive light,
celebrates above all the wedding of David's line to the ancient city of
Jerusalem (see above, Chapter 6). Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9 constitute
an ironic play on the tradition ofJerusalem's superiority over Shiloh.
Jeremiah apparently took the accepted tradition that Jerusalem had
replaced Shiloh as the place where Yahweh had caused his name to
dwell and interpreted this tradition in light of the common belief that
Shiloh had been desolated in connection with the Assyrian dissolution
of the northern kingdom. Therefore, Jeremiah argued, Yahweh could
destroy the Jerusalem temple and cast off the Judaeans, just as he
earlier had destroyed Shiloh and cast out 'all the offspring of
Ephraim' (see above, Chapter 7). While Jeremiah shared with the
other Jerusalemite witnesses to the Shiloh tradition the belief that
Shiloh had been rejected by Yahweh, and replaced by Jerusalem, his
real departure from the standard view in Jerusalem was not in his
treatment of Shiloh, but in his treatment of Jerusalem, which he saw
as the object of the same divine wrath that had previously fallen
upon Shiloh.
In addition to those traditions of Shiloh which were handed down
within the cultic community of Jerusalem, a number of the
independent cultic traditions of probably northern origin were
reworked from a pro-Davidic stance. These traditions include the
story of Samuel's birth and dedication to the priests of Yahweh at
Shiloh (1 Sam. 1.1-28; 2.11, 18-21; 3.19-21), which, because of the
otherwise incongruous word-play on the root sd'al, probably
originally referred to Saul, the one 'lent to Yahweh' (1 Sam. 1.28: hu'
sd'iil laYhwh). Similarly, the traditions of the Elides have been
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Shiloh
obscured by the artificial link created in 1 Sam. 14.3 between the

house of Eli and the house of Ahitub, probably in the interests of the
Zadokite priesthood in Jerusalem. Finally, the capture of the ark was
secondarily associated with the years prior to Saul's reign. The
purpose of these revisions of the traditions of Shiloh was in the first
place to break the connection between Saul and Shiloh. Thus, Saul
was depicted as having ruled apart from the official sanction of the
Shilonite cultus, during a time when the ancient tribal warpalladium, the ark, was outside Israel. Such a portrayal gave the
appearance that Saul's monarchy was not really legitimate. In the
second place, these changes replaced Saul's ties to Shiloh with the
theme of Samuel's succession to the prophetic office at Shiloh (1
Sam. 3.1,19-21) in place of the Elide priesthood, thus supporting the
legitimacy of David's claim to the throne through Samuel.
8.1.1.3 Summary
In summary, two broad categories of traditions regarding biblical
Shiloh exist: those deriving from northern cultic circles, and those
stemming from the Jerusalem community. The northern traditions
depict Shiloh in a positive light and generally assume its special
status above the other Israelite shrines. These northern traditions
include those belonging to the priestly stratum of the Hexateuch as
well as the independent cultic traditions of Judges and 1 Samuel.
The traditions about Shiloh which represent the perspective of the
Jerusalem cult are found in Gen. 49.10-12 and Ps. 78.60-72. In
contrast to the northern traditions, these portray Shiloh and its
sanctuary as rejected for the wickedness and infidelity of the
northern tribes. Of the Jerusalemite traditions, only Gen. 49.10-12
casts Shiloh in a positive light, and even this text has as its final word
the celebration of David's selection of Jerusalem as his capital. The
pro-Davidic revision of the Shiloh traditions in 1 Samuel, moreover,
illustrates the need of both the Davidic monarchy and the cultic
community in Jerusalem to denigrate the religious heritage of Shiloh
and to arrogate to Jerusalem the prestige which formerly had been
Shiloh's. This appropriation is reflected in Gen. 49.10-12, celebrated
in Ps. 78.60-72, and assumed by Jeremiah.
8.1.2 The Historical Periodization of the Traditions
There are thus two bodies of traditions pertaining to Shiloh, the one
189
northern in origin, the other Jerusalemite. A rough periodization of

these traditions is possible if one works from the principle that those
which are held to be earliest must be those which fit more poorly
with later custom and usage. On the basis of this consideration, those
traditions focusing upon northern shrines and cultic figures, as well
as upon institutions which had no place in the late period of Israelite
history, must be assumed to be the earlier. According to these
criteria, the northern traditions must be the earlier, since they refect
a time before the Jerusalem cult had succeeded in establishing its
claim to an absolute and unique superiority vis-a-vis the other
shrines of the land. Conversely, the traditions which reflect the
ascendancy of Jerusalem must be later, since Jerusalem's dominance
in the history of the cult is a demonstrably late phenomenon. The
argument that Shiloh's special status is a late fiction retrojeoted into
the distant past by the post-exilic community in Jerusalem is refuted
by the bitter antagonism in the Jerusalem community toward Shiloh
and its priesthood, attested in Ps. 78.60-72, which culminated in the
deletion of Eli and his sons from the official Aaronite genealogies.
Conversely, in the non-Jerusalemite traditions about Shiloh, the
special status of Shiloh reflects a positive assumption about the
sanctuary there, without the least hint that Shiloh had been replaced
by Jerusalem (cf. especially, Josh.a18-22).These traditions offer such
a stark contrast to the attested Jerusalemite theology (Ps. 78.60-72;
Jer. 7.12-15; 26.6-9) that it is unlikely that they derive from the postexilic community or from any other period in Jerusalem's history as
an Israelite cultic center. In their present form, then, traditions of
Shiloh which are of northern provenance reflect a period in Israel's
history before David had made Jerusalem the sacral center of the
land.
Within the northern traditions, moreover, a further periodization
of traditions is possible. The earliest of these traditions is that of
Shiloh as a possibly non-Israelite, possibly Yahwistic shrine (Judg.
21.16-24), whatever the date of the present form of that story. This
conclusion is based on the tension between this tradition and all
other facets of the Shiloh tradition, whether Jerusalemite or northern
Israelite. After this episode there are a number of traditions in the
books of Joshua and Judges which may reflect conditions during the
early pre-monarchic period. These include the account of the
distribution of the land at Shiloh (Josh. 18.1-10; 19.51; 21.1-3) and
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Shiloh
those of the early tribal wars (Josh. 22.9-34; Judg. 20.1-21.15; cf.
Num. 25.6-13; 31.1-12, which seem to presuppose a similar set of
conditions). The reason for this early dating is that neither the
division of the tribal inheritances, nor the early tribal wars has any
convincing parallel in the history of Israel after the rise of the
monarchy. The late pre-monarchic era is attested above all in the
Elide traditions (1 Sam. 1-3), despite the subsequent redaction of
these traditions by pro-Davidic editors in Jerusalem. The account of
Saul's campaign against the Philistines, in which Ahijah of the
priests of Shiloh serves as oracular priest before the ark (1 Sam. 14),
and the account of the battle of Aphek, where the ark was lost and
the priests of Shiloh slain (1 Sam. 4; compare 1 Sam. 31; 2 Sam. 1),
reflect the early years of the Israelite monarchy under Saul. 1 Kings
11-15 stems from the beginning of the divided monarchy.
The Jerusalemite traditions about Shiloh can be arranged according
to their respective historical periods as well. The Shiloh oracle (Gen.
49.10-12) is the earliest of these and stems from the beginning of
David's reign, perhaps in Hebron, but most likely in Jerusalem (see
above, Chapter 6). Ps. 78.60-72 is later than the Shiloh oracle, as is
clear from the celebration of the building of the sanctuary on Mount
Zion. A more precise identification of the date of this song is
impossible, except to say that it appears to have come from a time
before the northern kingdom had been reduced by the Assyrians (see
above, Chapter 7). Finally, Jeremiah's oracles concerning Shiloh
come from the last, desperate years of the Judean kingdom. The final
mention of Shiloh in Jer. 41.5 presumably was written sometime
during the exile, after the assassination of Gedaliah.
8.1.3 Synopsis
On the basis of the historical circumstances reflected in the various
traditions of Shiloh, and by analyzing and comparing the respective
concerns of these texts, one may arrive at a rough periodization of
the Shiloh traditions which may then provide the basis for the
reconstruction of Shiloh's history. The traditions themselves,
however, do not yield a consistent, running account of Shiloh's
history. Instead, when arranged from the earliest to the latest, the
traditions of Shiloh preserved in the Bible offer fleeting, successive
glimpses into Shiloh's role at various stages of Israelite history.
Certain lines of development within Shiloh's history may be
191
reconstructed from this evidence, although quite a few gaps will in

any event remain to be filled by speculation or imagination.
8.2 The History of Biblical Shiloh
8.2.1 The Earliest Period: Shiloh as the Site of a Non-Israelite
Shrine
The earliest period in the history of biblical Shiloh lies outside the
ken of written sources and can be ascertained only on the basis of
archaeological evidence. According to the Israeli excavators currently
working at Tell Seilun, the accepted location of ancient Shiloh (see
above, 1.2.5), the place was a walled city with a sanctuary during the
late Middle Bronze Age (MB IIC). In the Late Bronze Age, the
inhabitants of the region around Seilun appear to have continued
worshipping at the site of the old Middle Bronze Age shrine, which
they may have rebuilt. These people appear to have been largely
unsettled and nomadic in culture, as the archaeological evidence
indicates only sparse settlement of the surrounding territory during
this period (see above, 3.5). The beginnings of the Early Iron Age saw
Seilun re-occupied, not as a settlement, but as the site of a tetnenos,
or sacred precinct.
The biblical traditions offer only the story of 'the rape of the
Shilonite maidens' as evidence of Shiloh's existence as a non-Israelite
cultic center and this tradition could fit into any of the earlier
archaeological periods attested at Seilun. The Late Bronze and Early
Iron Ages are both possible settings. This tradition, therefore, is of
little help in establishing a definite period for the presence of Israel in
the central hill country. The most Judg. 21.16-24 allows one to
conclude is that before Shiloh became an Israelite shrine, it had been
the site of an old Canaanite cultic center. As this story suggests, the
early Israelite tribes may even have worshipped together with nonIsraelites at the shrine at Shiloh, before the Ephraimite hills fell
totally into Israelite hands.
8.2.2 The Early Pre-Monarchic Period: Shiloh as the Site of an
Israelite Shrine
Given the ambiguous and controversial nature of the biblical
traditions relating to the Israelite occupation of Palestine, and the
concomitant problems of establishing either a chronology or a logical
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Shiloh
progression of verifiable events by which one might define the

Israelite settlement of the central hill country, it is impossible to say
when or how Shiloh became an Israelite shrine. What is clear from
the biblical traditions is that Shiloh very early in the pre-monarchic
period served as an important cultic center. Shiloh was the site of the
war-camp in early tradition (Josh. 18.9; Judg. 21.12), and the locus of
the tent shrine (Josh. 18.1; 19.51; ww.9-34; cf. also Ps. 78.60, 67).
During these early years, Shiloh was administered by the Aaronite
priesthood of Eleazar (Josh. 21.1-3) and his son, Phineas (Josh. 22.934), who was renowned for his cultic zeal during the early tribal wars
(Num. 25.6-13; 31.1-12; Josh. 22.9-34; cf. also Judg. 20.1-21.15). At
one time Shiloh even may have claimed an exclusive right over the
other sanctuaries of the land (Josh. 22.9-34; see above, Chapter 4),
although shrines such as Mizpah and Bethel eventually gained
recognition. Indeed, Bethel seems to have been administered by
Aaronite priests, just as Shiloh was (see above, Chapter 6).
A problem of special significance is that of the historical
relationship of Shiloh to the wilderness cultus, with which Shiloh
had special connections through the tent shrine, and the priesthood
of Aaron. The resolution of the conflict between the traditional
evidence that the Israelite tribes were active in the central hill
country before Shiloh became the site of an Israelite shrine (cf. Judg.
21.16-24), and the traditions that the Israelite tribes under Joshua
first erected the tent of meeting at Shiloh, poses like difficulties. So
little is known of the origin of the wilderness cultus, or of the
connection of that cultus to tribes which may have been settled in
Palestine long before its introduction, that no conclusion can here be
ventured on this subject. The biblical traditions and the archaeological
evidence yield only this: that Shiloh at one time had been the site of a
non-Israelite shrine; that it later became an Israelite shrine and for a
time served as the pre-eminent Israelite sanctuary. During this latter
phase, tradition associated Shiloh with the war-camp, the early tribal
wars, and the wilderness cultus, especially the tent of meeting.
8.2.3 The Late Pre-Monarchic Period: Eli and his Sons
8.2.3.1 The Aaronite Priesthood of Eli
Shiloh's role in Israelite history during the late pre-monarchic period
is attested only in 1 Samuel 1-3, where the priest Eli and his sons
Hophni and Phineas are found ministering in the shrine at Shiloh.
193
These priests are apparently descendants of the earlier Aaronite

priesthood of Eleazar and Phineas, as is suggested by the recurrence
of the name of Phineas in the line of Shiloh. That these priests were
Aaronite is shown by the consistent identification of Eleazar as the
son of Aaron, and Phineas as the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron.
Indeed, the corruption of the sons of Eli stands in sharp contrast to
the tradition of the earlier Phineas, who on several occasions acted
with violent zeal to preserve the purity of the Yahwistic cultus.
Nevertheless, the classical position formulated by Wellhausen held
that the Shilonite priesthood was Mushite (i.e. Mosaic), and that the
priesthood of Aaron was actually the later invention of the Zadokite
priests of Jerusalem. The fallacy of this formulation, however, is seen
in the strong condemnation of the Aaronite priests of Bethel by the
cultic community in Jerusalem, which was indisputably Zadokite,
and by the traditional association of the Aaronite priests with both
Shiloh and Bethel, the two shrines from which Jerusalem felt the
strongest competition. Other evidence indicates, moreover, that the
Zadokites from the beginning sought not to identify with the
Aaronites, but to replace them (cf. 1 Sam. 2.27-36). Finally, Moses
was not traditionally the Urpriester of Israel's cult, but a transhistorical prophetic figure who commissioned Israel's basic institutions, including the priesthood. Only Aaron appears in the hexateuchal
traditions exercising the technical duties of the priesthood. The only
cultic center which in fact can be shown to have claimed legitimate
Mushite ancestry was that at Dan (Judg. 18.30).
8.2.3.2 The Shiloh Sanctuary
1 Sam. 1.9,24; 3.3,15 depict Shiloh as the site of a temple at the time
that the Elides were ministering there; this possibility may also be
implied by the reference to the 'house of God' at Shiloh in Judg.
18.31. Nevertheless, the dominant tradition remains that of the tent
shrine. Although the reference to the tent of meeting in 1 Sam. 2.22b
may be secondary and late, the Jerusalemite text of Ps. 78.60-72
recalled Shiloh as the locus of a tent sanctuary, and made much of
the tent-temple dichotomy between Jerusalem and Shiloh. 2 Sam.
7.6, moreover, claims that Yahweh had never dwelt in a house since
his bringing of the Israelites up out of Egypt. Thus it may not be
incorrect to understand the reference to a temple in 1 Samuel 1-3 as
anachronisms from the time of the monarchy. Both Ps. 78.60-72 and
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Shiloh
2 Samuel 7 refer to the pre-Jerusalemite sanctuary using the parallel

terms 'ohel and miskdn and lead one to believe that at the time of the
demise of Shiloh's priesthood (1 Sam. 4), the chief shrine there had
still been the tent of meeting. Nevertheless, the evidence of Judg.
18.30-31 cannot be so easily dismissed, so that the existence of a
temple at Shiloh alongside the tent shrine remains a possibility.
Besides the enigmatic references to a Shilonite temple, 1 Samuel
1-3 places the ark there and makes Shiloh the site of an annual
pilgrimage (1 Sam. 1.3,24) as well. The presence of the ark at Shiloh
is mentioned in 1 Sam. 3.3; 4.3-11, 17, 22. Ps. 78.61 also seems to
provide a veiled reference to the ark at Shiloh. As with the temple,
very little is said regarding either the ark or the annual pilgrimage to
Shiloh, though certain scholars have wanted to make the pilgrimage
the annual Passover feast (see above, 1.3.1).
8.2.4 Shiloh and the Rise of the Monarchy
8.2.4.1 Saul, Samuel and Shiloh
The traditions of 1 Samuel 1-4 attest not only the cultic role of
Shiloh in the life of Israel during the late pre-monarchic era, but also
in the rise of the Israelite monarchy. Thus, while 1 Samuel 1-2 on
the face of it deals with Samuel's birth and service before the priests
of Shiloh, Eli and his sons, this tradition seems originally to have
referred to Saul, instead of Samuel. Indeed, the story of the birth and
dedication of a child to divine service in 1 Samuel 1-2 is built around
a play upon the root sd'al, which would best refer to Saul(sd'ul),and
not Samuel. The presence of Samuel in these chapters does not
appear to be grounded in tradition. Rather, the figure of the prophet
Samuel, dedicated to Yahweh at Shiloh, who ultimately supplants
the authority of the ancient priesthood of Eli (1 Sam. 3.1-4.1), is the
product of the pro-Davidic recension of the narratives of 1-2 Samuel
(see above, Chapter 6). The substitution of Samuel for Saul in
1 Samuel 1-2 was meant to replace the traditional connection of Saul
to the sanctuary at Shiloh with that of Samuel, who supported the
usurper David against his Benjaminite lord Saul. In fact, Samuel had
traditional ties not to Shiloh, but to Ramah, Mizpah, Gilgal and
Bethel (1 Sam. 1.1-2; 7.15-17; 25.1).
Because the narratives of 1 Samuel 1-2 have been extensively reedited to eliminate the figure of Saul, Saul's historical connection to
Shiloh is difficult to determine. Even assuming that the story of
195
Saul's birth and his dedication to Yahweh at Shiloh was not true,
however, the existence of such a tradition provides evidence that
Saul had had a strong bond with the Shilonite sanctuary and
priesthood. The nature of this bond comes to light in 1 Sam. 14.3,
18, where Saul is depicted as being accompanied on one of his
Philistine campaigns by Ahijah, apparently a younger priest of
Shiloh, who serves as oracular priest of the ark. This account
suggests that Saul served as king with the open sanction and support
of the Shilonite priests. In view of the antiquity of Shiloh's cultic
tradition in Israel and its association with the wilderness cultus,
support from this quarter would have lent an enormous measure of
support to Saul's nascent monarchy.
The incongruous presence of the ark in Saul's camp (1 Sam. 14.18)
further suggests that the ark did not fall into the hands of the
Philistines long before Saul's monarchy, but that the catastrophe at
Aphek must be dated later, to Saul's reign, or after. This difficulty is
best resolved by postulating that Saul's defeat on Mt Gilboa (1 Sam.
31; 2 Sam. 1.1-10), for which the Philistines are said to have gathered
at Aphek (1 Sam. 29.1; cf. 1 Sam. 4.1), was one and the same as the
defeat described in 1 Samuel 4. Thus, the battle in which Saul lost
his life was probably the same as that in which the ark was
captured.
In sum, the biblical traditions relating to Shiloh's role in the rise of
Israel's monarchy originally preserved the memory of the Shilonite
priesthood's support of Saul, and of Saul's close association with the
Shilonite cult. While he was king, Saul went into battle accompanied
by the ark and a representative from the priests of Shiloh. Saul's last
battle therefore witnessed not only the slaughter of the priests of
Shiloh, but also the capture of the ancient Josephide war-palladium,
the ark.
The defeat of Saul on Mt Gilboa had far-reaching consequences.
The central hill country fell under Philistine domination once more,
and Saul's family fled to Mahanayim in the Transjordan, where
Abner, Saul's uncle, attempted to continue the Saulide monarchy
under Saul's son (grandson?), Ish-bosheth. The Shilonite priesthood
was shattered, and only Phineas's son Ichabod appears to have
continued the line. As for the Shilonite sanctuary, the resounding
defeat of its protege, Saul, and the exile of the ark to Philistia resulted
in a corresponding loss of cultic prestige, which Shiloh apparently
never recovered.
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Shiloh
In may even be that Shiloh was destroyed at this time, burned to

the ground by the victorious Philistines. Nevertheless, nothing is
ever said of such a destruction in either Ps. 78.60-72 or 1 Samuel 4,
the only two texts to deal explicitly with the events surrounding the
capture of the ark. Nor does the claimed archaeological evidence for
a massive destruction of the site during Iron I necessarily prove a
destruction of Shiloh in conjunction with the events reported in
1 Samuel 4 and Ps. 78.60-72. Indeed, Iron I extends from the end of
the thirteenth century BCE to the middle of the tenth, and an Iron I
destruction layer theoretically could occur at any time during this
period. The 1050 BCE date for this destruction originally proffered by
Albright (see above, 3.3) and accepted by the current excavators (see
above, 3.4) was based not on stratigraphic evidence, but upon the
hypothetical chronology of the events depicted in 1 Samuel.
Inasmuch as the order of events in 1 Samuel (esp. chs. 1-7) has been
shown to be unreliable (see above, 6.1), any chronology based upon
the face-value acceptance of that order of events is likewise dubious.
Therefore, in spite of the evcavations at Tell Seilun, the destruction
of Shiloh by the Philistines in the mid-eleventh century remains no
more than an unconfirmed hypothesis. Indeed, the end of the
sanctuary at Shiloh is reported in the biblical traditions only in
connection with the fall of the northern kingdom (Judg. 18.30-31; Jer.
7.12-15; 26.6-9).
Thus it is not at all evident from the biblical sources that Shiloh
was destroyed by the Philistines in the wake of the disaster at Aphek.
It is more likely, in fact, that it was Saul's defeat on Mt Gilboa which
brought an end to Shiloh's pre-eminence among the old northern
shrines and opened the way for David to establish a new sacral center
in Jerusalem.
8.2.4.2 Summary
To sum up, the Shilonite sanctuary and priesthood played a key role
in the rise of the Israelite monarchy. Shiloh's importance in this
development came through Eh' and Saul, not through Samuel, and is
attested in muted verses in 1 Samuel 1-2 and 14. In the current
narratives of 1 Samuel, pro-Davidic editors have masked Saul's
association with Shiloh and the Elides with that of Samuel, and seem
to have re-arranged the traditions to place the capture of the ark and
the slaughter of the Elides before the reign of Saul. The depiction of
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Saul's reign as having fallen during a period when the tenure of the
Elides was past and the ark was in captivity in Philistia gave the
appearance that Saul had reigned without real sacral legitimacy. In
all probability, it was the death of Saul and his men on Gilboa, the
slaughter of the priests of Shiloh, and the capture of the ark which
brought a decisive end to Shiloh's pre-eminence as an Israelite
shrine. Nowhere, however, is a destruction of Shiloh or its sanctuary
mentioned in connection with these events.
8.2.5 David, Jerusalem, and the Eclipse of Shiloh
8.2.5.1 David's Rise to Power after the Death of Saul
The sudden collapse of Saul's kingdom left the way open for Saul's
bitter long-time rival, the Judean condottieri David, to establish his
own rule. Nevertheless, it was some time before David was in a
position to replace the Saulide monarchy with his own. Not only was
Saul's successor, Ish-bosheth, able to maintain his position for some
time with the able guidance of Saul's uncle, Abner, but David was
able to establish himself only as King of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam.
2.1-4a). The timely deaths of Abner and Ish-bosheth, however,
expedited David's quest for Saul's throne (2 Sam. 3.6-4.12).
8.2.5.2 The Eclipse of Shiloh under David
David's elevation to the throne of Israel led to a profound reshaping
of the Shiloh traditions in the books of Samuel. Specifically, proDavidic editors recast the traditions of 1 Samuel to depict David as
the legitimate successor to Saul, anointed by the prophet Samuel,
who had replaced the authority once held by the oracular priests of
Shiloh (1 Sam. 3.1-4.1a). This recasting of tradition entailed above
all the replacement of Saul by Samuel in the birth and youth
traditions of 1 Samuel 1-3, a step which broke the traditional
connection between Saul and the priests of Shiloh. Nevertheless,
hints of Saul's connection to Shiloh are still evident in the word-play
on sa'al in 1 Samuel 1-2. At the same time, the Davidic editors of the
Samuel narratives appear to have restructured the order of events
which resulted in the capture of the ark by the Philistines (1 Sam. 4),
so that the priests of Shiloh and the ark no longer appear to be
operative during the reign of Saul. 1 Sam. 14.3 and 18, however, still
yield traces of the close relationship which Saul enjoyed with the
Elides, and of the importance of the ark on his campaigns.
198
Shiloh
The reasons for this massive revision of the Saulide traditions by

pro-Davidic editors are as follows. Like most royal usurpers in the
ancient Near East, David came to the throne in desperate need of
some form of sacral legitimacy. Although there had been no
precedent for Saul's acclamation as king of Israel, the legitimacy of
Saul's rule was provided by the ancient Aaronite priesthood of
Shiloh. These priests not only lent Saul their official sanction, they
accompanied him on his campaigns and consulted the ark for him.
David, however, faced a more severe handicap than Saul had: he
usurped the throne of a popular warrior-king and did not enjoy the
support of Israel's traditional sacral institutions. Instead, David had
enjoyed the support of only two religiousfigures:the priest Abiathar,
a junior member of the line of Ahitub of Nob, and the seer Samuel.
The latter apparently had condemned Saul and (perhaps) anointed
David, thus inaugurating a long history in which reigning monarchs
were challenged, and often killed, by prophetically designated or
instigated pretenders.
Himself a usurper, David set about to fill for his monarchy the
political and sacral void left by the loss of the ark and the demise of
Shiloh and its priesthood. His first step in this direction was the
selection of his own sacral and political capital. For this purpose,
David selected the Jebusite stronghold near Judah's northern border
with Benjamin. His troops, led by his lieutenant Joab, probably took
the city by slipping up the water shaft (1 Chron. 11.4-9). Most likely
Jerusalem was not sacked, but simply subdued. David took pains to
preserve the sacral integrity of the ancient fortress city, promoting to
priest Zadok, the probable head of the Jebusite cult of El Elyon,
alongside the Israelite Abiathar (see above, Chapter 6). Next, David
was somehow able to secure the return of the ark from KiriathJearim. He had the ancient tribal war-palladium brought up into his
new capital (2 Sam. 6.1-19; cf. 2 Chron. 1.4), thereby appropriating
one of the most important north-Israelite cultic symbols to his
regime. The ancient tent shrine from Shiloh also may have found its
way to the non-Israelite high place of Gibeon during David's reign (1
Chron. 16.39-40; 21.29; 2 Chron. 1.3). Thus, David was able to unify
his realm through the establishment of a new sacral and political
center, not only for him and his supporters, but for all Israelites who
were still moved by their ancestral cultic heritage.
These abrupt changes effected by David are variously reflected in
199
the Shiloh oracle (Gen. 49.10-12) and in Ps. 78.60-72. Gen. 49.10-12
celebrates David's appropriation of the sacral traditions of Shiloh
and his choice of Jerusalem as his new capital, a choice on which he
hung his hopes for successs and prosperity (cf. esp. vv. 11-12). Ps.
78.60-72 stems from the period after Solomon's construction of the
temple on Mount Zion and celebrates Jerusalem's replacement of
Shiloh as the chief sanctuary of Yahweh. For this psalm, the sacral
glory of Shiloh is past, having been rejected by Yahweh in favor of
Jerusalem. David's sacral innovations allowed him to appropriate to
his own monarchy the heritage which formerly had been resident at
Shiloh, and to set in motion the ultimate eclipse of Shiloh and its
sanctuary by Jerusalem.
8.2.5.3 Summary
In sum, David consolidated his territory and established his throne
in a non-Israelite city with its own ancient sacral traditions. He then
commandeered the arksacred symbol of Shiloh's sanctuary and
ancient war-palladium of the northern tribesand transferred the
tent shrine to the non-Israelite high place at Gibeon (cf. 2 Sam. 21.19). Indeed, David appears to have had special ties to the Gibeonite
shrine, which Solomon, his son and successor, seems to have shared
(1 Kgs 3.4-9; 9.1-2). By this means, David displaced the cultic
prestige once held by Shiloh and ensured the emergence of a new
sacral order, at the center of which stood Jerusalem and its
priesthood. The construction of the temple on Mount Zion by
Solomon inaugurated Jerusalem's final eclipse of Shiloh.
8.2.6 Shiloh During the Divided Monarchy and Exile
8.2.6.1 Shiloh and the Break-up of David's Kingdom
Despite David's efforts to create a new and unified sacral and
political order centered in Jerusalem, northern disaffection with his
reign continued, and he was forced to put down two major revolts (2
Sam. 15-20). Solomon's reign was troubled by revolts in Syria and
Edom, as well as by disaffection in the North, led by Jeroboam the
son of Nebat (1 Kgs 11). Under Solomon's successor Rehoboam, the
northern tribes finally broke away from Judah to form their own
kingdom under Jeroboam.
Just as David had claimed prophetic anointing to succeed Saul,
Jeroboam was anointed by the prophet, Ahijah the Shilonite, to rule
200
Shiloh
over the northern tribes. Although the Deuteronomistic Historian

saw the revolt of the North under Jeroboam as Yahweh's judgment
upon Solomon for his idolatry, Ahijah may have had other motives
for anointing Jeroboam. That Ahijah resided at Shiloh, and that he
bore the name of the oracular priest who accompanied Saul on his
campaigns (1 Sam. 14.3, 18) suggests that he may have been of the
line of Eli, and thus the bearer of the hopes for the restoration of the
ancient Josephide sanctuary. His anointing of Jeroboam, if it is
indeed historical, might therefore have been motivated by the desire
to see Shiloh re-established as the chief sanctuary of the North (see
above, 7.1). Similarly, Ahijah's condemnation ofJeroboam after that
king's elevation of Dan and Bethel as royal shrines (1 Kgs 14.4-16)
may have arisen in part from his own disappointment that Shiloh
had not been so favored.
8.2.6.2 The Continuation of Shiloh During the Divided Monarchy
The traditions which preserve the memory of Ahihjah's role in the
secession of the northern tribes from the Davidic monarchy also
have an important bearing on the problem of Shiloh's fate following
the disaster at Aphek. That Shiloh appears as the domicile of the
prophet Ahijah suggests that Shiloh, if indeed it had been destroyed
earlier in the Iron Age, had been re-occupied and maintained at least
the tradition of its former cultic heritage. The discovery of a large
number of Iron II vessels and sherds by the Danish excavators in
1963 corroborates this biblical evidence that Shiloh had continued to
be occupied during the period of the divided monarchy. There is no
evidence at all for the older view that Shiloh had been destroyed after
Aphek and had lain deserted until the time of Jeremiah.
8.2.6.3 Shiloh During the Time of Jeremiah
The biblical text is silent with regard to Shiloh from the time of
Ahijah down to the last tortured years of the kingdom ofJudah, when
the old northern shrine re-emerges in the preaching ofJeremiah (see
above, Chapter 7). According to Jer. 7.12-15 and 26.6-9, Shiloh was a
deserted ruin on the eve ofJerusalem's fall. Jeremiah used this fact to
prophesy a similar judgment upon Jerusalem, and claimed that as
Jerusalem had inherited Shiloh's cultic glory, so would the holy city
inherit Shiloh's desolation. The ruins to which Jeremiah alluded
probably stemmed from the desolation of the northern kingdom in
201
the last quarter of the eighth century BCE (see above, Chapter 7), and
not from a hypothesized destruction by the Philistines in the mideleventh century. By the time of the exile, however, Shiloh had been
re-occupied, and was an inhabited place during Gedaliah's tenure at
Mizpah (Jer. 41.5).
8.2.7 Conclusion
The history of Shiloh was long and complex. From the sanctuary's
beginnings in the Middle Bronze Age, through the turbulent years of
the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, when Shiloh made the
transition from a non-Israelite shrine to the chief sanctuary of the
tribes settled in the hill country of Ephraim, only brief and
tantalizing glimpses of the role of Shiloh in the religious life of
Palestine, and later, Israel, are available. The same is true for the
subsequent years as well: the relationship of the Shilonite shrine and
priesthood to Israel's first king, Saul, must be carefully gleaned from
the heavily edited traditions of 1 Samuel. The mechanics of Shiloh's
demise and ultimate eclipse by Jerusalem can be tentatively
reconstructed in a similar manner, though the celebration of this
development in Davidic and Jerusalemite circles makes it a matter of
record.
Conversely, a destruction of Shiloh by the Philistines, if one ever
did occur, has been preserved nowhere in the biblical traditions and
was not regarded as the necessary pre-condition to Jerusalem's
accession to Shiloh's earlier status in any biblical text. Shiloh's
downfall and the subsequent elevation of Jerusalem were not the
result of any Philistine destruction, but of several factors: (1) the
collapse of the kingdom of Saul, with which Shiloh and its priesthood
were identified; (2) the slaughter of the Shilonite priests; (3) the
capture of the ark, and (4) David's deliberate policy of appropriating
to his sacral capital of Jerusalem the cultic symbols and traditions
which had once resided at Shiloh.
Despite the eclipse of Shiloh by Jerusalem, the place seems to have
been occupied down to the fall of the northern kingdom, during
which period it probably continued to nurture its ancient sacral
traditons. After the desolation of the Ephraimite hill country by the
Assyrians, Shiloh lay waste until it was re-inhabited during the
Judean exile. Therafter, practically nothing is known of Shiloh's
history, though its occupation continued down into the Hellenistic
and Roman periods.
APPENDIX
Table 1: The Formal Arrangement of the List of Tribal Inheritances
in Josh. 14.1-19.51 according to Superscription and Subscriptions
General Superscription:
Josh. 14.1: we'elleh 'dser-nihdlu-bene-Yisrd'el be'eres kSna'an 'dser
nihdlu 'otdm
'el'dzdr hakkohen wihosua' bin-nun wero'se 'dbot hammafpot libne
Yisrd'el
Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Judah

15.1: wayhi haggordl lemappeh bene yehuddh lemispehotdm
Subscription for the boundary-territory (gebul) of Judah

15.12b: zeh gebul bene-yehuddh sdbib lemispehotdm
Superscription for the inheritance (nahdlah) of Judah (according

to cities)
15.20: zo't nahdlat maffeh bene-yehuddh lemispehotdm (Note: was
this transposed from after 15.62, to be used as a superscription for
the city lists, following the insertion of 15.13-19?)
Second superscription for the cities of J u d a h
15.21a: wayyihyu he'drim (miqseh) lemaffeh bene-yehuddh
(No final subscription for Judah)

Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Joseph
16.1: wayyese" haggordl libne yosep
Superscription for the boundary/territory {gebul) of Ephraim

16.5: wayhigebul bene-'eprayim lemispehotdm
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdlah) of Ephraim

16.8b: zo't nahdlat maffeh bene-'eprayim lemispehotdm
Appendix
203
Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Manasseh

17.1: wayhi haggordl lemaffeh menasseh
(No subscription for Manasseh)

Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Benjamin
18.11a: wayya'al gordl maffeh bene-binydmin
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Benjamin (according

to its boundaries)
18.20b: zo't nahdlat bene binydmin ligbulatehd sdbib lemispehdtdm
Superscription for the cities of Benjamin

18.21a: wehayu he'drim lemaffeh bene binydmin lemispehdtehem
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Benjamin

18.28b: zo't nahdlat bene-binydmin lemispehdtdm
Superscription for the allotment (goral) of Simeon

19.1: wayyese' haggordl haSseni lesim'dn lemaffeh bene-sim'on
lemispehdtdm
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Simeon

19.8b: zo't nahdlat maffeh bene-sim'on lemispehdtdm
Superscription for the allotment (goral) of Zebulun

19.10a: wayya'al haggordl hasHelisi libne zebulun
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Zebulun

19.16a: zo't nahdlat bene-zebulun lemispehdtdm
Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Issachar

19.17: leyissdkdr ydsd' haggordl hdrebi'i libne yissdkdr lemispehdtdm
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Issachar

19.12a: zo't nahdlat maffeh bene-yissdkdr lemispehdtdm
Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Asher

19.24: wayyese' haggordl hdhdmisi lemaffeh bene-'dSer lemispehdtdm
204
Shiloh
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Asher

19.31a: zo't nahdlat matfeh bene-'dser lemispehotdm
Superscription for the allotment (goral) of Naphtali

19.32: libne naptdliydsd' haggordl hassissi libne naptdli lemispehotdm
Subscription for the inheritance {nahdldh) of Naphtali

19.39a: zo't nahdlat mafteh bene-naptdli lemispehotdm
Superscription for the allotment {gordl) of Dan

19.40: lematfeh bene-ddn lemispehotdm
Superscription for the inheritance {nahdlat) of Dan

19.48a: zo't nahdlat matteh bene-ddn lemispehotdm
General Colophon for the entire list

19.51a: 'elleh hannahdlot 'aser nihdlu
'el'dzdr hakkohen wihosua' bin-nun wero'se hd'dbot lematfdt beneYisrd'el begordl besiloh lipne Yhwh petah 'ohel mo'ed
Table 2: Subscriptions regarding the Cities and Villages of the Tribal

Inheritances
Benjamin
Zebulun
Issachar
Asher
Naphtali
Dan
Josh.
Josh.
Josh.
Josh.
Josh.
Josh.
Josh.
18.28a:
19.15b:
19.16b:
19.23b:
19.31b:
19.39b:
19.48b:
'drim 'arba'-'esreh wehasrehen

'drim setem-'esreh wehasrehem
he'drim ha'elleh wehasrehen
he'drim wehasrehen
he'drim wehasrehen
Table 3: The Arrangement of the Conquest Traditions in Joshua 14-19

14.6-15:
15.13-19:
17.1b:
17.14-19:
The tradition of Caleb's inheritance in Hebron

Traditions of Caleb and Othniel
Tradition of Machir
Tradition of Joseph's occupation of the hill country
Table 4: The Historical Expansions and Anecdotes to the List of

Tribal Inheritances in Joshua 14-19
14.2-5:
Historical introduction to the distribution of the land as

based upon the injunction in Num. 34.13-15. This pericope
Appendix
15.63:
16.9:
16.10:
17.2:
17.3-6:
17.11-133:
18.1-10:
19.9:
19.47:
19.49-50:
19.51b:
205
ties the list to the Priestly narrative of the Hexateuch.

Historical anecdote over the Jebusite occupation of Jerusalem
'until this day'.
Historical anecdote over the Ephraimite towns in the
inheritance of Manasseh (cf. 17.11).
Historical anecdote over the Canaanites in Gezer.
The further descendents of Manasseh (P).
The inheritance of the daughters of Zelophehad (P) (note:
no connection between 17.1b and 17.3-6).
Historical anecdote over the Manassehite towns in Issachar
and Asher, and Manasseh's failure to drive out the
Canaanites (cf. Judg. 1.27-28; Josh. 16.9).
Bringing up of the 'ohel mo'ed to Shiloh, and casting of lots
for the remaining seven tribes.
Explanation of Simeon's inheritance in Judah.
Historical anecdote over the Danites' loss of their inheritance.
Joshua's inheritance in Timnath-serah (P).
Historical summary, appended to subscription.
Table 5: The Priestly Language of Josh. 22.9-34

'ere? kena'an: w . 9a, 10a, 11, 32
siloh: w. 9a, 12b
'dhuzzdh: w . 9, 19 (with verb 'ahaz)
'al-pi Yhwh beyad-moseh: v. 9
wayyiqqdhdlu kol-'ddat bene-Yisrd'el: v. 12
(cf. Josh. 18.2)
kol-'ddat Yhwh: v. 15b
kol-'adat Yisrd'el: vv. 18b, 20a
pinhas ben-'el'dzdr hakkohen: vv. 13b, 31a, 32a
pinhds hakkohen: v. 30a
la'dbod 'dbodat Yhwh: v. 27
teme'dh 'eres 'ahuzzatkem: v. 19a
(cf. this cryptic question in light of Lev. 18.24-30; Num. 35.29-34)
zibhe seldmim: v. 23
mered: v. 22
mdrad: w . 16, 18, 19, 29
md'al... ma'al: w . 16, 20, 31
ndsi": vv. 14 (3x), 30a, 32a
(cf. Num. 17.17, 21: Josh. 22.14a; Num. 4.34 : Josh. 22.30a)
hiffharnu: v. 17
miskdn [Yhwh]: vv. 19, 29
NOTES
Notes to Chapter 1
1. De Templo Silonensi, commentatio ad illustrandum locum lud. xviii 30,

31 (1855); see below (1.3.5).
2. Geschichte Israels (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1978); subsequently reprinted
under the title, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels (Berlin: G. Reimer,
1883).
3. (2 vols.; Halle: ben Schimmelpfennig u. Co., 1806,1807). For the most
recent treatment of de Wette's general role in the nineteenth-century debate,
see John Rogerson, Old Testament Criticism in the Nineteenth Century:
England and Germany (London: Fortress, 1985), pp. 28-49. On the more
technical aspects of de Wette's work, see Rudolf Smend, Wilhelm Martim
Leberecht de Wettes Arbeit am Alten und am Neuen Testament (Basel:
Helbing & Lichtenbahn, 1958).
4. De Wette, Beitrage, I, pp. 225-65.
5. De Wette recognized the importance of Joshua 22 in this debate, but
considered this passage late, precisely because it assumed that only a single
central sanctuary was lawful; cf. Beitrage, I, pp. 227-28.
6. Ibid., pp. 229-34.
7. Ibid., pp. 254-58.
8. Ibid., pp. 227-58.
9. Cf. 2 Kgs 23.21-23.
10. Ibid., pp. 258-61.
11. Ibid., pp. 259-61, 267-68.
12. Ibid., p. 261.
13. (3rd edn; Leipzig: Wilhelm Vogel, 1842), pp. 300-302.
14. Ibid., 301; idem, Beitrage, I, pp. 231-32.
15. Ibid., pp. 232-33.
16. De Wette, Lehrbuch, p. 302.
17. Ibid., p. 302 n. a; idem, Beitrage, I, pp. 110-12.
18. (Leipzig: Carl Heinrich, 1820), p. 637.
19. Ibid., pp. 669-72.
20. Ibid., p. 671.
21. (2 vols.; Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1929).
22. Ibid., pp. 12-15.
23. Ibid., p. 75; cf. de Wette, Beitrage, I, pp. 227-28.
24. Gramberg, Religionsideen, I, pp. 81-85.
208
Shiloh
25. Ibid., p. 75. The tent shrine is never mentioned in the book of Judges.
Only in the references cited from Joshua, in 1 Sam. 2.22b, and in Ps. 78.60,
67 does one find mention of the tent sanctuary at Shiloh.
26. Ibid., p. 20.
27. Ibid., p. 25. See below, Hengstenberg (1.3.1), Saalschutz (1.3.6), and
Bleek (1.3.8).
28. Ibid., pp. 28-29.
29. Ibid., p. 30.
30. See above, n. 27.
31. (Berlin: G. Bethge, 1835).
32. Ibid., pp. 263-65, 343-91.
33. Ibid., pp. 264-65.
34. Ibid., pp. 264-66.
35. Ibid., p. 272.
36. See above, nn. 30, 37.
37. Edward Robinson and Eli Smith, Biblical Researches in Palestine, and
in the Adjacent Regions: A Journal of Travels in the Year 1838 (2 vols.; 11th
edn; London: John Murray, 1874).
38. Ibid., II, pp. 269-71; the final nun found in the Arabic Seilun is
preserved in the gentilic form of the Hebrew siloni: 1 Kgs 11.29; 12.15;
15.29.
39. Ernst Wilhelm Hengstenberg, Die Authentic des Pentateuches (2 vols.;
Berlin: Ludwig Oehmigke, 1839).
40. De Wette, Beitrdge I, pp. 256-57. It is important to note that de Wette's
arguments were based on the assumption that the pentateuchal cultus was
vaterldndisch in both origin and goal. That is, the laws ascribed to Moses had
been patriotic in design and purpose. It is highly doubtful whether this
assumption is correct. In fact, it reflects de Wette's own nineteenth-century
Germanic attitude toward the role of religion in uniting Volk und Stoat,
more than it does the substance of the Pentateuch.
41. Hengstenberg, Authentic, II, pp. 2-8.
42. The greatest difficulty with Hengstenberg's critique was that while he
could show how the narratives of Judges might be interpreted so as to avoid a
contradiction of pentateuchal law on the issue of cultic centralization, he
could not demonstrate his point simply on the basis of the narratives
themselves. Much of his work was further characterized by a tendency to
harmonize dissimilar accounts. Thus, for example, the writer of the story of
Gideon regards the erection of an 'ephod as heretical, even though the 'ephod
later plays an important role in the narratives of Saul (1 Sam. 14.3,18) and
David (1 Sam. 21.9; 23.6; 30.7), and is a central feature of the priestly cultus
of the Pentateuch (cf. esp. Exodus 28, 39). Hengstenberg, however, made no
mention of such discrepancies in the biblical narratives, and sought simply to
explain them away.
Notes to Chapter 1
209
43. Hengstenberg, Authentie, II, pp. 14-15.

44. Ibid, p. 41.
45. Cf. Gramberg, Religionsideen, pp. 22-23; Gramberg argued that
Gideon had indeed erected a permanent cultus as 'Ophrah, noting that Judg.
6.24 states that Gideon's altar 'stands until this day at 'Oprah of the
Abi'ezerites'. Further, this altar at 'Ophrah was probably to be identified
with the 'ephod erected by Gideon in his native city, for which act Gideon
was reprimanded by the narrator in Judg. 8.27.
46. Hengstenberg, Authentie, II, p. 45.
47. Ibid., pp. 45-48, 52.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., p. 52; cf. Hengstenberg, The Genuineness of the Pentateuch (Vol.
II; Edinburgh: T.& T. Clark, 1847), p. 43, improperly translated a s ' . . . and I
am going to the house of the Lord'.
50. Hengstenberg, Authentie, II, p. 53.
51. Ibid., pp. 53, 79-85.
52. Ibid., p. 80.
53. Actually, he should have cited v. 3.
54. Ibid., pp. 82.83.
55. Ibid., pp. 53-56.
56. Ibid., p. 56. Hengstenberg also cited several instances from these
chapters where institutions prescribed in the Mosaic law were given
incidental mention.
57. (3rd edn; Gottingen: Dietrichsche Buchhandlung, 1864-1866). An
eighth volume, Die Alterthilmer des Volkes Israel, appeared as an appendix to
the first and second volumes.
58. For a contemporary summary of the Ewald's 'Supplementary Hypothesis', see Friedrich Bleek, Einleitung in das Alte Testament (ed. J.
Wellhausen; 4th edn; Berlin: G. Reimer, 1878), pp. 60-61. Good general
summaries of Ewald's work can be found in John H. Hayes, 'The History of
the Study of Israelite and Judean History', Israelite and Judean History, ed.
John H. Hayes, and J. Maxwell Miller (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977),
pp. 59-61; and Rogerson, Nineteenth Century, pp. 91-103.
59. Ewald, Geschichte, I, pp. 125, 129.
60. Ibid., I, pp. 171-78.
61. Ibid., I, pp. 92-99.
62. Ibid., I, p. 129; cf. also n. 1. Cited from Ewald, History of Israel (Vol. I;
London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1876), p. 87.
63. Ibid., II, p. 493.
64. Ibid., II, p. 492, esp. n. 1.
65. Ibid., II, p. 494.
66. De Wette, Beitrdge, I, p. 255.
67. Ewald, Geschichte, I, pp. 226-58.
210
Shiloh
68. Ibid., II, pp. 577-78, esp. n. 1.

69. Ibid., II, p. 392.
70. Cf. Hengstenberg, Authentic, II, p. 56.
71. Ewald, Geschichte, II, p. 392.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid., II, p. 393.
74. Ibid., II, p. 344.
75. Ibid., II, p. 584.
76. De Wette, Beitrdge, I, pp. 3-132.
77. Ewald, Geschichte, II, pp. 584-85.
78. 2nd edn, 1854/1855; 3rd edn, 1864/1866.
79. Cf. Ewald, Geschichte, I, pp. 528-30; Noth, Das System der zwdlf
Stdmme Israels (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1930), pp. 43, 46-47. While
Ewald never used the term 'amphictyony', he developed the idea of the tribal
confederacy, and supported it by reference to the sacral leagues of classical
antiquity. Cf. Otto BSchli, Amphictyonie im Alten Testament (Basel:
Friedrich Reinhardt, 1977), pp. 17-19, for a discussion of the development of
the theory of the amphictyony in Old Testament studies.
80. (2nd edn; Berlin: Carl Heymann, 1853).
81. Ibid., pp. xxviii-xxx.
82. Ibid., p. xxxi: 'Mann' oder 'Versammlung'.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid., pp. 303-306, esp. nn. 380, 381; also see Karl Christian Wilhelm
Felix Bahr, Die Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus (Heidelberg: J.C.B. Mohr,
1837-1838).
85. See below, Bleek (1.3.8), von Haneberg (1.3.11), and Kaufmann
(3.7).
86. (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1854).
87. Riehm, Gesetzgebung, pp. vi-viii.
88. Ibid., p. 28.
89. Although Reuss shared Graf's views, he did not publish these until
much later than Graf. Reuss laid out his synthesis first in his Geschichte der
heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (Braunschweig: C.A. Schwetschke u.
Sohn, 1881).
90. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
91. Ibid., pp. 2-8.
92. Ibid., pp. 1, 33.
93. See below (1.3.10) for Graf's later views on the history of Shiloh, and
(1.3.11) for von Haneberg's conservative critique of Graf's views as
presented in De Templo Silonensi.
94. (Konigsberg: BorntrSger, 1855) and above (1.3.3).
95. Ibid., p. 234; cf. Hengstenberg (above, 1.3.1), who claimed that the
terms bet-ha'elohim and bet-Yhwh in Judges 17-18 denoted the tent of
Notes to Chapter 1
211
meeting at Shiloh, and that miqdas-Yhwh in Joshua 24 referred not to a

temple, but to any sacred place. While the arguments of Hengstenberg and
Saalschiitz were not identical, they followed the same general lines.
96. Ibid., pp. 233-36.
97. Ibid., p. 330.
98. Ibid., p. 331.
99. Cf. Saalschutz (above, 1.3.3).
100. Ibid. A similar view was taken by Bleek (below, 1.3.8), and by
Kaufmann (below, 3.7).
101. Saalschiitz, Archaeologies p. 331.
102. (2 vols.; Frankfurt am Main/Erlangen: Heyder und Zimmer, 1858,
1859).
103. Ibid., I, pp. 116-18.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid., I, pp. 187-90.
106. Cf. 2 Sam. 8.17; 15.24, 35; 17.15; 1 Chron. 15.11.
107. See Graf (above, 1.3.5).
108. (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1860).
109. Ibid., pp. 188-90; Bleek's position here was almost identical to that
taken by Riehm (above, 1.3.4) and is identical to that developed later by
Kaufmann (below, 3.7).
110. Bleek, Einleitung, pp. 189-91.
111. Cf., for example, Exodus 25-31; Leviticus 10, 16; ibid., p. 193;
112. For this discussion in its entirety, see ibid., pp. 181-200.
113. Ibid., p. 322.
114. Ibid., pp. 321-23.
115. Ibid., p. 330.
116. Ibid., pp. 343-48.
117. (Berlin: Wilhelm Hertz, 1866).
118. Ibid., p. 199.
119. Ibid., pp. 195-201.
119. (Leipzig: T.O. Weigel, 1866).
120. It is important to note, however, that Graf did not revert to the
'fragmentary hypothesis' laid down by Vater and de Wette.
121. Graf, Geschichtlichen Biicher, pp. 95-96: esp. the later chapters of
Joshua were seen by Graf as dependent upon Numbers and Deuteronomy.
122. See below, ch. 2.
123. 'Zur Geschichte des Stammes Levi', Archiv fur wissenschaftliche
Erforschung des Alten Testamentes, ed. Adalbert Merx (2 vols.; Halle:
Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1867, 1869), I, pp. 68-106.
124. Ibid., p. 88.
125. Ibid., pp. 78-79, and n. 3.
126. Ibid., p. 81.
212
Shiloh
127. Ibid., pp. 71-72, 79-80, 83-84.

128. (Freiburg/Leipzig: J.C.B. Mohr, 1896).
129. (Miinchen: J.G. Cotta, 1869).
130. Ibid., pp. 161-62.
131. Ibid., pp. 208-209.
132. M. Zebah. 14.4-8; Meg. 1.11. Further, m. Zebah. 14.6, describes the
structure as being built of stone, with a tent roof; also, cf. Saalschiitz, Recht,
pp. 297-306.
133. Ibid., pp. 211-15.
134. Ibid., p. 212.
135. Ibid., p. 214.
136. Cf. the description of the ark in 1 Kgs 8.8: 'The poles were so long
that the ends of the poles were seen from the holy place (haqqodef) before the
inner sanctuary (haddebir)... and they are there to this day'. It would seem
that the ark and the other items from the pre-Jerusalemite cultus had been
taken up into the temple and deposited there as reliquiae.
137. Von Haneberg, Alterthtimer, pp. 165-69.
138. Ibid.
139. Ibid., pp. 208-13.
140. (GOttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1871).
141. Ibid., p. 46.
142. (2 vols.; Tubingen: J.J. Heckenhauer, 1873, 1874).
143. Ibid., II, pp. 1-5.
144. Ibid., II, p. 6; see Saalschfltz (1.3.6), Bleek (1.3.8).
145. See above, 1.3.1. Oehler followed Hengstenberg, and to a lesser
extent, Ewald, in his historical reconstruction.
146. Oehler, Theologie, II, pp. 5-7.
147. Ibid., II, p. 13.
148. (2 vols.; Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1875, 1884).
149. Ibid., I, p. 364, and above (1.3.11).
150. Ibid., II, p. 13.
151. Ibid., I, p. 496.
152. Cf. Saalschiitz (above, 1.3.6).
Notes to Chapter 2
1. See above (1.3.10).
2. =The Origin and Composition of the Hexateuch (London: Macmillan,
1886) = Historisch-kritische Einleitung in die Bticher des Alten Testaments
(Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1890).
3. =The Religion of Israel (London: Williams and Norgate, 1882).
4. Cf. e.g. 'Critische Bijtragen tot de Gischiedenis van den Israelitischen
Notes to Chapter 2
213
Godsdienst, IV: Zadok en de Zadokieten', Theologisch Tijdschrift 3 (1869),

pp. 463-509; 'VII: De Stam Levi', 5 (1872), pp. 628-70.
5. Kuenen, Hexateuch, pp. xi-xl.
6. Ibid., pp. xxxiii-xxxiv. Kayser's work was strenuously opposed by
Theodor NOldeke and Eberhard Schrader. Noldeke's major contributions to
the debate (Die alttestamentliche Literatur in einer Reihe von Aufsdtzen
dargestellt [Leipzig: Quand & Handel, 1868], and Untersuchungen zur Kritik
des Alten Testaments [Kiel: Schwer'sche Buchhandlung, 1869) had already
appeared in print by the time of Kayser's work. Schrader's initial work,
Studien zur Kritik und Erklarung der biblischen Urgeschichte (Zurich: Meyer
& Zeller, 1863), had been published a decade before that of Kayser. Schrader
published a second volume, however, which ran through several editions,
entitled Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament (Giessen: J. Ricker,
1872).
7. Ibid., pp. xxxv-xxxviii.
8. 1876-1877; republished in monograph form as Die Composition des
Hexateuchs und der historischen Bticher des Alten Testaments (3rd edn;
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1963).
9. Reprinted under the title, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels.
10. See above, Saalschiitz (1.3.3), and von Haneberg (1.3.11).
11. Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, p. 44; idem, Israelitische und judische
Geschichte (Berlin: G. 1897), p. 36.
12. Wellhausen, Composition, p. 233.
13. Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, p. 42.
14. Ibid., pp. 130-34.
15. Ibid., pp. 146-53.
16. Ibid., p. 131.
17. Wellhausen, Israelitische und judische Geschichte, p. 52.
18. (2 vols.; Bielefeld/Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing, 1884), II, p. 1566; cf.
idem, Einleitung in das Alte Testament (Halle: Eugen Strien, 1889).
19. Ibid., II, p. 1476b; cf. Hengstenberg (1.3.1), Saalschiitz (1.3.6), Kohler
(1.3.14).
20. Karl Budde, Die Bticher Samuel (Tubingen/Leipzig: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul
Siebeck], 1902), p. 23.
21. Wellhausen, Composition, pp. 236-40.
22. Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Vol. I; Berlin: G. Grote, 1887) pp. 197202.
23. Ibid., pp. 202, 457.
24. Ibid., pp. 198-99.
25. Lehrbuch der Alttestamentlichen Religionsgeschichte (2nd edn; Freiburg:
J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1899), pp. 72-73.
26. Ibid., pp. 137-38.
27. Ibid., pp. 37-38 n. 2. Smend further considered 1 Sam. 1.27-36 to refer
to Eli's Mushite descent (ibid., p. 72).
214
Shiloh
28. Ibid., p. 72.

29. Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2nd edn; Tubingen/Leipzig: J.C.B. Mohr
[Paul Siebeck], 1904), pp. 44-45.
30. See above, 1.3.2.
31. Die Ladejahves (FRLANT, 7; Gettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1906). An extensive bibliography on the subject of the ark, which covers
subjects such as the ark and the tent as well, is found in Rainer Schmitt's
Zelt und Lade (Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1972).
32. Ibid., p. 119.
33. Ibid., pp. 121-22.
34. See below, chapter 6.
35. Ibid., p. 122 n. 2. Cf. 1 Sam. 7.15-17. This is an important pointone
which has been overlooked in subsequent treatmentsand one to which the
present discussion will return below, ch. 6.
36. Hebraische Archaeologie (Freiburg: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1894),
p. 409.
37. Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstamme (Halle: Max Niemeyer,
1906).
38. Ibid., pp. 92-93.
39. Ibid., p. 93. Meyer attributed this view to Redslobs, but gave no other
reference by which this author or his work might be identified.
40. Ibid., pp. 134-35.
41. Ibid., pp. 135-36.
42. Ibid., pp. 134, 135,163.
43. Ibid., pp. 214-15.
44. Ibid., pp. 215-16.
45. See below, 2.5.2.
46. Cf. Gunkel's treatment of the results of pentateuchal criticism in his
volume, Die Urgeschichte und die Patriarchen in Die Schrifcen des Alten
Testaments, ed. H. Gressmann, H. Gunkel et al. (6 vols.; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1911) I.1, pp. 4-5.
47. The Documents of the Hexateuch (2 vols.; New York: G. Putnam's
Sons, 1898), II, p. v.
48. A. Knobel, Die Bucher Exodus und Leviticus, ed. August Dillmann
(2nd edn; Leipzig: s. Hirzel, 1880).
49. August Dillmann, Die Bucher Numeri, Deuteronomium, und Josua
(2nd edn; Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1886). DiUmann's appendix to this last
commentary, 'Die Composition des Hexateuch', pp. 593-690, occupied the
same status among the critics of the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis which
came to be assumed by Wellhausen's Composition and by his Geschichte
Israels among proponents of that theory. The treatments by both scholars
are crucial to an understanding of the historical debate.
50. Dillmann, Numeri, p. 607.
Notes to Chapter 2
215
51. Cf. Exod. 33.7-11; Num. 11.16, 24ff.; 12.4; Deut. 31.14.
52. Dillmann, 'Composition', pp. 607-609.
53. Dillmann, Numeri, p. 294; Franz Delitzsch, 'Pentateuch-kritische
Studien', Zeitschrift fur kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben 11,
pp. 562-67; cf. Rogerson, Nineteenth Century, pp. 104-20, for a general
treatment of Delitzsch's work in biblical studies; Paul Kleinert, Das
Deuteronomium und der Deuteronomiker (Bielefeld/Leipzig: Velhagen &
Klasing, 1872), pp. 154-58.
54. Cf. Smend (2.3.2), Stade (2.3.1), Guthe (2.3.2), and Meyer (2.3.4).
55. 1 Chron. 24.1-6 traces Zadok from Eleazar and Ahimelech from
Ithamar. Presumably then, Chronicles also traced the Elides from Ithamar,
given the connection between these two lines in 1 Sam. 14.3; 1 Kgs 2.27.
56. Dillmann, 'Composition', p. 660.
57. Delitzsch, 'Pentateuch', I, pp. 57-66.
58. Ibid., I, pp. 57-66. On this issue, compare De Vaux, below, 3.7.
59. Delitzsch also cited 1 Sam. 1.9 in this connection, taking the reference
to the hekal-Yhwh in 1 Sam. 1.9 as refering to the 'dhel-mo'ed, as had been
done by certain scholars of the mid-century consensus, such as Hengstenberg
(1.3.1, above), and Kohler (1.3.14, above).
60. Cf. above, Bleek (1.3.8).
61. Delitzsch, 'Pentateuch', V, pp. 223-34.
62. Ibid., p. 233; Delitzsch also included the pair Moses-Aaron in this
scheme, but this inclusion is mistaken as Moses can hardly be described as a
'temporal ruler'.
63. 1 Sam. 4.18 records Eli as a judge.
64. Geschichte der Hebraer (2 vols.; Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes,
1888, 1892); republished as Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2 vols; 2nd edn;
Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1909, 1912).
65. Kittel, Hebraer, I, pp. 92-96.
66. Dilmann, Numeri, p. 644-47, 652. Dillmann developed many of these
ideas before Kittel, but his own writing lacked the clear, concise style which
characterized Kittel's work. The ideas which Dillmann pioneered were (a)
that many of the individual law collections of the Priestly Code had
originated in the monarchy, as the cultic regulations followed by the priests,
and handed on in specifically priestly circles; (b) that these laws had been
modified and aded to over time, until they had reached their final redaction
during the exile; and (c) that similar phenomena were attested elsewhere in
the ancient world, esp. in Babylonia, Syia, and Phoenicia. These arguments
by Dillmann and Kittel anticipated the studies of the French scholar, Rene
Dussaud, by nearly thirty years, but it was Dussaud's work which
demonstrated the truth of Dillmann's observations, long after Dillmann's
work had been forgotten; see below, 3.1, n. 1.
67. Kittel, Hebrder, I, pp. 100-101.
216
Shiloh

69. Kittel, Volkes Israel, II, pp. 120-23.
70. Ibid., II, p. 273. In tracing the Elide genealogy from Moses, Kittel was
in agreement with Wellhausen, Reuss, and other important representatives
of that school; see above, Wellhausen, 2.1.
71. Kittel, Volkes Israel, II, p. 273.
72. Ibid., II, pp. 120-22; see Procksch (below, 2.5.2).
73. Kittel, Volkes Israel, II, p. 128.
74. Ibid., II, p. 273.
75. Ibid., II, pp. 273-74; against this see above, Wellhausen (2.2), whose
work took seriously the Mushite descent of the Danite priesthood.
76. Die Geschichte des alttestamentlichen Priesterthums (Leipzig: S. Hirzel,
1889).
77. Ibid., pp. 272-80; idem, Einleitung in das Alte Testament (Leipzig: S.
Hirzel, 1901), pp. 161-62; see above, Dillmann (2.4.1), and Kittel (2.4.3).
78. Baudissin, Geschichte, pp. 89-91.
79. Ibid., pp. 62-63, 137-39, 199, 272-73.
80. Ibid., pp. 195-98, 272.
81. Ibid., pp. 137-39.
82. Ibid., pp. 195-201; Baudissin also denied that Zadok's father, the
enigmatic Ahitub (2 Sam. 8.17; 1 Chron. 6.8, 12; 18.16; Ezra 7.2), was one
and the same with the Ahitub of the Elide line (1 Sam. 14.3). This view may
be correct, after all. But the fact that Ahitub, the father of Zadok, bore the
same name as the father of Ahimelech, the priest of Nob, made it that much
easier for the Zadokites to tie themselves to the older genealogy of the priests
of Nob (see below, ch. 6).
83. Ibid., pp. 199-201.
84. Ibid., pp. 201-202. While Baudissin did not cite Kittel (above, 2.4.3) at
this point, their views on this subject were remarkably similar.
86. (Freiburg/Leipzig: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1896).
87. Ibid., p. 178: Buhl cited Josh. 18.1; Judg. 21.19; 1 Samuel 1-4; 1 Kgs
11.29; Jer. 7.12-15; 41.5 in support of his conclusions.
88. Cf. Marie-Louise Buhl and Svend Holm-Nielsen, ShilohThe Danish
Excavations at Tall Sailun, Palestine, in 1926, 1929, 1932, and 1963: The
Pre-Hellenistic Remains (Copenhagen: The National Museum of Denmark,
1969); see below, 3.3.
89. Procksch's views on Old Testament theology, which appeared posthumously (Theologie des Alten Testaments (Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann,
1950), were the chief influences on the Old Testament theology of Walther
Eichrodt, and had a major impact upon Gerhard von Rad's Old Testament
theology as well; cf. John H. Hayes and Frederick Prussner, Old Testament
Theology: Its History and Development (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1985), p.
191.
Notes to Chapter 2
217
90. (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrich, 1906). Noth's work on the amphictyony, for
instance, showed some dependence on Procksch (Das System, pp. 8 n. 1, 30
n. 1). Otherwise, it is clear from Noth's other traditionsgeschichtlich work,
especially on the patriarchal narratives in his Geschichte Israels (6th edn;
Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966), pp. 9-151, that he was working
with methodological presuppositions laid out in Procksch's 'Einleitung' to his
work on the Elohist.
91. Ibid., p. 391.
92. Although Procksch went further on this score than Kittel, their views
were similar; see above, 2.4.3.
93. Procksch, pp. 392-93.
94. Ibid., p. 230.
95. That the priestly court was meant was clear to Procksch from the fact
that the Urim and Thummin were in the hands of Levi in Deut. 33.8.
Procksch (ibid., p. 178) held Deuteronomy 33 to be Elohistic, and shared
with Baudissin the view that Urim and Thummin had been associated with
the priestly judicial function, which Baudissin (Geschichte, pp. 57-58) had
seen as originally standing in connection with the oracular function of the
priesthood. Meyer (Die Israeliten, pp. 95-97), on the other hand, had denied
the judicial function of the Urim and Thummin, and held that this term
designated merely the sacred oracular lots.
96. Cf. the argument by Wellhausen (Geschichte Israels, pp. 134-37) that
the priests during the time of the monarchy had been largely royal
administrators and servants of the king.
97. O. Eissfeldt, 'Silo und Jerusalem', VTS 4 (1956), pp. 138-47; J.
Lindblom, 'The Political Background of the Shilo Oracle', VTS 1 (1953),
pp. 73-87.
98. Geschichte des Bundesgedankens im Alien Testament (Miinster i. W.:
Aschendorfsche Buchhandlung, 1910).
99. G.E. Mendenhall, 'Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near
East', BA 17 (1954), pp. 26-46 and 'Covenant Forms in the Israelite
Tradition', BA 17 (1954), pp. 50-76; reprinted as Law and Covenant in Israel
and the Ancient Near East (Pittsburg: Biblical Colloquium, 1955).
100. Karge, pp. 235-54.
101. Ibid., pp. 173-74, 196-99.
102. See above, Dillmann (2.4.1), Kittel (2.4.3), Baudissin (2.4.4).
103. Karge, pp. 1-32; this, in spite of the fact that Karge was fundamentally
at odds with the developmental theory of the history of Israelite religion
represented by the school of Wellhausen and Kuenen.
104. (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1912).
105. 'Mosiden und Aharoniden', ibid., pp. 352-60.
218
Shiloh
Notes to Chapter 3
1. Le sacrifice en Israel et chez les Pheniciens (Paris: E. Leroux, 1914).

2. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1921).
3. (2nd edn; Paris: P. Guethner, 1941).
4. See below, ch. 4. Similar arguments had already been advanced on
historical and exegetical grounds by Dillmann, who also alluded to the
ancient Near Eastern parallels to the priestly laws (Numeri, pp. 647, 652),
whose work had been followed by Kittel; see above, 2.4.3.
5. See above, 1.2.5
6. PJ. Riis, 'Discussion remarks to the Jubilee Congress of the German
Palestine Society in Tubingen', November, 1977, unpubd.
7. 'The Danish Excavations at Shiloh', BASOR 9 (1923), pp. 10-11.
8. 'The Site of Shiloh', PEFQS 57 (1925), pp. 162-63.
9. 'The Site of Shiloh', PEFQS 59 (1927), pp. 85-88.
10. 'The Danish Excavations at SeilunA Correction', PEFQS 59 (1927),
pp. 157-58.
11. H. Kjaer, 'The Danish Excavation of Shiloh. Preliminary Report',
PEFQS 59 (1927), pp. 202-13.
12. H. Kjaer, 'Shiloh. A Summary Report of the Second Danish
Expedition, 1929', PEFQS 63 (1931), pp. 71-88; idem, 'The Excavation of
Shiloh, 1929. Preliminary Report', JPOS 10 (1930), pp. 87-174.
13. 'Seilun', AJA 34 (1930), pp. 95-96.
14. Cf. Riis, 'Remarks', who cited Shiloh, Pls. 13.14, Nos. 150-51,158,160,
168,170,171,181-82 as evidence and noted that Iron II sherds had occurred
elsewhere on the mound as well.
15. Cf. Buhl, Shiloh, p. 11.
16. See above, Dibelius (2.3.3.) and Meyer (2.3.4).
17. Buhl and Holm-Nielsen, Shiloh (see above, ch. 2, n. 88).
18. Ibid., pp. 31-35, 51-55.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid., Pl. 15-16; Pl. XXII-XXIII; cf. also p. 31 n. 161.
21. Ibid., pp. 56-59.
22. Ibid., p. 57.
23. See above, Dibelius (2.3.3) and Meyer (2.3.4).
24. J. van Rossum, 'Wanneer is Silo verwoest?', NedTT 24 (1970), pp. 32132; R.A. Pearce, 'Shiloh and Jer. vii 12,14 & 15',VT23 (1973), pp. 105-108;
W. Anderson, 'Shiloh', HBD (1974), pp. 676-77.
25. Pp. 822-23.
26. IEJ 21 (1971), pp. 67-69.
27. 'The Destruction of the Shiloh Sanctuary and Jeremiah vii 12, 14',
VTS 30 (1979), pp. 87-94, esp. p. 93.
28. Ibid., p. 93.
Notes to Chapter 3
219
29. 'Shiloh. 1981', IEJ 32 (1982), pp. 148-50; 'Shiloh. 1982', IEJ 33 (1983),
pp. 123-26; 'Shiloh Yields Some, But Not All, of its Secrets', BAR 12/1
(1986), pp. 22-41. Fuller treatment of these issues is contained in Finkelstein's
Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement (IES: Jerusalem, 1988) which did not
appear until the completion of this manuscript.
30. Finkelstein (1982), p. 148; (1986), pp. 36-37.
31. Finkelstein (1982), p. 149.
32. Ibid., pp. 35-36.
33. Ibid., p. 40.
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid., p. 40: 'it is now clear that Yohanan Aharoni's view . . . that
Shiloh may furnish evidence for raising the beginning of Israelite settlement
to the 14th and 13th centuries B.C., is no longer valid. Instead, Shiloh fits the
pattern now emerging all over the countrythere is no unequivocal
archaeological evidence that Israelite settlement began as early as the 13th
century B.C.'
36. Ibid., pp. 40-41.
37. Ibid.
38. Yigael Yadin, Hazor (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1958, 1960,
1961), II, Pl. CXXII, 1-6; Pl. CXXXII, 13, 14; Pl. CXXXIII, 2, 4, 5; Pl.
CXLIV, 4; PL CXLV, 1-5.
39. Ibid., PL CXIV, 10, 11.
40. Moawiyah M. Ibrahim, 'The Collared-Rim Jar of the Early Iron Age',
Archaeology in the Levant. Essays for Kathleen Kenyon, ed. R. Moorey and
Parr (Warminster, England, 1978), pp. 116-26.
41. Hazor, II, PL XCV, 4.
42. Ibid., PL XCV, 3.
43. Unfortunately, the standard reference work on Palestinian pottery by
Ruth Amiran (Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land [Jeruslaem: Masada Press,
1969]), contains no more than a passing mention of the problem of the
continuity of the form of the 'collared-rim jar' in Palestine down to the later
phases of Iron II; cf. p. 238.
44. Finkelstein (1986), pp. 23, 38-39.
45. Ibid., p. 35.
46. Ibid.
47. Cf. John Bimson, Redating the Exodus and Conquest (JSOTS, 5;
Sheffield: JSOT, 1978). Bimson raises penetrating questions regarding the
somewhat arbitrary dating of the end of the Middle Bronze Age to 1550 BCE,
and suggests that this dating should be lowered to 1450 BCE, since the
destruction of the Canaanite city-states at the end of this period can be
related to the Egyptian conquest of Canaan in the middle of the fifteenth
century BCE. No Egyptian incursions into Palestine proper in pursuit of the
220
Shiloh
Hyksos, in fact, can be dated prior to this time, yet the dating of the end of
MB by Albright was tied to the hypothetical Egyptian invasion of Palestine
immediately after the expulsion of the Hyksos.
48. Cf. J. Maxwell Miller, 'The Israelite Occupation of Canaan', IJH,
pp. 213-84, for a thorough discussion of the problems relating to the Israelite
occupation of Palestine.
49. Yohanan Aharoni, The Land of the Bible (2nd edn; Philadelphia;
Westminster, 1979), p. 220.
50. Finkelstein (1986), p. 40.
51. ANET, pp. 376-78, esp. n. 18. The name 'Israel' in this text is writen
with the determination element for 'people', in contrast to the other names in
the list, which are written with the determination for 'land', 'country'. Israel
at the time would thus appear to have been a non-settled group in Palestine,
in contrast to other settled peoples such as Hatti and Ashkelon.
52. Finkelstein (1986), p. 40.
53. Martin Noth, The History of Israel (2nd edn; New York: Harper &
Row, 1960), p. 47: 'As far as the Israelite period is concerned, SyrianPalestinian archaeology is therefore almost wholly silent; and it is clear that
under these circumstances the historical interpretation of archaeological
discoveries is particularly difficult. The understandable enthusiasm with
which, to begin with, unusually intensive excavations were carried out in
Palestine, from purely Biblical motives, with the aim of finding positive and
indisputable traces of Israelite history, has in many cases led to the drawing
of over-hasty parallels between the discoveries and known events of history,
which have turned out to be untenable; and although Syrian-Palestinian
archaeology has long since developed from an auxiliary discipline of Biblical
studies into an independent science with methods of its own and aims
evolving from its own work, it has still not entirely overcome the improper
search for direct Biblical connections.'
54. Albright (1923), pp. 10-11.
55. Noth, System, pp. 124-30.
56. Cf. Bachli (Amphiktyonie, pp. 17-20), who traces the roots of Noth's
thesis back through several generations of Old Testament scholars, including
Alt, Galling, Steuernagel, Weber, Ewald and, as the earliest, Spinoza.
57. Cf. Ewald, Geschichte, I, pp. 528-30, for his observation that the
neighboring peoples known to the Israelites had also displayed the twelvetribe organization principle, and ibid., pp. 530-31 n. 2, for Ewald's suggestion
of the parallel between the Greek and Italian amphictyonies, and Israel's
tribal confederacy. Still, Ewald never termed Israel's tribal organization an
'amphictyony', nor did he seek to explain all the workings of that
confederacy by reference to the practice of the classical amphictyonies.
58. Noth, System, p. 56.
59. Ibid., pp. 62-65; also cf. pp. 74, 87.
Notes to Chapter 3
221
60. Ibid., pp. 67-80.

61. Ibid., pp. 95-96.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. S. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien (6 vols.; Oslo, 1921-1924; reprinted, 2
vols.; Amsterdam: P. Schippers, 1961); idem, The Psalms in Israel's Worship
(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962).
65. The Religion of Israel: From the Beginnings to the Babylonian Exile
(Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press/George Allen & Unwin,
1960).
66. Ibid., p. 183.
67. Ibid., pp. 180-82.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid., pp. 183-87. Similar points had been stressed by the earlier critics
of the Wellhausian school; see above ch. 2.
70. Kaufinann, Religion, p. 415.
71. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978) = Histoire ancienne d'lsrael: Des
origines a I'installation en Canaan (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1971) and Histoire
ancienne d'lsrael: Laperiode desjuges (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1973). In his Early
History of Israel, De Vaux argued along lines very similar to those of
Wellhausen that the priestly materials of the Hexateuch were exilic, and that
Shiloh only clearly emerged as a sanctuary toward the end of the period of
Judges (cf. pp. 707-709 n. 47).
72. (2 vols., London/New York: Darton, Longman & Todd/Doubleday,
1961) = Les institutions de I'Ancien Testament (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf,
1957). De Vaux's bibliography on the ark and the tent (II, p. 571) is especially
important.
73. Cf. the women who served at the door of the tent of meeting: Exod.
38.8; 1 Sam. 2.22b. Cf. more recently, Klaus Koch ('Ohel', TWATl, pp. 12742, esp. p. 133), who reiterates this evidence. In contrast to de Vaux's
treatment, which identified the ark and the tent with Israel's wilderness
cultus, von Rad ('Zelt und Lade', Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament
[2 vols.; Miinchen: Chr. Kaiser, 1958], II, pp. 109-290) argued that the ark and
the tent represented two different theologies: the ark had been the symbol of
Israel as a settled people, whereas the tent derived from the nomadic
period.
In fact, since Dibelius (above, 2.3.3) first argued that the ark had not
originated in the wilderness, but in Canaan, a number of studies on the ark
and its relationship to other features of the cult have been published. These
include William R. Arnold, Ephod and Ark: A Study in the Records and
Religion of the Ancient Hebrews (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1917); Hugo Gressmann, Die Lade Jahves und das allerheiligste des
salomonischen Tempels (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1920); Julian Morgenstern,
222
Shiloh
The Ark, the Ephod, and the 'Tent of Meeting' (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union
College Press, 1945); Marten H. Woudstra, The Ark of the Covenant from
Conquest to Kingship (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing
Company, 1965); and Johann Maier, Das altisraelitische Ladeheiligtum
(BZAW, 93; Berlin: Alfred Tbpelmann, 1965), and most recently, Rainer
Schmitt's Zelt und Lade (see above, ch. 2, n. 31).
74. Cf. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, II, pp. 296-304, for this entire discussion.
75. Ibid., pp. 298-301.
76. Ibid., pp. 301-303.
77. Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clarendon,
1978).
78. Ibid., p. 11; see above, Kittel (2.4.3), and Baudissin (2.4.4). The origins
of this idea in Dillmann's work are discussed under Kittel, who first used the
expression innerpriesterliche Privatschrift. The importance of the work of
Dillmann in the development of the thinking of Kaufmann and his students
is, however, uncertain. M. Weinfeld, at least, has acknowledged Dillmann's
key role in the nineteenth-century opposition to the Graf-Wellhausen
hypothesis (Getting at the Roots of Wellhausen's Understanding of the Law of
Israel on the 100th Anniversary of the Prolegomena [Jerusalem: Institute for
Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University, 1978], pp. 1, 39-40). But it is
significant for all aspects of this debate that the key arguments raised by
Kaufmann, Haran, and Weinfeld, had been raised earlier by the German
opposition to Wellhausen's synthesis.
79. Ibid., pp. 28-39. Among these temples were those at Dan, Bethel,
Mizpah, Gilgal, Hebron, Bethlehem, Nob, Ophrah, Gibeath-Saul, Arad, and
Jerusalem. To this list of temples Haran (pp. 48-49) added a number of openair cultic sites: Shechem, Bethel, Beer-sheba, Hebron, Horeb, and Mount
Gilead (= Mizpah of Gilead?).
80. Ibid., p. 27.
81. Ibid., pp. 84-86.
82. Ibid., p. 87
83. Ibid., pp. 198-99.
84. Ibid., p. 200. Haran regarded this verse as too slender a thread on
which to hang the theory that P's Tabernacle in reality had been afigurefor
the Jerusalem temple.
85. Ibid., p. 201.
86. This position is similar to Ewald's contention that the Tabernacle was
historical, but had been described according to the reality of the Jerusalem
temple.
87. Ibid., pp. 273-75.
88. In fact, Haran's work has complicated the discussion of the nature of
the tent sanctuary. If his distinction between the miSkdn and the 'ohel-mo'ed
is correct, there may be no small significance in the exclusive use of the term
Notes to Chapter 3
223
'ohel-mo'ed in Josh. 18.1; 19.51, in contrast to Josh. 22.9-34, where only the
miSkan-Yhwh (22.19) or miskano'his tabernacle' (Josh. 22.29) receives
direct mention.
The supposition that the 'ohel-mo'ed was an institution of prophetic
revelation alone at the earliest stage, however, is belied by the fact that the
petah 'ohel-mo'ed'the door of the tent of meeting'is the center of activity
in the priestly tradition as well as in JE (Exod. 33.7-11). Indeed, the term
petah 'ohel-mo'ed is a priestly terminus technicus for the focus of the ritual
and sacrificial functions of the tent shrine (e.g. Lev. 1.3, 5; 3.2; 4.4,7,18; 8.3,
4,31; 12.6; 14.11,23; 15.14,29; 16.7; 17.4,5,6,9; 19.21). These instances are
all drawn from the technical sacrificial laws. On the other hand, the tradition
of Phineas' valor (Num. 25.1-9) has the congregation weeping petah 'ohel
mo'ed'at the door of the tent of meetingin a fashion which recalls the
function of the tent in Exod. 33.7-11. The account of the division of the land
by lot was also carried out by Joshua and Eleazar petah 'ohel-mo'ed (Josh.
19.51), in a way similar to Exod. 33.7-11. This evidence suggests not a
combination of two different traditions, but a single institution with multiple
functions. The door of the tent in Josh. 19.51 may have been chosen as the
site of the distribution of the land by lot because the divine presence would
have stood as a witness (v. 'wd) to the process.
This suggestion raises the possibility that the term mo'ed (v. y'd) actually
carried a double meaning: not only was it the tent of 'meeting', but the tent
of 'witness' as well, a meaning which may have been implied in the term
mo'ed, and which is certainly at work in Josh. 19.51. Thus, the 'ohel-mo'ed
carried with it several cultic functions. The tent of meeting (as distinct from
the tabernacle, or miskan) was first and foremost the place of meeting with
the deity. In addition, it was the place of 'witness', where acts were
performed with the deity as witness (compare the similar role of the door of
the shrine in the law of the Hebrew slave in Exod. 21.6). Finally, the tent of
meeting was the place before which the altar stood, and consequently, where
sacrifice was carried out. Of all of these functions, only the function of the
door of the tent as the place of revelation is preserved in thefragmentaryJE
tradition (Exod. 33.7-11).
The term miskdn, which sometimes occurs as a general designation for the
tent shrine, as (apparently) in Josh. 22.9-34, also appears in the priestly laws
as a terminus technicus for the smaller tent in which the ark was housed, and
which was covered in red ram-skins (cf. Exod. 25-27, where reference is
made exclusively to the miskdn, with the lone exception of the mention of the
'ohel-mo'ed in 27.21). Although the 'ohel-mo'ed and the miSkdn seem,
therefore, to have been the designations for two separate institutions, which
were combined into one in later tradition, it is the 'ohel-mo'ed which had the
chief cultic role, while the miskdn served chiefly as the 'dwelling-place' for
the ark. The intricacies of this problem would entail a separate study in
224
Shiloh
themselves, and so can only be outlined here. Cf. von Rad's distinction
between the theologies of ark and tent (above, n. 69); Koch (TWAT, pp. 12742) similarly distinguishes between two different versions of the tent
tradition.
89. Eissfeldt (1956), pp. 138-47.
90. Ibid., p. 139.
91. Ibid., p. 140.
92. Lindblom (1953), pp. 73-87.
93. Against this view, see T.N.D. Mettinger, The Dethronement of
Sabaoth: Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies (CBOTS 18; Lund:
CWK Gleerup, 1982), pp.121, 132; idem, 'YHWH SABAOTH-The
Heavenly King on the Cherubim Throne', Studies in the Period of David and
Solomon, ed. Tomoo Ishida (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1982), pp. 109-38,
esp. 128-35. Mettinger shows that there is some, albeit muted, evidence for
the worship of Yahweh Seba'oth in premonarchic times, especially at
Shiloh.
94. 'Jerusalem und die israelitische Tradition', OTS 8 (1950), pp. 28-46.
95. A. Cody, A History of Old Testament Priesthood (Rome: Pontifical
Biblical Institute, 1969).
96. Ibid., p. 69.
97. Ibid., pp. 70-71.
98. Ibid., pp. 71-72.
99. Ibid., pp. 74-75.
100. Ibid., pp. 78-80.
101. 'The Priestly Houses of Early Israel', Canaanite Myth and Hebrew
Epic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 195-215.
102. Ibid., pp. 195-96.
103. Ibid., pp. 196-98.
104. Cf. Mettinger ('Sabaoth', pp. 128-35), who argues that the cult at
Shiloh had fostered the cherubim iconography, whereas Bethel had been
devoted to the Canaanite god El, and his bull iconography.
105. An important objection to this theory is that the name Phineas is
identified above all with Shiloh, in both the priestly strata of Joshua and in
the narratives of 1 Samuel 1-4. Conversely, the reference which Cross cites
in Judg. 20.27-28 is a redactional note, perhaps stemming from a time when
the Aaronite priesthood at Bethel had eclipsed that at Shiloh.
106. Cf. Cross (Canaanite Myth, pp. 198-99); Procksch (Sagenbuch,
pp. 391-92) had earlier made this claim, which is not unrelated to KittePs
contention that Shiloh had been the center for the preservation of the true
tradition of the ('image-free') Mosaic religion (see above, 2.4.3). Both views
may have their origin in Wellhausen's identification of Shiloh with the
Mushite line of priests (see above, 2.2).
107. Ibid., p. 203.
Notes to Chapter 4
225
108. Ibid., pp. 200-203.

109. Ibid., p. 211. This position was similar to that advocated by Haran
(Temples, p. 85), who pointed out that the cities of the Aaronite priests were
all found in Judah.
110. Contra Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, p. 128-29.
111. Cross, Canaanite Myth, pp. 209-15.
112. See below, 6.3, for a thorough treatment of the problem of the
Aaronites and Zadokites.
113. See above, n. 23.
114. Haran, Temples, pp. 84-87.
Notes to Chapter 4
1. The Septuagintal readings of 'Shiloh' for 'Shechem' in Josh. 24.1, 25
probably resulted from scribal alteration, to bring Joshua 24 into conformity
with the emphasis placed on Shiloh in Joshua 18-22. Although certain points
might support the view that Shiloh was the primary reading, the decisive
factor is the mention of the 'oak which is in the sanctuary of Yahweh'.
Nowehere is an oak associated Shiloh, but the tradition of the sacred oak at
Shechem is attested in at least one other place (Gen. 35.4); cf. Alexander
Rofe, 'The End of the Book of Joshua according to the Septuagint', Henoch 4
(1982), pp. 17-36.
2. J. Blenkinsopp ('The Structure of P', CBQ 38 [1976], pp. 275-92) has
pointed out the linguistic similarities between the phrase, wehd'dres nikbesdh
lipnehem ('And the land lay subdued before them') in Josh. 18.1b and the
injunction in Gen. 1.28: peru urebu Umil'u 'et-hd'dres wekibsuhd ('Be fruitful,
and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it'). Moreover, he has noted the
importance of the motif of dividing the land to P, a fact which has
considerable implications for the identification of the basic source in Josh.
18.2-10 (see below).
3. A. Alt, 'Israels Gaue unter Josia', Paldstinajahrbuch 21 (1925), pp. 10016; M. Noth, Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer,
1943) = The Deuteronomistic History QSOTS, 15; Sheffield: JSOT, 1981).
4. Noth has been followed in this by Aharoni {Land, pp. 248-55).
5. Zur Frage nach den dokumentarischen Quellen in Joshua 13-19 (Oslo:
Jacob Dybwad, 1946); idem, Tetrateuch-Pentateuch-Hexateuch (BZAW 90;
Berlin: Alfred Tdpelmann, 1964).
6. Tetrateuch, p. 56. When Noth had argued that neither Num. 33.5034.29 nor Joshua 13-19 stemmed from P, Mowinckel suggested that, in
reality, Noth, for the sake of his theory, could not allow these passages to
stem from P.
7. Ibid., pp. 57, 68-70.
226
Shiloh
8. Support for the hexateuchal schema also came from the work of
Gerhard von Rad, Das formgeschichtliche Problem des Hexateuch (BWANT,
6/26; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1938) = The Problem of the Hexateuch and
other Essays (New York; McGraw-Hill, 1966), pp. 1-78; and more recently,
from Blenkinsopp, 'The Structure of P'.
9. Although the overarching claims of Noth's theory are not accepted
here, many of his literary-critical observations about the nature of the dtr
editing of Joshua-2 Kings nonetheless hold true, especially his observation
that the 'deuteronomistic historian' (Dtr) had provided an historical
framework for the materials he edited, and which most often appeared in the
form of speeches by the major characters (e.g. Josh. 1; 1 Sam. 12) or long
historical-theological digressions (Judg. 2.6-23; 2 Kgs 17).
10. These latter sections were designated by the nineteenth-century
source-critics as Rd: i.e. stemming from the 'deuteronomistic redactor'.
11. This change may have been occasioned by the insertion of the
traditions of Caleb and Othniel in Josh. 15.13-19. In the original list, the
boundary description ending in Josh. 15.12 was probably followed directly by
the city-list beginning in 15.21, so that the subscription in 15.12 immediately
preceded the superscription in 15.21a.
12. Mowinckel, Zur Frage, pp. 8-10.
13. The depiction of Ephraim and Manasseh as the tribal offspring of
Joseph, and the exclusion ofJoseph from tribal status, may in fact have been
the result of efforts to reconcile this ambivalence.
14. A. Alt, 'Judas Gaue unter Josia', PJ 21 (1925), pp. 100-16 = KS II,
pp. 276-88; idem, 'Das System der Stammesgrenzen im Buche Josua',
Beitrdge zur Religionsgeschichte und Archdologie Paldstinas. Festschrift Ernst
Sellin (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1927), pp. 13-29 = KS I, pp. 193-203; cf. further,
Aharoni {Land, pp. 248-55).
15. Cf. esp. Mowinckel {Zur Frage, p. 19), who considered at least some
elements in these lists fictional.
16. Cf. Aharoni {Land, pp. 67-77, 248-55); along the same lines, cf. M.
Weinfeld, 'The Extent of the Promised Landthe Status of Transjordan',
Das Land Israel in biblischer Zeit, ed. Georg Strecher (GOttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1983), pp. 59-75.
18. Mowinckel, Tetrateuch, p. 61.
19. Cf. Wellhaussen, Composition, p. 131.
20. Cf. Eissfeldt, Hexateuch-Synopse, pp. 236-37; Rudolph, Der Elohist,
pp. 228-32.
21. Mowinckel, Tetrateuch, p. 45. Mowinckel disputed the existence of an
'Elohistic' source altogether. For him, 'E' was merely a Judean expansion of
the Yahwistic tradition, which nonetheless contained more North Israelite
material than did J. Thus, Mowinckel gave to E the designation 'Jv, (ibid.,
pp. 6-8).
Notes to Chapter 4
227
22. Noth, Studien, pp. 182-89.

23. Wellhausen, Composition, p. 128; Mowinckel (1964), p. 61.
24. Wellhausen (ibid., p. 129) drew the same conclusion.
25. Cf. Ps. 78.60-72, below, Chapter 7.
26. Blenkinsopp, 'The Structure of P', p. 290.
27. The phrase Idbo' Idretet 'et-hd'dres occurs in this and its most similar
forms in the parenetic framework of the book of Deuteronomy, and in
passages which are either deuteronomistic, or stand under that influence.
Thus, the exact phrase occurs in Deut. 11.31, Josh. 1.11; Judg. 18.9. Those
most nearly related are found in
Deut. 1.8:
Deut. 9.4:
Deut. 9.5:
bo'u ureSu 'et-hd'dre?.

hebt'ani Yahweh lareset 'et-ha'dres hazzo't;
'attdh bd' lareSet 'et-'arfdm;
Deut. 10.11: wiydbo'ti wiyirSti 'et-hd'ares;

Judg. 2.6:
wayyeleku bene-Yiird'el 'is lenahdldto Idreiet 'et-ha'ares.
Other similar instances are found in Deut. 2.31; 4.1,22; 6.18; 8.1; 9.23; 11.8;
16.20; 17.14; 18.9; 26.1; 31.7; 32.52; Josh. 1.15.
In passages which are not expressly deuteronomistic, similar phrases occur
five times: in Lev. 20.24 (H); Num. 33.53 (P); Amos 2.10; Neh. 9.15,23. The
instances in Nehemiah can easily be attributed to the standardization of this
stereotypical phraseology at a later time. The occurrences in P and H,
however, as well as that in Amos, suggest that this phraseology had its root in
old conquest traditions. The deuteronomic school then adopted this phrase
and made it a central motif and expression of their own theology of the
land.
28. This expression has an origin similar to that of the aforementioned
phrase. The designation Yhwh 'elohe 'abotekem occurs in the literature of the
Hexateuch and the historical books just three times outside of the book of
Deuteronomy, all of these in the story of Yahweh's revelation to Moses. Two
of these instances are found in a clearly Elohistic context, in Exod. 3.13,15.
The other stands in the Yahwistic parallel to this text, in Exod. 3.16. These
instances suggest that the expression Yhwh 'ilohe 'dbotekem had its origin in
the ancient hexateuchal traditions of Israel. This phrase, and its theology,
were subsequently taken over by the writers of the deuteronomic school, and
given their peculiar impress. Consequently, this phrase, along with its
derivatives, occurs in some of the most important and familiar passages in
the book of Deuteronomy: Deut. 1.11; 4.1: Yhwh 'elohe 'dbotekem; Deut.
1.21; 6.3; 12.1; 27.3: Yhwh 'elohe 'dbotekd; Deut. 26.7: Yhwh 'Slohe 'dbotenu;
Deut. 29.24, Judg. 2.12: Yhwh 'elohe 'dbotdm. The plethora of occurrences in
the books of Ezra and Chronicles comes from the standardization of this
phraseology within the later Jewish faith.
228
Shiloh
29. Cf. Wellhausen, Composition, p. 132: This verse reflects 'die Hand des
Deuteronomisten, der uberall die drittehalb Stamme und die Leviten
nachtragt'.
30. The priestly list in Joshua 14-19 includes the following twelve tribes,
without including the superscription for Joseph:
Joshua 13:
Reuben
Gad
Half-Manasseh
Joshua 14-15:
Tudah
Joshua 16-17:
Ephraim
Half-Manasseh
Joshua 18-19:
Benjamin
Simeon
Zebulun
Issachar
Asher
Naphtali
Dan
31. With the exception of Deut. 18.1-8, Cf. Dillmann, Numeri, pp. 324-28,
who recognizes the distinction made in this dtn text between the priests
(hakkohdnim: v. 3) and the Levites (hallewi: v. 6), in contrast to Wellhausen
{Geschichte Israels, pp. 150-51) et al, for whom Deuteronomy served as the
basis for the theory that the special status of the Aaronites vis-a-vis the
Levites had been a late development.
32. Mowinckel, Tetrateuch, p. 45.
33. Although Wellhausen (Composition, pp. 116-34) made the absence of
a dtr redaction of P in Joshua a primary proof of his relative dating of the
hexateuchal sources, Josh. 18.1-10 offers positive evidence to the contrary.
Josh. 21.43-45 offers further evidence to this effect (see below). Rather than
an independent account of the settlement, Dtr contributed largely parenetic
and interpretive expansions, expressed via the stereotypical, rhetorical
language of the book of Deuteronomy. Josh. 18.3b, in fact offers a clear
instance of the subtle interpolations made by Dtr into received traditions and
documents. The phrase Idbo'ldreset 'et-hd'dres in Josh. 18.3b and Judg. 18.9b
is a good example of the more subtle interpretive method of these editors.
34. Cf. Noth, Josua, pp. 108-109.
35. Eissfeldt, Hexateuch-Synopse, pp. 236-37. Eissfeldt's division of Josh.
18.1-10 according to the hexateuchal sources was as follows: E = 2-4, 7ba, 8,
10a; J = 5-7a, 7bb, 9, 10b; v. 1 = E1.
36. Contra Mowinckel (Tetrateuch, p. 45), who regarded 18.1 as the
Priestly annotation to the deuteronomistic report of the distribution of the
land by lot. As a result, he treated the Shiloh references as secondary to
w . 2-9. This is even true in v. 9, where he regarded Gilgal as the logical and
original site of the camp in this passage, an assertion which he supported via
reference to v. 5b. Nonetheless, Mowinckel's views, like those of nearly every
other heir to the New Documentary Hypothesis, were founded upon the
assumption that there was a non-priestly Grundlage here which had been
modified by a priestly editor.
Notes to Chapter 4
229
37. How Eissfeldt (Hexateuch-Synopse, p. 236) is able to ascribe v. 10b to

J, and v. 10a to E, when 10b is clearly dependent upon 10a, is a mystery! As
the evidence of LXX indicates, if a particular part of this verse is secondary, it
is more likely 10b.
38. See Blenkinsopp, 'The Structure of P', for an overview of the
relationship between the priestly account of the commissioning and
construction of the tabernacle on the one hand, and the occupation of the
land on the other.
41. According to Mowinckel (Tetrateuch, p. 68) and Noth (Studien, p. 46)
this piece belongs to a secondary expansion of the dtr conquest and landdistribution reports, and has been influenced by Deut. 19.1-13; 4.41-3.
Several factors, however, speak against this claim. First, Josh. 20.1-9 follows
Num. 35.6-34 nearly verbatin through Josh. 20.3. Second, these two passages
share important elements of formulaic language and legal concepts. Third,
both Num. 35.6-34 and Josh. 20.1-9 assume the appointment of six cities of
refuge, whereas Deut. 19.1-13 commands only three. Finally, there is in Josh.
20 no trace of the distinctive dtr parenesis. On the contrary, the language of
the chapter is decidedly priestly.
42. Mowinckel, Tetrateuch, pp. 67-69.
43. Using the singular of miswdh, the phrase miswat Yhwh 'elohekem
occurs only once in dtr literature, in 1 Sam. 13.13. Otherwise, it is found
most often in the plural: misot Yhwh: Lev. 4.2, 13, 27; 5.17; Num. 15.35;
Deut. 10.13; Judg. 2.17; 3.4; 1 Kgs 18.18; 2 Kgs 17.16; misot Yhwh 'elohekem/
ka: Deut. 4.2; 6.17; 8.6; 11.27, 28; 28.9,13. The plural forms are also found,
albeit infrequently, in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, since for those books
both priestly and dtn/dtr usage had become stereotypical.
44. The occurrences of 'dhuzzdh are not widely distributed, the heaviest
concentration falling in Leviticus (19x).
45. E.g. Lev. 8.35; Num. 1.53; 3.7,8,28,32, 36,38; 4.31,32; 8.26; 9.19, 32.
Of special note is the phrase mismeret Yhwh in Lev. 8.35; Num. 9.19, 23,
which may have been brought into closer conformity with dtr usage by the
insertion of miswat, though this is uncertain. The coupling of mismeret with
some form of the verb sdmar, as in Josh. 22.3, occurs frequently in P, once in
Deuteronomy (11.1), and several times in the dtr literature, where it is found
in 1 Kgs 23wesdmartd 'et-mismeret Yhwh 'elohekd Idleket bidrdkdyw
lismor huqqotdyw misotdyw umispdtdyw we'edotdyw kakkdtub betorat moseh
('Any you shall keep the charge of Yahweh your god to walk in his ways, to
keep his statutes and his ordinances and his testimonies as it is written in the
law of Moses'), 2 Kgs 11.5, 6, 7. Deut. 11.1 and 1 Kgs 2.3 reflect a broader
usage than that in P, apparently with reference to the whole law, as is clear
from 1 Kgs 2.3. In Josh. 22.3 the technical priestly sense of mismeret has been
expanded by the (perhaps dtr) addition of miswat.
230
Shiloh
46. Cf. Wellhausen, Composition, p. 132; also cf. the source-critical tables
in H. Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch (Freiburg/Leipzig: J.C.B.
Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1893): Wellhausen regarded w. 1-6 as JE, but
attributed v. 7 to D or Rd.
47. Ibid., Wellhausen considered these verses P; Kuenen and Driver, a
later redaction of P.
48. Cf. Holzinger, tables; Wellhausen regarded this passage as priestly,
whereas Kuenen considered it the work of a later priestly redactor (P8).
50. The JE account in Num. 25.1-5 only associates Moab with the events
at Ba'al-Pe'or, whereas in the priestly accounts (Num. 25.6-13; 31), the
Midianites have the central role.
51. See below, Chapter 5.
52. The exclusive cultic sanctity ascribed to Shiloh here may also confirm
Fretheim's thesis that P is anti-temple ('The Priestly Document: AntilTemple?', VT 18 [1968], p. 313-29).
Notes to Chapter 5
1. See above, 1.3.5.
2. De Templo Silonensi, pp. 1-2. Graf had originally interpreted the time
reference, 'all the days that the house of God was in Shiloh' (Judg. 18.31) as
denoting the destruction of the northern kingdom by the Assyrians, by
reading this verse in parallel with the aforegoing, 'until the day of the
captivity of the land' (above, 1.3.5). While Graf later reversed this opinion
(above, 1.3.10), the exegetical merit of his initial observations still stands (see
above, Buhl, 2.4.1). Noth's essay ('The Background ofJudges 17-18', Israel's
Prophetic Heritage: Essays in Honor of James Muilenburg [ed. B.W.
Anderson and Walter Harrelson; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1962],
pp. 68-85), however, assumes the standard reconstruction of Shiloh's
history, and thus considers the temporal qualifications in Judg. 18.30, 31
intrinsically different. Therefore, he drops out the initial reference ('until the
day of the captivity of the land'), then argues that the graven image of the
Danites had stood in Dan only as long as the house of God had stood in
Shiloh, i.e. according to the standard reconstruction, until the destruction of
city by the Philistines in the mid-eleventh century BCE.
3. Budde, Das Buch der Richter (Freiburg: J.C.B. Mohr, 1897), p. 123:
'The doubled source is "plain as day" ("mit Handen zu greifen")'.
4. So Graf, De Templo Silonensi, pp. 2-5; Graf had stressed the sharp
distinction made in 2 Samuel 7 between 'ohel and bayit.
5. E.g. Saalschiitz, Archaeologie, pp. 234-35; Riehm, Handworterbuch,
p. 255; Bleek (1860), pp. 347-48.
Notes to Chapter 6
231
6. See above, 1.3.5.

7. As Graf (above, 1.3.5) originally argued; and as Buhl (above, 2.4.1)
later contended as well. A different possibility altogether is raised by 1 Kgs
15.20, which records the campaign of Ben-hadad of Syria against the cities of
the kingdom ofJeroboam I, at the behest of Asa, king ofJudah. According to
this text, Ben-Hadad smote 'Ijon, Dan, Abel-beth-ma'acah, and all Chinneroth
'al (?) all the land of Naphtali'. If the cities named in this text were burned,
and their inhabitants carried off, Judg. 18.30 could possibly refer to this
event in the reign of Jeroboam I. However, the verb ndkah (hiph., 'to smite')
is not further qualified, so that one ought not to make too much of this
passage.
8. Cf. Haran, Temples, p. 26; also Exod. 21.6.
9. The affinity between Judg. 20.26-28 and 1 Sam. 14.3,18, where the ark
is the focus of the oracle, attests an historical milieu in which the ark served
as an oracular means, despite the secondary nature of Judg. 20.27b-28a.
10. See below, Chapter 6.
11. Cf. Ps. 78.60-72, below, Chapter 6.
12. Buhl/Holm-Nielsen, p. 57. First Dibelius (above, 2.3.3) and later
Eduard Meyer (above, 2.3.4) suggested that Shiloh had originated as a nonIsraelite sanctuary.
13. Buhl/Holm-Nielsen, p. 58.
14. See above, 3.1.
15. Finkelstein (1986, p. 34) terms the MBA site a temenosa site, often
containing a sanctuary, which was marked off and set apart to a deity. For
the huge MB IIC fortifications Finkelstein offers the explanation that Seilun
may have been a well-defended stronghold where the inhabitants of the
small villages from this period found refuge.
16. Ibid., p. 35.
17. Cf. Theodore Gaster, Myth, Legend and Custom in the Old Testament
(New York/Evanston: Harper & Row, 1969), pp. 444-46, for a treatment of
the folkloristic background to Judg. 21.16-24; ibid., n. 2, for the references to
the 'Rape of the Sabine Women', and other similar tales in classical lore.
Notes to Chapter 6
1. So Graf (above, 1.3.5) and Wellhausen (above, 2.2).
2. So Cross (above 3.8.3), developing Wellhausen's line of argument.
3. Cf. Wellhausen (above, 2.2) and Dibelius (above, 2.3.3).
4. See Haran (above, 3.7.3) on the anachronistic nature of the references
to the temple at Shiloh in 1 Samuel.
5. M. Zebah. 14.6.
6. See Hengstenberg (above, 1.3.1); Saalschiitz (1.3.6); Bleek (1.3.8);
Kohler (1.3.14).
232
Shiloh
7. Cf. 2 Sam. 7.6, as well.

8. See Haran's treatment of this subject (Temples, ch. 15), where he
argues that the ark and other ancient cult objects had been destroyed by
Manasseh.
9. Ibid., p. 201. Haran argues to the contrary that the references to a
temple at Shiloh (Judg. 18.31; 1 Sam. 1-3) are merely anachronisms.
10. That the tent of meeting was associated with the Elides is suggested by
1 Sam. 2.22b, but the authenticity of this verse is controversial. Cf.
McCarter (I Samuel [AB; Garden City: Doubleday, 1980], p. 81), who takes
this verse as secondary, apparently on textual grounds. Still, the best
evidence that this half-verse has been interpolated is not textual (i.e. the
reference is missing in 4QSama and in the LXX, but cf. Josephus, Antiquities,
5.339 and LXXL), but rather literary. As Wellhausen (Text, p. 46) pointed out,
there is no allusion to this crime either in the preceding narratives, or in the
anonymous prophecy in 1 Sam. 2.27-36. At the same time, however, the
priestly language of this verse does not prove its late, post-exilic origin. The
similarities of this half-verse with the language of Exod. 38.8; Num. 25.6-10
derivesfromthe fact that each of these texts reflects the traditional as well as
technical terminology of P, which can be shown to have been early (esp.
Exod. 38.8; Num. 25.6-13: How do these traditions fit into post-exilic life?).
The use of priestly language here could have arisen just as easily from the
incorporation of an old priestly tradition into the present text, asfroma mere
gloss. Finally, 1 Sam. 2.22b merely makes explicit what was already implicit
in the narrative anyway: the juxtaposition of the corrupt sons of Eli with
their illustrious forebear. This fact shows the priestly tradition of Num. 25.613 to have pre-dated that of the currupt Elides.
11. See Cody (above, 3.8.2).
12. Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, pp. 146-47; Reuss, Geschichte, pp. 13738; Cross, Canaanite Myth, p. 198.
13. See above, 2.4.4.
15. Reuss, Geschichte, p. 138.
16. The abrupt appearance of the Elides on the scene in 1 Samuel 1 led
Wellhausen and Budde, among others, to suggest that an older introduction
had been broken off. A better explanation for the same phenomenon is that
Eli and his sons were well-known traditionalfigures,who needed no further
introduction. That Eleazar apparently was pre-empted in status by his son
Phineas in Josh. 24.33 similarly sugests that Phineas was a better-known
traditional figure than his father.
17. Num. 31.6; Josh. 22.13, 31, 32 refer to this figure simply as Phineas,
the son of Eleazar the priest, while Josh. 22.30 calls him Phineas the
priest.
18. In point of fact, Eleazar is a common enough name in the Old
Notes to Chapter 6
233
Testament, so that such an arbitrary identification of Eliezer, the son of

Moses with Eleazar, the son of Aaron is really a circular argument, designed
to support the pre-conceived conclusion that the line of Eleazar was
Mushite, and not Aaronite.
19. Wellhausen (Geschichte Israels, p. 147) argued that Aaron did not
occur at all in the original form of J.
20. The non-Israelite pedigree of Zadok has been the subject of a long
discussion in Old Testament studies. See Cody (History, pp. 88-93) for a
summary of the various theories of Zadok's origins. Cody (ibid., p. 91 nn. 12,
13) also gives an extensive bibilography of the position taken by Rowley,
Hauer, and others, that Zadok actually had been the high priest of the city of
the Jebusites prior to David's annexation of the city as his capital.
21. Cf. Ezek. 40.46; 43.19; 44.15; 48.11; cf. Baudissin (Geschichte, pp. 10710) on this material.
22. The proper interpretation of 1 Sam. 2.27-36 is not that it refers to the
supposed cultic reforms carried out by Josiah (which view has been
arbitrarily imposed upon the text, not derived from it), but that it seeks to
discredit the ancient Aaronite priesthood of the North, and to justify the new
line of Zadok in Jerusalem; contra McCarter (/ Samuel, pp. 91-93), who
represents the view of Wellhausen as developed by Cross.
23. Ibid., pp. 239, 349.
24. Ibid., p. 93 n. 2.
25. Cf. Fretheim, 'Anti-Temple', p. 317:fromJer. 1.1 it may be postulated
that Abiathar's family maintained their priestly status down to the time of
Jeremiah, who may have been a direct descendant of Abiathar. Nevertheless,
the possible descent of Jeremiah from Abiathar, which Fretheim also
maintains, does not prove Jeremiah's descent from Eli.
26. Reading het for he, in accordance with some other Hebrew MSS, the
LXX, Syriac, Targum, and Old Latin.
27. See Jan Dus, 'Die Geburtslegende 1 Sam. 1. (Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Sam. 1-3)', Revista Degli Studia Orientali
43 (1968), pp. 163-94. Dus is the first to advance a full blown traditiohistorical theory for the development of 1 Samuel 1 from a Saulide tradition
to the story of the birth of Samuel. Others, however, have drawn similar
conclusions, among them Hylander and Lods; cf. Dus, p. 163 n. 1,167 n. 2,
for a bibliography of the view that Saul, rather than Samuel, had been the
original figure in this tradition. Wellhausen (Geschichte Israels, p. 139) makes
the interesting suggestion that Samuel's name is the result of a word play
from mws'l, but does not explain the statement hu' sd'ul laYhwh in light of
this word play, or vice versa, and leaves the unraveling of this mystery to the
reader.
28. / Samuel, pp. 62, 63-66.
29. Noth, 'Samuel und Silo', pp. 391-92. Noth contends that the connection
234
Shiloh
between Samuel and Shiloh was 'a secondary unhistorical piece of the
Samuel tradition... which perhaps had the aim of creating a bridge between
the pre-monarchical, pan-Israelite history, represented by Shiloh, and the
newly emergent monarchy in the time of the young Samuel'. That the
purpose of the Samuel-Shiloh connection was to create a bridge between
Samuel and the pre-monarchical history of the tribes is probably correct.
The question, however, is not whether the Samuel-Shiloh link in the
tradition is correct, but rather, which of the members of this link is
secondary. The evidence at hand suggests that Samuel, and not Shiloh, is
actually the secondary element.
30. Cf. Arnold, Ephod and the Ark, pp. 12-23.
31. Dus (1968), p. 168.
32. Noth, 'Samuel und Silo', p. 391.
33. McCarter, / Samuel, pp. 84-85.
34. Dus (1968), p. 167.
35. Cf. R.K. Gnuse, The Dream and Theophany of Samuel: Its Structure in
Relation to Ancient Near Eastern Dreams and its Theological Significance
(Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1984).
36. Although the Hebrew Bible often equates the functions of seer and
prophet, the old traditions, such as those in 1 Samuel 9-10, seem to preserve
the memory of an office of seer which is different from that of prophet. On
the one hand, the seer seems to have been one possessed of a special gift of
'seeing' into hidden matters, whether past, present, or future. As such, a seer
would be consulted by local people on all matters of concern which might be
closed to normal means of inquiry. In this office, the seer probably was
accustomed to receiving 'gifts' for his services. In fact, the office of seer is
explained in just these terms in 1 Sam. 9.8-9; note that Saul's servant
assumes that payment of the seer for services rendered was customary (v. 8).
Moreover, 1 Sam. 9.9 treats the 'seer' as an office no longer extant in Israel,
which has been supplanted by that of prophet. Although this verse claims
that the later prophet was the same as the earlier seer, there is no
representation of a prophet elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible in the same terms
as the seer in 1 Samuel 9 is depicted. Thus, despite the equation of prophet
with seer (cf. 1 Sam. 9.9b), the prophet seems to have been primarily the
mediator of the 'word of Yahweh'. Samuel is found in the latter role in the
secondary stratum of 1 Samuel 3-4.
If Samuel's traditional role was not that of prophet, neither was he
remembered as a priest. Cody (History, pp. 72-80) makes this same point and
further notes (ibid., pp. 74-75 n. 33) that the word na'ar in 1 Sam. 2.13 refers
to the servant of the priest, and that in Phoenicia, na'ar was a technical term
for a lower temple servant. This interpretation might also have some bearing
on the interplay between the terms lewi and na'ar in Judges 17-18.
37. J.M. Miller, 'Geba/Gibeah of Benjamin', VT 25 (1975), pp. 145-66.
Notes to Chapter 6
235
38. See above, 6.4.

39. McCarter, / Samuel, p. 237; but cf. P.R. Davies, 'Ark or Ephod in 1
Sam. xiv 18?, JTS 26 (1975), pp. 82-87, for a contrary opinion.
40. Reading from the MT. The LXX at this point reads ephoud, in
conjunction with v. 18a.
41. In both the MT and the LXX.
42. In addition, the site of the mustering of the Israelite forces in 1 Samuel
4 is given as Ebenezer, a place which is assumed in 1 Samuel 4, but which is
first explained in 1 Samuel 7, where the tradition of Yahweh's deliverance of
Israel under Samuel serves as an etiology for the place-name 'Eben ha'ezer,
that is 'the stone of help' (1 Sam. 7.12).
43. See above, 6.4.1.
44. Cf. 2 Sam. 16.5-8.
45. Cf. A. Alt, 'Die Staatenbildung der Israeliten in Palastina', KS, II,
pp. 21-22; Mettinger, Dethronement, p. 132; idem; 'Sabaoth', pp. 109-33, esp.
129-31.
46. David apparently made a policy of incorporating non-Israelite holy
places into Israelite life, probably as a means of integrating the non-Israelite
elements of Palestine with the Israelites. The selection of Gibeon, which had
been hard-pressed during Saul's tenure, was an important step in this policy.
In this regard, the pitching of the sacral tent at Gibeon would have had a
twofold purpose: to graft the non-Israelite sanctuary at Gibeon into Israel's
sacral tradition, and to legitimize David's policy towards non-Israelite
Palestinians; cf. 2 Sam. 21.1-9; 1 Chron. 16.39; 21.29; 2 Chron. 1.3, 13.
David also made a policy of promoting non-Israelite persons into his service;
cf. Cody (History, pp. 87-97) for a bibliography and thorough discussion of
this issue; also T.N.D. Mettinger, King and Messiah: The Civil and Sacral
Legitimation of the Israelite Kings (CB OTS, 8; Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1976),
pp. 92-95.
47. What is meant by 'until he comes to Shiloh' is nowhere specified. Early
commentators, attempting to deal with this problem, appealed to the LXX
reading of ho apokeitai ( = Hebrew Selo), which would alter the translation of
the last line to 'until he comes to that which is his'; cf. O. Procksch, Die
Genesis (KAT 1; Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1913), pp. 264-70. E.A. Speiser
(Genesis [AB; Garden City: Doubleday, 1982], pp. 362-66) reads, however,
'to the end that tribute be brought to him', but he also suggests rearranging
the consonantal breaks in the Hebrew to read 'his foes shall come fawning to
him', in parallel with the following 'and the peoples' homage shall be his'.
48. Lindblom (1953), pp. 73-87. Supported more recently by J.A. Emerton,
'Some Difficult Words in Genesis 49', in Words and Meanings. Essays
presented to David Winton Thomas (ed. Peter R. Ackroyd and Barnabas
Lindars; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), pp. 81-94.
49. Cf. also Eissfeldt (1956), pp. 138-47 (above, 3.8.1).
236
Shiloh
50. The use of the imagery of the vine for Jerusalem in both Gen. 49.11
and Isa. 4.2 suggests that both Isaiah and this oracle drew on a specifically
Jerusalemite tradition of imagery. This conclusion is supported by the
existence elsewhere of a separate Jerusalemite tradition onto which the
Davidic monarchs seem to have grafted the fortunes of their line. At any
rate, Jerusalem was venerated for its own sake, and as a separate entity
within the Davidic realm, as is illustrated by passages such as Ps. 78.60-72
and 1 Kgs 10.26-29 (esp. 10.27).
51. There is no reason to doubt the veracity of the traditions in 1 Samuel
21-22. Indeed, it is the sympathetic portrayal of Ahimelech and the priests of
Nob in relation to David's rise which casts suspicion upon the originality of
the connection of the judgment oracle against Eli (1 Sam. 2.27-36) to the
extermination of the priests of Nob by Saul (1 Sam. 22). Most probably, the
tradition in 1 Samuel 22 was incorporated into the narratives of David's rise
in order to lend a formal cultic legitimacy to the Judean usurper's cause. The
oracle in 1 Sam. 2.27-36 had no original connection to the fate of the priests
of Nob in 1 Samuel 22, but a connection was made later, on the strength of
Solomon's banishment of Abiathar.
Notes to Chapter 7
1. Cf. the promise to David in 2 Sam. 7.16.
2. 'Ahiyya de Silo et Jeroboam ler', Semitica 11 (1961), pp. 17-27.
3. 1 Sam. 3.1b: 'And the word of Yahweh was rare in those days; there
was no frequent vision.
4. Cf. H. Gunkel, Die Psalmen (HKAT II/2; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1926), pp. 340-41. H.J. Kraus {Psalmen [BKAT 15/1; NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1966], p. 540) adds to Gunkel's observations
the recognition of a connection between this psalm and the deuteronomistic
circles. Nevertheless, the strongest parallels seem to be with the Yahwistic
tradition of the Hexateuch: w. 12-14 = the crossing of the Red Sea; w. 1516, 20 = the waters of Meribah; w. 18-19 = the people's demand for meat;
w. 21-30 = God's provision of quail and manna; w. 42-51 = the plagues
upon the Egyptians.
5. Cf. Day (1979), p. 91. n. 15. That this psalm is pre-dtr is borne out by
the parallels with the Yahwistic traditions of the Hexateuch (above, n. 4).
Along the same lines see, more recently, J. Day, 'The Pre-Deuteronomic
Allusions to the Covenant in Hosea and Psalm lxxviii', VT 36 (1986), pp. 112.
6. Cf. Psalms 46; 48; 76; 84; 87; 122; esp. Pss. 48.1.-3; 122.1-5, for the
theology of Zion and the Davidic King. Among these psalms, the divine
name of Elohim predominates in Psalms 46; 48; 76; 78. This name is found to
Notes to Chapter 7
237
a lesser extent as a proper divine name in Psalms 84 and 87, and coupled
with Yhwh in the appelation Yhzoh 'elohim/'Slomenu in Psalms 84 and
122.
7. Verses 65-66 constitute a later insert into the text, breaking the
development of the theme of judgment with a statement of Yahweh's
deliverance of his people. The original Psalm proceeded from v. 64 directly
to v. 67, so that the judgment theme reached its climax in the rejection of the
tent sanctuary, with which the election of the tribe of Judah over the
northern tribes and their sanctuary was then juxtaposed.
8. Cf. the old tradition that Eli was a judge, 1 Sam. 4.18. As far as the
dating of Psalm 78 goes, Kraus, appealing to Noth (Studien, pp. 171-80),
places the authorship of this psalm close to 'den deuteronomistischen
Verfasserkreisen des chronistischen Geschichtswerkes' (Psalmen, p. 540). C.
Westermann (Praise and Lament in the Psalms [Atlanta: John Knox, 1981],
pp. 236-38) considers Psalm 78 to be probably late. Nonetheless, the psalm
has close ties to the Zion songs, which most likely datefromthe period of the
first temple, prior to the catastrophe in 587-586 BCE, and Psalm 78 itself
reflects a view of Jerusalem's statics unbesmirched by that humiliation.
9. That Ps. 78.60-72 refers only to an 'ohel and a miskdn confutes the
argument that Judg. 18.30-31 (bet-hd'elohim) refers to the same event as that
described in Ps. 78.60-72.
10. Day (1979), pp. 87-94.
11. Contra Day, ibid., p. 91. Day further claims that the departure of the
divine glory in Ps. 78.61 is symbolic of impending destruction, and he cites
Ezek. 11.22-23 to support this interpretation. Ezek. 11.22-23 occurs in the
context of a vision, in which the cherubim and the glory accompany the
prophet when he is taken up from the city. This vision, however, is not one of
the impending destruction of the city, but of restoration to the exiles (cf.
Ezek. 11.16-21).
12. Ibid.
13. See above, Chapter 5.
14. Day (1979), p. 89.
15. See Mettinger (Dethronement, pp. 46-52) for an analysis of this
problem.
16. Ibid., pp. 91-97; Mettinger clarifies the differences between the priestly
and Zion versions of the Sent theology.
17. As in his use of the expressions ndtan 'dldh and 'dldh hdydh, below,
n.20.
18. These observations call into question the dtr origins of the prose
oracles in Jeremiah, and suggest that a broader theory is needed to explain
the use of dtn/dtr language in this prophetic literature.
19. See J. Maxwell Miller and John H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel
and Judah (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1986), pp. 323-32, for a thorough
238
Shiloh
discussion of the political developments in the northern kingdom after the

death of Jeroboam II.
20. The expression le'dldh hdydh in these two verses occurs only in one
other instance, in Num. 5.27, a priestly text. The similar expression, ndtan
le'dldh, occurs only twice: in Jer. 29.18, and in the priestly text of Num.
5.21.
21. Day (1979, p. 89) makes the succession issue the focus of his analysis
of Jer. 7.12-15 on the basis of his claim that the language of'the place where
Yahweh will cause his name to dwell' marks this passage as deuteronomistic.
He then infers the concerns of the deuteronomistic author of Kings into his
treatment of Jer. 7.12-15. I have tried to show that this special theological
concept occurs in this form nowhere in the books of the Deuteronomistic
History, but only in Deuteronomy itself (and there only in chs. 12-26, while
not at all in the framing chapters). The Sent theology may be found in a less
concrete form in dtr texts such as 1 Kgs 8.27, 30, 48 (cf. Mettinger,
Dethronement, pp. 46-52), but cannot be made identical with the dtr concerns.
If Mettinger's treatment is in fact correct, the forms of this theology in P and
Deuteronomy, in which, respectively, Yahweh or his name actually dwells in
the miskdn or temple, this language is pre-dtr, and reflects the era before the
destruction of the temple, while the dtr readings of 1 Kgs 8.27,30,48, reflect
the consequent crisis in the theology of the deity's dwelling among men.
Therefore, just as the succession issue obscures the real focus of this passage
for Day and others who wish to tie it to a mid-eleventh-century destruction
of Shiloh, the doubtful equation of the phraseology of 'the place where
Yahweh will cause his name to dwell' and the dtr theology ignores the real
differences in the theology of Deuteronomy and Jeremiah on the one hand,
and that of dtr on the other. There is, in fact, nothing in Jer. 7.12-15 to
suggest that the peculiar dtr theme of Jerusalem as the only legitimate
sanctuary is at work in this passage. Therefore, Day's inference of this dtr
theme into the analysis of Jer. 7.12-15 is just that, and nothing more.
22. Finkelstein (1986), pp. 36-37, 39.
23. Cf. de Wette, Lehrbuch, p. 302.
24. Finkelstein (1986), pp.24, 36-38. Nevertheless, a destruction layer
from Iron Age I hardly pinpoints a date for this destruction in the mideleventh century. Indeed, the famous 1050 BCE date for this layer depends
not upon empirical data, but upon the hypothetical reconstruction of the
history of the events in 1 Samuel 1-7.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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1898).
Aharoni, Yohanan, The Land of the Bible (2nd edn; Philadelphia: Westminster,
1979).
Albright, W.F., The Daniih Excavations at Shiloh', BASOR 9 (1923), pp. 10-11.
'The Danish Excavations at SeilunA Correction', PEFQS 59 (1927), pp. 15758.
-'Shiloh', BASOR 48 (1932), pp. 14-15.
Anderson, W., 'Shiloh', HBD (1974), pp. 676-77.
Anonymous, 'Did the Philistines Destroy the Israelite Sancmary at Shiloh?The
Archaeological Evidence', BAR 1 (1975), pp. 3-5.
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Bahr, K.C.W.F., Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus (Heidelberg: J.C.B. Mohr, 18371839).
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Hirzel, 1889).
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1894).
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1978).
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240
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INDEXES
INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES
Genesis
1.28
2.1
23.1-2
25.7-10
28
35.4
35.9-15
35.19
35.29
49
49.5-7
49.10-12
49.10
49.11
49.33
50.26
Exodus
3.13
3.15
3.16
4.10-17
4.14
6.2-3
6.16-25
6.25
6.25a
13.10
15.20
18.4
18.13-26
21-23
21.6
23.19
25-31
113, 225nl
118
122-23
122
30
225
126, 132,
133, 147,
186
123
122
235n48
24
12,101,161,
163, 186-88,
190, 199
89, 161, 162
162, 236n50
122
122
227n28
227n28
227n28
146
146
89
122
145
122
22
22
48, 143
90
61,62
223n8,231n8
41
23, 24,
211nlll
25-27
26-27
27.21
28
32
39
223n88
15,17
223n88
208n42
48, 64, 91,
93
146
147
15, 17, 52,
85, 87, 129,
215n51,
223n88
85
41
17, 23, 24
19, 39,
221n73,
232nl0
208n42
Leviticus
1.3
1.5
3.2
4.2
4.4
4.7
4.13
4.15
4.18
4.27
5.17
8.3-4
8.31
8.35
9.8-10.3
10
12.6
14.11
14.23
15.14
223n88
223n88
223n88
229n43
223n88
223n88
229n43
132
223n88
229n43
229n43
223n88
223n88
229n45
146
211nlll
223n88
223n88
223n88
223n88
32.1-6
32.46
33.7-11
33.7
34.26
35-40
38.8
15.29
16
16.7
17
17.1-9
17.3
17.7-11
18.24-30
19.21
20.24
26.31
Numbers
1.53
3.7ff.
4.31-32
4.34
5.21
5.27
8.26
9.19
9.23
9.32
11.16
11.24-25
12
12.4
12.16
13.2
15.35
17.17
17.21
20.12b
22.1
25.1-13
25.1-9
25.1-5
25.6-15
25.6-13
223n88
211nlll
223n88
21, 33, 83,
125
12,223n88
83
52
205
223n88
227n27
83
229n45
229n45
229n45
205
238n20
238n20
229n45
229n45
229n45
229n45
52, 215n51
52, 215n51
92
215n51
52
103
229n43
205
205
103
103
124
223n88
230n50
92,133,138,
130
123,124,
Shiloh
248
Numbers (cont.)
144, 185,
190, 192,
230n50,
232nl0
25.6-10
232nl0
25.6
92, 123
25.7
144
84
25.8
52
25.10-13
145
25.11
145, 230n50
25.31
27.12-23
103
31.1-12
123, 138,
185, 190,
192
31.6
232n17
31.16
123
32
103, 121
32.28-32
102
33.50-34.29 103, 225n6
33.53
227n27
102,109
34
34.13-15
112, 204
35.1-8
102, 112
35.6-34
118, 229n41
35.9-34
102, 112
35.9-15
104
35.29-34
205
Deuteronomy
1.8
227n27
1.11
227n28
1.21
227n28
227n27
2.31
3.8
217
120
3.20
4.1
227nn27,28
4.2
229n43
4.22
227n27
4.41-43
229n41
227n28
6.3
120
6.5
6.17
229n43
6.18
227n27
227n27
8.1
227n27
9.4
227n27
9.5
227n27
9.23
10.11
227n27
10.13
11.1
11.8
11.27-28
11.31
12-26
12
12.1
12.11
12.14
12.15-16
14.23
16.2
16.6
16.11
16.20
17.8-13
17.14
18.1-8
18.6
18.9
19
19.1-13
21.5
26.1
26.2
26.7
27.3
28.9
28.13
29.24
31.7
31.14
32.49
32.52
33
Joshua
1
1.11
1.15
6.24
7
9.21
9.23
9.27
13-22
229n43
229n45
227n27
229n43
227n27
52, 238n21
12, 15, 21,
33, 39, 52,
54,63
227n28
174
172
31
174
174
174
174
227n27
90
227n27
228n31
229n43
227n27
104
229n41
90
227n27
174
227n28
227n28
229n43
229n43
227n28
227n27
215n51
120
227n27
217n95
226n9
227n27
226n27
41
124
68
68
68
101, 102,
104, 118,
13-21
13
13.1-6
13.15-14.5
14-22
14-21
14.1-19.51
14-19
14-15
14.1
14.1-5
14.2-5
14.6-15
15
15.1
15.12
15.12b
15.13-19
15.20
15.21-62
15.21
15.21a
15.62
15.63
16-17
16.1-8
16.1
16.5
16.8b
16.9-10
16.9
16.10
17.1-10
17.1
17.1b
17.2
125
102f., 108,
111,115,
119, 120,
225n7
101, 102,
228n30
79
102
104, 105
102, 185
202
101, 102,
104, 105,
106, 108ff,
204, 228n30
228n30
105, 106,
109, lllf.,
117f., 202
102, 109
108, 112,
116, 204
109, 116,
204
102
202
226nll
107, 202
202, 204,
226nll
202
108
226nll
202, 226nll
202
79, 108,
111, 205
228n30
102
202
202
202
102
205
111, 205
102
203
204
205

Joshua (cont.)
17.3-6
205
102
17.11-18
17.11-13
205
79, 111
17.12-13
17.14-19
204
79, 101, 113
17.14-18
22, 66, 80,
18-22
101, 112,
128, 132,
138, 169,
186, 189,
225nl
53
18-21
34, 228n30
18-19
18.1-10
17,101, 105,
ll0ff., 121,
132ff., 137,
185f., 189,
205, 228
nn33,35
18.1
11,21,40,
53,101,102,
ll0ff., 124,
132, 162,
174, 192,
216n87,
223n88,
228n36
102
18.1a
102, 111,
18.1b
113, 225n2
102, 111-13,
18.2-10
116, 225n2
18.2-9
111,116,
228n39
18.2
115, 116,
205
18.3a
113
116, 228n33
18.3b
18.4-5a
113
18.4
114
18.4b
115
116
18.5
114, 115
18.5a
113,115,
18.5b
116,228n36
113, 115,
18.6
116
114, 116
18.7-8a
18.7
18.7b
18.8a
18.8b
18.9
115,116
115
113,115
113,114
11, 101,
114, 132,
162, 186,
192, 228n36
18.9a
113,115
18.9b
114, 116,
117, 228n33
18.10
114
18.10a
114, 117,
229n37
117, 229n37
18.10b
18.11-19.48 112
102
18.11-25
18.11a
203
18.20b
203
18.21a
203
18.28b
203
18.28a
204
19.1-48
102
19.1
203
19.8b
203
19.9
205
19.10a
203
19.12a
203
19.15b
204
19.16a
203
19.16b
204
19.17
203
19.23b
204
19.24
203
19.31a
204
19.31b
204
19.32
204
19.39a
204
19.39b
204
19.40
204
19.47
205
19.48a
204
19.48b
204
19.49-50
102, 205
19.51
17, 40, 101,
102, 106,
109ff., 115,
117, 119,
124, 132,
137, 142,
19.51a
19.51b
20
20.1-9
20.1-6
21
21.1-42
21.1-3
21.1-2
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.43-45
22
22.1-8
22.1-6
22.1-3a
22.1
22.2-34
22.2-3a
22.3
22.4
22.49
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
22.8a
22.9-34
249
185f., 189,
192, 223n88
109, 111,
112, 117,
204
11, 53, 118,
205
101, 102,
104, 112,
118, 229n41
118, 229n41
112
101, 102,
104, 112,
118, 124
118, 119
111, 112,
185, 186,
189, 192
11, 101,
102, 118,
119, 137,
142
119
17, 118,
119, 132,
135, 186
119
119
102, 228n33
17, 34, 101,
120, 125,
126, 207n5
120, 121
102
121
120
142
121
121, 229n45
120
120
120
121
121
102
120
11,21, 101,
102, 111f.,
118, 121ff.,
250
Joshua (cont.)
129, 132ff.,
144, 145,
185, 186,
190, 192,
205, 223n88
17,122,132,
22.9
186, 205
22.9a
205
122
22.10
22.10a
205
22.11
122, 205
22.12-13
11
22.12
122
22.12b
205
22.13
122, 232nl7
22.13b
205
22.14
205
22.14a
205
22.15
122
22.15b
205
22.16
205
22.17
125, 205
22.18b
205
22.19
3,174,175,
205, 223n88
22.19a
205
22.20
125, 205
22.20a
205
22.21
122
22.22
205
22.23
102, 205
22.24
102
22.27
205
22.28-29
17
22.29
11,123, 205,
223n88
22.30-32
11
22.30
232nl7
22.30a
205
122, 205,
22.31
232nl7
22.31a
205
22.32
122, 205,
232nl7
22.32a
205
22.33
123
122
22.34
24
21, 81,
211n95,
Shiloh
24.1
24.25
24.29-30
24.32
24.33
Judges
1.27-28
2.6-23
2.6-13
2.6
2.12
2.17
3.4
3.19
4
6
6.24
7.8
8.27
11.11
17-21
17-18
17
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.9
18.30-31
18.30
225nl
101, 225nl
41, 101,
225nl
123
122
11, 122,
123, 142,
145, 151,
185,186,
232nl6
18.30a
18.31
18.31a
18.31b
19-21
19.1
19.18
20-21
205
127, 226n9
24
20.1-21.24
227n27
20.1-21.15
227n28
229n43
229n43
15
20
91
20.1
21
209
78
20.10
45, 209n45
20.18
14
127, 137,
20.26-28a
169
24, 29, 45,
57, 127,
20.26
128, 130,
20.27-28
210n95,
230n2,
234n36
14
20.28
127
21
137
127, 137
227n27
21.1
171,178,
21.1a
182, 183,
21.2-4
185,194,
196, 230n2, 21.2
237n9
21.5
14, 24, 30,
34,46,128ff, 21.8
146, 180,
186, 196,
21.11
231n7
21.12
129,130
14,17, 22,
30, 34, 40,
47,127ff.,
169, 179,
180, 186,
193, 230n2,
232n9
129
34
127, 138
127, 137
22
11, 15, 131,
133, 134,
138
13.2
127, 131ff.,
145, 185,
186, 190,
192
21
14, 15, 21,
131, 132,
186
17
14, 131,
132, 186
131, 186,
231n9
14, 17, 131,
132
31, 92, 134,
138, 144,
186, 224
nl05, 231n9
15, 132,145
21, 68, 71,
132, 135
14, 15,131,
186
131
14
15, 17, 131,
132
14,15
14,15, 131,
186
15
11, H, 15,

Judges (cont.)
68, 117,
127, 131ff.,
186, 192
21.16-24
14, 79, 127,
131ff., 141,
185, 186,
189, 191,
192, 231n7
132
21.16
15, 16, 19,
21.19
22, 40, 67,
71,136,186,
216n87
22, 135
21.21
127, 137
21.25
1 Samuel
1-7
1-4
1-3
1-2
1
1.1-28
1.1-2
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.7
1.9
1.19
152, 155,
158, 160,
196, 238n24
11, 14, 18,
45,129,130,
139ff., 156,
160, 186,
194, 216n87,
224nl05
15, 22, 29,
42, 48, 49,
80,135,140,
141, 154ff.,
163, 169,
190ff., 197,
232n9
40, 153ff.,
160, 194,
196, 197
145, 153ff.,
163, 232nl6
187
153
156, 233n27
22
31, 40, 71,
90, 142,194
23
23, 41, 140,
155, 193,
215n59
156
1.20b
1.24
1.25
1.27
1.28
1.28b
2-4
2-3
2.1-10
2.11
2.11a
2.12-17
2.13
2.18-21
2.20
2.22-25
2.22
2.22b
2.26
2.27-36
2.27-28
2.34
2.35-36
2.37-36
3-4
3
3.1-4.1
3.1
3.1b
3.3
3.11-14
3.15
3.19-4.la
3.19-21
152, 153
23,140, 193,
194
140
153
91
152, 153
124, 144,
146
152
48
156, 187
155
25, 40, 57,
143, 152
90
187
152ff.
143, 152
23, 25, 140
11, 19, 39,
41, 53, 57,
71, 80, 92,
140, 144,
193, 208,
221n73,
232n9
155
48, 142,147,
148, 152,
154ff., 166,
193, 213n27,
232nl0,
233n22,
236n51
146, 151
147
147, 148
151
234n36
72,152
194
31, 155, 188
166, 236n3
11, 41, 53,
140,193,194
143, 156
41, 140, 193
155, 157
187, 188
3.19
4-7
4-6
4
4.1b-7.2
4.1
4.3-11
4.3-5
4.4-6
4.4
4.10
4.17
4.18
4.19-22
4.22
5-7.2
5-6
7
7.2
7.3-14
7.3-13
7.3-12
7.5
7.12
7.13-14
7.15-8.3
7.15-17
7.16
8.1-3
8.7-9
9-10
9.8-9
9.9b
9.16
10.5
11
11.15
11.25
12
13.2
251
155
154,157,159
159,162,163
15, 30, 98,
128, 140ff.,
153, 157,
159, 170,
171, 180,
181, 190ff.,
235n42
155
152, 155,
160, 196
194
140
11
53
78
194
215, 237n8
142
194
157
152
157, 163,
235n42
157
157
157
155
156
235n42
155, 157,
158
155f.
194, 122,
214n35
15, 156
25, 122
27
156, 234n36
234n36
234n36
158
158
159
15
156
226n9
78
Shiloh
252
1 Samuel (cont.)
13.3
229n43
13.8
15
15
13.11
13.14
147
13.19-23
158
13.30
158
14
139, 158,
160, 166,
186, 190,
196
14.2-3
159
14.3
11, 31, 59,
142, 143,
148, 150ff.,
159ff., 188,
195, 197,
200, 208n42,
215n55,
216n82,
231n9
14.18
11,139,153,
154,159ff.,
195, 197,
200, 208n42,
231n9,
235n39
14.18b
159
21-22
142, 159,
236n51
21.1-9
15
22
142, 150,
236n51
22.9
15, 148
23.6
159, 208n42
23.9
159
25.1
155,156,
194
25.1a
122
25.21
15
25.33
15
29.1
160, 162,
195
30.7
159, 208n42
31
163, 190,
195
2 Samuel
1
1.1-10
190
195
2.1-4a
2.13
3.1-4.1a
3.6-4.12
5.3
6
6.1-19
6.3-4
7
7.5-6
7.6
7.16
8.17
12.20
15-20
15.7
15.24
15.35
16.5-8
17.15
20.1
21.1-9
1 Kings
2.3
2.27
2.28
3.4-9
3.4
8.3-9
8.4
8.8
8.27
8.30
8.48
9.1-2
9.3
10.26-29
10.27
11-15
197
234n36
197
197
15
158, 161
198
45
72, 194,
230n4
41
53,141,193,
232n7
236nl
142, 143,
149, 163,
211nl06,
216n82
41
199
15
211nl06
211nl06
235n44
211nl06
78
199, 235n46
229n45
142, 143,
144, 148,
149, 151,
215n55
53
199
161
38
12, 53, 85,
87, 141
212
238n21
238n21
238n21
199
173
236n50
236n50
11, 165ff.,
179, 182,
11.30
11.36
12.15
12.16
12.25-33
12.28b
13
13.1-10
13.1-3
14
14.1-20
14.2
14.4-16
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.18
14.21
15.20
15.29
18.18
186, 190
199
165
61, 67, 165,
208n38
165
173
165, 208n38
78
146
147
93
146
93
165
165
165
200
165
165
165
165
173
231n7
165, 208n38
229n43
2 Kings
11.5ff.
17
17.16
21.4
22-23
22.7
22.19
23
23.7
23.15-30
23.15-20
23.21-23
229n45
226n9
229n43
173
95
173
176
93
41, 129
93
146
207n9
11
11.26-40
11.29
1 Chronicles
25
6.3-15
149, 216n82
6.8
149, 216n82
6.12
53
7.5
198
11.4-9
92
12.27-29
211nl06
15.11
198
16.39-40

1 Chronicles (cont.)
78.58
18.16
143, 149,
78.59
216n82
78.60-72
26, 161,
16.39
235n46
12, 26, 161,
21.29
198, 235n46
25, 215n55
24.1-6
143
24.2-3
59, 144, 148
24.3
24.6
143, 144
2 Chronicles
12
1.2
26,161,198,
1.3
235n46
198
1.4
12
1.5
26, 161,
1.13
235n46
Ezra
7.2
216
Nehemiah
9.15
9.23
227n27
227n27
Psalms
5
8
23.6
27.4
27.6
46
48
48.1-3
52.10
55.15
76
78
78.56
78.57
41
41
41
41
53
236n6
236n6
236n6
41
41
236n6
23,167,170,
171, 177,
181, 237n8
167
167
78.60
78.61-64
78.61
78.62
78.63
78.64
78.65
78.66
78.67-72
78.67
78.68
78.69
78.70
78.71
78.72
84
87
106.28-31
122
122.1-5
Isaiah
4.2
18.4
18.7
253
167
Jeremiah
168
1.1
11, 25, 99,
7.12-15
129, 132,
141, 167,
169-73, 181,
182, 186,
188, 189,
7.12
190, 193,
196, 199,
227n25,
7.14-15
231nll,
7.14
236n50,
24.9
237n9
25.18
11, 40, 53,
26.6-9
88, 168,
170, 192,
208n25
26.6
171
168, 170,
26.8b-9a
194, 232nll 26.9
168, 170
29.18
168, 170
41.5
168, 170
168
168
42.18
171
44.8
11, 53, 168, 44.12
170, 192,
44.22
208n25
49.7-22
168, 170
49.13
168, 169
49.18
49.20b
168
168
168
Ezekiel
236n6
11.16-21
236n6
11.22-23
40.46
123
43.19
236n6
232n6
44.15
48.11
162, 236n50
174
174, 175
233n25
11, 25, 30,
99, 167,
171ff., 196,
200, 216n76,
238n21
23, 36, 40,
61, 84, 88,
174, 233n25
180, 182
36, 88, 177
178
178
30, 99, 171,
173, 176ff.,
196, 200
23, 36, 88,
172, 178
172
36, 88, 179
238n20
61,181,186,
190, 201,
216n87
178
178
178
178
178
178
179
179
237nll
237nll
233n21
233n21
233n21
233n21
Amos
2.10
227n27
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Addis, W.E. 51
Aharoni, Y. 219n35, 220n49, 225n4,
226nnl4,16
Alt, A. 61, 79,103,168, 220n56, 225n3,
226nl4, 235n45
Amiran, R. 219n43
Albright, W.F. 67-77, 81-82, 88, 96,
196, 220nn47,54
Anderson, W. 218n24, 230n2
Arnold, W.R. 234n30, 221n73
Bachli, O. 210n79, 220n56
Bahr, K.C.W.F. 28, 210n84
Baudissin, W.W.G. 47, 51, 58, 59, 60,
63, 82, 86, 98, 143,144, 216
nn78,82,84,85,217nn95,102,222n78,
232nl4, 233n21
Benzinger, J. 47, 49
Bimson,J. 219n47
Bleek, F. 28, 33, 34, 45, 82, 208n27,
209n58, 210n85, 211nnl00,109,110,
215n60, 230n5, 231n6
Blenkinsopp, J. 118, 225n2, 226n8,
227n26, 229n38
Budde, K. 47, 48, 97, 128, 213n20,
230n3, 232nl6
Buhl, F. 37, 60, 61, 68, 72, 98, 179,
216n87
Buhl, M.-L. 61, 66, 69ff., 88, 94, 98,
179, 216n88, 218nl7, 230n2,
231nn7,12,13
Caquot, A. 166
Cody, A. 88, 90, 91, 224n95, 232nll,
233n20, 234n36, 235n46
Colenso 43
Cornill, C.H. 47
Cross, F.M. 88, 91ff., 98, 143, 144,
224nnl05,106, 225nlll, 231nn2,12,
233n22
Curtiss, S.I. 95
Davies, P.R. 235n39

Day, J. 73, 74, 93,167, 170ff., 181, 182,
236n5, 237nnl0,11,14, 238n21
Delitzsch, F. 51-58, 95, 215nn53,57,59,
61,62
Dibelius, M. 47, 49, 50, 98, 218nnl6,23,
221n73, 231nnl2,13
Dillmann, A. 47, 51-58, 63-65, 82, 86,
95, 214nn48,49,50, 215nn52,53,56,
66, 216n77, 217nl02, 218n4,
222n78, 228n31
Duhm, B. 44
Dus, J. 153-55, 233n27, 234nn31,34
Dussaud, R. 52, 65, 66, 82, 84, 86, 91,
96,135, 215n66
Eichrodt, W. 216n89
Eissfeldt, O. 63, 88-90, 99, 116, 217n97,
224n89, 226n20, 228n35, 229n37,
235n49
Emerton, J.A. 235n48
Ewald, H. 21, 23-28, 30, 33-37, 42, 44,
46, 49, 60, 65, 72, 81, 93, 94, 98,
128, 209nn58,59,67, 210nn71,77,79,
212nl45, 220n57, 222n86
Finkelstein, I. 74-80, 219nn29,44,
220nn50,52, 231n15, 238nn22,24
Fretheim, T.E. 230n52, 232n25
Galling 220n56
Gaster, T. 231nl7
Gnuse, R.K. 234n35
Graf, K.H. 13, 17, 29, 30, 33, 36-39, 41,
43-47, 50-65, 72, 88, 93-98,105,
128, 131, 179, 180, 210nn89,93,
211nnl07,120,121, 214n49, 222n78,
230nn2,4, 231nn7,l
Gramberg, C.P.W. 17-20, 43, 207n24,
209n45
Gressmann, H. 51, 221n73
Index of Authors
Gunkel, H. 51, 96, 214n46, 236n4
Guthe, H. 47, 48, 215n54
Haneberg, D.B. von 28, 37, 38, 41, 98,
210n85, 212nl37, 213nl0
Haron, M. 82, 86-88, 94, 96, 98, 99,
141, 222nn78,84,88, 225nl09,
231nn3,4, 232nn8,9
Harrelson, W. 230n2
Hayes, J.H. 209n58, 237nl9
Hengstenberg, E.W. 20-26, 28, 37, 40,
72, 94, 98, 171, 208nn27,39,41,42,
209nn43,46,49,56, 210nn70,95,
211n95, 212nl45, 213nl9, 215n59,
231n6
Holm-Nielsen, S. 66, 69-73, 76, 77, 88,
94, 98,135, 179, 216n88, 218nl7,
231nnl2,13
Holsinger, H. 230nn46,48
Hylander, I. 233n27
Ibrahim, M.M. 219n40
Karge, P. 51, 63, 64, 217nnl00,103
Kaufinann, Y. 28, 82-88, 95, 96,
210n85, 211nnl00,109, 221n70,
222n78
Kayser, A. 44, 213n6
Keil, K.F. 32, 33
Kittel, R. 47, 51-58, 61-65, 82, 86, 95,
215nn65,66,67, 216nn69,70,77,84,
217nn92,102, 218n4, 222n78,

224nl06
Kjaer, H. 66, 68-71, 88, 218nnll,12
Kleinert, P. 52, 95, 215n53
Klostermann, A. 51
Knobel, A. 214n48
Koch, K. 221n73, 224n88
Kohler, A. 41, 42, 213nl9, 215n59,
231n8
Konig 47
Kraus, H J . 236n4, 237n8
Kuenen, A. 43, 46, 47, 51, 55, 58, 64,
65, 213n5, 217nl03, 230nn47,48
Lindblom, H. 63,162, 217n97, 224n92,
235n47
Lods, A. 66, 233n27
255
McCarter, P.K. 153, 232nl0, 233n22,

234n33, 235n39
McCown, C.C. 69
Maier,J. 222n73
Maybaum 47
Mendenhall, G.E. 63, 217n99
Mettinger, T.N.D. 99,175, 224nn93,104,
235nn45,46, 237nn15,16, 238n21
Meyer, E. 47, 49, 50, 214n39, 215n54,
217n95, 218n16, 231nl2
Miller, J.M. 209n58, 220n48, 234n37,
237nl9
Morgenstern, J. 221-2n73
Mowinckel, S. 82, 97, 103-105, 107,
109, 111, 112, 115, 116, 221n64,
225n3, 226nnl2,15,19,21, 227n23,

228nn32,36, 229nn41,42
Noldeke, T. 213n6
Noth, M. 26, 61, 79, 81, 82, 86, 90, 9597, 103-105, 108,111,116,
210n79, 217n90, 220nn53,55,58,
225nn4,6, 226n9, 227n22, 228n34,
229n41, 230n2, 233n29, 234n32,
237n8
Nowack 47
Oehler, G.F. 39, 40, 212nl45
Pearce, R.A. 73, 218n24
Procksch, O. 51, 61-63, 96, 216n89,
217nn90,92,95, 224nl06, 235n47
Prussner, F. 216n89
Reuss, E. 29, 44, 47, 63, 98, 143, 144,
210n89, 216n70, 232nnl2,15
Richardson, A.T. 67, 68
Riehm, E. 28, 29, 46, 82, 94, 210n87,
211nl09, 230n5
Riis, P.J. 218nn6,14
Robinson, E. 19, 20, 208n37
Rofe, A. 225nl
Rogerson, J. 207n3, 209n58, 215n53
Rossum, J. van 73, 218n24
Saalschutz, J.L. 27-32, 38, 82, 94,
208n27, 211nn95,99,101,
212nnl44,152, 213nl0, 230n5,
231n6
256
Schmidt, A. 66-69
Schrader, E. 213n6
Shiloh, Y. 72-78
Schmitt, R. 214n31, 222n73
Smend, R. 47-50, 64, 98, 207n3,
213n27, 215n54
Smith, E. 19, 20, 208n37
Speiser, E.A. 235n47
Spinoza 220n56
Stade, B. 47, 48, 50, 215n54
Steuemagel 220n56
Vatke, W. 13, 18-20, 43, 46, 65, 95,
211nl20
Vaux, R. de 66, 82, 84-86, 96, 98,
215n58, 221nn71,73, 222n74
Weber, M. 220n56
Weinfeld, M. 222n78, 226n16
Shiloh
Wellhausen, J. 13, 17, 30, 38-42, 44-56,
58-61, 63-65, 71, 72, 81-86, 88-98,
102-105, 111, 112,115, 121,14346,193,213nnll,12,12,17,21,
214n49, 216nn68,70,75, 217nn96,103,
221n69, 222n78, 224nl06, 225nll0,
226nnl7,19, 227nn23,24, 228
nn29,31,33, 230nn46,47,49,
231nnl,2,3, 232nnl0,12,16,
233nnl9,22,27
Wette, W.M.L. de 12-21, 23-31, 33-34,
36, 39-43, 45-47, 53, 65, 94, 95,
131, 207nn3,4,5,16,23, 208n40,
210n76, 211nl20, 238n23
Winer, G.B. 16,17
Woudstra, M.H. 222n73
Yadin, Y. 219n38

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JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

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Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Copyright 1989 Sheffield Academic Press

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

7.5 Conclusions: The Destruction of Shiloh in

American Journal of Archaeology

from, or new venues within that tradition. Finally, I am indebted to

eclipse of Shiloh by Jerusalem in conjunction with the rise of the

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

were obliged to cite those particular passages which seemed to

fact, de Wette's Beitrdge zur Einleitung in das Alte Testament,3 first

De Wette's most salient contribution to this debate was the way he

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

history. Institutions such as the 'tent of meeting', which had assumed

pentateuchal law. But de Wette dismissed these arguments as

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

scholars, who sought to defend the authenticity of the Mosaic cultus

was Wilhelm Vatke. Vatke's Biblische Theologie, published in 1835,31

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

like structures, or mobile sanctuaries; only Ba'al had been worshipped

now able to make a precise determination of the geographic situation

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

that of de Wette. He argued that the laws of the Pentateuch, with

treating the other holy places in Judges as breaches of the

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

Yahweh', 1 Sam. 1.7, 24; 3.15), the hekal-Yhwh ('the temple of

the material which de Wette had wanted to relegate to the later

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

community with a central sanctuary in the pre-monarchical era. In

Ewald's Geschichte was followed by a number of less ambitious but

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

similar theme present in the other pentateuchal traditions: in

In the same year that Graf published his monograph on Shiloh,

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

place to place.97 He mentioned both Bethel (Judg. 20.27-28) and

In summary, Saalschiitz's treatment of the issue of the centralization

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

Bleek's treatment of Shiloh came to an end with his treatment of

pentateuchal composition which came to be known as the New

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

victory at Aphek, which he once had so strenuously opposed. He

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

was Wellhausen's Der Text der Bticher Samuelis.140 Although

technical in nature, this work offered a continuation of the type of

1. Shiloh in Nineteenth-Century OT Criticism

The consensus with regard to the composition of the Pentateuch and

The next work of importance to be published from the Grafian

2. The Wellhausian Revolution and its Critics

seemed to lend weight to those scattered references in the books of

Consequently, Eli, the priest of Yahweh at Shiloh, was not a

2. The Wellhausian Revolution and its Critics

of 1 Sam. 2.27-36 to have designated Samuel originally, and only

2. The Wellhausian Revolution and its Critics

Solomonic temple with the memories of the ancient desert shrine.29

2. The Wellhansian Revolution and its Critics

continued to emerge. There were two main sources of this resistance: