The Presindential Campaing
The Presindential Campaing
The Presindential Campaing
DONALD T R U M P
First, are Trump's actions that raised questions as to whether he was qual
ified to be President.
and claims he should not be prosecuted because this other guy committed
murder. Trump lives in a glass house and cannot stop throwing stones.
Some say he is projecting his faults onto others. In psychoanalysis, pro
jection and projective identification are phenomena that are largely
unconscious. In these pot and kettle examples, Trump's motivation may
be unconscious, but he is not unaware of his own actions, even though he
denies, evades or tries to divert attention from what he has done. As his
own conduct is so often uncovered, it is peculiar that time and time again
he goes on the offensive to harshly criticize someone, and time and time
again it comes out that he is criticizing others for what he himself does.
Michael Bloomberg says of Trump: "I'm a New Yorker and I know a
con when I see one." It seems that by criticizing others for what he does,
Trump is either a shameless hypocrite, or is setting himself up, or he does
not feel he will be held accountable, or some combination of them all.
Trump does sometimes think he is immune from being held responsible.
As he said in 2005 in a different context, "when you're a star....You can
do anything" (Revesz, 10/8/2016). In the same vein, in January 2016, he
proclaimed, "I could stand in the middle of 5th Avenue and shoot some
body and I wouldn't lose voters" (Diamond, 1/24/2016).
Trump often acts as if he will not suffer negative consequences, but
not always. At the same time as he feels above it all, he is almost begging
to be discovered. Trump is like a mischievous boy who telegraphs his
misconduct so he can be caught and punished. Once discovered, he then
denies he is guilty, or says what others have done is worse, or that the
system is rigged against him. Trump seems unaware that he both wants
to get away with things and to be punished for his transgressions. This
preoccupation with blaming others for what he does and his response
once caught was one of the more bizarre phenomenon in an election
overloaded with absurdity.
Trump's melodramatic psychodramas include the way he jumps to
conclusions and slanders others. Here are just a few examples. In early
May 2016, Trump forwarded a false National Enquirer story linking Ted
Cruz's father to Lee Harvey Oswald and the JFK assassination. He also
went on Fox News to link Rafael Cruz and Oswald. Accusing any one of
being involved with Lee Harvey Oswald is serious, and involves fact
checking. Again, Trump was not interested in verifying the quickly
debunked Enquirer claim. Right after the Republican Convention,
Trump defended the aforementioned supermarket paper (Farley,
7/23/2016). He said that "in many respects" the National Enquirer
"should be well respected" (Spinelli, 7/22/2016). To find this publica-
A Psychohistory of Donald Trump and the 2016 American Election 297
things being fixed. As Secretary Clinton pointed out Trump claimed that
the federal judge of Mexican descent was biased against him. His cam
paign claimed that the Wisconsin Republican primary was basically fixed
against him, and when his TV show lost the Emmy's three years in a row,
he tweeted that these awards were rigged. As Clinton said, "this is a
mindset. This is how Donald thinks" (Clinton, 10/19/2016).
On September 24, 2012, he did tweet, "The Emmy?? are all politics,
that's why...The Apprentice never won" (Gajanan, 10/19/2016). After
losing big in the aforementioned Wisconsin contest, his campaign
declared there was a conspiracy of Ted Cruz, the party bosses, and con
servative talk show hosts suspiciously "attempting to steal the nomina
tion from Mr. Trump," (Smith, 4/5/2016). On September 19th' he claimed
that the Presidential debate moderators "are all Democrats," including
that NBCs Lester Holt "is a Democrat." To Trump, "It's a very unfair sys
tem." Lester Holt is a registered Republican, and the only actual Democrat
among the moderators is Fox News' Chris Wallace, (Haberman and
Burns, 9/24/2016).
Of course, for Trump there is no reason for facts to invalidate his nar
rative, or for him to investigate what is true before he asserts something.
Trump has created his own world in which he is both besieged on all
sides and yet triumphant. To himself, he is a heroic leader who will res
cue himself and the rest of the unfairly treated silent majority from these
unfair betrayals, this corruption from within by the likes of Lyin' Ted and
Crooked Hillary. This grandiosity, living in the political gutter, and self-
deception characterized him and his campaign. He went farther into the
depths than any candidate in our already squalid history of campaigning,
even calling Hillary Clinton the devil, and promising to jail her if he is
President (Murphy, 10/10/2016). Trump successfully played out this psy
chological melodrama to cheering crowds, a number of whom often
appear to share the same paranoid style, resentful anger, viciousness, and
no interest in factual accuracy.
Is it not a coincidence that the man who brought birther racism main
stream is a nativist stoking prejudice against darker skinned Muslims and
Mexicans, and also has a lengthy history of saying and acting as a sexual
assaulter. To cap off this playing to the darkest impulses, he presents the
first woman to be a major party Presidential nominee as the devil who
should be imprisoned. Racism and sexism are central to Donald Trump's
presentation of self in everyday life. These prejudices are, of course,
accompanied by paranoia in Trump and others. Some deep anxiety and
A Psychohistory of Donald Trump and the 2016 American Election 299
W H A T IN O U R P O L I T I C S , H IS T O R Y ,
A N D C U L T U R E E N A B L E D T R U M P ' S R IS E ?
These characteristics lead back to the question of what in our politics,
history, and culture makes it possible that Donald Trump is now Amer
ica's Commander-in-Chief?
P o lit ic s a n d C u l t u r e
First, we should look at our governmental structure. The United States
has a system of separation of powers, where someone who wins a major
ity of the Electoral College is elevated to the Presidency. A candidate can
have a plurality in the popular vote, but not triumph in the Electoral
College. This has now happened five times. In the British government, a
Prime Minister has to be a Member of Parliament, who has shown his or
her competence and character, and has been selected as the leader of a
political party or coalition that wins a majority of seats in the House of
Commons. Trump would not be eligible to be the nation's political leader
in Great Britain; nor would he be President in a system where the candi
date with the most actual votes is victorious.
Second, the United States is stuck in a cultural pattern of endless polit
ical campaigns. No other industrial nation has as lengthy election sea
sons as we do, The British elections last four weeks, the official French
campaign is either two or three weeks, and the Germans about a month
(Library of Congress). With these much shorter campaigns, the focus for
the public and politicians is more on governing than running for office.
Not so in the U.S. where perpetual campaigning is a way of life. The first
Republican Presidential debate was a full fifteen months before votes
were tabulated, the Iowa caucus nine months before the general election,
and the period from the political party conventions until the final ballot
ing was over three months.
The ritualistic contest then becomes a center of our national life.
Much of the news media coverage of governmental issues focuses on
how it plays politically more than policy details. The talk of who is going
to be running for President in the next election is frequently front and
center long before any primaries are on the horizon. As political strategist
David Axelrod quips, "in Washington, every day is election day" (Dionne
Jr., 2016, 119). Our competitive culture is perpetually drawn to the great
300 Ken Fuchsman
among the nation's more esteemed news outlets, to publish wild unsub
stantiated claims when made by newsworthy individuals.
This reflects the tabloidization of the news. Tabloid dailies feature big
headlines on sensational incidents, human interest stories, scandals, and
gossip about celebrities, including their romantic lives and sexual
escapades; this is often called soft news. Between 1977 and 1997, such
soft items in the U. S. news media increased from 15% to 43% (Cash-
more. E., 2006, 26).
Strongly connected to the changes in the news business is that, along
with some other countries, the U.S. has become a celebrity culture hun
gry to be entertained. As historian Christopher Lasch wrote in 1978,
there is a "cult of celebrity" promoted by the "mass media" that encour
ages "the common man to identify himself with the stars" and their
"glamour and excitement" (Lasch, 1978, 21). For "we now live in an
amusement society," writes sociologist Lauren Langham, "in which
entertainment values displace all others." In this society of amusement,
the "difference between leaders and stars has become "blurred," and not
surprisingly "politics has become a moment of entertainment....In the
new era of telepolitics...self-presentations replace platforms and agendas
(Langham, Lauren, 2012, 513, 521). As Ellis Cashmore recognizes, "news
values have been subverted by entertainment values" (Cashmore, 32).
Columnist Leslie Gelb, "Truth is judged not by evidence, but by theatri
cal performances....Truth has become the acceptance of untruths" (Bern
stein, 2007, 224). We now have a President who has long been a celebrity
and who specializes in disregarding evidence before making pronounce
ments. Henry Adams is likely turning over in his grave.
It is easy to see how our political structure, our fascination with
lengthy political campaigns, the cult of personality and celebrity, the
degradation of hard news, a tabloid sensibility, featuring slogans over
policy, and elections as entertainment have all laid a foundation that
have enabled Trump to rise to the top.
No candidate in the history of the United States has been more effec
tive at grabbing media attention than Donald Trump. During the pri
mary season, his rallies were televised live on cable news channels, a priv
ilege rarely granted to his opponents. Trump said the reason this was
done is that he brought up their ratings. The Chairman of CBS, Les
Moonves, said Trump's candidacy "may not be good for America, but it's
damn good for CBS....The money's rolling in and this is fun....bring it
on, Donald Keep going" (Collins, 2/29/2016). By mid-March, Trump had
been given $1.9 billion in free media coverage, which was three times
A Psychohistory of Donald Trump and the 2016 American Election 303
H is to r y
The joining together of the media and our preoccupation with endless
campaigns partially explains the political rise of Donald Trump. For how
he attracted so many ardent followers, we need to turn to political history.
There are many strands within the Republican party, one of which is
the paranoid style often displayed by this political party. In the Great
Depression, intervention by the state in the economy and social welfare
legislation led factions within the Republican Party to consider that Roo
sevelt and his fellow travelers were un-American and were violating
sacred principles of capitalism. After World War II and the emergence of
the Cold War, this led to a second Red Scare, like that of the one following
the first World War. When capitalism is in crisis or the nation's security is
threatened, many in the U. S. become unsettled, angry, and search for
scapegoats. The fault cannot be in ourselves, but in some threatening
force; paranoia then once again rears its ugly head.
Barry Goldwater, the 1964 Republican Presidential standard bearer,
and his supporters often equated themselves with Americanism, but the
Democrats had Congressional majorities for all but a handful of the years
between 1933 and 1980. Then came the Reagan revolution of 1980. In
the years since then Republicans have been the more dominant national
political party. Reagan said government was the problem rather than the
304 Ken Fuchsman
solution, revived the major Republican tax cuts favoring the wealthy
from the 1920s, and targeted so-called tax and spend liberals. The
Democrats were regularly portrayed as hostile to America's liberties by
imposing big government on the populace. Many Republicans felt the
disloyal Democratic Party had been routed, and true Americanism had
been restored.
Some in the Grand Old Party were dismayed when Democrat Bill Clin
ton won the 1992 election; there are factions within the party that think
that having a Democrat in the White House is contrary to American val
ues. Some conservatives did whatever they could to undermine the Presi
dent. Clinton's many foolish actions led to his impeachment, but not
conviction. Levels of animosity were directed at this Democratic chief
executive that had not been seen in decades.
When Obama became President, it was as if the Red Scare had turned
into the Black Scare. The intense fury that characterized the McCarthy
era returned with a vengeance. But there was an added element, the
night Obama was inaugurated, prominent Congressional Republicans
met and swore to oppose any thing Obama proposed, even if it had been
things they had long advocated. Partisanship took on new dimensions.
Adding to this was the hatred and paranoia directed at Obama.
In the age of the internet, social media, and conservative radio, the
demonized Obama was accused of being a Muslim, communist, fascist,
and everything else under the sun. Birthers even questioned if he was eli
gible to be President. The paranoid style was brought to new levels. Part
of this was due to the usual scapegoating that follows American eco
nomic crises. The Great Recession shook up many Republicans who can
not abide or understand how sacred capitalism can have major failures.
But there was another twist in this sense of betrayal. After the 2008
recession, many rebellious Republicans not only scapegoated and stereo
typed President Obama, they targeted stalwart Republicans in Congress.
The 2010 elections brought to the forefront a Tea Party movement that
saw the government as the enemy, and Congressional Republicans as
betraying their principles of decreasing the size of the government and
the federal debt.
Republicans slowly developed their own civil war. The Tea Partiers in
Congress became so obstreperous that the Republican Speaker of the
House resigned his position and his seat in Congress in September, 2015.
These deep Republican party divisions played themselves out in the
2015-2016 primaries. The mainstream Republican candidates fell by the
wayside in a party revolt. The two candidates who received the highest
A Psychohistory of Donald Trump and the 2016 American Election 305
vote totals were the most conservative and bold: Ted Cruz and Donald
Trump. Both played upon the anger in the Tea Party and others.
The recession has left deep scars, and was preceded by years of middle-
class decline. In 1970, the U. S. middle class had 62% of the nation's
aggregate household income. By 2014, it was 43%. Between 2001 and
2013, the median wealth of middle income Americans fell by 28%. The
American middle class made up 61% of the adult population in 1971, but
just under 50% in 2015. On the other side of the ledger, in 1970, 29% of
aggregate income went to upper income families, but by 2014, that had
risen to 49% (Pew Research Center, 12/9/2015). The Great Recession
brought slower economic growth. Obama will likely be the first President
since Herbert Hoover to not have at least one full calendar year of gross
domestic product growth of at least three percent (Gillin, 10/31/2016).
During the Obama years through 2015, real median household income
was down 2.3 percent, home ownership had declined 5.6%, and 3.5%
more Americans were in poverty now than before he assumed office
(Murdock, 5/6/2016).
The distribution of wealth and wages, has become less equitable. Pro
ductivity had risen 96.7 percent between 1948 and 1973, at the same
time real wages almost matched that, going up 91.3 percent. Then
between 1973 and 2013 while productivity rose 73.4 percent wages only
went up 11.1 percent (Johnson, 2016). Particularly hard hit were middle
aged males with less than a college education.
The world had turned and there was a dividing line between those
who had bachelor's degrees and those that did not. There were also sub
stantial educational differences between males and females. By the mid-
1990s women aged 25 to 29 began attaining at least a bachelor's degree
at a higher rate than men. The work place too was altering. In 1970,
about 16% of managers were female, by 2009 close to 40% were women
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Many less educated men felt displaced and
betrayed, and some became more conservative, nativist, resentful, sexist,
and furious. Many of them feel disenfranchised. In a poll before the elec
tion, 93% of Trump's supporters did not feel that their concerns were
being addressed in Washington (Wallace-Wells, 9/30/2016).
Donald Trump played to the hostility towards Washington, the preju
dices against immigrants, the economic woes, and the jealousy of high
achieving women. He exploited the Republican party, economic, and sex
ual divisions to his own advantage. The birther Trump knew how to
stereotype and brand Obama, Hillary Clinton, and his Republican pri
mary opponents. The political divisions, along with the political and cul-
306 Ken Fuchsm an
tural phenomenon have set the stage for this celebrity, with few qualifi
cations but many skills in gaining attention to himself, to forge an effec
tive political movement within the main currents of Republican party
ideology. Yet, he used that tradition to go beyond the mainstream. No
other major party presidential nominee in our history has so unleashed
the discontent and rage of the electorate as he has. As celebrity and dem
agogue, Donald Trump is a master of the paranoid style.
His slogan of making America great again played well in the rust belt
states which had seen industrial decline for decades. It is in those states
that the sense that America was no longer great economically was strong.
They were more receptive to his appeal than Clinton's that America is
already great. In the week before the election two polls showed that only
a little over 30% of Americans thought the nation was heading in the
right direction, while 60% or more thought we are going in the wrong
direction (Real Clear Politics, 12/1/2016).
The dissatisfaction with the current direction showed up on election
day in the old industrial heartland. Which states are in the rust belt is
open to disagreement, but some say they are Pennsylvania, West Vir
ginia, Indiana, Iowa, Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Trump car
ried all these states, but Illinois. In winning in Pennsylvania, Michigan,
and Wisconsin he turned states that had been solidly Democratic for
decades. It is his triumph in the rust belt that brought him victory in the
electoral college. The lingering impact of the Great Recession helped give
Trump the margin that has brought him into the White House. He skill
fully played to racism and sexism in the South, and to economic worries in
states suffering from manufacturing decline. The most unqualified major
party candidate in American history was able to put together a winning
coalition, showing once again that running a successful campaign can be
quite different than the skills needed to actually govern competently.
CONCLUSION
In this dark carnival of an endless campaign, the familiar dysfunctions of
our electoral rituals, celebrity culture, tabloid sensationalism, and aban
donment of factual accuracy have gone to unprecedented extremes. Both
major party candidates had deep flaws, though Trump's were more on
public display. He has a quick-trigger temperament that looks on criti
cism as a vast conspiracy. While Hillary Clinton would have left many of
our pressing problems unresolved, she did not have an impulse control
problem. J. K. Rowling, after tweeting something critical of Trump, was
told by an American to stay out of our election. The British creator of
A Psychohistory of Donald Trump and the 2016 American Election 307
Harry Potter responded, "When a man this ignorant & easy to manipu
late gets within sniffing distance of the nuclear codes, it's everyone's
business" (Rowling, 1/15/2016). Now he is President.
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-w allace-w ells/how -donald-trum p-could-disappear-from -the-political-scene?
mbid=nlJ61001_Daily&CNDID=29692319&spMailingID=9614290&spUserID=MTM
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