Denying Ethnic Identity Macedonians of Greece - Helsinki Watch

DENYING ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Macedonians of Greece
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki

(formerly Helsinki Watch)
Human Rights Watch

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Copyright April 1994 by Human Rights Watch.
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Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-75891

ISBN: 1-56432-132-0
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, formerly Helsinki Watch, was established in 1978
to monitor and promote domestic and international compliance with the human
rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki accords. It is affiliated with the International
Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which is based in Vienna. The staff includes
Jeri Laber, executive director; Lois Whitman, deputy director; Holly Cartner and
Julie Mertus, counsels; Erika Dailey, Rachel Denber, Ivana Nizich and Christopher
Panico, research associates; Christina Derry, Ivan Lupis, Alexander Petrov and
Isabelle Tin-Aung, associates. The advisory committee chair is Jonathan Fanton;
Alice Henkin is vice chair.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments .............................................................................................................................................viii
Frequently Used Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... ix
Introduction and Conclusions........................................................................................................................1
Background ................................................................................................................................................................4
Denial of Ethnic Identity.....................................................................................................................................11

The Number of Ethnic Macedonians ...................................................................................12
Macedonian Ethnic Identity......................................................................................................13
Ethnic Macedonians Whose Identity is Greek,
rather than Macedonian ....................................................................................... 17
Requirements of International Human Rights Law...................................................18
Denial of Permission to Establish
Center of Macedonian Culture.........................................................................20
Restrictions on Free Expression................................................................................................................22
Discrimination against the Macedonian Minority ........................................................................26

Deprivation of Citizenship and Denial of Visas...........................................................26
Language..............................................................................................................................................36
The Greek Government's View...........................................................................37
Restrictions on the Use
of the Macedonian Language......................................................39
Views of Ethnic Macedonians............................................................................41
Requirements of International
Human Rights Law............................................................................... 44
Employment .......................................................................................................................................45
Harassment .............................................................................................................................................................49
Harassment of Human Rights Monitors ..........................................................................49
Harassment of Ethnic Macedonians..................................................................................56
Fear ..........................................................................................................................................................58
Recommendations ..............................................................................................................................................61
Appendices:
A. List of place names changed according to
Decree No. 322 of 1926................................................................................................................62
B. Decree No. 106841 of December 29, 1982.......................................................................................68
C. Law No. 1540/85...............................................................................................................................................69
D. U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to
National or Ethnic, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities........................................70
E. Decision of Multimember High Court in Florina, August 1990............................................76
F. Charges against Christos Sideropoulos and Tasos Boulis, 1992 ................................... 79
G. Copy of visa application "meant only for the Yugoslav
Citizens who are born in Greece and
of Macedonian Origin" ................................................................................................................83
H. Copy of Stohos article on July fact-finding mission................................................................84
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This report is based largely on information gathered by a fact-finding

mission in the Macedonian region in northern Greece in July 1993, organized and
co-ordinated by the Minority Rights Group-Greece. The participants were
Panayote Dimitras, representing the Minority Rights Group-Greece; Erik Siesby,
head of the Danish Helsinki Committee; and Lois Whitman, the Deputy Director of
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki. The report was written by Lois Whitman and edited
by Jeri Laber, the Executive Director of Human Rights Watch/Helsinki.
The Greek Foreign Ministry, which initially refused to meet with the three
groups making up the fact-finding mission, was subsequently very cooperative
with Human Rights Watch/Helsinki in answering questions and providing
information. Macedonian rights activists were very helpful in providing
interviews and information, sometimes at considerable risk. In many cases
activists and others interviewed by the mission requested that their names not be
used, for fear of retaliation by authorities.
viii
FREQUENTLY USED
USED ABBREVIATIONS
CSCE Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe

ECHR European Convention on Human Rights
FYRM Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
MMBP Macedonian Movement for Balkan Prosperity
MMHR Macedonian Movement for Human Rights
ix
x
INTRODUCTION AND CONCLUSIONS
The Greek government views the term "Macedonian" as a geographic

term that describes all Greek citizens living in the Macedonian region in northern
Greece. The government denies the assertions of the ethnic Macedonians1 in
Greece that they are are a minority group; officials refer to them as "Slavophone
Greeks" or "bilinguals."2 The Greek government asserts that there is only one
minority in Greece--the Muslim (Turkish) minority in Western Thrace, whose
existence was confirmed in the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 which established the
rights of the Muslim minority in Greece and of the Greek minority in Turkey.
Ethnic Macedonians, on the other hand, take the term "Macedonian" to
mean a person of Slavic descent who speaks, or whose ancestors spoke,
Macedonian, and who has a culture and customs different from those of the Greek
majority. According to anthropologists who have studied the area, Macedonian
ethnic identity has existed since at least the nineteenth century.3
In July 1993, a fact-finding mission made up of representatives of three
organizations, the Danish Helsinki Committee, Minority Rights Group-Greece, and
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, went to northern Greece to look into the situation
of the Macedonian minority there. We interviewed ethnic Macedonians who
consider themselves Macedonian, Macedonians who consider themselves Greeks
of Macedonian origin, and Greeks not of Macedonian origin who identify
themselves as Greek.
The mission's time was spent largely in the western part of the Greek
Macedonian region; we interviewed dozens of people in Florina, Meliti, Kelli, Lofi,
Akritas and Aridea, including mayors, village presidents, the nomarch (regional
district head, or prefect), the bishop and several priests, human rights activists
and ordinary citizens. The climate of fear was striking; a large number of people
asked the mission not to use their names, for fear of losing their civil service jobs
1
In this report the word "Macedonian" refers to a person who considers him- or herself to
be a member of an ethnic Macedonian minority in the Macedonian region of northern
Greece; it does not refer to a Macedonian from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
unless that is specifically stated.
2
For a report on the treatment of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, see Helsinki
Watch newsletter: "Destroying Ethnic Identity: Selective Persecution of Macedonians in
Bulgaria," 1991.
3
See section on Denial of Ethnic Identity, below.
1
2 The Macedonians of Greece
or being harassed by police.

The mission also journeyed to Bitola in the southern region of the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to interview ethnic Macedonian political
refugees from Greece who have been denied the right to regain their citizenship
or property (taken from them after the Greek Civil War) or to visit relatives and
friends in northern Greece.
Each of the groups that took part in the mission is producing its own
report.
On the basis of the evidence obtained during the fact-finding mission,
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has concluded that:
* an ethnic Macedonian minority with its own language and

culture exists in northern Greece;
* the Greek government has denied the ethnic identity of the

ethnic Macedonian minority in violation of international human rights
laws and agreements. This is evidenced by open statements by Greek
officials; by the government's denial of the existence of a Macedonian
language; by the government's refusal to permit a "Center of Macedonian
Culture;" and by the government's refusal in the recent past to permit the
performance of Macedonian songs and dances;
* freedom of expression is restricted for ethnic Macedonians in

violation of international human rights laws. Some rights activists have
been prosecuted and convicted for the peaceful expression of their
views; although some of these charges were eventually dropped due to a
recent change in the law, some convictions are still in effect;
* the Greek government discriminates against the ethnic

Macedonian minority in violation of international laws and agreements
to which it is a party:
* ethnic Macedonian political refugees who fled northern Greece

after the Greek Civil War, as well as their descendants who define
themselves as "Macedonians," are denied permission to regain their
citizenship, to resettle, or to visit northern Greece; in contrast, political
refugees who define themselves as Greeks are permitted to do so;
Introduction and Conclusions 3
* the teaching of the Macedonian language is not permitted;
* ethnic Macedonians were discriminated against in

employment in the public sector in the past, and may suffer from such
discrimination at present; the Greek government should examine its
employment practices to determine whether such discrimination exists
today;
* ethnic Macedonians, and particularly Macedonian rights

activists, are harassed by the government, followed and threatened by
security forces, and subjected to economic and social pressures
resulting from government harassment; this has led to a marked climate
of fear in which many ethnic Macedonians are reluctant to assert their
Macedonian identity or to express their views openly.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has made a number of recommendations

to the Greek government; they are detailed at the end of this report.
BACKGROUND
Located in the center of the Balkan peninsula, the geographic region of

Macedonia is divided among Bulgaria, Greece, and the Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia (FYRM).4 It has been a "source of conflict in the Balkans since the
19th century."5 Currently it is the focus of an acrimonious dispute between the
governments of Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia over the
right to the name "Macedonia" and certain historical symbols.6 The greater
geographic area of Macedonia contains Slavs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Turks, Romany
(Gypsies), Vlachs and others. Whether most of its inhabitants are a distinct
Macedonian ethnic group, rather than Bulgarians, Greeks or Serbs, continues to
be a subject of disagreement.7
For nearly five centuries, most of the Balkan peninsula was ruled by the
Ottoman Empire. After the break-up of the Ottoman Empire and at the conclusion of
the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), Macedonia was divided among Bulgaria (sometimes
known as Pirin Macedonia, for the Pirin Mountains), Serbia (Vardar Macedonia, for
the Vardar River) and Greece8 (Aegean or Greek Macedonia9); a small area was
given to Albania.
Greek Macedonia is a rugged, mountainous area in northern Greece of
bitterly cold winters and extremely hot summers. Its population is made up
4
The geographic region of Macedonia is generally considered to be the area bounded by
the Skopska Crna Gora and the Shar Planina mountains on the north; the Rila and Rhodope
mountains on the east; the Aegean coast including Thessaloniki, Mount Olympus and the
Pindus mountains on the south; and by Lake Ohrid and the Prespa lakes on the west.
5
Duncan M. Perry, "Macedonia: From Independence to Recognition," RFE/RFL Research
Report, Vol. 3, No. 1, 7 January 1994, p. 119.
6
Following a dispute with Greece over the name "Macedonia," the country was admitted
to the United Nations under the temporary name, "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
(FYRM)." The dispute over the country's name has not yet been finally resolved.
7
Duncan Perry, p. 119.
8
About 50 percent of Macedonian territory now lies within the borders of Greece; 40
percent in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; and 10 percent in western Bulgaria.
9
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia refers to that area as "Aegean Macedonia;"
the Greek government as "Greek Macedonia." In this report we use both terms.
4
Background 5
largely of two groups of Greek citizens. One group consists of ethnic

Macedonians, often called locals (dopii), a Slavic people whose ancestors settled
in the area around the sixth century and who speak, or whose ancestors spoke,
Macedonian. The other major group is the Greeks, many of whom are referred to
as "refugees" (prosfiges), descendants of Greeks who were settled in the area
during the 1920s.
Before World War I, Macedonians were the largest ethnic group in
Aegean Macedonia,10 but between 1913 and 1926 major population shifts
significantly changed the demographic make-up of the region. After the region's
incorporation into the Greek state in 1913, many Greek civil servants, teachers and
military personnel moved north and settled there. Moreover, during the post-
Balkan Wars period, thousands of Macedonians and Serbs voluntarily left Greek
Macedonia for Bulgaria; the Minority Rights Group puts the number at about
15,000. After the Greek-Bulgarian convention of November 1919, between 52,000
and 72,000 additional Slavs left for Bulgaria.11 Simultaneously, hundreds of
thousands of Greeks from Turkey, Bulgaria and Vardar Macedonia were resettled
in northern Greece; estimates of the numbers involved range from 500,000 to
618,00012. Thus the ethnic character of Aegean Macedonia changed greatly;
Macedonians became a numerical minority, and the number of people in Aegean
Macedonia who had "a sense of Greek national identity," rather than Macedonian
identity, increased substantially.13
During the years between World Wars I and II, Greece followed a policy of
assimilating the Macedonian minority and Hellenizing the Macedonian region in
10
Of 1,073,549 inhabitants in 1912, 326,426 were Macedonians and 240,019 were Greeks.
Turks, Pomaks, Albanians, Vlachs, Jews and Gypsies made up the rest. Minority Rights
Group, Minorities in the Balkans, London 1989, p. 30, citing Todor Simovski, "The Balkan
Wars and their Repercussions on the Ethnical Situation in Aegean Macedonia," Glasnik, Vol.
XVI, No. 3, Skopje, 1972, note 53, p. 191.
11
Minority Rights Group, Minorities in The Balkans, p. 30.
12
Council for Research into South-Eastern Europe, Macedonia and its Relations with
Greece, Skopje, 1993, p.71.
13
Loring M. Danforth, "Claims to Macedonian identity: the Macedonian question and the
breakup of Yugoslavia," Anthropology Today, Vol. 9, No. 4, August 1993, p. 4.
northern Greece.14 The government changed place names and personal names
from Macedonian to Greek,15 ordered religious services to be performed in Greek,
and altered religious icons.16
Under the Metaxas dictatorship in Greece (1936-1941), conditions of the
Macedonian minority deteriorated markedly. More than 5,000 Macedonians from
the Yugoslav border area were interned, the use of the Macedonian language was
forbidden, and Macedonians were required to attend night school to learn Greek.17
Moreover, many of those who spoke Macedonian were fined or beaten.
Evangelos Kofos reports that
The Metaxas regime, haunted by the specter of Slavism and

communism, initiated a policy of accelerated assimilation.
14
Evangelos Kofos, the Special Counsellor on Balkan Affairs in the Greek Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, reports that
[t]he Greek state, like other Eastern European countries of the interwar
period, had pursued a policy of assimilation of ethnic groups. After
World War I, and some hesitation in the early 1920s, it had decided to
treat the remaining Slav-speakers as Slavophone Greeks.
Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, Aristide D. Caratzas,

Publisher, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1993, page 255.
15
Decree No. 332 of 1926 ordered the Slavic names of towns, villages, mountains and
rivers changed to Greek names. See Appendix A for a list of place names changed
according to Decree 332.
Law No. 87 of 1936 ordered Macedonians to change their names to Greek names.
(Report from Association of Refugee Children from Aegean Macedonia (undated), p. 2.)
16
The Greek Official Gazette published an order on July 15, 1927, decreeing the
erasure of all old Slavic inscriptions from churches; church services in the Slavic language
were forbidden, and Slavs (Macedonians) were forbidden to use the Slavic (Macedonian)
language. (Conversation with Kole Mangov, leader of organization "Dignity," in Skopje,
FYRM, July 1993.)
17
Minority Rights Group, Minorities in the Balkans, p. 30.
Background 7
Applied by incompetent and short-sighted civil servants, it

antagonized even Slavophones of the Greek faction. To
peasants of Bulgarian orientation [ethnic Macedonians] it
served as proof that the Greek state could not offer them a
national shelter. In 1941, the occupation of Greece by the
Germans and the entrance of Bulgarian troops in eastern
Macedonia and Thrace offered the opportunity for accumulated
bitterness to reach maturity.18
In 1959, several Macedonian villages introduced "'language oaths' . . .

administered in several Macedonian villages, which required Macedonians to
swear that they would renounce their 'Slavic dialect' and from then on speak only
Greek."19
The July 1993 fact-finding mission to northern Greece talked with older
Macedonians who vividly recalled that period--compulsory language classes and
beatings of those who refused to comply.
During the Greek Civil War (1946-49) that followed World War II, many in
Greek Macedonia who identified themselves as Macedonians fought with the
communists (Partisans) and were defeated. During and after the war thousands of
ethnic Macedonians fled; many thousands went to Yugoslavia. The number of
those who fled has been estimated by Kofos, reflecting the Greek point of view, at
35,000.20 On the other hand, Macedonian sources contend that the number
reached 213,000, and assert that some of the refugees were forcibly exiled.21
Thousands of these refugees were reportedly children between the ages of two
and fourteen;22 some parents of the children later said that the children had been
18
Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, p. 255.
19
Danforth, Anthropology Today, p. 4. The villages in which oaths were required in 1959
were Kardia (Ptolemaida District), Kria Nera (Kastorian prefecture), and Atrapos (Florina
prefecture).
20
Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, p. 186.
21
Council for Research into Southeastern Europe of the Macedonian Academy of
Sciences and Arts, Macedonia and its Relations with Greece, Skopje, 1993, p. 82.
22
Minority Rights Group, Minorities in the Balkans, p. 31.
taken from them by force, while others stated that they had sent the children
voluntarily to protect them from the war.
A few years earlier, in August 1944, Yugoslav Marshal Tito had
established the People's Republic of Macedonia as one of the republics of the new
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; its capital was Skopje. Within the next few years
the Macedonian language was standardized, and a Macedonian Orthodox Church
recognized.23 Ethnic Macedonians living in Greek Macedonia, many of whom
called themselves "Bulgarians"
23
Danforth, Anthropology Today, p. 4. The Macedonian Orthodox Church formally split
from the Serbian Church in the 1960s.
Background 9
before that time, increasingly began to refer to themselves as "Macedonians."24

In 1947 those who had fought against the government in the civil war and
fled Greece were deprived of their citizenship25 and their property.26
In 1982, a Greek ministerial decree27 provided that "all Greeks by genus
[i.e. of Greek origin] who during the Civil War of 1946-1949 and because of it have
fled abroad as political refugees may return to Greece, in spite [of the fact] that
Greek citizenship has been taken away from them."28 In 1985, a law was enacted
that permitted political refugees who were "Greek by origin" to reclaim their
property, thus excluding Macedonians from doing so.29
24
Danforth, Anthropology Today, p. 4.
25
Decree LZ/1947; later by Law 2536/1953.
26
Decrees M/1948, N/1948, and Law 2536/1953.
27
Decree Number 106841 of December 29, 1982.
28
See Appendix B for full text.
29
Law No. 1540/85. See Appendix C for full text.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has been unable to obtain accurate

figures on the number of people "of Greek origin" who availed themselves of the
1982 law, but the number is in the thousands.30 Those who considered themselves
Macedonians, although born in Greece, or children of parents born in Greece, were
not permitted to return, even, for the most part, to visit.
To this day, ethnic Macedonian families are divided, with some members
living in the FYRM and others in Aegean Macedonia. Those living in the FYRM are
for the most part refused admittance to Greek Macedonia, while those living in
Greek Macedonia are normally allowed to visit the FYRM, but frequently suffer
harassment at the hands of Greek border officials.31
30
See section on discrimination, below.
31
See section on harassment, below.
DENIAL OF ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Greek government denies that a Macedonian minority exists in

Greece. It refers to ethnic Macedonians as "Slavophones" or "Slav-speakers." The
official Greek position is that the Greek state is ethnically homogeneous, the only
exception being the Muslim minority in western Thrace (the Turkish minority32)
whose existence was confirmed in 1923 by the Lausanne Treaty.
A publication issued by the Greek Foreign Ministry, The Macedonian
Affair: A Historical Review of the Attempts to Create a Counterfeit Nation, Institute
of International Political and Strategic Studies (undated; apparently issued in
1991), states:
Greece rejects the claim advanced by Skopje for recognition of

a "Macedonian" minority for the very simple reason that since
the Greek-Bulgarian exchange of populations in 1919 and the
departure of the "Slav-Macedonians" in 1949 there has been no
Slav minority in Greece . . . .
In the past, there were undoubtedly persons with a Slavic

national consciousness, who sometimes behaved as
Bulgarians and sometimes as Slav-Macedonians. But after the
Second World War and the end of the Greek Civil War, these
persons took refuge elsewhere, principally in Yugoslavia . . . a
very small group still speak[s] the dialect in Greece. (Page 30.)
The position of the Greek government is reflected in statements by local

Greek officials as well. Florina Nomarch (head of the regional department, or
prefecture) Nikolas Koukoulas33 told the fact-finding mission in July 1993: "There
32
See Helsinki Watch report, Destroying Ethnic Identity: The Turks of Greece, August
1990; and Helsinki Watch newsletter, "Greece: Improvements for Turkish minority;
problems remain," April 1992. The Greek government recognizes the Muslim minority only
as a religious group; it denies them the right to identify themselves as a "Turkish" minority.
33
Mr. Koukoulas was replaced as nomarch after the mission's visit, following the election
of a new national government.
11
is no minority here; everyone in the Macedonian region is Greek."34 The Mayor of

the city of Florina, Anastasios X. Kotsopoulos, told the mission: "There are no
minorities in Greece; everyone is Greek."
THE NUMBER OF ETHNIC MACEDONIANS
34
This interview, like all others referred to in this report, unless otherwise specified, took
place in the Macedonian region of northern Greece in July 1993.
12
Denial of Ethnic Identity 13
The number of ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece is a matter of

dispute. Ethnic Macedonian activists in northern Greece assert that half of the
population of Aegean Macedonia is of Macedonian descent--that is, about one
million.35 The government of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia sets the
figure at between 230,000 and 270,000.36
The Greek government reports that
[A]ccording to the last available Greek population figures, the

population of the thirteen nomarchies (regional departments)
of Macedonia was 2,121,953. . . There is no classification of the
population of Greece in official censuses according to the
language spoken. The last census to include such figures was
in 1951 when 41,000 inhabitants throughout Greece were listed
as Slav-speakers. Since then, emigration abroad as well as
urbanisation trends common to all agricultural regions of
Greece in the 1950s and 1960s, have sharply reduced these
numbers.37
The 1992 Country Report issued by the United States Department of State
declares that
[n]orthern Greece is home to a small number (unofficial

estimates range from well under 10,000 to nearly 50,000) of
Greek citizens who are descended from speakers of a Slavic
dialect. Some still speak that dialect, and a few identify
themselves as "Macedonians."38
35
Conversations with human rights activists in northern Greece in July 1993.
36
Pamphlet, "Republic of Macedonia," included in information packet issued by the
government of FYRM, 1993.
37
Response to written questions put by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki to the Greek
Foreign Ministry, November 30, 1993.
38
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1992, U.S. Department of State, February
1993, p. 795.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was unable to determine with any

certainty the total number of ethnic Macedonians in Greek Macedonia (including
those who have primarily a Greek consciousness), or the number of ethnic
Macedonians who have not become assimilated and who identify themselves
primarily as Macedonian. One Greek newspaper reported in 1992 an estimate that
of the 53,000 people living in the district of Florina, the largest group, 65 percent,
referred to themselves as "dopii" (locals), or "local Macedonians."39
MACEDONIAN ETHNIC IDENTITY
Macedonian ethnic identity appears to have begun to develop in the

nineteenth century. By 1903 a small number of intellectuals called for the
recognition of the Slavs in Macedonia as a separate nationality.40 By the end of
World War II and the establishment of the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,
Macedonian ethnic consciousness was widespread in northern Greece.
Many of those who identify themselves primarily as Macedonians have
intense feelings about the issue. A Macedonian rights activist who did not want
his name used told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki: "If you say to someone from
Meliti, 'You are not Macedonian,' he will kill you. This is especially true among the
older people. The younger people are more assimilated."
Ethnicity--the combination of language, religion, stories of one's
ancestors, customs, songs and dances--is a powerful force. Pavlos Voskopoulos, a
member of the human rights group, the Macedonian Movement for Balkan
Prosperity (MMBP), told the fact-finding mission:
I am a Macedonian. I am different from other Greek citizens. I

have a different culture; I got it from my father and my
grandfather. I speak a different language. I grew up speaking
Macedonian at home and Greek in school. I was born in 1964;
until I was six years old I spoke only Macedonian. Especially in
the villages, people talk in Macedonian.
39
Ethnikos Kyrix, April 9, 1992, p. 11.
40
Danforth, Anthropology Today, p. 7.
The heart of the matter is that we just want to be accepted and

recognized as a different ethnic group. We believe that
recognizing different ethnic groups is a richness for Greece and
for Europe. For eighty years the government has tried to make
us Greeks.
Georgos Natsulis, thirty-nine, a worker in the fur business in Kastoria,

told the mission:
My family's name was originally Nachev; they were forced to

change it in the 1920s to a Greek name. Two years ago I tried to
change it back. I went to the nomarch's office to do it; I was told
that it was a "foreign-sounding" name, and that I could not
change it. I didn't appeal the decision. In theory it is possible to
appeal such a thing, but I know from talking with others that
there is no way I could win. Even [rights activist] Christos
Sideropoulos won't try to go back to his Slavic name. Of course
there's no problem if you want to change your name from one
Greek name to another.
Asked by a member of the mission whether a local ethnic Macedonian

couple could give their child a Slavic name like Boris, a small group of men sitting
in a coffee house in the village of Lofi laughed heartily. One replied:
You couldn't possibly do that. When a baby is born you take the
birth certificate without a name to the church and tell the priest
what you want the baby's name to be. The church accepts only
Greek names. So in order for the baby to be properly registered
with the government, you have to give it a Greek name.
Asked by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki whether parents would be

allowed to give their children Slavic names, the Greek Foreign Ministry replied:
Name-giving in Greece is, in essence, a private affair and the

state has no jurisdiction over it. The names of children are
chosen by the parents or the godparents and are sanctioned by
religious ceremonies (Christian, Jewish, Moslem). Those not
belonging to a religious denomination may have their children

named by a civic procedure. Only abusive names are excluded
by law to protect the child's personality. Consequently, names
such as [Boris] may be found, although rarely, among Greek
citizens.
However, when asked by the mission in Florina whether a child could be

named "Boris," Greek priest Father Irineos Hatziefraimidis said:
No one has ever asked that. We have a list of saints, and we give
the children names from that list, or sometimes historical
names like Pericles.
The freedom to perform Macedonian songs and dances openly is a

deeply-felt issue among Macedonians. Macedonians told the fact-finding mission
that Greek authorities had in recent years forbade the performance at festivals of
Macedonian songs and dances. In 1990, the organizers of a local festival were
ordered to report ahead of time what dances would be performed; they later
reported that one hundred Greek police officials were present at the time of the
festival to make sure that no Macedonian dances were performed.
The July 1993 fact-finding mission was told by Macedonian rights
activists that in 1992 the performance of Macedonian songs and dances during a
festival had been stopped by Greek officials. However, the mission attended a folk
festival in Meliti in July 1993 and found that Macedonian ethnic dances, as well as
dances of other groups, were performed without problems.
The mission, however, also heard of cases in which Macedonian songs
and dances are still reportedly forbidden. For example, a young Macedonian man
who was married in early 1993 and did not want his name used told the mission:
My wife is from Bitola, in FYRM. At first the priest refused to

marry us because she is from the republic, but finally, after
conferring with the mayor, he said he would, but only on
condition that we not sing or dance any Macedonian songs or
dances. So we had a religious ceremony but no celebration.
Asked by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki whether ethnic Macedonians

were allowed to sing Macedonian songs and dance Macedonian dances, the
Greek Foreign Ministry replied:
Greek citizens all over Greece are allowed, and, indeed,

assisted in preserving their own local cultural customs . . . . The
performance of local dances and songs are [sic] very common
in [Macedonia].41
Expanding on this statement, Greek Consul General Charalambos

Rocanas told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki:
Everybody is free to sing and dance. But there is one popular

song that says, "Go away Turks"--it was sung against the
Ottoman Turks. Some locals have changed it and sung it as "Go
away Greeks." This creates a problem: some citizen might sue,
or the judiciary might find the singers guilty of some offense.42
As for place names, Greek authorities continue to change some, even

today. The mission learned that the name of the Pozar baths in the Pella district
had recently been changed to the Loutraki baths. In another instance, authorities
were attempting in July 1993 to change the name of the Kopano village in the
Katerini district.
ETHNIC MACEDONIANS WHOSE IDENTITY

IDENTITY IS GREEK, RATHER THAN
MACEDONIAN
The fact-finding mission interviewed a number of Greeks of Macedonian

origin who identify themselves as Greek. One of them, Alexander Traikos, the
thirty-five-year-old mayor (president of the township council) of the town of Kelli,
said:
As to my own identity: I am a Greek. Of course I am a

Macedonian, but a Greek Macedonian. Of course others may
think differently, and maybe some believe there is
41
Letter from Greek Foreign Ministry, December 1, 1993.
42
Telephone conversation, December 1, 1993.
discrimination against locals.
Theophilos Dafkos, an agronomist whose parents were born in Bitola in

the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, told the mission:
I speak Macedonian, but I am a Greek. The people who claim to

be Macedonian are really Slavs. There is no such thing as a
Macedonian nation. Ninety-seven percent of the people in
northern Greece are purely Greek. A few people who try to make
trouble work through the government of Skopje to bring in
money from Australia and Canada [from Macedonian emigres].
They spread propaganda to create unrest in the area and divide
people. They try to take advantage of the people who speak two
languages--they are about 40 percent of the population. But
everyone is Greek.
Yiannis Belkas, a Vlach journalist with a Florina newspaper, said:
My parents came from Bitola. I speak and understand the idiom

a little. But I spoke Greek as a child. Bilinguals have a Greek
consciousness, not Macedonian. Above all, my heart is Greek.
The history and archeological finds in the area are all Greek.
No one's human rights are oppressed in our area.
REQUIREMENTS
EQUIREMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW
The Greek government's denial of the existence of the Macedonian

minority violates international human rights agreements to which the
government of Greece is a party. First, minority identity is a matter to be
determined by an individual, and not by the state. The 1990 Document of the
Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) stated:
To belong to a national minority is a matter of a person's

individual choice and no disadvantage may arise from the
exercise of such choice. Persons belonging to national
minorities have the right freely to express, preserve and
develop their ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity and

to maintain and develop their culture in all its aspects, free of
any attempts at assimilation against their will. (Paragraph 32)
Moreover, the CSCE participating states have emphasized the

importance of respecting minority rights:
The participating States . . . reaffirm that respect for the rights of

persons belonging to national minorities as part of universally
recognized human rights is an essential factor for peace,
justice, stability and democracy in the participating States.
(Copenhagen Document, paragraph 30.)
The United Nations has recognized the responsibilities of states in

relation to their minority populations:
States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic,

cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within
their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for
the promotion of that identity. (UN Declaration on the Rights of
Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Relgious and Linguistic
Minorities, Article 1(1), adopted December 18, 1992.)43
The heads of state of the member states of the Council of Europe stated in
the Vienna Declaration of October 9, 1993:
States should create the conditions necessary for persons

belonging to national minorities to develop their culture, while
preserving their religion, traditions and customs. These
persons must be able to use their language both in private and
in public and should be able to use it, under certain conditions,
in their relations with the public authorities. (Appendix II:
National Minorities)
The Greek government has signed and agreed to these CSCE documents.
43
See Appendix D for full text.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) protects
the rights of children belonging to minorities:
In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic

minorities or persons of indigenous origin exist, a child
belonging to such a minority or who is indigenous shall not be
denied the right, in community with other members of his or her
group, to enjoy his or her own culture, to profess and practise
his or her own religion, or to use his or her own language
(Article 30).44
Greece's denial of the existence of the Macedonian minority clearly

contravenes its obligations under international law and agreements.
DENIAL OF PERMISSION TO ESTABLISH CENTER OF MACEDONIAN

CULTURE
The Greek government's denial of the existence of a Macedonian

minority has resulted in its outlawing the establishment of a Macedonian cultural
association.
In 1990 several residents of Florina applied to a Greek court for
permission to register a cultural association called the "Center for Macedonian
Culture." In August 1990, the Multimember High Court in Florina denied the
application. Its reasons included:
* Articles in three Greek newspapers reported in June 1990 that

two of the association's founding members, Christos Sideropoulos and
Stavros Anastasiadis, had affirmed the existence of a "Macedonian
minority in Greece;"
* Both men had taken part in a Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in Copenhagen in June 1990 where they
alleged the existence of a Macedonian minority in Greece and
44
Greece ratified the Convention on May 11, 1993.
congratulated a Turkish professor about statements detrimental to

Greece;
* A third founding member, Konstandinos Gotsis, had refused to

state clearly in court in another proceeding that he is a Greek.
On the basis of the "above proven circumstances" the court "accepted

the notion that the true goal of the abovementioned society is . . . to affirm the idea
of the existence of a Macedonian minority in Greece, which contradicts its
[Greece's] national interests and the law.45 On June 20, 1991, the court's
decision was affirmed by an appellate court in Thessaloniki; an appeal to the
highest Greek court is pending.
The Greek government's action in this case violates international
standards and agreements to which it is a party.
The rights of minorities to enjoy their own cultures and to establish their
own associations were recognized by the United Nations in its Declaration on the
Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic
Minorities (adopted by the General Assembly on February 3, 1993):
Persons belonging to . . . minorities have the right to enjoy their

own culture . . . in private and in public, freely and without
interference or any form of discrimination (Article 2(1)).
Persons belonging to minorities have the right to establish and

maintain their own associations (Article 2(4)).
The Report on the CSCE Meeting of Experts on National Minorities

(Geneva, 1991), in which Greece took part, contains similar protections:
[P]ersons belonging to national minorities have the right freely

to express, preserve and develop their . . . cultural . . . identity
and to maintain and develop their culture in all its aspects, free
of any attempts at assimilation against their will (Section III,
45
For the full text of the decision, see Appendix E.
paragraph 4).
Freedom of association is of course protected by international human

right laws, including the European Convention on Human Rights (Article 11) and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 20).
RESTRICTIONS ON FREE EXPRESSION
The Constitution of Greece provides that: "The press is free. Censorship

and all other preventive measures are prohibited" (Article 14.2). In spite of these
guarantees, free speech is restricted by law and in practice. Article 141 of the
Penal Code prohibits "exposing the friendly relations of the Greek State with
foreign states to danger of disturbance." Article 191 of the Penal Code forbids
spreading false information and rumors liable to create

concern and fear among citizens and cause disturbances in the
country's international relations and inciting citizens to rivalry
and division, leading to disturbance of the peace.46
Article 192 of the Penal Code states:
One who publicly and by any means causes or incites citizens to

commit acts of violence upon each other or to disturb the peace
through disharmony among them shall be punished by
imprisonment for not more than two years unless a greater
punishment is imposed by another provision.
Until its repeal in December 1993, Article 181 of the Penal Code forbade "insulting
authority."
These laws have been used to prosecute political dissenters. In a series

of criminal cases in 1992 and 1993, the Greek government prosecuted Greek
citizens who spoke openly of a Macedonian minority or of issues dealing with the
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.47
46
U.S. Department of State Country Report on Greece, February 1994,
p. 7.
47
For full details, see Helsinki Watch/Fund for Free Expression newsletter, "Greece: Free
Speech on Trial: Government Stifles Dissent on Macedonia," July 1993.
23
On May 7, 1993, a court in Athens acquitted five members of the Organosi

Sosialistiki Epanatasi (OSE), a socialist group, who had been tried for producing a
pamphlet of nine essays on "The Crisis in the Balkans: The Macedonian Question
and the Working Class." The prosecutor's office announced a few days later that it
would appeal the verdict. When the new government of Andreas Papandreou
repealed Article 181 of the Penal Code in December 1993, it also proscribed
prosecutions for crimes committed "through the press." As a result, the appeal
was dropped and the acquittal stands.48
In June 1993, two Macedonian minority activists, Christos Sideropoulos
and Tasos Boulis, were sentenced to five months in prison and a fine of 100,000
drachmas (about $435) for stating in an interview with Ena magazine that they
"feel Macedonian," and for claiming that there are one million Macedonians in
Greece. The two men were convicted of "spreading false information about the
48
On January 20, 1994, in response to a question posed to the Greek Consul General in
New York, the Greek Foreign Ministry stated:
Article 45 of Law 2172/16 Dec. 1993 provided that all crimes

perpetrated through the Press or through radio and television media,
as well as all unserved sentences for such crimes be cancelled.
The purpose of this provision of Law was to render less acute the
atmosphere of recent years, with regard to the way the Press operated
in freely expressing views and criticism. It is noteworthy that this
particular provision of the Law was supported in Parliament by all
Parties and was welcomed by the Press and other media.
It is through this provision of Law that the sentence which a court had
earlier imposed on journalist Mr. Spyros Karatzaferis was abolished.
Mr. Karatzaferis has already returned to Greece and is currently
working as a news director at a T.V. channel.
The Greek government has stated its intention to review the existing
Press legislation, which it considers obsolete and posing restrictions
on Press Freedom. The Departments of Justice and Press and
Information are already working in this direction, in cooperation with
other interested parties.
Restrictions on Free Expression 25
non-Greekness of Macedonia" and the existence of a Macedonian minority on

Greek territory which is not officially recognized, and with instigating conflict
among Greek citizens by differentiating between the speakers of a Slavic
language and Greeks.49 The charges against Sideropoulos and Boulis were
dropped as a result of the government's recent proscription of prosecutions of
crimes "committed through the press."
Four members of an anti-nationalist group, Stratis Bournazos, Christina
Tsamoura, Vangelio Sotiropoulou and Maria Kalogeropoulou, were convicted in
May 1992 and sentenced to nineteen months in prison for distributing a leaflet
entitled, "Our neighbors are not our enemies. No to Nationalism and War." The
leaflet called for peace in the Balkans and expressed opposition to the Greek
government's foreign policy and domestic policy with regard to ethnic minorities
in Greece. All four were charged with disseminating false information, attempting
to incite citizen acts of violence or dissension, and disturbing friendly relations
with another country. The case was on appeal until charges were dropped in
January 1994 because of the new law.
Michail Papadakis, a seventeen-year-old high school student, was
arrested during a demonstration on Macedonia in Athens on December 10, 1992,
for distributing a leaflet that said, "Don't be consumed by nationalism. Alexander
the Great: war criminal. Macedonia belongs to its people. There are no races; we
are all of mixed descent." He was convicted on December 17, 1992, of attempting to
incite divisions among citizens, disturbing the peace, and carrying a weapon.
(Papadakis was said to have been carrying an iron bar, but it was not found, and no
evidence was introduced to corroborate the charge.) He was sentenced to one
year in prison but was freed pending his appeal, which is scheduled for November
1995.
In January 1992, six members of the Organization for the Reconstruction
of the Communist Party, Theodoros Pagomenos, Dionysis Gournas, Roula
Adamopoulou, Stergios Gioulakis, Anna Stai, and Kostas Koutelos, were convicted
of defaming the authorities, inciting citizens to commit acts of violence and
dividing the community, and illegally posting bills. The posters said: "No to
Patriots. Recognize Slav-Macedonia." Each received a sentence of six-and-a-half
months; all are free pending the appeal, which is scheduled for November 1995.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki does not know of any ethnic Macedonian
who is currently serving a prison sentence for the peaceful expression of his or
49
See Appendix F for full text of the charges against Sidiropoulos and Boulis.
her views.
Prosecuting people for the peaceful expression of their views, popular or
unpopular, is forbidden under international human rights laws and agreements.
Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) states:
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression;

this right includes freedom to hold opinions without
interference and to seek, receive and impart information and
ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
This guarantee of the right to free expression is spelled out more fully in
Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) (1953).
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST
AGAINST THE MACEDONIAN MINORITY
International human rights law forbids a state from discriminating

against its people. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that:
All are equal before the law and are entitled without any
discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to
equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this
Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination
(Article 7).
Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights, to which Greece

is a state party, states:
The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this

Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any
ground such as sex, race, color, language, religion, political or
other opinion, national or social origin, association with a
national minority, property, birth or other status.
Moreover, the Greek Constitution affirms protections for the rights of all
Greeks:
Article 5 (2): This provision guarantees for all persons living

within the Greek borders absolute protection of their rights and
freedoms, regardless of their nationality, race, language or
religious or political beliefs.
In spite of this avowal, as well as the international human rights laws

forbidding discrimination, the Greek government has discriminated against and
failed to protect the rights of its Macedonian minority.
DEPRIVATION OF CITIZENSHIP AND DENIAL OF VISAS
As discussed earlier in the background section of this report, thousands

of ethnic Macedonians--the number is in dispute--fled Greece after the Greek Civil
War (1946-49). In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Greek government stripped
27
these exiles of their Greek citizenship.50 Then in 1982 the government enacted an
amnesty law (Law No. 400/76) permitting repatriation and return of Greek
citizenship to these political refugees. However, the ministerial decree ordering
these actions stated that those free to return were "all Greeks by genus [origin]
who during the Civil War of 1946-1949 and because of it have fled abroad as
political refugees."51 The phrase "by genus" is interpreted by the Greek
government to mean all those who identify themselves primarily as Greeks, and
not as Macedonians, regardless of their birthplace or heritage. Those who
consider themselves Macedonians, although born in Greece or children of
parents born in Greece, have been unable to avail themselves of the opportunity to
return to Greece and resume their citizenship and, in many cases, property.
Refugees who identify themselves as "Greek," however, are permitted to
return. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has not been able to determine the exact
number of "Greek-identified" political refugees who returned under this law.
Responding to questions from Human Rights Watch/Helsinki about the number of
people who took advantage of the law, the Greek Foreign Ministry said:
50
Among those stripped of their citizenship were families--wives, children, other
relatives--of Macedonians who had fought with the Partisans. No individual hearings were
held as to the actions of family members or, in fact, of Partisans themselves. All were
stripped of citizenship without the internationally-accepted rights to due process: the
presumption of innocence; notice of the charges; a fair hearing before an independent and
impartial tribunal; opportunity to defend oneself, including the right to confront witnesses
and to present witnesses on one's own behalf, and legal representation.
51
See Appendix B for full text of the decree.
28
Discrimination against the Macedonian Minority 29
In the period between 1974 and 1981 [before the law was
passed], approximately 35,000 persons were repatriated, while
in the period between 1981 and 1987 [partly before and partly
after the passage of the law] the process was completed with
the return to Greece of another 17,000 persons, approximately.52
Law no. 1540/85 of April 10, 1985, stated that political refugees could
regain property taken by the Greek government as long as they were "Greeks by
genus."53 Here again the Greek government discriminated against ethnic
Macedonians who, because they were not considered "of Greek genus," would be
unable to reclaim their confiscated property.
The Greek government's actions in admitting "Greek Greeks" who fought
against the government during the civil war, but not ethnic Macedonians or their
descendants, is discriminatory. It violates international human rights law and
agreements that prohibit discrimination on the basis of ethnic origin to which
Greece is a party, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 7),
the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms (Article 14), the Paris Charter of the CSCE (Section on Human Rights,
Democracy and Rule of Law), and the 1993 Vienna Declaration of the heads of state
of the Council of Europe.
In Bitola, in the southern region of the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, the fact-finding mission interviewed Macedonians who had not been
permitted to return to Greece, either to reclaim their citizenship or simply to visit:
* Petra Shorev, a seventy-five-year-old man born in Edessa who

lives in Skopje (the capital of the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia), crying, told the mission in Bitola that he wants to visit his
parents' graves, but is not allowed into Greece.
My heart is suffering. I am a wounded man. I

don't know if I will be alive tomorrow or next
52
Letter from Consul General Charalambos Rocanas, New York, December 22, 1993.
The number of political refugees now living in FYRM is estimated to be between
30,000 and 40,000.
53
See Appendix C for full text of the law.
year to see their graves. I go to the border

and ask to visit, but the guards won't let me.
My nephew used to visit, but now he is afraid
to, since Macedonian independence. I have
two sisters in Thessaloniki, but they're afraid
to try to visit me, too. I left in 1944. I never got
a notice that the Greeks had taken away my
citizenship. I became a Yugoslav citizen in
1957. I have property in Greece, in Edessa. I
can't go to claim it, and I was never paid for it.
* Mitsho Apostolov, sixty-two, who lives in Skopje, told the

mission in Bitola that he left Greece in 1949 as a Partisan, and has not
been allowed back.
I want to go back and see my village, but I

can't even visit it. I want to light candles on
the graves of my parents. My children are not
allowed to visit and neither are my
grandchildren. I never got a notice that they
had taken away my citizenship. I had fields in
Greece; the government took them and never
paid me for them. I have nephews who work
in Florina. Occasionally they visit me here.
* Stepho Kostovsky, born in 1925 in Itia in Aegean Macedonia,

now living in Bitola, told the mission:
The Greeks don't let me go back to Itia. When

my sister died, they let me go in for just that
one day. I didn't fight with the Partisans, but I
was sentenced to prison in Athens in 1949--
they gave me a death sentence--for being a
communist. But I was never a communist. I
spent seven years in prison and got out in
1956. I ran away to Bitola at night through the
fields.
* Vangelia Gotshka, a woman born in Meliti in 1923 and now living

in the FYRM, told the mission in Bitola:
I came to Macedonia in 1948, during the

Partisan War. I was a member of the
Partisans; I did administrative jobs. The only
time I've been back was in April of 1985, when
Papandreou let me and others go back
without a visa for three days at Easter. Two or
three thousand people went back at that time
for three days; others went to the border as
soon as they heard about it, but weren't let in.
Papandreou did it because an election was
coming up. There were two weddings in my
family last month and I wasn't allowed to see
either of my nephews married.
* Gotshkova Zakka a woman born in 1927 in Papadia, "the last

village before the mountains" at the border, now living in Skopje, told the
mission:
I worked for the Partisans during the war. My

village was burned down, so those who could
escape came to Yugoslavia. The only time
I've been back was in 1982, when I went into
Greece through Turkey. I had a transit visa
that was good for two to three days. In 1985 I
went to the border to try to get in during the
three-day amnesty, but I was too late. I want
desperately to visit, to light candles at my
brother's grave. I've missed two family
weddings recently.
* Sacha Popdimitrova, a sixty-three-year-old woman born in Kelli

in Greek Macedonia, told the mission in Bitola:
I was a Partisan. I spent twelve years in

prison in Athens, between 1948 and 1960. The
Partisans wanted to give rights to

Macedonians. I came to Yugoslavia in 1963.
Now I can't go back to Greece to see my
birthplace or visit my three brothers, my
nephews and cousins.
In Meliti, in northern Greece, George Misalis, forty-one, an Australian

citizen, told the mission that he had been informed by relatives living in northern
Greece that he had lost his citizenship. Mr. Misalis told the mission that he
thought his citizenship had been taken away pursuant to Article 19 of the Greek
Nationality Law, No. 3370, enacted in 1955, but he wasn't sure.
Article 19 provides that:
A person of non-Greek ethnic origin leaving Greece without the

intention of returning may be declared as having lost Greek
nationality. This also applies to a person of non-Greek ethnic
origin born and domiciled abroad. His minor children living
abroad may be declared as having lost Greek nationality if both
their parents or the surviving parent have lost the same. The
Minister of the Interior decides in these matters with the
concurring opinion of the National Council.
Under Article 19, ethnic Macedonians can be stripped of their citizenship

by an administrative decree, without a hearing. According to the U.S. Department
of State Country Report for Greece, issued in February 1994, 123 persons lost Greek
citizenship under Article 19 in 1993.
Another article of the Greek Nationality Law, Article 20, provides that a
person may be deprived of Greek citizenship for "committing acts contrary to the
interests of Greece for the benefit of a foreign state."
George Misalis told the mission that he had left Greece for Australia in
1970, and had been living there since:
I found out a few months ago that my citizenship had been taken
away in 1988 or 1989. My relatives called and told me. I was
never notified by the government. Now I am trying to appeal the
decision. First I have to appeal to the nomarch in Florina, and
then to the Ministry of the Interior.
I'm a human rights activist for the rights of Macedonians. I've

demonstrated in front of the Greek Embassy in Australia.
I was not stopped at the airport in Salonika when I arrived a few

days ago, and was admitted into the country.
I want to find out why the government took my citizenship. I

have property here, and I would lose it if I lose my citizenship.
My father and mother and sister and brother are here. They are
all very upset. They told me not to demonstrate. Now they are
all being slandered because of what is happening to me.
Because of me, no Misalis can work in the public sector now.
While the fact-finding mission was in Aegean Macedonia and southern

FYRM, Mr. Misalis crossed the border into the FYRM to visit relatives in Bitola.
When he attempted to return across the border to Greece, he was stopped and
refused entry. Eventually he returned to Australia. He told the mission in Bitola
that he believed that he had not been admitted back into Greece because of his
participation in Australia in demonstrations for the rights of Macedonians.
In a letter sent on September 27, 1993, to mission participant Professor
Erik Siesby, Minister Plenipotentiary Petros Anghelakis of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs seems to support Mr. Misalis's contentions:
The person in question is Mr. George Misalis, an Australian

citizen. At a time not specified, but certainly long ago, Greek
security authorities had issued a circular to border
immigration and passport control offices barring entrance of
the said Australian citizen for reasons of security. . . .
Mr. Misalis was indeed a former Greek citizen, prior to acquiring

Australian citizenship, and has been deprived of his Greek
citizenship on the basis of the Greek Law on Citizenship which,
inter alia, provides that a person may be deprived of his Greek
citizenship, if he/she acquired, without authorization, a foreign
citizenship; or if he/she, while living abroad, has committed
acts contrary to the interests of Greece for the benefit of a
foreign state (Art. 20).
Kole Mangov, a Macedonian judge now living in FYRM who left Greece as
a child in 1945, told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki in Skopje that he had tried
many times to visit Greece, but had been denied permission:
My younger brother lives in Greece. I have claims to property

there, in Vevi. My brother tried to get a lawyer in Greece to
represent my interests, but three different lawyers refused the
case. I took my case, that is the denial of a visa to allow me to
enter Greece, to the European Commission of Human Rights in
1990. I lost the case.
First, the Commission said that the 1982 amnesty law says that
political refugees can resettle in Greece. The decision said that
the law did not apply to me, since I wanted to visit, and not to
resettle.
Second, the Commission said that I had refused to answer all of

the questions on the visa application, and that therefore Greece
was entitled not to grant me a visa. The reason I did not answer
all the questions was because I considered them an invasion of
my privacy: the application asks a lot of questions about your
family.54 The Commission did not deal with the invasion of
privacy question.
Third, the Commission said I had not exhausted all of my

remedies in Greece. I told them that no lawyer would take my
case. The Commission stated that there is a board in Greece
that will assign a lawyer to you if no one will take your case. I
didn't apply to such a board because I know that no Greek
lawyer will take such a case.
There are now about 100,000 Macedonians in FYRM who came

from Greece, or whose families came from Greece. It is a
tragedy that these people cannot return to Greece, even to visit.
54
See Appendix G for a copy of a visa application "meant only for the Yugoslav citizens
who are born in Greece and of Macedonian origin."
They can't go to funerals or weddings, or visit the graves of their

parents.
Human rights activist Kosta Gotsis told the mission:
In July 1993 there was a wedding in my family. Ten family

members are in Aegean Macedonia, and seventy across the
border. We invited all seventy to come. None of them was
allowed to come, not even the young children. The Greek
consulate in Skopje would not give them visas.
Thousands of people from across the border have been refused

permission to come to funerals here. Four months ago Kazia
Katina died. Her brother in Skopje was not allowed to come in
for her funeral. The former mayor of Meliti, Yannis Sovitzlis, died
a few years ago. His cousin in the republic was not allowed in.
Dr. Pandelis Kligatsis told the mission in Florina:
If you die in the republic, your coffin is not allowed in for burial.
A few years ago my great-uncle died in Bitola. My uncle,
Charalambos Anastasiadis, went to Skopje to get permission to
bring the body in for burial. The Greek consul would not give
him permission.
Dimitris Papadimitriou, a member of the Movement for Balkan Progress,

told the mission in Aridea:
There are many stories of people who can't return. My brother,

George Papadimitriou, who lives in Czechoslovakia, left Greece
47 years ago; he's 67 now. He left during the civil war; he thinks
he still has Greek citizenship, but he doesn't really know. In
June 1992 he tried to visit. He arrived at the Macedonian-Greek
border and was turned away. His wife was also a political
refugee, but was not a Macedonian. They wouldn't let her in
either, or their children. Our mother died in 1987; my brother
was not allowed to come to the funeral.
Kelli Mayor Alexandros Traikos, who describes himself as having

primarily Greek consciousness, told the mission:
Some people are forbidden to come into the country from

across the border, but not all. If you have the right connections
you may be able to come in.
The Greek Foreign Ministry told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki that

"Petitions for visits or even repatriation are examined and granted on an
individual basis."55
The Greek government's pattern of denying entry into Greece of people
who identify themselves as Macedonians or, reportedly, those who participate in
demonstrations against the Greek government, violates the Concluding Document
of the Vienna Follow-up Meeting to the CSCE signed in January 1989, which
provides that states will respect the right of everyone to leave his own country and
return to it. It also, as stated above, discriminates against Greeks not of "Greek
origin" in violation of international human rights laws and agreements.
LANGUAGE
Macedonian, a South Slavic language spoken by Macedonians living in

the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, was formally recognized as a
language by Marshall Tito in former Yugoslavia in August 1944, when he
recognized Macedonia as a separate republic of Yugoslavia. According to Aegean
Macedonians, the language has existed for more than one thousand years, going
back to the ninth century Old Church Slavonic used by Saints Cyril and Methodius.
It is widely recognized as a Slavonic language by linguists, except in Bulgaria and
in Greece.56
55
Letter to Human Rights Watch/Helsinki from Foreign Ministry,
December 1, 1993.
56
See Jorn Ivar Qvonje, "The Macedonian Language," a paper by a professor of Balkan
linguistics at the University of Copenhagen that was prepared for and included in Professor
Erik Siesby's report, The Slav Macedonians in Greece, Danish Helsinki Committee in
Copenhagen, December 1993, pp. 5, 7. According to Professor Qvonje:
The Greek Government's View
The Greek government denies that the language spoken by the

Macedonian minority in Greece is the language spoken in the Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia, or is, in fact, a language at all; rather it is referred to as an
"idiom" that has elements of Bulgarian and other languages. According to the
Greek Foreign Ministry:
In certain border regions with Macedonia a local idiom is still

spoken alongside the Greek. This idiom is a mixture of Slavonic
(mainly Bulgarian), Greek, Vlach, Albanian and Turkish.
Linguists before the war tended to consider Slavonic-oriented
idioms in Greek Macedonia and southern Yugoslavia--now the
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)--as "western
The South Slav language group is divided into West-South Slav

(Slovene, Croat, and Serbian) and East-South Slav languages
(Macedonian and Bulgarian). The West group and the East group differ
widely with respect to syntax as well as morphology.
Macedonian is the newest written Slav language. Codified in 1945, it

was based on the central Macedonian dialects, and is written in the
cyrillic alphabet like the other Slav languages in the Greek orthodox
countries. A few letters differ from the neighbouring languages,
Serbian and Bulgarian. . . .
Because of the absence of a written language the Macedonian spoken

in northern Greece is without a proper form, but it does not lack a
syntax. Otherwise it could not serve as a means of communication. It is
correct that the Macedonian spoken in northern Greece contains "a
mixture of words from Slavic, Turkish, Greek and other languages."
This reflects the common Balkan culture of the area. The vast majority
of the vocabulary is, however, Slavonic.
Victor A. Friedman, a linguist of Slavic languages, holds that Macedonian is a recognized

Balkan language containing many dialects transitional between Serbian and Bulgarian.
Bulgarian dialects." Since 1944, however, the idioms spoken in

regions of FYROM were transformed, by government decree, into
a literary language named Makedonski. Political
considerations in Yugoslavia at the time sought to weaken the
ties with the Bulgarian language and instead to strengthen the
linguistic links with Serbo-Croatian and other Slavonic
languages. As a result, this new written language became one
of the official languages in former Yugoslavia. It is now the
official language in FYROM.
On the other hand, the idiom spoken in Greek Macedonia is

identified by local peoples as "dopia" (i.e. "local"), "nashi" ("our
own") and/or "stariski" ("old"). It remains an oral idiom, with no
written form, grammar or syntax. As a vehicle of
communication still used, along with the Greek, by certain older
bilingual people--numbered in the hundreds or a few
thousands--it should not be confused or identified with the
"Makedonski" of FYROM. The latter was developed in the context
of the educational process of the former communist regime in
that country. Consequently, FYROM's "Makedonski," though
related, should be considered, in fact, as an alien language and
should not be identified with the oral linguistic expression in
certain localities in Greek Macedonia.57
57
Letter transmitted to Human Rights Watch/Helsinki by New York Consul General
Charalambos Rocanas, December 1, 1993.
The government's refusal to acknowledge the Macedonian language has reached rather
extreme limits. A Macedonian who did not want his name used told the fact-finding mission:
To show you how ridiculous things are: in 1988, a Macedonian

businessman from across the border was in a car accident with a man
from Salonika. The case went to court and documents from the
Macedonian's insurance company were produced. They said "official
translation from Macedonian into Greek." The judge would not accept
them, as he said Macedonian was a "nonexistent language." At the
appeals hearing, the documents were admitted into evidence, because
the lawyer had had them translated from Macedonian into Serbo-
Croatian and then from Serbo-Croatian into Greek. The documents
The government's viewpoint was expressed strongly to the fact-finding

mission by local officials in northern Greece in July 1993. Florina Nomarch Nikolas
Koukoulas told us:
We don't admit that there is a Slavo-Macedonian language here.

The language used here is an idiomatic language with words
from several languages. Most have roots in the Homeric period
of Greece. The idiom is broadly spoken in the area--I don't know
how many people speak it.
Florina Mayor Anastasios X. Kotsopoulos told the mission:
A small percentage of the population of Florina speaks the

idiom. It has mixed linguistic elements, from Turkish, Greek,
Slavic and Vlach languages. I speak it myself when necessary.
There are villages where most of the elderly speak the idiom,
and some of the young people.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki takes no position on whether the

language spoken by ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece is the same as the
language spoken in FYRM or whether it is a version of that language. What is clear
is that many members of the ethnic Macedonian minority speak a language
different from the Greek language; they refer to that language as "the Macedonian
language" or "the local language." For purposes of simplification, this report will
refer to that language as "the Macedonian language."
Restrictions on the Use of the Macedonian Language
Over the years the use of the Macedonian language has been sharply
restricted in northern Greece.58 According to the president of one township
council who did not want his name used:
therefore said "official translation from Serbo-Croatian into Greek."
58
See background section, above.
Until 1923, no one spoke Greek here. In the villages, almost no

one spoke Greek. Macedonian was the dominant language.
Then there was the population exchange. Before the exchange,
priests taught children the Macedonian language. After the
exchange, that stopped, and all the services were in Greek as
well. Everybody--Bulgarians, Turks, Greeks--has tried to impose
their language on the locals.
In 1936 the language was banned by the Metaxas dictatorship

and locals were persecuted for using it. If you said so much as
stop or go in the local language, you were fined and made to
drink Castor oil.
Two elderly villagers told the mission of the 1959 sessions in three
villages in which all villagers were taken to a central square and forced to swear
en masse that they would not speak "the Slavic idiom."59
The Macedonian language is spoken by many people (more often in the
older generation) in northern Greece today. The mission heard of no prohibitions
on the use of the language in ordinary discourse, with the exception of cases in
which children have reportedly been punished for speaking Macedonian:
In one example, a teacher in Xyno Nero village ordered children

in her class to spit at a child who had spoken Macedonian. The
child's father is Chioumtakos Vasilis. It happened two or three
years ago.60
A high school teacher currently teaching in northern Greece, told the

mission:
59
The Minority Rights Group reports: "[I]n 1959 in the villages around Lerin, Kostur and
Kajlari the inhabitants were asked to confirm publicly in front of officials that they did not
speak Macedonian. Such measures led to many emigrating to Australia or Canada."
Minority Rights Group, Minorities in the Balkans, Page 31.
60
Related to the mission by Kosta Gotsis in Florina.
During breaks in high school, kids speak Macedonian to each

other. They speak Macedonian with me, too, because they know
I'm Macedonian. Whether a kid gets in trouble for speaking
Macedonian depends on the teacher--if the teacher decides to
report it, the kid's parents may be called in. Other teachers are
open-minded, and don't report such things. In the old days,
when I was a child (I'm thirty-eight now), teachers would hit kids
with sticks if they spoke Macedonian, and would say things like,
"You dirty Bulgarians, you'll never learn Greek."
Views of Ethnic Macedonians
Greek citizens of Macedonian origin are divided on the importance of

preserving, speaking and being educated in the Macedonian language.
Activist members of the Macedonian minority told the mission that the
language they speak is Macedonian, and that it is important to them to preserve
the language. They want their children to be taught Macedonian in school, or,
failing that, they want the right to establish classes outside of the public schools
in which their children can learn Macedonian.
Kosta Gotsis, a member of the Macedonian Movement for Balkan
Prosperity, which is concerned with the rights of the Macedonian minority, told the
fact-finding mission:
We want all the rights of people who have their own identity and
culture; according to CSCE declarations, we are entitled to
these rights. One of the most important of these is the right to
have our children educated in their mother language. It's very
important to save the language. We don't care whether all the
subjects are taught in Macedonian or there is just one hour a
day of instruction in Macedonian--we don't want a utopia. If we
are allowed to establish private schools that teach in
Macedonian, that's okay. If the Greek government provides one
or two hours of instruction in Macedonian, that's okay.
Right now we can't get permission to teach a class in

Macedonian, because, according to the Greek government, the
language doesn't exist. To set up a school teaching a foreign
language, you need a license and a certificate. But since the
government says the Macedonian language doesn't exist, they

won't give anyone a license to teach it.
In 1925 the Greek government actually printed a primer for

children to learn the Macedonian alphabet--it was called the
"ABECEDAR," but it was never used. Last month we asked a
printer to print 1,000 copies of this book. He asked the
authorities, who he said told him that if he printed it he would go
to prison.
Other Greeks of Macedonian origin have taken an opposite position,

deliberately avoiding using the Macedonian language with their children. An
elderly woman in the village of Akritas in the mountains north of Florina, near the
FYRM border, told the mission:
I always spoke to my own children in Greek--it made it much

easier for them when they went to school. Only the old people in
this village speak Macedonian.
Alexander Traikos, the thirty-five-year-old president of the Kelli township

council (the mayor), told the fact-finding mission that everyone in his town of
1,000 speaks "the idiom," but that he does not favor education in the Macedonian
language:
We speak the idiom with each other, and sometimes Greek. The
young people speak mostly Greek, and the grandfathers mostly
the idiom. I learned the idiom from my grandmother, but I don't
speak it with my children because it would make it much more
difficult for them to progress in Greek. I don't believe the idiom
should be taught in school. Anyway, it's not written down, it has
no alphabet, so it couldn't be taught. If the language was written
down by linguists, then it could be taught. We don't understand
the language spoken in the republic of Macedonia, so the
Skopjan language should not be taught here.
Because of the government's history of restricting the use of the

Macedonian language, the mission was told that it would be difficult to find people
who could teach the language at present. A member of the Macedonian Movement
for Balkan Progress (MMBP), Traianos Pasois, told the mission:
There are no teachers who can teach the Macedonian language

now. There are very few people in the Pella district who can
read and write in Macedonian. My parents learned the
language under the communists. In the communist days
Macedonian was sometimes taught; there were six-month
seminars for teachers. I can read a little Macedonian. I can
read Nova Makedonija [the chief newspaper in FYRM], but only
very slowly. And there are terms in the paper that I don't know.
Another Macedonian activist told the mission:
It's very rare for people to read and write in Macedonian,

although everybody speaks it in Florina. Some of the people
who can read and write it are very old--they were taught the
language by Bulgarian priests during the Exarchate period.61
The priests used it in church services. And later some people
were taught the language by the communists during the Civil
War--they taught them the Cyrillic alphabet.
Father Irineos Hatzeframidis, a priest in Florina, expressed a contrary

view, telling the mission that Macedonian had not been spoken in church services
in earlier years:
I speak the idiom, but I don't know how to use it in the church
liturgy. During the Exarchate, the Bulgarians pressured the
priests to use the language in church, but they said they
61
According to the Minority Rights Group, "Up until the Balkan Wars there were in Aegean
Macedonia under the control of the Exarchate Church nineteen primary schools in towns
and 186 in villages with 320 teachers catering for 12,895 pupils in Bulgarian. In addition
there were four Serbian schools and some 200 or so other Slav primary schools supported
by village communities. All these Slavonic schools were closed and the inventories
destroyed while in the Slavonic churches the icons were repainted with Greek names."
Minorities in the Balkans,
p. 30.
couldn't use it. The Greek language has always dominated here,
in church as well as outside the church.
Requirements of International
International Human Rights Law
The Greek government's position on the Macedonian language--denying

that it is a language, and thus not permitting it to be taught in private language
schools--contravenes international human rights law, declarations and
agreements on minority rights.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states in Article
27:
In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic

minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not
be denied the right, in community with the other members of
their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice
their own religion, or to use their own language.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to

National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, adopted by the General
Assembly on December 18, 1992,62 states:
Persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic

minorities . . . have the right . . . to use their own language, in
private and in public, freely and without interference or any
form of discrimination (Article 2(1)).
The declaration also places affirmative obligations on states with regard

to minority languages:
States should take appropriate measures so that, wherever

possible, persons belonging to minorities may have adequate
opportunities to learn their mother tongue or to have
instruction in their mother tongue (Article 4(3)).
62
See Appendix D for full text.
EMPLOYMENT
The fact-finding mission received conflicting information on whether

members of the Macedonian minority are currently discriminated against in
employment, although it appears clear that such discrimination existed routinely
in the past.
Since the Greek government does not classify public sector employees
by ethnicity, it is not possible to determine statistically the extent of job
discrimination.
According to a human rights activist,
Until 1974 every Greek needed a "Certificate of Social Beliefs" in

order to be hired in the public sector; the purpose was to
determine whether you were clean, politically and
ideologically--in other words, were you a communist? The
practice was theoretically ended in 1974, but unofficially the
files continue to exist. Each person with leftist leanings in
Greece had a file in police custody called a fakellos. But now
the file focuses more on the Macedonian issue.
The public sector in Greece employs a great many people in education,

communications, police, military, university, electrical and water services, etc. It
is generally agreed by human rights activists and anthropologists who are
students of the area that job discrimination was common until recent years.63 The
Macedonian minority claims that its members are still denied jobs in the public
sector, or are given inferior jobs below their qualifications. This view has
sometimes been confirmed by officials. A Macedonian rights activist told Human
63
A 1982 National Security Service memorandum, No. 16/2/1982 (reg. no. 6502/7-50428)
recommends the hiring of non-Macedonian-speaking people in civil service and
"especially" in the schools. (Document in Helsinki Watch files.)
The Minority Rights Group reports that in 1954 the Greek government "removed
all Macedonians from official positions in Aegean Macedonia," and that a "lack of jobs for
those who declared themselves to be Macedonian" continued in the 1970s. Minorities in the
Balkans, p. 31.
Rights Watch/Helsinki that in February 1992, for example, the mayor of the
township of Kelli wrote to Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis analyzing the
unemployment of youth in his village. He reported that "locals" were not hired by
the local power company, and that there was not even one local civil servant in his
village of 1,000, although all were "loyal Greeks." He asked the prime minister to
order ten people hired in the local mine, and another twenty hired when the new
power station opened.
On the other hand, Florina Nomarch Nikolas Koukoulas told the July fact-
finding mission that the claim that most civil service jobs were held by "refugees"
(Greeks settled in the area during the populations exchanges of the 1920s) was
not true. He declared at first that the majority of civil servants in the district are
"locals," but then changed his mind and said that he didn't know the proportion of
employees in each category, as "no distinctions are made between locals and
refugees."
Many members of the Macedonian minority told the mission that the
state discriminates against them in employment. A local from the Pella district
who did not want his name used told the mission:
If you want to be a civil servant, you can't say you're

Macedonian, you have to say you are Greek. You have to say
"Greek" to promote yourself in the bureaucracy, and also to help
your children succeed.
The Macedonian Movement for Balkan Prosperity has as one of its goals
the ending of employment discrimination. One of its leaders, Kosta Gotsis, told the
Seventy percent of the people in the district of Florina are

Macedonian, but less than 40 percent of public sector
employees are Macedonian. This is not for lack of education;
many Macedonians are qualified for these jobs. The people
who do have the public jobs are mostly at the lower level, not at
the middle or higher level. Only fifteen of the sixty teachers in
the high school are locals; the rest are refugees or are from
southern Greece.
When a new power plant was built, most of the workers were
brought in from other parts of Greece. In the last few years,
more than 3,000 locals have gone to Germany for work.
Some activists allege that people lose public sector jobs or are
transferred as a result of their activism. Christos Sideropoulos, for example, who
was prosecuted for saying that he felt Macedonian and that there are one million
Macedonians in northern Greece (see free expression section, above), told the
mission that he had been a forestry employee in the public sector and had been
punitively transferred because he spoke out.
After I was charged I was transferred to another area. Then

after I went to the CSCE meeting in Copenhagen they wanted to
transfer me again. I eventually refused the transfer and was
fired.
Others told the mission that there was no job discrimination, and that
acquiring a job in the public sector was related to political connections. The
mayor of one town, an official with the socialist party PASOK (now in power) who
did not want his name used, told the mission:
Here in our town, locals control the civil service. Locals make
up only twenty to thirty percent of public sector workers,
although they are seventy percent of the population. But that is
because they have only recently entered the civil service.
Because party people are in positions of leadership, we've been
able to get the key managerial positions for locals. The New
Democracy party wants its people in key jobs, and so does
PASOK. That's why we've been able to get so many locals into
good jobs.
Mayor Traikos of Kelli told the mission:
I don't know the percentage of locals who are in the public

sector. After a very long fight, we were able to get seven civil
service jobs for our people in 1993. One is a police officer, one a
day care teacher, one a teacher in a secondary school, two in
the public power factory (one blue collar and one white collar),
one in the public power company in Florina--an assistant
engineer, and one in the school of education. Basically, civil
service jobs depend on your political connections. I've heard
complaints about discrimination, but I don't think there is any

discrimination against people because they are locals.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has concluded that ethnic Macedonians

have been discriminated against in public employment in the past, and that some
job discrimination may continue against them in violation of international laws
and agreements that forbid discrimination against individuals on the basis of
their ethnic origin. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki recommends to the Greek
government that it undertake an investigation to determine whether ethnic
Macedonians are currently discriminated against in employment in the public
sector and, if so, to take steps to end that discrimination.
HARASSMENT
HARASSMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS MONITORS
Two human rights groups concerned with the rights of the Macedonian
minority are currently active in northern Greece. The first group is the
Macedonian Movement for Balkan Prosperity (MMBP), established in 1989 in
Aridea and run by a five-member secretariat: Pavlos Voskopoulos, Dimitris
Papadimitriou, Traianos Pasois, Petros Dimtsis and Kostas Tasopoulos. Members
of the secretariat told the mission that the group advocates:
* freedom of movement across the border, so that families can be

reunited;
* a change in the Greek law of return for political refugees, which

now provides that only those "of Greek origin" can return;
* ethnic equality, including the right to education in the

Macedonian language;
* an end to employment discrimination;
* freedom of association;
* land for landless peasants; and
* cross-frontier cooperation.
The MMBP reports that it has committees in cities throughout the area.
The secretariat told the mission that although the MMBP is not a large
membership organization, it distributes throughout northern Greece 3,000 copies
of a monthly newspaper called Ta Moglena (the Byzantine name of the area).64 Of
these 3,000, the secretariat reports that about 150 people are willing to sign
protests, but that most of MMBP's supporters are afraid to challenge the
government.
64
The name of the newspaper has since been changed to Zora, a Macedonian word
meaning "dawn."
49
The second is the Macedonian Movement for Human Rights (MMHR),

headed by Christos Sideropoulos, the Macedonian who was convicted for a
newspaper interview in which he said that he felt Macedonian and there were one
million ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece (see free expression section). Its
overall aim, Sideropoulos told the mission, is equality for Macedonians before the
law and the state. Neither group supports separatism or autonomy for ethnic
Macedonians.65
The Macedonian rights activists are intensely disliked by Greek officials
and are routinely referred to as "agents of Skopje." Florina Nomarch Nikolas
Koukoulas told the mission:
They are a very small group of people who do not serve Greek
national interests. They are directed from abroad.
Asked on what evidence this serious allegation was based, Nomarch

Koukoulas said:
We can tell by their behavior, by what they say--when they say

they cannot act freely in Greece.
Macedonian rights activists have been subjected to a good deal of

harassment, including threats, strip searches, and confiscation of documents;
they report that they are routinely followed, as was the July fact-finding mission
(see below). One activist told the mission:
Until six months ago, activists were strip-searched every time

we crossed the border. About six months ago it stopped; we
think it was because their policy became known internationally,
since we had crossed the border with some foreign journalists.
Indirect pressure has reportedly been exerted to try to prevent the

publication of the MMBP's newspaper. One member of the MMBP secretariat told
65
For example, in a July 29, 1993, letter to the Greek prime minister, MMHR President
Christos Sideropoulos stated that Macedonians are "an inseparable part of Greece . . . an
ethnic Macedonian minority that is a constituent element of the Greek state." (Greek
branch of the Minority Rights Group, December 1993.)
Harassment 51
the mission:
the printer who had been printing the newspaper told us late
last year that he could not print the journal any longer; he said
had been pressured to stop printing it. He would not tell us who
had pressured him. Two months ago [in May 1993] we went to a
printer in Florina. He told us he would print it every month. Then
later he said he couldn't, that "many idiots came here and told
me I was an agent of Skopje, and why did I support you. I'm
afraid I'll lose other printing jobs."
Expressing human rights views openly can have serious consequences.

As discussed earlier, Macedonian activists have been prosecuted and convicted
for the peaceful expression of their views. Other kinds of consequences can
result: in one case, a member of the Macedonian Movement for Balkan Prosperity
who did not want his name used told the fact-finding mission in Aridea:
In October 1992 I signed a document with several others asking

for equal rights for Macedonians in Greece, and an end to
discrimination, the right to free visits to and return from FYRM,
and full relations with the independent republic of Macedonia.
It was printed in the newspaper. Ten days later I had to take
back my signature.
What happened was that the Sunday after the newspaper

article, the priest in my village spoke about me by name in his
sermon. And he said, "Here in our village we have the birth of a
Saddam Hussein (me) who will create a new war in our area.
We will collect signatures to send him to Skopje, and if he
doesn't have the money to go, I'll give it to him." My twelve-year-
old daughter was in church, and when she heard my name, she
fainted. Then there was lots of psychological pressure from
other villagers--my village is half Macedonian and half Greek.
Things happened like one day when my wife and I were in
Edessa, a man came to my wife and said, "Where is your
husband? The police have condemned him and we'll execute
him." My wife was so upset when she heard about it that she
had a nervous breakdown and went to the hospital; she stayed
there for a week or ten days. So for the safety of my family I

wrote a letter to the newspaper saying I was taking back my
signature.
Later on I signed a letter to some deputies about the

Macedonians, and people in the village stopped talking to me
again. [The activist gave the fact-finding mission copies of
photos of graffiti on walls that appeared in his neighborhood--
"Anti-Greeks should go to Skopje," "Death to the agents of
Skopje," etc.]
Another MMBP member who had signed the 1992 document, Dimitris
Papadimitriou, told the mission:
Everybody called us traitors after the letter was printed. The

newspapers never printed the letter itself, but just called us
traitors. Stohos called us "agents of Skopje," and said we were
paid spokesmen and agents of Gligorov [the president of FYRM].
In August 1992 we met with Mr. Blandford from the American

Embassy. Later the Foreign Ministry called in U.S. Ambassador
Sotirhos and said it was unacceptable for Blandford to have met
with the MMPB. Avriani newspaper said, "U.S. recognizes agents
of Skopje; American consul went to pro-Skopje Aridea group."
I had been the president of my farm coop. A few days after the
newspaper item about our document was published, there was
a special meeting of the board of our coop--the only item was
"redistribution of offices on the board following the actions of
the president that had hurt the organization." I was stripped of
the presidency.
Human rights activism can have economic consequences as well. An
MPB member, Traianos Pasois, told the fact-finding mission:
I opened a dry cleaning store in 1992 in Aridea. Locals told me

they were afraid to come to my store because of MMPB's
activities. As a result, I didn't do enough business to keep the
store open. The same thing happened to a baker friend of ours.
Harassment 53
On the street in front of his bakery, someone put up a sign

saying, "Don't buy the bread of Skopje." He had to shut down his
own business and work in his father's bakery.
Pavlos Vaskopoulos told the mission:
For the last year or two I've been more active on human rights
for Macedonians. I'm an architect, and my business has
suffered. In several instances this year my clients have told me
that they will not be able to hire me as they had planned, as a
"friend" had come to them and told them not to hire me,
because I was "an agent of Skopje." So my clients have been
frightened away.
Father Nikodimos Tsarknias is a fifty-one-year-old Macedonian human

rights activist who has spoken widely, in Greece and abroad, for the rights of
ethnic Macedonians. He told the fact-finding mission in detail of his problems,
including dismissal by the bishop of Florina in 1981 for his advocacy,
reinstatement by the bishop of Kilkis in 1982, followed by dismissal in early 1993.
Father Tsarknias told the mission that he had been followed, threatened and his
phone tapped.
Criminal charges have been brought against Father Tsarknias in
connection with a reportedly peaceful demonstration. Father Tsarknias told the
Following an incident on New Year's Day, January 1, 1992, in

which the bishop of the area was booed by the local
congregation, the public prosecutor brought criminal charges
against me, claiming that I was "morally responsible for the
events of January 1, 1992," and that I had "incited violence." The
case is due to be heard in April 1994. Meanwhile an
ecclesiastical court consisting of five bishops has stripped me
of my priesthood for having "incited the events of January 1,
1992," and "organized with other priests to overthrow the
bishop."
Border crossings into the FYRM are fraught with difficulties, particularly
for Macedonian activists. Several reported to the fact-finding mission that they
are regularly searched and their publications confiscated when they attempt to
cross into the FYRM. In addition, their names have reportedly been recorded and
sent to security files, which may result in career problems for the individuals
listed.
In late 1992, Stohos, a right-wing Greek newspaper, published the names
of all who had recently crossed into the FYRM. Since the names apparently came
from government officials, human rights activists told the fact-finding mission
that they believed that the release of the list was an effort by the government to
discourage Macedonians from visiting FYRM. In the present climate of extreme
tension between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, an
allegation that one is sympathetic to the FYRM (which is, rightly or wrongly,
suggested by a visit to that country) may have unpleasant repercussions in the
community.
A member of the Macedonian Movement for Balkan Progress told the
mission in Aridea:
Until six months ago, the border guards kept all the documents
in Macedonian that anyone had. Then we started saying, "Give
us a receipt," and now we can bring them in. Two days ago, the
day of the festival in Meliti, I crossed the border with a copy of
"Nova Makedonija" (the chief newspaper in FYRM), and I brought
it in all right. If you assert your right to bring in material, they
will let you, but you have to have a lot of courage. Really, only
members of our movement are brave enough to bring
publications in.
Outside human rights monitors can be harassed as well as local

monitors. The fact-finding mission that went to northern Greece in July 1993,
made up of representatives of three groups, one Greek and two foreign--the
Danish Helsinki Committee, the Minority Rights Group-Greece, and Human Rights
Watch/Helsinki--was kept under surveillance. During the first two days of the
mission, a white unmarked four-door Renault, with the license plate PAB 2162,
followed us wherever we went. When the mission was at its hotel, the two plain-
clothes officers left the car and sat in the hotel lobby.
After two days of surveillance, one mission member asked the officers
directly why they were following us. The police replied that they were simply
doing their job. The mission member told the officers that our movements were
not secret, and told the police where we would be on the following days. We did
Harassment 55
not see the police car for two days; it reappeared the following day and resumed
following us.
On September 15, 1993, the weekly Stohos published what it called a "top
secret report" of the Greek Secret Service on the doings of the July fact-finding
mission. It included the names of people interviewed by the mission, the times of
the meetings, car license numbers, passport numbers and passport data of the
mission members and of the scholars who met with them. It even included the
name of one person telephoned by a mission participant.66
The fact that police openly followed us may have exerted a chilling effect
on some ethnic Macedonians. In the climate of fear in which Macedonians live in
northern Greece, police surveillance discourages full cooperation with human
rights monitoring groups.67
When the fact-finding mission crossed the border into FYRM, our car was
searched and a publication was removed by a border guard. After protests, the
book--a Danish university student's master's thesis on Macedonia--was returned.
66
See Appendix H for full text.
67
In November 1990, Professor Erik Siesby, the head of the Danish Helsinki Committee,
and one of the participants in the July 1993 mission, went to Florina to try to assess the
situation of the ethnic Macedonians. His first attempt at a meeting was with a school
teacher. Professor Siesby told Human Rights Watch/Helsinki: "I told him that I was trying to
study the situation of the Slavophone Macedonians in the area. He was shocked. He said,
'This is very dangerous. You are being followed by police, there are police outside the
school.' He refused even to talk with me."
"I returned to my hotel. Two local men came to see me, as arranged, but spoke no
English; they said they would return at 10:00 p.m. with an interpreter. At 10:15 I received a
phone call from the interpreter, saying, 'The hotel is surrounded by police. They won't let us
in.' I said I would come down to them. They told me not to, that the police wouldn't let me."
"In Athens a week later I took this up with the Foreign Ministry. I was assured that
I could speak with people in the Macedonian region without difficulty. I then went to Florina;
police did not interfere with my interviews, but I was told later that some of the people I
interviewed were called in and interrogated by the police--and some had their tires
slashed."
The guard reported that part of the thesis had been xeroxed.
Human rights and minority activists are frequently and without
substantiation accused of being foreign agents ("agents of Skopje") even by
members of the government. Academics writing about human rights and minority
questions are also at risk. The U.S. Department of State's Country Report for 1993
stated:
It is widely believed that those who engage in public dissent,

even in scholarly publications, on sensitive issues like
Macedonia and minorities, will find it very difficult to pursue an
academic career since all universities are state institutions.
HARASSMENT OF ETHNIC MACEDONIANS
Members of the Macedonian minority told the July fact-finding mission

of routine harassment by the state--at the border with FYRM, on the job, in the
military, in school.
George Natsulis, thirty-nine, a worker in the fur business in Kastoria, told
the fact-finding mission in Meliti:
Recently I brought a video cassette back across the border from

the FYRM. The border guards made me wait for four hours until
they could watch the cassette, which contained Macedonian
songs and dances. The guards threatened me that I would be
prosecuted for possessing the cassette, but nothing happened.
They also seized my telephone book, but returned it after
several hours.
A twenty-eight-year-old baker told the mission:
In the spring of 1992 I came back from a trip to Bulgaria visiting

relatives. I crossed at the Serres area, at Promahonas. The
customs people found a cassette with Macedonian songs. They
made me and the person with me get out of the car and turn
over all of our papers. I had a date book with me, and I refused
to give it to them, as it was private, confidential. They strip-
searched us, even took down our underpants. We returned to
Harassment 57
the car and found that all our papers were gone. They kept us
there for two hours; apparently they xeroxed all of our papers.
We protested, and the guards said, "Protest all you want." They
threatened to arrest us. Eventually they returned all our papers.
Nothing was missing. Later the names from my datebook were
printed in Stohos, where all were labeled "agents of Skopje."
The fact-finding mission was told of incidents in which children had

been harassed in school.68 A teacher reported:
In late 1992, shortly after the republic of Macedonia became

independent, when emotions were running very high, a history
teacher told a sophomore class that Macedonians were
"gypsies, with no culture." One boy asked why the teacher had
said that; "aren't they human beings like us?" The student was
sent to the superintendent's office; later his parents were
called in and warned to prevent the child from making such
remarks.
The July fact-finding mission heard stories of reported harassment in the

military. In one instance, the mission was told by a Macedonian villager of the
experiences of a draftee, currently in military service:
When he was asked where he was born, the soldier gave the
name of a village in the Macedonian region. Then he was
referred to as "an agent of Skopje." The other soldiers were
ordered not to talk to him; by July 1993 he had been ostracized--
isolated and excluded--for six months.
The mission was given the young man's name, but was asked not to reveal it.
The mission heard of other kinds of harassment. One businessman
reported:
I got a three-month visa to go to FYRM for business. The local

police called me in to ask me why I needed such a long visa;
68
See additional examples in section on language discrimination.
why I needed to make so many trips to the FYRM.
Another businessman told the mission:
Recently I went into a store that I deal with to buy supplies. The
clerk told me that I had to sign a statement saying that I was
Greek. I guess he did it because the local newspaper had
printed an article saying I was "an agent of Skopje." I refused to
sign the statement, so they wouldn't sell me the goods. Finally I
was able to persuade the boss to allow the sale.
FEAR
Harassment of the Macedonian minority has led to a widespread climate

of fear. A large number of people interviewed by the mission stated specifically
that they did not want their names used, for fear of losing jobs or suffering from
the kind of harassment experienced by human rights activists--being followed,
threatened and harassed.
A human rights activist told the mission:
Most people here are afraid to express themselves openly, to

say that they are Macedonian. This has been particularly true
since Christos Sideropoulos was convicted in court just for
saying "I feel Macedonian." And lots of people are afraid to
travel across the border to visit their relatives since Stohos
printed the names of people who had crossed from the republic.
George Natsulis, a worker in the fur business, told the mission:
People are more afraid now, since the troubles with the
independence of the republic. Now many people are afraid to
sing Macedonian songs and dance Macedonian dances.
Parents are afraid that their children will suffer in school, that
they will be stigmatized as "agents of Skopje." The older people
are afraid to phone their relatives in the republic; they'll only
call once a year.
Harassment 59
An activist told the mission:
There's a lot of pressure on Macedonians, particularly on the

human rights activists, so lots of people are even afraid to say
they're Macedonian.
Sam Novatsco, a Macedonian visiting in northern Greece who went to

Australia thirty-eight years ago, told the mission:
People here want their own schools, their own education. But
fear prevents them from expressing it.
An MMBP leader told the mission:
Although you are not permitted to get a license to teach Macedonian in a school, it
would be possible to tutor children individually, but the problem is psychological.
People are afraid to do it.
An American visitor told the mission:
Last year I went with a friend to a cafe where a man with a guitar
and a small orchestra were playing. They played two
Macedonian songs. When I asked them to repeat them, the
guitarist told me he couldn't. The owner heard the conversation,
and asked us to leave.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki recommends to the government of Greece

that it:
* acknowledge the existence in Greece of an ethnic Macedonian

minority with its own culture and language;
* end free expression restrictions on ethnic Macedonians;
* permit ethnic Macedonian political refugees to return to

Greece to regain their citizenship, to resettle and visit on the same basis
as political refugees who identify themselves as Greek;
* end the practice of prohibiting the teaching of the Macedonian

language;
* permit ethnic Macedonians to establish cultural and other

associations;
* carry out an impartial investigation into whether ethnic

Macedonians are currently discriminated against in employment in the
public sector; if that discrimination is found to exist, end it;
* end harassment of ethnic Macedonians in general, and of

Macedonian rights monitors in particular.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki recommends to the United States

government that it acknowledge the Greek government's human rights violations
as presented in this report, and use its best efforts to persuade the Greek
government to follow Human Rights Watch/Helsinki's recommendations.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki recommends to the international
community that it acknowledge and take steps to end human rights abuses by the
Greek government. In particular, it urges the CSCE High Commissioner on National
Minorities to investigate the situation of the ethnic Macedonians and to take steps
to end discrimination against them.
60

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DENYING ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Macedonians of Greece

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki

Human Rights Watch

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-75891

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki

Frequently Used Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... ix

Introduction and Conclusions........................................................................................................................1

Denial of Ethnic Identity.....................................................................................................................................11

Restrictions on Free Expression................................................................................................................22

Discrimination against the Macedonian Minority ........................................................................26

This report is based largely on information gathered by a fact-finding

CSCE Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe

The Greek government views the term "Macedonian" as a geographic

or being harassed by police.

* an ethnic Macedonian minority with its own language and

* the Greek government has denied the ethnic identity of the

* freedom of expression is restricted for ethnic Macedonians in

* the Greek government discriminates against the ethnic

* ethnic Macedonian political refugees who fled northern Greece

* the teaching of the Macedonian language is not permitted;

* ethnic Macedonians were discriminated against in

* ethnic Macedonians, and particularly Macedonian rights

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has made a number of recommendations

Located in the center of the Balkan peninsula, the geographic region of

largely of two groups of Greek citizens. One group consists of ethnic

The Metaxas regime, haunted by the specter of Slavism and

Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, Aristide D. Caratzas,

Applied by incompetent and short-sighted civil servants, it

In 1959, several Macedonian villages introduced "'language oaths' . . .

before that time, increasingly began to refer to themselves as "Macedonians."24

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki has been unable to obtain accurate

The Greek government denies that a Macedonian minority exists in

Greece rejects the claim advanced by Skopje for recognition of

In the past, there were undoubtedly persons with a Slavic

The position of the Greek government is reflected in statements by local

is no minority here; everyone in the Macedonian region is Greek."34 The Mayor of

THE NUMBER OF ETHNIC MACEDONIANS

The number of ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece is a matter of

[A]ccording to the last available Greek population figures, the

[n]orthern Greece is home to a small number (unofficial

Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was unable to determine with any

MACEDONIAN ETHNIC IDENTITY

Macedonian ethnic identity appears to have begun to develop in the

I am a Macedonian. I am different from other Greek citizens. I

The heart of the matter is that we just want to be accepted and

Georgos Natsulis, thirty-nine, a worker in the fur business in Kastoria,

My family's name was originally Nachev; they were forced to

Asked by a member of the mission whether a local ethnic Macedonian

Asked by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki whether parents would be

Name-giving in Greece is, in essence, a private affair and the

belonging to a religious denomination may have their children

However, when asked by the mission in Florina whether a child could be

The freedom to perform Macedonian songs and dances openly is a

My wife is from Bitola, in FYRM. At first the priest refused to

Asked by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki whether ethnic Macedonians

Greek citizens all over Greece are allowed, and, indeed,

Expanding on this statement, Greek Consul General Charalambos

Everybody is free to sing and dance. But there is one popular