Drawings of Annibale Carracci
Drawings of Annibale Carracci
Drawings of Annibale Carracci
Annibale Carracci
DANIELE BENATI
DIANE DE GRAZIA
GAIL FEIGENBAUM
KATE G A N Z
M A R G A R E T M O R G"AN G R A S S E L L I
CATHERINE LOISEL L E G R A N D
Annibale Carracci
The exhibition is made possible by Republic National Bank of New York,
and Safra Republic Holdings S.A., Luxembourg
DETAILS
9 FOREWORD
40 Annibale Carracci's
Beginnings in Bologna:
Between Nature and History
Daniele Benati
48 CATALOGUE NOS. I - 26
5
LENDERS TO THE EXHIBITION
Private Collections
In keeping with the National Gallery of Art's tradition of the full-scale cartoon—is well represented in the exhibition,
organizing exhibitions of the work of outstanding master especially in the spectacular series of studies for the decora-
draftsmen, we are proud to present the powerful and evoca- tion of the Farnese Gallery. This group culminates in a work
tive drawings of the great Bolognese artist Annibale Carracci never before seen outside of Italy, the huge (eleven foot by
(1560—1609). Prized by collectors and connoisseurs even in eleven foot) Bacchic Procession with Silenus, a cartoon for the
his own time, Annibale's drawings are now well known only right half of the central fresco in the Farnese Gallery ceiling,
to a relatively small but highly appreciative audience. This The Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne.
first-ever exhibition devoted solely to the drawings of Anni- The success of this exhibition has been due in large part
bale will introduce the artist to a wider public who, we believe, to the hard work, enthusiasm, and remarkable collegiality of
will recognize him as one of the worlds finest draftsmen. the members of the organizing committee: Daniele Benati,
Born in a time when the elegant deformations and exag- assistant professor at the University of Udine; Gail Feigen-
gerations of Italian mannerism were still in vogue, Anni- baum, curator of paintings at the New Orleans Museum of
bale—together with his brother Agostino and cousin Ludo- Art; Kate Ganz, independent scholar, who first proposed the
vico—turned instead to nature and reality as his principal idea for this exhibition; Catherine Loisel Legrand, conserva-
inspirations. In order to study the human form, the three teur en chef in the département des arts graphiques at the
Carracci founded an academy of drawing—perhaps the first Musée du Louvre; Carel van Tuyll, curator of drawings at the
and certainly the prototype for others that would appear Teylers Museum; and Margaret Morgan Grasselli, curator
throughout Europe—where, among other things, students of old master drawings at the National Gallery, who led the
could make drawings from the nude model. The fruit project and served as in-house coordinator. To them all
of this intensive study is abundantly evident in Annibale's and to two other early members of the committee, Diane
magnificent drawings of the human figure—from those De Grazia and Aidan Weston-Lewis, go our heartfelt thanks.
early Bolognese works executed in red chalk in the mid-i58os We are deeply indebted to the private collectors and to
to those in black and white chalk on blue paper in the late our many sister institutions in the United States and Europe
15905 made in preparation for his greatest commission, the who generously agreed to lend their best Annibale drawings
decoration of the Farnese Gallery in Rome. to this exhibition. Françoise Viatte, le conservateur général
Annibale was a great master of grand mythological and chargé du département des arts graphiques, Musée du Louvre,
religious painting, but he was also attuned to the everyday and Theresa-Mary Morton, The Honorable Jane Roberts,
world around him, taking as much interest in studying a and Martin Clayton at the Royal Library, Windsor—at the
man bowling, a butcher weighing a piece of meat, a street two most important collections of Carracci drawings in the
entertainer with his monkey, a public hanging, or the sur- world—were especially helpful. Dr. Paolo Dal Poggetto
rounding landscape as he did in making preparatory studies and Dr. Maria Giannatiempo at the Galleria Nationale délie
of figures, draperies, gestures, or ornamental details for a Marche, Urbino, also earned our gratitude for their invalu-
grand altarpiece or the decoration of a room. For Annibale, able assistance in securing the loan of the great cartoon
as for Agostino and Ludovico, drawing was the means through for the Farnese Gallery ceiling. In addition, we are grateful
which he developed his ideas and by which his designs to conservator Sergio Boni of Florence for his work on
became concrete. The process that they followed—begin- the cartoon, thus ensuring that it could travel safely to the
ning with rough compositional sketches and ending with United States.
9 F O R E W O RD
We are indebted also to the Samuel H. Kress Foundation
for funding the conservation of the Urbino cartoon, which
unfortunately could not be completed before the opening
of the exhibition, but which will continue after the cartoon
is returned to Italy next year. Also contributing to the conser-
vation and transportation costs of bringing the cartoon to
Washington was The Circle of the National Gallery of Art,
for which we are most grateful. In addition, an indemnity
for this exhibition was granted by the Federal Council on
the Arts and the Humanities.
Finally, we would like to express our great appreciation
to Republic National Bank, which has supported National
Gallery exhibitions for several years now, for making this
landmark exhibition possible.
Earl A. Powell in
Directory National Gallery of Art
10
Acknowledgments
Annibale was one of a trio of brilliant Carracci artists— First, deserving of special recognition for their roles as
together with his elder brother Agostino and their older founding members of the organizing committee are former
cousin Ludovico—who for several years worked very closely National Gallery curator Diane De Grazia, now chief cura-
together in the same studio, sharing ideas, commissions, tor at the Cleveland Museum of Art, and Aidan Weston-
subjects, and even drawings. At times their styles and works Lewis, assistant keeper of Italian and Spanish painting at the
were so intermingled that their hands became virtually National Gallery of Scotland. We were fortunate to have
indistinguishable, and scholars have been struggling with the had the benefit of their expertise and counsel during the first
resulting attribution problems ever since. There will never stages of our work.
be, in fact, any clear-cut answers to some of those attri- Too numerous to thank individually are the curators
bution questions, especially for drawings made when all and print room assistants throughout Europe and the United
three Carracci were working together in Bologna, and schol- States who cordially welcomed us to their museums and
ars will continue to disagree on the authorship of many made it possible for us to study the Carracci drawings in
individual works. Nevertheless, because of recent progress their collections. These include not only the museums that
in Carracci studies, it seems possible now, more than ever are lenders to the exhibition, but also the many others we
before, to present an exhibition of drawings that can be visited as we searched out new works, weighed our choices,
strongly defended as solely by Annibale. In past exhibitions, and finalized our lists. We very much value everything these
works by the three artists have always been presented wonderful colleagues did to help us accomplish our work
together. Here—for the first time—Annibale is presented effectively and expeditiously. Their enthusiastic response to
on his own in the hope that seeing his works in isolation our visits and to our project was both heartwarming and
will help clarify the true shape of his oeuvre. encouraging. Equally welcoming and helpful to us were the
The drawings in the exhibition were selected with an eye private collectors who granted us access to their drawings
to both the inherent quality of each work and the broad with unfailing good humor and gratifying interest in our
representation of the subject matter and media embraced by progress. We are especially grateful to those who kindly
Annibale throughout his career. Of foremost importance, agreed to lend drawings to the exhibition, but who preferred
however, was that each drawing be considered by every mem- to remain anonymous and cannot thus be thanked here
ber of the organizing committee to be the work of Annibale by name.
himself. Thus, if opinion was divided about a particular Among the other scholars and colleagues to whom indi-
study, it was necessarily excluded from consideration. The vidual members of the committee would like to extend their
result is an exhibition that represents a touchstone for Anni- thanks are: Babette Bohn, Alessandro Brogi, John Chvostal,
bale's draftsmanship, against which it will be possible to Alvin L. Clark, Stephen Eddy, Verena Forcione, Ann Suther-
measure many of the drawings currently attributed to him. land Harris, Andrea van Houtven, Françoise Joulie, Ann
On behalf of the members of the organizing committee, MacNary, Stéphanie Magalhaes, J. Richardson Massey, Sir
I would like to express our warmest appreciation to all the Denis Mahon, Andrew McCormick, Sandra Persuy, Lina
people who helped us in innumerable ways to bring to Propeck, Gusta Reichwein, Emmanuela Ricciadi, Simonetta
fruition this exhibition and catalogue of drawings by Anni- Prosperi Valenti Rodino, Francis Russell, Julien Stock,
bale Carracci. Yvonne Tan Bunzl, Nicholas Turner, and Thomas Williams.
II ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Within the National Gallery, our warm appreciation Equally deserving of our appreciation and thanks are our
goes first to Andrew Robison, Andrew W. Mellon Senior spouses, partners, and families for their unflagging support
Curator, for his firm support of this project from the very throughout the long gestation of this exhibition. We could
beginning, and to Stacey Sell, assistant curator of old master not have accomplished everything we needed to do without
drawings, who arrived at the Gallery just in time to tackle a their constant understanding and encouragement.
multitude of tasks associated with the exhibition and cata- Finally, on a personal note, I would like to express to the
logue, including the compilation of the chronology and bib- members of the organizing committee my sincerest grati-
liography. Deserving of special mention for their individual tude for making this fascinating foray into Annibale s draw-
roles in the realization of the exhibition are many other capa- ings and the mysteries of Carracci connoisseurship such an
ble staff members from a variety of departments throughout exciting and challenging adventure for me. I could not have
the Gallery, including Gordon Anson, Susan Arensberg, asked for a more generous, knowledgeable, or committed
Noriko Bové, Judith Brodie, Nancy Breuer, Jennifer group of colleagues to work with on this project. I hope they
Bumba-Kongo, Jeannette Canty, Jennifer Cipriano, Ruth have found it to be as personally and professionally reward-
Coggeshall, Susanne Cook, Elizabeth Croog, Ted Dalziel, ing as I have.
Isabelle Dervaux, David Diaz, Rebecca Donnan, Shelley
Fletcher, Michelle Fondas, Susan Higman, Barbara Keyes,
Joe Krakora, Andrew Krieger, Mark Leithauser, Ann Leven, Margaret Morgan Grasselli
Pauline Maguire, Sandy Masur, Melissa McCracken, Curator of Old Master Drawings, National Gallery of Art
Thomas McGill, Jr., Virginia Merrill, Stephen Mize, Patri-
cia O'Connell, John Olson, Hugh Phibbs, Ruth Philbrick,
Meg Porta, Rusty Powell, Mervin Richard, Virginia Ritchie,
Sara Sanders-Buell, Wendy Schleicher Smith, Marilyn Tebor
Shaw, Daniel Shay, Mariah Shay, Alan Shestack, Frances
Smyth, Jessica Stewart, Jamie Stout, Yoonjoo Strumfels,
D. Dodge Thompson, Elaine Vamos, Kathleen McCleery
Wagner, Judy Walsh, Gary Webber, Karen Weinberger,
Nancy Yeide, Ana Maria Zavala, Deborah Ziska. When
called upon, they and their associates all provided invaluable
help toward the realization of this exhibition. We are
indebted to them all.
12
Note to the Reader
the Pantheon. Members of the Academy of Saint Luke (the Roman painting
academy) and of the Roman nobility (among whom numbered some of his
patrons) assisted at the funeral mass.1 His remains, worthy of burial in the
great structure, lay near those of his spiritual mentor, Raphael. Annibale s epi-
taph praised his genius and the excellence of his art in all forms, indicating
Almost seventy years later his biographer, Giovanni Pietro Bellori, credited
Annibale with revitalizing art, following the decline it had suffered after the
admired for its classical and Renaissance elements and the correctness of its
forms. By the nineteenth century and the age of romanticism, Annibale s rep-
utation had fallen rapidly, until, by the late nineteenth century, he was dis-
that both the seventeenth-century view of Annibale as a new Raphael and the
15 DE GRAZIA
the true genius and originality of his art. From his early this study and in other drawings from models in the studio,
experiments with naturalism to his late, almost abstract, style, such as the Boy Taking off a Sock (Cat. 6), Annibale consid-
Annibale revolutionized our way of looking at the world ered his subjects from various angles and according to the
around us and at the art of the past. Paintings that have come light that hit them. His interest lay in making his drawings,
to be viewed as conventional were truly new and experi- and consequently, his paintings, as close to nature and as
mental in his time. Much of that experimentation and origi- believable as possible. Indeed, at this time he looked to ear-
nality is found first in his drawings, where his primary lier artists—but not to Raphael—for inspiration. It was
ideas were set down. Antonio Allegri, called Correggio, who first awakened Anni-
Annibale thought rapidly and constantly on paper from bale's naturalistic tendencies and his early manner of
his earliest youth in Bologna. Although the following story draftsmanship.
is likely apocryphal, it has the hint of truth. According In 1580 Annibale set out on a study trip, identified later
to Bellori, while Annibale and his father were on a journey as the studioso corso,4 encouraged by his cousin Ludovico,
from Cremona, they were attacked by highway robbers. who had earlier undertaken a similar study voyage to Flo-
Annibale immediately sketched "the appearance of those rap- rence and elsewhere. Annibale ventured first to Parma
acious ruffians so realistically and accurately that they were to study and copy Correggio s frescoes, and then to Venice
recognized by everyone with astonishment, and what had to join his brother Agostino to experience the paintings of
been stolen from his poor father was easily recovered."3 Titian firsthand.5 It was, and still is, important for an artist's
Although Annibale was not self-taught, having learned training to copy the works of the masters to understand
the rudiments of art from a goldsmith and from his cousin their styles and methods. In addition, young artists often
Ludovico (1555-1619) and his brother Agostino (1557-1602), made a living by making copies of famous artists' masterpieces
he first looked to nature to understand the human form. either on commission or on speculation. While m Parma,
We can only imagine what this sketch of the ruffians looked Annibale copied parts of Correggio's ceiling fresco in the
like. His first known drawings, certainly somewhat later cupola of the Duomo for a friend of the family. At this age
than this incident, such as A Man Weighing Meat (Cat. i), are the young artist admired Correggio's work over anything
already mature, and they indicate that he had learned the fun- else, even Raphael's, and his drawings and paintings of the
damental basics about simple lines and hatching for shading. mid-i58os attest to this devotion. It was not just the color,
A Man Weighing Meat is among the first extant sheets by the grace, the tenderness, the clarity, the purity, the lack
Annibale, produced when he was almost twenty-five years of artificiality, and the "reality" of Correggio's forms that
old. We must assume that earlier drawings did not have attracted Annibale (although he lovingly noted these charac-
the confidence so evident in such a sheet. This study shows, teristics), but that his "thoughts were his own, his con-
however, that Annibale (as he did with the ruffians) was ceptions as well, that one can see he got from his own head,
looking directly at his subject to capture the essence of its and invented by himself, contenting himself only with
shape, features, costume, and gesture. We immediately original work: the others all rely on something not of their
recognize that this is a butcher by his apron and his scale. doing, either models, statues, or paper [drawings]."7 If
We feel the concentration of the butcher as he measures the Annibale copied works by Correggio on commission and
weight. And, because Annibale wanted the gesture to be looked to his hero for inspiration, he certainly understood
correct, he repeated the movement of the arms at right. In at this stage of his career that invention and originality
16
and illiterate members, artists were seeking a way to make
art more understandable to their audiences. Cardinal Gabriele
Paleotti, the Bolognese bishop who wrote the Discorso intorno
alie imagini sacre e profane as a guide for artists to educate
the masses, may have had an influence on Annibales inter-
est in making his art credible. The Bolognese naturalist
Ulisse Aldrovandi, a friend of Annibales brother Agostino,9
compiled an encyclopedia of natural history and believed in
observation and experiment in the study of nature. In his
direct imitation of nature, Annibale could not have been
immune to Aldrovandi's studies nor to those of other scien-
tists at the University of Bologna, one of the oldest and
most active universities in Europe. One can imagine the lively
discussions on nature and art that must have taken place
in the rooms of the fledgling Accademia degli Incamminati,
established by the Carracci in 1582.
Annibales early paintings, such as the Butcher Shop
(Oxford, Christ Church), the Bean Eater (fig. i), and the
Crucifixion with Saints (Bologna, Santa Maria della Carita),
are uncompromising in their search for the natural and
believable.10 His drawings of these years reveal also the
F i G. i Bean Eater, Gallería Colonna, Rome
intense study Annibale made of his fellow man at work and
were more important than reliance on another artist's ideas. at play either in preparation for his paintings or simply as
In fact, both A Man Weighing Meat and the Boy Taking off a experimentation and practice. The drawing of the Boy Eating
Sock depend on Correggio only for the manner of draftsman- (fig. 2) and the various painted versions of the Boy Drinking
ship: the singular hatching, rubbing of the chalk, and the by Annibale and members of his academy11 indicate the
softly rendered contours that suggest a hazy atmosphere are intense interest in experimentation of scientific principles to
based on Correggio's manner. The models themselves could record nature in its true form. In the drawing of the Boy
not be farther from Correggio's vision. Instead of angelic, Eating, the artist played with different perspective views of
purified forms, these figures come from nature; they are solely his subject. The boy's face is seen convincingly from below
Annibales invention. His originality here lay in his portrayal as his head tilts back, and the plates, pitcher, and glass are
of his subjects in everyday attitudes in the performance of seen slightly from above as if the viewer is seated across the
everyday tasks. table. These early genre drawings and pictures reflect Anni-
The contribution of Annibales earliest known works to bale's connection with the Bolognese and Cremonese artists
the history of art comes directly from this portrayal of every- who were experimenting with similar subject matter, which
day life. At a time when the church was seeking institutional had originated in the Netherlands in the mid-sixteenth
reform and attempting to bring its teachings to its wayward century. Vincenzo Campi in Cremona and Bartolommeo
17 DE GRAZIA
outside observer. If anything, Annibale used these figures as
scientific subjects in his search for truth in nature. Drawings
from the 15805 reproduced in Le arti di Bologna (the trades of
Bologna), mostly lost, were also meant to be accurate records
of the metier of the workmen of Bologna and not personal
observations on their characters.13
There are no real portraits that can be ascribed to Anni-
bale Carracci, if portraits can be assumed to relay more than
objective observation. In the 15805 a number of drawn "por-
trait" busts survive. Several suggest a sympathetic perception
of his subject, such as the Head of a Boy (Cat. 15) and the
Semi-Nude Youth (Cat. n), but they are actually very accurate
renderings of a wide-eyed child whose mood is, in reality,
imperceptible, and a deformed youth who merely stares at
the artist who draws him. It is the viewer, not the artist,
who reads something into the characters' thoughts. In fact,
the handwritten inscription Non so se Dio maiuta on the
drawing of the Semi-Nude Youth may not be by the artist
but an addition by another hand. The magnificently observed
portrait of the lutenist Mascheroni (Cat. 25) is a mastery
of observed light and shade. The face, with its intense stare,
fills the sheet, and the sitter is thus perceived by the viewer
as having a strong character. What can instead be construed
as a detachment from his subjects may suggest that Annibale
F i G. 2 Boy Eating, Uffizi, Florence did not believe that accurate observation reflected mood
and may have led to his later adoption of affetti, or demon-
Passarotti in Bologna were masters of the low-life genre strative gestures, to describe inner emotion.14
scene, made popular in both northern and southern Europe Accurate observation of the natural world included draw-
in the second half of the sixteenth century. (Annibale may ings of the Emilian countryside that would be used as refer-
even have trained under Passarotti.) Their purpose, however, ences when creating painted compositions. Unlike his careful
differed from that of Annibale. Whereas they imposed a and detailed rendering of the human figure, Annibale s land-
point of view on the content of their compositions, exagger- scape drawings tend to be quick sketches that evoke the shape
ating the burlesque qualities of their subjects, Annibale of the trees, branches, mountains, roads, and rivers. Because
presented people as he saw them, without any moralizing of the affinity with his brother Agostino s landscape style,
comment.12 The boy eating from his bowl and the man and the influence of his landscape method on followers and
stopping to stare as he eats his beans do so while engaging in imitators, the attribution of these sheets continues to be
normal, everyday activities with the artist as an objective controversial.15 In spite of Annibale having painted the first
18
wholly independent landscape paintings in the history of to what is now termed an "eclectic" style, one which every
western painting (another important invention for the artist), artist before and after the Carracci practiced. Even the radical
it appears that for him landscape was meant to support the Caravaggio looked to Michelangelo and Raphael to aid in
16
story being told. Biographers related that the Carracci his strict adherence to nature.
17
drew landscapes out-of-doors for pleasure, but Annibale Bellori related that Annibale made extensive preparations
used his observations to support a rationally conceived land- for his frescoes in the Camerino and Gallery of the Farnese
scape painting style in which overlapping areas progressed Palace. For example, to correctly place the globe in Hercules'
in a zigzag fashion into depth, with figures placed in these arms, in the Camerino, he made at least twenty drawings
receding zones to indicate diminishing spatial perspective. (see Cat. 33).l8 Drawings exhibited here for the Farnese
Landscape and architecture supported his main iconograph- Palace indicate Annibale's interest in earlier artists' solutions
ical interest: the observation of the human figure in all its for grand, decorative murals. He studied not only Michel-
aspects of movement and attitude. angelo's Sistine chapel, as is well known, but also frescoes by
Already in the early 15805 Annibale had mastered draw- his early Parmese idol Correggio, his Bolognese compatriot
ing the human form, still life, and landscape under various Pellegrino Tibaldi, and his Roman contemporary Cavalière
conditions of light and perspective. He had taken a long d'Arpiño.19 Ancient Roman, Renaissance, and mannerist
study trip to copy and observe earlier masters. This training, artists and the natural world were studied assiduously to
whose innovative combination of the study of nature and great effect. Most important to him in his Roman years was
art was espoused in the Accademia degli Incamminati, gave Raphael, whose figurai and compositional style he emulated.
Annibale the basis for his compositional triumphs of the The mature Annibale left nothing to chance in working
following years. As beautiful and complete as many of Anni- out his compositions. His studies began with preliminary
bale's drawings are, they were merely a means to an end, the sketches, usually in ink, that incorporated his ideas for the
necessity of thought on the way to the painted composition. layout of forms (Cats. 40, 43). After numerous composi-
No catalogue raisonné of Annibale s drawing oeuvre exists, tional drawings, he made studies to understand the fall of
but there are drawings attributed to him in every major (and light and to refine the composition, often in pen and ink or
minor) cabinet in the world, and several thousand sheets by chalk heightened with white (Cat. 42). He continued this
the Carracci are extant. We can only guess how many were refinement by a careful study of each figure of the composi-
originally produced. Numerous sheets were necessary for tion, often including further attention to limbs, faces, and
Annibale's preparatory method, which began with a compo- drapery (Cat. 45). Perhaps it was at this time that he made
sitional sketch, was followed by a fairly final sketch, then by the small papier-mâche models that Bellori indicated he used.20
various studies from the model of the body, arms, legs, At this point, too, he integrated copies of ancient sculpture
heads, and drapery (see Cats. 79-81). As Annibale matured, and paintings, where he felt the musculature or position
he made more careful studies for his paintings. Nature con- of a form warranted it. Drawings for the Farnese Gallery
tinued to keep its hold on him and he drew from the model; ceiling included loose quotations of Michelangelo's ignudi
however, his working method became more complicated. (Cat. 60), and Roman sculpture always provided useful
After his arrival in Rome, in 1595, his preparatory method fodder (Cat. 34). Following these further studies of light and
included the study of Renaissance artists as well as ancient human form, Annibale integrated the entire concept in a
sculpture, medals, and reliefs. All of these sources contributed full-scale cartoon to be transferred to the fresco (Cat. 47).
19 DE G R A Z I A
Concurrently, he would have made oil studies to correct backgrounds, and the fantastic satyrs are believable because
color. If this process sounds much like that of Federico they are based on a close study of nature. And the figures on
Barocci, whose working methods were also related by Bellori, the ceiling of the Farnese Gallery resemble ancient sculpture
it is.21 On Annibale's studioso corso he saw Barocci's art first- and medals on purpose because we are intended to believe
hand and was influenced by his use of color. He certainly that they are real sculpture.
would have known Barocci's drawings, and may possibly have In spite of Annibales meticulous care in drawing realisti-
met the artist himself. In any case, only Barocci before him cally described and articulated forms, what sets him apart
made equally elaborate preparations for his works, including from other fine draftsmen and places him in the category of
his final and justly famous oil studies. great graphic artists is his ability to set down a few strokes
Annibales working method has been described often to to imply an entire scene. Lines that are extraneous and dec-
suggest his eclectic and rather monotonous linear progression orative did not enter his vocabulary as they did in that of his
to a final composition. Nothing could be farther from the brother Agostino.24 In his landscape drawings, for example,
truth. Throughout the process the artist was thinking of such as the Coastal Landscape (Cat. 70), brief hatching strokes
new forms and ideas, incorporating his study of earlier artists suggest, instead of fully describe, the branches of the trees,
with his basic concept for the final work. In his mind, whole bushes, the background hills, the foreground grasses,
even a cartoon was not considered final. In the few cartoons the walking figures, and the moving sailboats on the lake.
that exist by the Carracci, we see the usual subtle changes Yet we feel the atmosphere of a breezy spring or summer day
22
and corrections. In at least one case, however, that for the and can imagine a real landscape before us. In his studies
fresco of Hercules Resting in the Camerino Farnese, Annibale for the ignudi for the Farnese Gallery ceiling (Cat. 60), the
reversed and rethought the entire composition after the figures were drawn quickly and assuredly with simple indi-
cartoon had been completed, and, possibly, after he had begun cations for hair and toes and surrounding foliate decoration.
the fresco.23 Consequently, the view of Annibale as a drafts- The interest here was not in fully describing the figure but
man whose ideas were worked out completely before he began on understanding the di sotto in su perspective and the fall
to paint must be revised. His creative genius continued until of light on the form. In the study for the Self-Portrait on
the painted work was completed. What differed in Annibale s an Easel (Cat. 88), the gaze of the figure at top as he turns
working method from his predecessors was his continuous toward us, holding his cloak, comes alive even though com-
incorporation of nature throughout the creative process. He posed of only a few strokes. Below the portrait Annibale
may have looked at ancient sculpture and medals and at suggested the depth of the room by minimum lines for the
his Renaissance and mannerist predecessors, but he always ceiling beams. At times this paring down to basics is meant
considered his forms within a believable atmosphere. In a to amuse as much as to suggest, as in Landscape with Smil-
drawing of a man carrying a vase (Cat. 83), Annibale came ing Sunrise (Cat. 89). No one before Annibale was as adept
the closest he could to both a Raphaelesque form and at insinuative draftsmanship, and only Rembrandt after him
Raphael's graphic style, but it is evident that he also observed surpassed his genius for subtle suggestion.
the action of the turning figure grasping the vase directly One may need to credit Agostino Carracci and the cama-
from a human model. Even in his mythological subjects, raderie of learning in the Carracci academy for Annibale s
such as the studies for theTazza Farnese (Cats. 65-67), the ability to develop his natural talents to extraordinary lengths.
decorative elements of foliage and flowers, the landscape In the academy the artists sought to perfect their art by
21 D E GRAZIA
copying the works of other masters, as well as relief sculpture ment in living human beings, and Annibales art emphasized
and antique heads, and live male and female models. They the inclusion of nature in both facial and gestural movement.
made their own clay models. To understand anatomy they In Annibale's pen and ink drawings, description is mini-
dissected corpses and learned the working of the muscles, mal but observation of the natural world still uppermost.
bones, and nerves of the human body. Of course, they went In the drawing of an execution (Cat. 76), Annibale supplied
outside and sketched the countryside and the people they only the simplest of forms, which are reduced to the basics.
saw, both beautiful and deformed. They studied architecture Figures peer over the wall at one man hanging and another
and perspective as well as history, mythology, and literature. being taken to his death as the monk performs the last rites.
From Malvasia we learn that they sketched whatever they A horrendous event is presented in a matter-of-fact way, and
saw, even eating bread with one hand and drawing with the the viewer is left to judge either the execution itself or the
other.25 They played visual games to increase their manual staring onlookers. In the study for Danaë (Cat. 90) the shower
dexterity. One game entailed drawing several figures with- of gold consists of only dots on the paper surface, but the
2
out lifting pen from paper. Another consisted of drawing a electricity of the event is expressed in the spiky trees and
few lines to suggest a scene while the participants guessed spreading curtain. This, along with Danaë's open gesture and
what was presented.27 Exaggerating the features of a subject the coins on her thigh, suggests the eroticism of the unfold-
became a game in itself and the first true caricatures origi- ing scene. The very late abstract pen drawings, like the study
nated in the Carracci academy. The term "caricature" for the Conversion of Saint Paul (Cat. 87) and the study for
was first applied in the seventeenth century to works by the ^Adoration of the Shepherds (Cat. 94), express the power
Carracci.28 Whether Agostino, to whom almost all the of movement in a mélange of messy lines, each of which adds
extant caricatures can be attributed, or Annibale invented to an understanding of the whole.
29
the genre is not important here: the attitude was one The problem of attribution has plagued the study of
embraced by the academy as suggestive of meaning beyond drawings by the Carracci. Some of the characteristics of Anni-
the forms depicted. The rigorous academy training obviously bales draftsmanship outlined here can be of help in distin-
aided Annibale in his natural tendency to include observa- guishing his work from that of his brother and cousin,
tion of the everyday world in his work. on the one hand, and his followers, on the other. Whereas
Annibale's late Roman works are a culmination of his Annibale always looked to nature, neither Agostino nor
previous study and style. His powers of observation did Ludovico depended heavily on its centrality to their art. In
not diminish in his drawings for the Farnese Gallery, which drawings by both Agostino and Ludovico, lines and forms
have been described as hyperidealized, classicizing works. have a decorative rather than realistic effect. Annibale s
They focus and consolidate the earlier works into a concen- followers, on the other hand, tended to copy his drawings
tration of action and form. Hands are not fully described exactly and harden his forms. The autograph sheets presented
but have become appendages with powerful meaning, with here reflect the diversity of Annibale's technique, subject
expressive gesture paramount (Cat. 61). These drawings matter, and media, as well as his originality. He was one of
represent what the theorist Monsignor Giovanni Battista the first artists to explore landscape and genre and portrai-
Agucchi, Annibale's admirer, termed affetti, actions that must ture as a reflection of the actual. The underlying character-
30
be precisely rendered to suggest emotion. Yet affetti could istic of his draftsmanship throughout his career was his
not be effective without direct observation of gestural move- search for the convincing line and gesture, one that could
22
be seen in nature. If his Roman works appear based on clas- 20. Bellori 1968, 33 (1672, 47).
Bellori mentioned "figures in relief,"
sical and Renaissance forms, they are forms that have come
which could also have preceded
alive to express a believable action. If Annibale looked to this stage as refinement of the
earlier artists, it was to extract from them what had the ring whole composition.
of verisimilitude. Annibale Carracci's preparation was com- 21. See Bellori 1672,194-196, on
Barocci's working methods. Trans-
plex, a combination of looking at art and at life, and the lated into English in Cleveland
results were meant to convince the viewer that nature was and New Haven 1978, 23-24.
23 DE G R A Z I A
The Fate of
Annibale's Drawings
Catherine Loisel Legrand
on 16 July 1609, consecrated his renown after four years of illness and inactivity,1
his drawings became the prey of enlightened and respectful collectors. Fortu-
nately it has been possible to reconstruct the fate of the contents of Annibale s
studio almost from that date through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
who based his teaching and all his activity on the practice of drawing and who
continued to draw during his long illness. But some years later, large groups
Annibale remained close even after the completion of work on the Farnese
Gallery. He benefited from Annibale s support in his duel with Guido Reni
Odoardo Farnese was abate commendatario? For the latter project Annibale
25 LEGRAND
The first mention of Annibale drawings in Domenichino's assemble such a collection in Rome." Unfortunately, as
possession is in the inventory of the effects of his pupil Fran- Wittkower explained,9 it is extremely difficult to identify
cesco Raspantino, drawn up in 1664. In April of 1641, Domen- the provenance of the drawings of the British royal collec-
ichino had bequeathed to him the contents of his studio, tion, since those purchased in the eighteenth century have
including his own drawings and preparatory cartoons, as well been integrated.
as his collection of drawings by the Carracci.5 At the death Indeed, other Bolognese drawings were included in the
of Raspantino, the collection was sold and the painter Carlo acquisition of the collection of Consul Smith in Venice in
6
Maratti took possession of the largest part. One can easily 1763, some of which had come from the Bonfiglioli collec-
imagine the effect of this resource on the evolution of Maratti s tion in Bologna. Only the descriptions of the inventory of
art toward a form of classicism or idealized baroque that this collection drawn up in i6^610 and the notes of Richard-
would influence Roman painting for a long time. son11 allow the identification of works with the Bonfiglioli
A close associate of Giovanni Pietro Bellori, author of the provenance, which seems to concern mainly the drawings
Vite and Discorso and himself a collector, as well as of Padre of Ludovico, but Wittkower was able to find two under
Sebastiano Resta, Maratti certainly consulted his portfolios Annibale's name: a very finished drawing, squared for trans-
of drawings in their company, comparing the sheets by Do- fer, maybe by a collaborator, for The Triumph of Bacchus and
menichino and the Carracci. When in 1703 Pope Clement xi Ariadne (Wittkower no. 305A), as well as a rather problematic
Albani got wind of an agreement with an English amateur Denial of Saint Peter (inv. 531). Furthermore, since the time
for the sale of a part of the collection, he used his author- of Charles i, the British Royal Library has owned a collection
ity to break the deal and seize the drawings, which, together of Italian drawings that is today difficult to identify12 but
with the Cassiano dal Pozzo holdings, enriched the Albani whose reputation was sufficient for Malvasia to cite Carlo
collection. Other sheets went to Spain with Andrea Procaccini, Stuardo as one of the collectors of Carracci drawings.
a pupil of Maratti's, and are now at the Academia de San In spite of these reservations it can legitimately be supposed
Fernando in Madrid.7 that Domenichino, the faithful pupil, had either received
A second campaign of acquisition took place after the from Annibale or bought drawings relating to his Roman
artists death in 1713, and thus the contents of the studios of activity. A large part of Annibale s Roman oeuvre at Windsor
Domenichino and Maratti were reunited, along with some probably came from this source.
of Annibale's Roman-period drawings, including a fair num- In 1678, in La Felsina Pittrice, Malvasia recorded the fame
8
ber of cartoons, such as Hercules Resting, now in the Uffizi, of another collection, that of Francesco Angeloni, which had
and the right half of The Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne been dispersed after the death of its owner in 1652 and which
with Silenus and his cortege in the Galleria Nazionale delle is now somewhat better known thanks to recent research.13
Marche in Urbino (Cat. 47). Scholar, numismatist, amateur of antiques and painting,
When in 1762 financial difficulties and the intrigues of Angeloni freely opened his "studio" to artists and travelers. It
the Countess Cheroffini Gherardi constrained the cardinal is thus that the British painter Richard Symonds had access
Alessandro Albani to dispose of a part of his collection to the collection that he described in his notebook,14 where
of drawings and prints—two hundred volumes—to King he recorded the presence of two folio volumes with drawings
George in of England, the sale was considered a disaster by Annibale Carracci for the Farnese Gallery as well as a
by the archaeologist Winckelmann: "one can no longer collection of landscape drawings by Agostino, Annibale, and
26
Domenichino. Another important source is constituted by
an album factice in the Louvre, which brings together the
drawings of a pupil of François Perrier, the Frenchman Fran-
çois Bourlier, who copied numerous drawings in the Angel-
oni collection during his stay in Rome between 1642 and
i644.15 Indeed, it contains copies after numerous drawings
for the Camerino, the Gallery, and the Tazza Farnese (fig. i).
If the reputation of the collection that Angeloni was so
proud of has not paled, the mystery of how it was acquired
still remains. It is difficult to imagine that Annibale himself
would have sold the contents of his studio, especially since
his total fortune, as calculated by Roberto Zapperi from
indications in the death inventory, was quite small: twelve
luoghi di monti (less than 1400 scudi).1 The role of his
nephew Antonio Carracci, accused of usurping the estate
by Annibale's Bolognese heirs, may have been decisive in
sheltering the drawings that were completely absent from the
inventory drawn up only two days after the artists death.
We know that Annibale was attended in his last moments by
Monsignor Giovanni Battista Agucchi and that he was sur-
rounded in his last months by the three pupils who signed
the "contract" of 14 July 1608: Antonio, the son of Agostino;
Giovanni Antonio Solari; and Sisto Badalocchio.17 Angel-
oni, friend of Domenichino and Agucchi, had close ties to
the young Bolognese artists and held passionate discussions
with them about painting. Very possibly an underground
F i G. i François Bourlier after Annibale Carracci, Album Perrier, folio 57,
transaction took place, before or after the death of the master,
with copies after Cat. 66, Musée du Louvre
and by chance some entire sections of his studio, including
studies executed in Rome and others that he had brought Seated in a Gallery in Chatsworth,19 both from the Roman
with him from Bologna, remained grouped in two principal period—probably goes back to 1609—1641, between the
collections. In addition, a considerable part of the Angeloni deaths of Annibale and Domenichino. The drawings in a
collection can be traced through the purchases of Mignard, general way began to circulate intensively on the international
followed by Coypel and Crozat. The dispersal of the Farnese art markets of Rome, Venice, London, Amsterdam, and Paris,
drawings that appeared on the British market in the middle and the great private collections that were avidly formed at
of the century—notably with Peter Lely, who owned, for this moment would give birth to the great princely collections
example, the study of Circe, Ulysses, and Mercury, now in the of the Medici, the Este family, Louis xiv, and the British
1
Graphische Sammlung, Stuttgart, as well as A Woman crown. These collectors absorbed drawings or formed quality
27 LEGR A N D
ensembles in such a way that their tracks can be followed ings were attached to individual pages, that adds up to at
more or less after their purchase by other amateurs, as is least 332 drawings, or half of the collection enumerated by
the case with the Arundel, De la Noue, and Coccapani col- Angeloni himself in his Historia Augusta.
20
lections, or that of the painter Peter Paul Rubens. What became of the others? In 1673, according to Bellori,
Angeloni s protege, Giovanni Pietro Bellori, who served as two hundred Angeloni drawings were again on the market
his secretary and was supposed to inherit his studio in order and were offered at an elevated price to Cardinal Leopoldo
to preserve it as a veritable museum, was unable to gain de Medici,22 but it is not known if the transaction was com-
possession of the collection in 1652; after bringing a success- pleted. Curiously, one criterion that allows us to suspect
ful suit against him, Angeloni s heirs put it up for sale. It is an Angeloni provenance is the presence of manuscript anno-
thus that Pierre Mignard had the good fortune to buy a tations on the drawings, for the most part addresses—
portion of the drawings "by the Carracci," particularly those always incomplete—found on the sheets in the Louvre that
by Annibale. These appeared in his nuptial inventory of 2 came from Coypel (Agostino Carracci, inv. 7110) or from
August 1660 as three large volumes containing, respectively, Crozat (on the verso of the Atlas Herm in the Biblioteca
21
136, 75, and 121 sheets. Although sometimes several draw- Reale in Turin; inv. 16073 u.c.), or drawings which were on
the Roman market in the eighteenth century, such as the
sheet in the Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, from the Lambert
Krahe collection, Landscape with Three Studies of Mens
Faces (classed by mistake under Grimaldi but actually by
Annibale, dating from his Roman period; fig. 2).
When Malvasia listed the great contemporary collections,
he forgot to note that the Angeloni collection had been dis-
solved and seems not to have been aware of the existence
of the Domenichino-Maratti group, or of the collection of
drawings by Annibale brought together by Bellori,23 of which
a large part would be purchased by Padre Sebastiano Resta.
It is thus, as Simonetta Prosperi Valenti Rodinó has noted,
that the Bellori provenance for the Chatsworth modello for
Pan and Diana (Cat. 48) and the Bacchic Procession (Cat. 42)
in the Albertina can be identified.24
Thanks to recent research by Jeremy Wood,25 it is now
easier to realize the breadth of the collection that was brought
together in albums by Padre Resta, probably with a commer-
cial purpose. The greater part of this collection went to
F i G. 2 Here attributed to Annibale Carracci, Landscape with Three Studies of Men's Faces, Kunstmuseum England in 1711, where it was then dispersed. These drawings
Dusseldorf im Ehrenhof Sammlung der Kunstakademie (NRW), inv. no. KA (FP) 4175 can always be recognized by the numbers inscribed on them
through the efforts of Lord Somers.
28
Of the Bolognese collections cited by Malvasia—Bon- by Annibale between Modena and the Louvre, in spite of
figlioli, Negri, Pasinelli, Polazzi, and his own (three hundred their individual importance—Modena has, among others,
pieces)—none bore marks that allow them to be identified. a rare Study of a Jester's Head m sanguine,30 probably prep-
Following their sales, they were largely integrated into Pierre aratory for the portrait in the Galleria Borghese—it appears
Crozat s collection, which was assembled from about 1690 from the evidence that the Este owned mainly works by
until its dispersal at the 1741 sale, and into the British royal Ludovico. An essential contribution in the area that concerns
collection via Consul Smith. us here was made through the systematic study of landscape
There remain two more great collections to consider: drawings that had once been organized in three albums and
those of the Este princes in Modena and Everard Jabach. The are now actually dispersed in the Louvre s collection, where
first was divided at the end of the eighteenth century as a three preparatory drawings for The Flight into Egypt in the
result of the Napoleonic Wars, and one part is now in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj were identified, all bearing the mark
Louvre, completing the nucleus that remained in Modena. of Alfonso iv d'Esté (1634-1662).3I
At some point a few drawings passed onto the art market, and In the area of landscape drawing, the reconstitution of
their provenance is attested by the marks of Alfonso in, the Jabach collection also provides valuable information.
Francesco n, or Alfonso iv. Research conducted by Jadranka The stages of the formation of the collection assembled by
26
Bentini has allowed different stages of the building of the the banker Everard Jabach on the European market are but
Este collection to be traced through successive inventories, poorly known, but it is fascinating to imagine his activity
work that has been corroborated by research conducted and his commercial network in the Low Countries, England,
on that part of the Este drawing collection that is now in and Italy.32 It is probably through his acquisition of the
the Louvre.27 It thus appears that the initial nucleus of drawings of Rubens that he came into possession of A Boy
the Este collection goes back to Cardinal Alessandro d'Esté Taking off His Shirt (Cat. 8), which was sold, in accordance
(1599-1624), who owned some works by Annibale, including with Colbert's decision, to Louis xiv with a large part of
Un Dissegno di chiaro e scuro con un Ercole.... Prince Alfonso Jabach's collection in 1671. In the spirit of collecting of the
in, according to an undated inventory published by Cam- seventeenth century, which was marked by knowledge of
pori,28 owned La Circoncisione dyAnnibale Carraca di penna Vasari's Libro de Disegni, the use of a gold band to frame the
e aquarella and // Figluolprodigo d'Annibale Carraca, as well drawings—glued down to the pages of an album, as was the
as Due figure di penna in un paese, unfortunately difficult to case with Resta, or conserved singly like those from the Este
identify. But the most significant increase in the collection collection—resulted in the division of Jabach's collection
was due to the acquisition, at least in part, of the "studio" into two groups: the "ordonnance" drawings mounted on
brought together by the bishop of Reggio, Paolo Coccapani, a white carton and framed by a broad gold band33 — these
who died in 1650 and owned a collection of paintings and were often highly finished drawings—and the "rejects" on
drawings of which an undated inventory was found and pub- loose sheets. It is now known34 that Jabach did not sell all
lished by Campori.29 From precise descriptions it is possible his drawings to the king and that he sometimes even sold
to identify certain pieces, and notably among the nine copies executed at his request by Michel Corneille so that he
drawings by Annibale is La Lupa con Romolo e Remo d'Anni- could keep the originals. The inventory drawn up at his death
bal Canada (Cat. 16). However, if one totals the drawings in 169635 mentioned numerous drawings by Annibale, of
29 L E GR A N D
drawing in the Staatsgraphische Sammlung in Munich of a
study for the Domine, Quo Vadis? in the National Gallery of
London,40 which had passed through the Crozat collection.
Other elements also allow this provenance to be reconsti-
tuted: the presence of copies by Corneille or their counter-
proofs in the Louvre, as with Landscape with Smiling Sunrise
(Cat. 89), which exists in a counterproof;41 and the prints
in the Recueil de 283 Estampes that Jabach had made after
the drawings in his collection by Michel and Jean Baptiste
Corneille, Macé, Jean Pesne, and Jacques Rousseau.42 The
printmakers sometimes transformed the drawings by adding
classicizing elements and combining motifs, but it is easy to
recognize the sources. Thus the provenance of the Landscape
with Two Boatmen in Chatsworth,43 given to Agostino but
seemingly the work of Annibale in Rome, the Landscape
with a Mill in the Ellesmere collection,44 now in the National
Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne, and Travelers Seen from
Behind in a Landscape in the Albertina (fig. 3)45 can be
pinned down.
F i G. 3 Travelers Seen from Behind in a Landscape, Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, inv. 2190
The question arises as to the origins of the Annibale
which some are clearly identifiable, such as the Landscape drawings owned by Jabach—beyond his own taste—since
36
with Bathers in the Oppé collection; The Drunken Silenus their provenance must have seemed sufficiently prestigious
in the British Museum (Cat. 65); and Landscape with a Group for him to decide to devote a collection of prints to them.
of Figures in a Boat, formerly in the Ellesmere collection and Hypothetically, considering his ties with Pierre Mignard,
37
now in Cleveland, for example. It is relatively easy to fol- it can be suggested that Mignard had looked after Jabach's
low most of these drawings, of which the majority had been interests in Rome, thus allowing him to participate in the
bought by Crozat and dispersed at his sale in 1741 to the negotiations involving certain estates, such as that of Angel-
most important contemporary collections, including Pierre- oni. Finally, it should be emphasized that not all the drawings
38
Jean Mariette's, thus allowing us to understand how such sold by Jabach to the king were fakes, even if a drawing
a large number of drawings brought together by Jabach were coming from the Jabach collection should at first be regarded
then found in the collections of Sir Thomas Lawrence,39 the with suspicion, as is the case with the recent discovery of a
duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth, and Albert of Sachsen- preparatory drawing for the landscape in the background
Teschen. The 1696 inventory notations are sometimes very of the Saint Margaret in Santa Caterina dei Funari (fig. 4).
precise, like the one for no. 23 (folio 93): Notre seigneur por- The continuing history of Annibale s drawings at the
tant sa croix rencontrant St Pierre à genoux à la plume lavé beginning of the eighteenth century is well known, especially
et haussé sur papier verd., which can be identified with the as it concerns the collection in the Louvre, the most important
30
one together with the one at Windsor. The three volumes one hundred studies for the Farnese Gallery. By chance the
of drawings brought from Rome by Mignard were sold by royal collection was able to come into possession of at least
his heirs to the painter Antoine Coypel and to Pierre Crozat. one part of this portfolio of unmounted drawings that do
By the will of Antoine's son, Charles-Antoine Coypel, that not bear the collectors mark, as well as other drawings glued
collection was bequeathed to the French king in 1752, and down to the celebrated blue mount. During the French Rev-
was nationalized at the Revolution with the entire royal olution, through confiscations of the belongings of emigres
collection. Recently, the specific mount of drawings that came like the comte de Saint-Morys, other Crozat and Mariette
through the Coypel collection has been identified. At the drawings were added to the collection. The majority of draw-
sale of the Crozat collection, which included more than three ings on the French art market in the eighteenth century
hundred drawings by Annibale, Pierre-Jean Mariette made came from the collection of Crozat, before being bought by
some important acquisitions that then reappeared in his sale Dezallier d'Argenville (Study for Saint Catherine, Louvre 7310),
of 1775: sixty-two drawings and a portfolio of more than Nourri (Louvre 7210), or Lempereur (Cleveland 41605).
In conclusion, it is worth noting the testimony of Con-
stantin Huygens,4 who, in 1663, wrote to his brother Chris-
tian recommending that he visit the Jabach collection:
I would very much like this for one particular reason. There are
among other things about fifty or so landscapes drawn in pen by
Annibale Carracci and Uylenburg says that among them there is
one in which there is a lot of water and little figures of people who
are bathing. If you see it, I would like you quickly to make a small
rough sketch, no matter how bad it may be, as long as one can
discern somehow where the figures are and how many there are in
order to know a little of the truth as to whether the one Rembrandt
has in Amsterdam where there are just as many people who are
swimming by the same master is not a copy, which I do not think
anyway because of the boldness of the pen.
F i G. 4 Landscape Study with Figures Walking Past a Building, Musée du Louvre, inv. 7645
32
NOTES 18. Hôper 1992, no. DIO. 36. Bologna 1956, no. 236.
1. The description of Annibale's 19. Jaffé 1994, no. 488. 37. Ellesmere sale, London,
death comes from Giovanni Battista Sotheby's, 1972, no. 52.
20. Wood 1994, 333-351.
Agucchi in a famous letter pub-
38. Loisel Legrand I997b, 41-51.
lished by Malvasia 1678 (1841), 319. 21. For the inventory published by
Guiffrey, see Rangoni 1991, 46-67, 39. Catalogue of the Ellesmere
2. Zapperi 1979, 62-67.
n. 49. sale, London, Sotheby's, 1972.
3. Spear 1982, and, most recently,
22. Rangoni 1991, n. 55. 40. Inv. 2833: pen and brown ink,
Almamaria Mignosi Tantillo in
red chalk, and brown wash on
Rome 1996,197 ff. 23. Rodino 1996, 357-377.
paper washed green. The composi-
4. Saint Mark and Saint John, now 24. Rodino 1996. tion was reworked with a lacuna
at Windsor. The drawing for Saint and an inclusion. The heighten-
25. Wood 1996, 3-71.
Mark was identified by Wittkower ings in white gouache are later and
1952, no. 359, and the one for Saint 26. See Modena 1998, curated by were probably added when the
John by Spear 1967, 57. Jadranka Bentini. drawing was in Jabach's possession.
27. Sassuolo 1998. At lower right a number in brown
5. Rodinó 1993, 2i ff.
ink indicates Crozat's ownership.
6. According to Passeri, Pier Fran- 28. Campori, cited by Bentini in See Posner 1971, 2: no. I35b.
cesco Mola also acquired some Modena 1998, 37.
41. Inv. 7640.
drawings. 29. Campori 1870, no. xi, 143 ff.
Among the paintings can be noted 42. Bailey 1993.
7. For the study for Venus and
Adonis, see Posner 1971, 2: no. 46 b. the presence of a Self-Portrait by 43. Jaffé 1994, no. 472.
Annibale (no. 104) and a Portrait
8. Rodino 1993, fig. 26. ofSisto Badalocchio by Annibale 44. Ellesmere sale, London,
(no. 130). The Coccapani collection Sotheby's, 1972, no. 71.
9. Wittkower 1952, 21-22
(introduction). was recently studied by Patrizia 45. Birke and Kertész 1994-1997,
Curti and Lidia Righi Guerzoni in 2: no. 2190.
10. A copy is at Windsor.
"Gentiluomini e collezionisti nella
46. Mahon in Bologna 1956,
11. Richardson 1722. Modena ducale," in Modena 1998,
158-159.
262-274.
12. See Whistler in Oxford and
London 1996-1997, n ff. 30. Gallería Estense, inv. 1134,
Portrait of a Young Man in Profile,
13. Rangoni 1991, 46-67.
325 x 240, marks of Alfonso in
14. Notebook Egerton MX. 1635, and Francesco ii; on the verso, red
The British Library, London. chalk sketches of an arm and a face.
15. Boubli and Prat 1997, nos. 31. Loisel Legrand in Sassuolo
1040-1221. The list of copies after 1998, nos. 56-58.
the Angeloni drawings is given in
32. See Paris 1978-1979.
Loisel Legrand i997a, 67-68, n. 20.
33. It is possible that Jabach bor-
16. Zapperi 1979, 63.
rowed this idea from the collectors
17. This friendly contract that was Desneux and De la Noue, who
intended to push Annibale back owned pages of Vasari's Libro.
to work was exhibited in Bologna
34. Bacou 1978,141-150; Monbeig-
in 1956, no. 248, and was repro-
Goguel 1988, 821-836.
duced by Loisel Legrand 1997 b,
figs. 27-28. 35. Bernadette Py has undertaken
to reconstruct the collection
through this inventory. I am grate-
ful to her for providing me with
a typed transcription of the copy
in the Louvre.
33 LEGRAND
Annibale Carracci: Chronology and Documents
15 8 o : Writes to Ludovico from 0.1583-1584- Matthew), Gemâldegalerie, (Posner 69); Venus and Cupid,
Dresden, "HANNIBAL CARRAC- Galleria Estense, Modena (Pos-
Parma with his reactions to Cor- Signed and dated fresco cycles:
TIVS BON.F. MDLXXXVIII." ner 65); Madonna and Child
reggio and Parmigianino (Perini The Story of Jason, dated 1584, and
(Posner 45). in Glory with Saints ("Madonna
1990,152-154). An undated The Story of Europa (see Cats. 4,5)
of Saint Luke"), Louvre, Paris,
note from Agostino confirms that
the brothers are in Venice and
for the Palazzo Fava, Bologna,
executed by the three Carracci.
1589 • "ANNIBAL CARACTIUS F
19 J U L Y : Signs contract with MDXCII." (Posner 67; see 1589);
describes Annibale's admiration
1 Later possible date, accepted the Collegio dei Notari for an Death of Dido, Palazzo Francia
for Veronese (Perini 1990,168).
by some scholars, for Annibale's altarpiece, in his own hand, of Zambeccari-Angelelli, Bologna
trip to Parma and Venice (see the Madonna and Child with (Posner 68) .4
1581 -
above, 1580-1582). Saints Luke and Catherine and
Signed and dated print: Signed and dated print:
the Four Evangelists, for their
Crucifixion, "Anj. in. Fe., 1581"
(De Grazia i).
1585- chapel in the cathedral in Reggio
Venus anda Satyr, "1592. A.C."
(De Grazia 17).
Signed and dated paintings: (Ferrari 1913, 3-11). Madonna
Baptism of Christ, San Gregorio, and Child in Glory with Saints 15 N O V E M B E R : Letter from
• 1582 - Cornelio Lambertini refers to
Bologna (Posner 21) (see Cat. 7), is dated 1592, the year of the
Probable founding of the Acca- final payment (on 3 August), Venus and Cupid (Posner 65) and
and Pietà with Saints (Posner
demia degli Desiderosi, later and the painting was delivered one of its intended companion
24), Pinacoteca Nazionale, Parma.
renamed "Accademia degli Incam- soon afterward (Posner 67). pieces, Agostino's Pluto (Posner
minati," after Agostino's return Signed and dated print: Saint 1971, 2: 28).
to Bologna (Bellori 1672, 43).2 Francis of Assist, "1585, Ani. Ca.
• c. 1589-1592? •
In this year, Giovanni Paolo in. fe." (De Grazia 7).
Signed and dated fresco cycle: • 1593 •
Bonconti entered the Accademia Signed and dated paintings:
Latest possible date for the Story of the Founding of Rome for
and contributed to the furnish- Madonna and Child Enthroned
founding of the Accademia the Palazzo Magnani, Bologna,
ings of the new school (Malvasia with Saint John the Baptist, Saint
(see above, 1582). executed by the three Carracci
1678 [1841], 404-405). 3 John the Evangelist, and Saint
(see Cats. 16,17).
Signed and dated print: 1587 • Catherine of Alexandria, "AN NI
Holy Family with Saints John Signed and dated paintings: • 1590 • CARR FE MDXCIII." (Posner 72);
the Baptist and Michael, "Ani: Assumption of the Virgin, Resurrection of Christ, Louvre,
Signed and dated print:
Cara: fe. 1582." (De Grazia 2). Gemâldegalerie, Dresden (see Paris, "ANNIBAL CARRATIVS
Holy Family with Saint John
PINGEBAT MDXCIII." (Posner
Cat. 12); Portrait of Claudio the Baptist, "Anni.Car. in. fe.
Merulo(?), Pinacoteca Nazionale, 73); Self-Portrait, Galleria
1590" (De Grazia n).
Naples (Posner 35), dated Nazionale, Parma, "17 di Aprile
35 CHRONOLOGY
Signed print: Madonna and Child A U G U S T : Letters from Odoardo • I597/I598-I60I • the inscription commemorates
(De Grazia 16). In 1593, Raphael Farnese to Fulvio Orsini reveal At work on the ceiling of the death of Gelosi s son, to
Sadeler made a dated copy of that the Sala Grande project is the Farnese Gallery (see Cats. whom the chapel is dedicated
this print, indicating that Anni-
bale's version must have been
being postponed and that Anni-
bale is to work on the Camerino
39-61).' (Posner 1971, 2: 48; Tietze 1906-
1907,136).
finished by that time. instead (Martin 1956,112, and
Martin 1965, 42-43).
• 1599 • l6oO-l6oi •
S U M M E R : Cardinal Odoardo Agostino is in Rome working
Farnese writes to his brother A U T U M N : Returns to Rome Probable dates of the Assumption
on the Gallery but leaves before
Ranuccio about hiring the Car- (Zapperi 1986, 204) and is at (Posner 126) and vault (Posner
16 July, when another payment
racci to paint the Sala Grande of work for the Cardinal by 8 No- 127[A]) in the Cerasi chapel,
for a portrait of Ranuccio Farnese
his palace with a cycle commem- vember, when Ranuccio's letter Santa Maria del Popólo, Rome.
places him in Parma (Bologna
orating their father, Duke Ales- to Odoardo recommends that July 1600 is the date of the
1956 [Dipinti], 88; De Grazia 1988,
sandro Farnese (Uginet 1980, 7). the painter Ottavio Pincolini be chapel's consecration, and the
104). An undated letter from
put under Annibale s direction work seems to have been fin-
8 D E C E M B E R : Letter from Annibale to Ludovico, probably
at the Palazzo Farnese (Tietze ished by Tiberio Cerasi's death
Giasone Vizani to Onofrio written soon after Agostino s
1906-1907,107). in May 1601 (Posner 1971, 2:
Santacroce describes the current departure, complains about the
55, and Mahon 1951, 226-227;
commitments of the Carracci poor relationship of the broth-
(Zapped 1986, 205). 1595-1597 • ers, citing in particular Agostino's
Cats. 77, 78).
2i F E B R U A R Y : Letter from
Odoardo Farnese to Ranuccio
rarolae 1597," and "Annibal such servitude" (Malvasia 1678 • c. 1601-1602 •
Caracius fe. Caprarolae 1597" [1841], 405; Briganti 1987, 42,
states that he plans to have Probable date of Saint Gregory
(De Grazia 18). interprets this letter to mean that
the Sala Grande decorated by Praying for the Souls in Purgatory
Agostino has already departed).
the "Carraccioli" (Tietze 1906— (Posner 130) for the Salviati
1907» 54).
• !597-i599 ' An inscription marks the date chapel in San Gregorio al Celio,
Probably at work on Saint of completion of the chapel of Rome (see Cats. 79-81). Accord-
8 J U L Y : Writes to Giulio Fossi Margaret and Coronation of the Benedetto Gelosi in the cathe- ing to Posner, the painting must
that he will be unable to finish Virgin (see Cat. 64; Posner 106 dral at Spoleto, for which Anni- have been commissioned before
The Alms of Saint Roch because and 107) for Santa Caterina bale and an assistant (probably Salviati's death in 1602, and
of commitments to the Farnese dei Funari, Rome. Documents Innocenzo Tacconi) painted the was probably finished well before
(Perini 1990,155—156; Cat. 26). relating to the dedication of the Madonna and Child in Glory with October 1603, when the chapel
altar indicate that negotiations Saints (Posner 109). Although was consecrated (Posner 1971, 2:
were under way between January Malvasia read "1591" as the date 57; see also Smith O'Neil 1985,165).
1597 and December 1599 (Tietze of the painting's completion,
Probable date of Rinaldo and
1906-1907,133). According to
Armida (Posner 132 [s]). Accord-
Mancini, the paintings were in
ing to Posner a studio work after
place after 1600 (Mancini 1617
[1956-1957], 2: 38).
36
Annibale's design, this painting Probable date of Christ Appear- 1604 • made sketches for all the lunettes
is mentioned in the opening ing to Saint Peter ("Domine, Earns the commission to paint and painted two of them in
paragraph of Agucchi's descrip- Quo Vadis?") (Posner 135). The the Herrera chapel, San Giacomo 1604, leaving the rest of the
tion of Annibale's Sleeping Venus inclusion of this painting in the degli Spagnuoli (Malvasia 1678 work in 1605 to be finished by
(Posner 134), which was in the 1603 Aldobrandini collection [18411,296). Albani and others over the
artist's studio being finished in inventory provides a terminus course of the next several years
1602 (see below). Agucchi saw ante quern, but Posner dates it 4 A P R I L - 24 A P R I L : Car- (Posner 1971, 2: 67).
the recently completed Rinaldo after the Cerasi chapel version dinal Farnese's weekly books list
andArmida at this time, so the of the same subject (Posner payments for Annibale and three 1604-1605 •
painting is datable to 1601-1602. 1971, 2: 60; for inventory, see assistants (Uginet 1980,104).
Probable date of the Madonna
D'Onofrio 1964, 203). N O V E M B E R 25: With Roncalli, ofLoreto (Posner I5i[s]), painted
1602 • evaluates a painting by Baglione in Annibale's shop for the
F E B R U A R Y 23 : Agostino dies in 1603 ' (Bertolotti 1885,145, cited by Madruzzi chapel in San Onofrio,
Parma (Tietze 1906-1907,130). 13 J A N U A R Y : Agostino's funeral Posner 1971, i: 177, n. 33). Rome. The commission was
is held in the Chiesa dell'Ospe- probably awarded sometime in
Returns to Bologna for a brief Contributes to the Accademia
dale délia Morte, Bologna. 1604 and finished by 1605, the
visit, probably until May. Several di San Luca (Posner 1971, i: 177,
date of the chapel's completion
members of the Bolognese shop IO M A Y , 12 J U L Y , 19 J U L Y , n. 33)
according to an inscription on
move to Rome to work with A N D 13 S E P T E M B E R :
Publication of Carel van Man- the floor (Posner 1971, 2: 68).
him in the same year: Domen- Testimony in Annibale's hand
der's Het Schilderboeck, in Haar-
ichino, Lanfranco, Sisto Bada- states that "mastro Jacomo" had Moves out of the Farnese Palace
lem, which contains a brief entry
locchio, Antonio Carracci (Pos- been doing stucco work for the (see Bellori 1672, 93; Posner 1971,
on Annibale based on informa-
ner 1971, i: 140). Farnese (Uginet 1980,105). i: 147, and 2: 67; Martin 1965,18).
tion from a correspondent in
A P R I L 17 : Letter from Giovanni i J U N E - 2 7 SEPTEMBER: Rome. Van Mander praises Anni-
• 1605 •
Battista Agucchi to Bartolomeo Cardinal Farnese's weekly books bale's work for Cardinal Farnese,
Dulcini in Bologna asks him to list payments to Annibale and including "a beautiful gallery," Falls ill with "... a deep depres-
speak to Annibale about a com- three assistants (Uginet 1980,103). but does not mention other sion, accompanied by emptiness
mission for a Saint John the Bap- specific paintings. According to of mind and lapses of memory.
i o J U L Y : Testimony in Anni-
tist "if he has not yet left Bologna" Posner, the information was He neither spoke nor remem-
bale's hand states that he has
(Malvasia 1678 [1841], 330). probably supplied to Van Mander bered and was in danger of sud-
spent eight scudi and fifty den death" (Mancini 1617 [1956—
no later than 1601 (Posner 1971,
29 MAY: Death of his mother baiocchi on paint in the service
i: 174, n. 12). 19571,1:218).
in Bologna (Zapperi 1989, of Cardinal Farnese (Uginet
143-145). 1980, 105). 19 F E B R U A R Y : Letter from the
• c. 1604 • duke of Modena to Odoardo
31 M A Y - 1 3 J U N E : Ludovico 13 S E P T E M B E R : On trial for
Probable starting date of Aldo- Farnese requests a painting from
visits Rome (Malvasia 1678 libel, Caravaggio lists Annibale brandini lunettes (Posner 145- Annibale (Tietze 1906-1907,146).
[1841], 297). among those he considers
150 [s]). Apparently mostly stu-
"valenthuomini," noting, "This 12 M A R C H : Letter from
18 J U L Y : The mason Domenico dio works designed by Annibale,
word Valentuomo,' in my use of Odoardo Farnese to the duke
da Corte is paid for removing these lunettes are dated on the
it, means a man who knows how of Modena describes Annibale's
scaffolding from the Farnese basis of documents concerning
to practice his art well. Thus, illness, which has prevented him
Gallery vault (Zapperi 1981, 821). the chapel where they once hung.
a painter is a valentuomo if he from painting (Tietze 1906-1907,
Fresco and gilt work were fin-
A U T U M N : At work on the knows how to paint well and 147, n. i).
ished by late October 1604, and
Sleeping Venus (Posner 134; see to imitate well natural things." Albani received a payment for 27 M A Y : Letter from Fabio
Cat. 84). Agucchi wrote a long He also names Annibale as one six paintings done with other Masetti, the duke of Modena's
description of this painting of the painters with whom he studio members on 22 January agent in Rome, notes that An-
after seeing it, nearly finished, is currently on speaking terms 1605 (Hibbard 1964, 183-184). nibale has not spoken with
in Annibale's studio in the (Friedlaender 1955, 277).
Posner and Hibbard agree that Odoardo Farnese in two months
Palazzo Farnese during the this means that the commission (Tietze 1906—1907,147).
"venderme," or fall harvest, of was probably awarded in 1603
1602 (published in Malvasia or 1604 (Posner 1971, 2: 67), and
1678 [1841], 36o-368).6 Posner suggests that Annibale
37 CHRONOLOGY
22 J U N E AND 30 JULY: in that parish in a house with The Farnese books contain 2. Scholars who believe that the
Further letters from Masetti Sisto Badalocchio, Giovanni records of payments made to trip took place later assign a differ-
document the progress of the Antonio Solari, and Antonio ent date to the Accademia's open-
Annibale for the months of May
ing, with 1585 as the latest possible
commission for the duke, a Carracci (Andrews 1974, 32-33). (dated 14 June, picked up for
date (Bologna 1956 [Dipinti], 76).
Nativity of the Virgin (location Annibale by Sisto Badalocchio),
12 MAY: Failure to produce 3. Dated 1592 on the wall but
unknown) (Tietze 1906—1907, September (dated 8 October,
the Nativity of the Virgin prompts probably finished before this time;
147-148). picked up for Annibale by Gio- see Posner 1971, 2: 23, and Dempsey
a letter to Masetti, requesting
vanni Lanfranco), and October 1986, 248.
6 A U G U S T : Letter from Masetti the return of any money paid
(dated November, picked up for 4. Bologna 1956 (Dipinti), 83,
says Annibale is living "behind to the painter (Bologna 1956
Annibale by Sisto Badalocchio) describes the last painting as
the vineyards of the Riajij alia [Dipinti],99).
(Uginet 1980,105-106). There signed and dated, but Posner 1971,
Lungara" (Tietze 1906—1907,148). 2: 29, disagrees.
26 MAY: Masetti replies that are also records of payments made
A U G U S T : Masetti's letters Annibale was not paid anything by Cardinal Farnese to Annibale 5. The starting date of 1597,
document the progress of the in advance, because it had and three assistants for the weeks although generally accepted, may
be too early (see, for instance,
Nativity of the Virgin (Tietze seemed doubtful that he would of 20 April-28 June, and from
Martin 1956,53; Posner 1971, 2: 49;
1906-1907,148). finish the painting (Tietze 1906- 30 November-20 December and Dempsey 1995, 7). Brigán ti
1907,149). (Uginet 1980,104). sets the starting date at 1598, based
1606 • on his discovery of an inscription
4 J U L Y : Letter from Agucchi Annibale's assistants finish reading "1598" on the vault, in the
Signed and dated prints: Christ mentions an important work for painting the walls of the Farnese white unpainted area under Glau-
Crowned with Thorns, "Annib. Cardinal Farnese, which both Gallery. cus and Scylla. This date also agrees
Carracius in. et fecit. 1606." (De Mahon and Posner assume is the with reference to the dates of the
Grazia 21; see Cat. 93); Madonna Camerino: a year would have been
Pietà (Posner 136). Although this • 1609 *
della Scodella, "Annib. Carracius a reasonable amount of time for
establishes a completion date of Brief trip to Naples for his health preparations to paint the Gallery
in. et fecit. 1606." (De Grazia 20). 1607, stylistic evidence suggests (Mancini 1617 [1956-1957], i: 219). after finishing the Camerino (Brig-
12 A P R I L : Letter from that the painting was begun án ti 1987, 32). The other dates
much earlier, probably around J U L Y 15: Dies in Rome (con- found on the ceiling can be inter-
Odoardo Farnese to the duke
firmed by parish records found preted as follows: 1599 (in chalk,
of Modena describes Annibale's 1600-1601 (Posner 1971, 2: 61;
by Zapped 1979, 62). A letter of under Glaucus and Scylla] marks
poor condition, noting that it Mahon 1947,114-115). the participation of Agostino
the same date, from Agucchi
has been more than a year since (Brigand 1987, 35); "1600 16 [or 18]
Sisto Badalocchio and Giovanni to Dolcini, describes Annibale's
the painter has produced so maggio" (in paint, under Glaucus
Lanfranco dedicate their series death in detail (Malvasia 1678 and Scylla) may be the date that
much as a brushstroke for him of etchings after Raphael's Loggia [1841], 319). At the time, he was work on the Gallery was resumed
(Tietze 1906-1907,150). in the Vatican, "Historia del Tes- after a nine-month interruption
living on the Quirinal Hill, in
tamento Vecchio," to Annibale. while Farnese renewed his plans to
2O A P R I L - 28 J U N E AND the parish of San Girolamo al
decorate the Sala Grande in Sep-
30 N O V E M B E R - 20 DE- Quirinale (Zapperi 1979, 62). tember 1599 (Briganti 1987, 34);
• 1608 • M DC (under the figure of Galatea)
C E M B E R : Cardinal Farnese's
J U L Y 16: Annibale's burial in
weekly books list payments to 14 J U L Y : Contract drawn up was the intended date of comple-
the Pantheon (confirmed by tion. Others think this last date may
Annibale and three assistants between Annibale and his stu-
church records found by Zapperi refer to the wedding of Margherita
(Uginet 1980,104). dents, apparently in an attempt
1979, 62). Aldobrandini and Ranuccio Far-
to persuade him to return to nese (Tietze 1906-1907,125) or
• 1607 • work. They all agree to complete J U L Y 17: An inventory is made the actual date of completion (Pos-
one painting, on canvas, of a of Annibale's belongings (pub- ner 1971, 2: 49; Gash 1990, 247),
The Herrera chapel, San Giacomo
head every five weeks and to work lished by Zapperi 1979, 62—65). but documentary evidence shows
degli Spagnuoli, Rome (Posner that the ceiling was not unveiled
for two hours every day, begin-
i54-i72[s]), is finished, accord- until 1601.
ning on that date. The contract
ing to an inscription in the chapel. 6. Although this description is
is signed by Annibale, Antonio NOTES
The commission was taken over undated, one of Agucchi s later
Carracci, Sisto Badalocchio, i. Although some scholars have
by Albani after Annibale became letters, written by 23 April 1603,
Giovanni Antonio Solari (Bo- doubted the veracity of these letters,
ill (Posner 1971, 2: 69). refers to the essay, providing a
which first appear in Malvasia, and
logna 1956, no. 248, on verso of terminus ante quem for the
date the study trip to c. 1583-1584
An entry for this year in the a drawing now in Turin, inv. painting. (See Posner 1971, 2: 60;
(see Pepper 1987, 413; Mahon 1986,
"state d'animé" for San Lorenzo Battisti 1962,547-548.)
16096). 794), many others now support
in Lucina reveals that Annibale the idea that the brothers took a
is living on the Via Condotti study trip at this time (Cropper
and Dempsey 1987,502; De Grazia
Bohlin in Washington 1979, 30).
38
Annibale Carraccis
Beginnings in Bologna:
Between Nature
and History
Daniele Benati
Carracci s early work, however, this "security" is highly relative. When asked
which artist was responsible for a particular part of the Story of Romulus, for
example, a cycle in the Palazzo Magnani, the collective answer was, "It is by
the Carracci; we have all made it." If this response was valid for that project,
executed around 1590 when the three cousins were already able to enumerate
their individual achievements, it should be even more valid for the earlier col-
laboration at the Palazzo Fava, which the young Carracci decorated between
1583 and 1584. In these cycles, they forced themselves, in effect, to achieve a
unified result, as the surviving drawings also indicate. That complies, first of
all, with the patrons requirement that there be an overall uniformity. Second,
For the Carracci, therefore, it was essential that they convey a common front
language on art.
41 B EN ATI
At the same time, this achievement underscores that the racci, Annibale in particular. These are drawings that pose a
Carracci rejected the contemporary workshop practices by number of problems.
which one artist was responsible for the work of the others, Regarding the heads, a generous sampling of which is
and instead set up a different model, that of the gara or con- included in the exhibition, the question arises as to the ulti-
test, in which the talents of the members of a joint project mate purposes of these "portrait" studies, executed for the
were placed in competition. At the end of the seventeenth most part on large sheets of paper. Although one cannot ex-
century, Carlo Cesare Malvasia tended to credit the major clude the possibility that these were sometimes given to the
responsibility for invention to the eldest, Ludovico, who in models, the modest means of these people, as indicated by
many cases would have furnished drawings to his two younger their clothing, should be enough to eliminate any possibility
cousins, Agostino and Annibale. But some modern scholar- that these were preparatory works for portraits on canvas.
ship has questioned this notion, which finds no verification On the other hand, the impermanence of the paper suggests
in extant documentation. More likely, the custom of work- that such drawings would not have been commissioned
ing together closely in the same surroundings fostered a con- by people who could not afford a proper portrait in oils. It
tinuous and profitable exchange of ideas. is more likely, then, that through such a superb gallery of
In spite of the problems mentioned above, the prepara- types and expressions, representing the range of their daily
tory drawings for the frescos in the Palazzo Fava and the contacts, the three Carracci aimed to perfect their capacity
Palazzo Magnani, and for the paintings entrusted specifi- to reproduce the characters in future pictorial undertakings.
cally to Annibale—first for churches in Bologna, and In the years of the Carraccesque revival, artists returned to
then in Parma and Reggio Emilia—furnish the only foun- this practice in Bologna and defined it—significantly—with
dation on which to judge Annibale's early activity. From the name of testa di carattere, character head.
the examination of these drawings one then passes to other The same type of interest is also valid for studies from the
sheets that are unconnected with precise commissions, model, whether dressed or nude (for Annibale, almost never
but which are attributed to Annibale by inventoriai tradi- totally nude). Contrary to what has been averred for the
tion or by recent scholarship. painters of the next generation, like Faccini and Guercino,
This involves some very rich and varied material, among Annibale's drawings from the model were never true "acade-
which can be singled out some thematic nuclei (heads, stud- mies," but were aimed principally at reproducing an action,
ies from the model, copies), all of which are characterized no matter how banal or mundane. Such an attitude is justi-
first and foremost by their attention to nature. Most of the fied by the thrust toward "history painting," the genre that
drawings by the three young Carracci were, in fact, executed represented for Annibale the humanistic theory, the highest
from life. This was certainly not a novelty vis-à-vis contem- level of artistic activity in its capacity to represent, through the
porary practice, which was dictated by the need to exercise rendering of expressions, not only a particular episode but also
the hand in preparation for more demanding undertakings. its moral significance. The professed intention of the Carracci
Seemingly peculiar to the Carracci, however, was their inter- to rid themselves of the repertory of mannerist figurative con-
est in depicting a range of banal, everyday activities, such ventions and to address themselves directly to the study of
as eating, drinking, undressing, sleeping, etc. The heads and nature in fact complies with an expressive code in which "his-
the studies from the model have an unexpected numerical tory" painting, understood in the broadest sense, rediscovered
consistency within the graphic corpus of all the young Car- its rapport with reality and the modern sensibility.
42
Drawing also became for the Carracci a way to enter ing now constitutes a "manifesto" of Carraccesque painting,
the studios of earlier painters, an aspect that, after a certain for which it now seems difficult to identify other painted
point in their career, assumed ever greater importance in precedents. Although Ludovico, older than Annibale by seven
connection with their deeply felt need to recompose a dif- years, should have attained a certain prestige by that time,
ferent figurative system from the Tusco-Roman one recom- scholars have not figured out how to attribute to him a
mended by Vasari and practiced rather indifferently by local painting that shows such overwhelming power in comparison
mannerists. Sources can also serve us up to a point. Accord- to earlier work. It is likely that only Annibale's execution
ing to Malvasia, who wrote at a time when certain academic of this painting and of the Crucifixion of San Nicolo, which
procedures had been codified, the Carracci would have pro- is chronologically connected to it and seems so free and
duced accurate painted copies after both Correggio and the antigraceful, clarified for Ludovico how he should proceed
Venetian painters. In reality, the elements in our possession along a path he had already anticipated. To the youngest of
lead us to conclude that within this process of technical- the group it would be possible, however, to accomplish with
stylistic identification, the more important role was given to less inhibition and conditioning this step that the other
drawing. This almost never involved the servile exercise of two relatives would already have seen as necessary. Only by
copying as much as a more subtle reelaboration of themes framing the question in this way can the professed unanim-
and attitudes, in which the boundary between imitation and ity of the three Carracci—in the moment when the protag-
2
invention seems very fluid. The drawings "alia Correggio" onist of their "reform" seems to have been only Annibale—
presented in this exhibition illuminate this aspect very well. be preserved. Besides, the sources record that the reproach
The difficulty in attributing drawings made in prepara- of contemporary artists in confronting this manner of paint-
tion for works that were actually completed becomes even ing was directed chiefly at Annibale, but since Ludovico and
greater for the types of drawings just listed. In connection Agostino stood firm on his positions it is evident that they
with this, it must be said that the criteria used by specialists shared them as their own.
in arriving at sure distinctions can, in the end, appear arbi- The immediacy and the investigation into an "anti-
trary. If we, nevertheless, presume to present on this occa- prettiness" that mark the painting now in Oxford are also
sion a series of fairly secure sheets by Annibale, that is because found in the preparatory drawing in Windsor Castle, which
the actual state of studies, at this moment, though still much presents a rapid sketch of part of the scene on the verso
disputed, seems to allow it. At the same time, however, we are (Cat. i). Returning to an apt expression by Shearman4 who,
conscious of presenting the best possible selection consistent in respect to mannerism had spoken of a "stylish style,"
with the current state of Carracci scholarship, but which is we can say that in this drawing, as in the painting, Annibale
subject to future revision. returns polemically to one that is in the end too antistylish,
The réévaluation in a naturalistic "key" of the Carracci in which both power and restraint are evident. It would,
and their beginnings dates substantially from our century 3 however, be only after this "rupture" that Annibale, once
and supports the previous interpretations of their art in again in agreement with his relatives, would decide that he
the classical, eclectic, or academic "key." In this perspective would proceed to a new figurative order, one in which his
the strongly realistic charge found in works like the large expressive entreaties could be presented in a coherent style.
Butcher Shop now in Oxford, about which seventeenth-cen- The unique declaration of poética left by Annibale consists
tury scholars were silent, has been singled out. Such a paint- of notes inscribed some years later in the margins of a copy
43 B ENATI
reggio. In the meantime, interest in Venetian painting was
developing, and Agostino, who had been in Venice in 1582,
had direct knowledge of it. The results of these new interests
are evident in the palazzo of Filippo Fava, where the Carracci
decorated two rooms, one dedicated to the story of Europa
and the other to Jasons expedition, both unusual subjects.6
The Story of Europa, designed for a small space, seems to
be almost a test work in view of the more demanding recep-
tion hall. The decorative typology of the "frieze," a series
of fictive easel paintings set along the upper part of the walls,
was born in the Raphaelesque circle and had then been
extensively practiced in Bologna.7 In adopting it the Carracci
imposed a series of modifications that moved increasingly
toward greater illusionism. A highly synthetic sketch, of
problematic attribution (Florence, Uffizi, inv. 1534 F.),
frames the scenes with satyrs' heads, just as it was executed,
but Annibale had previously proposed a freer solution, with
F i G. i Europa and the Bull, Yvonne Tan Bunzl, London the story contained in ovals (fig. i), an idea, however, that
apparently did not please the patron. A drawing in black
of the Vite of Vasari.5 Here, the point around which his chalk of Europa Seated on the Bull, traditionally ascribed to
reflection seems to turn appears to be that of the correct Annibale, has now been correctly attributed by some to
reproduction of nature (rather, to use his expression, vivo, Ludovico,8 whose presence in this small room has heretofore
from the live model), which the formula of central Italian been underestimated.
mannerism rejects. The decision to turn to Correggio and The date 1584 is inscribed at the bottom of one of the
the Venetians did not aim only at replacing the authority herms that partition the frieze of the Story of Jason in the
of a figurative model, which had by then been exhausted, reception hall, and it is likely that its execution began the
with another, but responded to the profound need for natu- previous year. Many scholars, beginning with Arcangeli,9
ralness that he observed and which he could rediscover have tried to distinguish the hands within the project. Cur-
through these artists. It is as if the Carracci, who had sig- rently, the balance seems to favor Ludovico, who is credited
nificantly called the school they founded in Bologna with half the panels, but the three cousins likely had pre-
the Accademia degli Incamminati (Academy of Travelers liminarily distributed the work among themselves before
Making Their Way), were looking to meet older traveling working in parallel, each one preparing his own drawings.
companions on their path who would indicate the route The present exhibition includes a fairly representative
to be followed. series of Annibale s drawings for this project, which are
As scholars have several times supposed, it is likely that useful in clarifying how the three artists would have planned
after the commissions of the Butcher Shop and the Crucifix- the work. According to traditional practice, these passed
ion^ Annibale traveled to Parma to study the works of Cor- from a rapid sketch of the whole composition to individual
44
figures, which were then incorporated into a small cartoon been a tendency to declare that in general, while Annibale
(or modello). After receiving the patrons approval, they would preferred red chalk, Ludovico chose black.12 That is not
then have moved on to the full-scale cartoon, no example always true, though it is true that the use of these chalks by
of which currently remains, and finally to its transfer onto the two cousins is different.
the wall. The order in which the sheets are presented in the At this stage (and at this point in our knowledge), the
exhibition is intended to evoke the manner in which the artist who ventured closest in style to Annibale was his
work on the project advanced and intersected closely with brother Agostino, by whom we know of no securely attrib-
the study of nature, and to show how sensibly this practice, uted studies from the model. By their nature, drawings
apparently unconnected with a specific purpose, penetrates exhibiting a systematic cross-hatching that recalls the same
the Carraccesque inventive process and therefore the charac- characteristic in his prints may be attributed to him.
10
ter of the entire decoration.
The same can be said for the material that was made in
preparation for the large Baptism of Christ, executed in the
course of 1585 for the Bolognese church of San Gregorio.
In this case the didactic intent, linked to the dedication of
the altar, combines with the search for identification in the
evangelical story, which Annibale was able to derive from
contemporary treatises but to which he added his personal
need to adhere to nature. In order to induce the spectator to
imagine the scene as it would truly have happened, Annibale
placed it along the banks of a stream, complete with croak-
ing frogs, and gave great prominence to the figures of the boys
who are undressing before baptism. In this way the painting
could benefit, almost without modifications, from what he
had learned in his studies from nature.
The results of his study of Correggio are apparent in the
treatment of light and in the softness conferred on the flesh,
rendered in terms of a grand illusionism. A similar intention
is also evident in the preparatory drawings: the use of red
chalk, which is very sensitive to the pressure of the hand and
tends to be quite crumbly, creates the effect of light in the
youthfully ruddy fleshtones of the models and prepares
the effects of soft sensuality that will appear in the painted
image. In these same years Ludovico's drawings are charac-
terized by a more austere hand, which takes rather less delight
in the quality of the flesh and points, rather, in the direction F i G. 2 Here attributed to Agostino Carraca, Semi-Nude Boy, Ashmolean
of an essential rendering of the image's structure.11 There has Museum, University of Oxford
45 BENATI
One such example is the Semi-Nude Boy in the Ashmolean
Museum (fig. 2), formerly attributed to Annibale but changed
to Agostino because of the presence of this feature,13 as well
as a subtle but clearly evident propensity for emphasizing
volumes in a Michelangelesque manner.
The selection of drawings for the exhibition did not
include examples of studies for other paintings that occupied
Annibale in these same years, such as the large Deposition,
also painted in 1585 for the church of the Cappuccini and
now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale of Parma. This is a paint-
ing that explores more deeply and in a baroque key the
premises that were already set out in the Baptism of Christ.
Thus, the large study for the figure of the Dead Christ, now
in the Uffizi (fig. 3), though not in good condition, reveals
the same neo-Correggesque poética found in the drawings
examined above. This is, however, the only one that scholars
have connected to this painting that can be given to Anni-
bale. The Study for a Deposition, in the same collection (inv.
12398 F.), is from the school, and the Saint Francis in the
Metropolitan (inv. 1972.137.1), to which a study for the head
alone is related (formerly New York, private collection),
has been identified as a preparatory study by Ludovico for the
corresponding figure in the Holy Family in the Gôteborgs
Konstmuseum.14 F i G. 3 Dead Christ, Uffizi, Florence
Toward the end of the 15805, Annibale obtained some
important commissions in Reggio Emilia. Thus an area of fraternita di San Rocco at Reggio Emilia, now in Dresden,
activity defined itself in which the youngest of the Carracci as well as in the unfortunately lost Deposition, first in Reggio
reclaimed an autonomous role in the very years when the and thereafter in the Bridgewater collection in London, a
need to stand together was reduced and the Bolognese canvas permeated by an abnormal sentimentality that is well
workshop seems to have been ever more dominated by the ahead of Annibale's time. On the other hand, an impasse
eldest, Ludovico. The study of Correggio (and perhaps also occurs, also documented in some small-scale paintings
the example of Ludovico) now led Annibale to impress an (Holy Family with Saint Lucy, New York, Feigen collection),
expressive acceleration on his journey, which unfolds in the which Annibale overcomes by studying Venetian painting,
centrifugal plotting of the composition and the dramatic in particular Veronese and Tintoretto.
gestures of the figures in the Assumption of the Virgin, dated After the cartonetto for the Assumption (Cat. 12), which is
1587, which Annibale executed for the church of the Con- rich in medium and color and is almost violent in its han-
46
dling, the studies for the frieze of the Palazzo Magnani seem NOTES 12. Sutherland Harris 1994.
to mark a newfound classicism. To this is added a remarkable 1. Zapperi 1989. 13. Sutherland Harris 1994.
opening onto the landscape, as if now Annibale's figures, 2. Feigenbaum I993b. 14. These drawings are reproduced
in Posner 1971, 2: pis. 24b, 240;
having found interior peace, could finally look around and 3. Longhii935.
Florence 1973, no. 36, fig. 24. The
pluck from the surrounding landscape the same calm and 4. Shearman 1967. relationship between the Metro-
serenity that animates their feelings. It was then that Annibale 5. Fanti 1979, i98oa; Perini 1990. politan's Saint Francis and the
Gôteborg painting was kindly con-
succeeded in conferring on his figures that sense of heroic 6. Emiliani in Bologna 1984; veyed to me by Babette Bohn.
Robertson 1993.
monumentality that unfolded in the works from his Roman
7. Boschloo 1974.
period and that constituted the point of reference for all
8. Sutherland Harris 1994.
successive paintings of a classical turn, from Poussin to David.
9. Arcangeli 1956.
The colossal Polyphemus in the Uffizi (Cat. 20), preparatory
10. Robertson 1997.
for a fresco executed in the Palazzo Fava at the beginning of
H. The appearance of Ludovico's
the 15905, already lays out the direction of the Roman Anni-
drawings from the model is
bale, though the debts to Tintoretto there become more deduced from preparatory draw-
manifest. The same monumentality is found, on a completely ings for the youthful Flagellation,
now in Douai; the Executioner at
different level, in the splendid Portrait of a Boy in Windsor Chatsworth (inv. 410); and the
(Cat. 18), in which, once again, the Tintorettesque execution sheet with a study for the loincloth
of Christ in a European private
is so superb that it argues for a rather later date than has collection, on the verso of which
been accepted. appears a Male Nude. This last work
confirms the traditional attribu-
Malvasia, on the basis of a letter from Annibale to tion to Ludovico of the Sleeping
Ludovico, has already emphasized the importance of a trip Nude Boy in Oxford and allows us
to attribute similar studies to him.
to Venice, perhaps around 1588, which led Annibale to
Indeed, after long reflection and
change his expressive means in connection with a changed some residual division of opinion,
some members of the Carracci
psychological attitude. The result of this, which fell upon a
committee believe that Ludovico
rediscovered expressive autonomy, is reaped in the Story of (and not Annibale) should retain
Romulus and Remus, in the Palazzo Magnani, which Anni- responsibility for the sheets of
An Artist Sketching in Berlin (inv.
bale worked on with his two relatives between 1590 and Kdz 26364) and Three Studies
1592, the date inscribed on the chimney. This cycle does not of Men and One of Saint John the
Evangelist at the Getty Museum
present the same problems as the Story of Jason: by then the (inv. 85.06.218), already restored
three Carracci had each emerged in possession of a personal to him by Turner; Benati et al. 1991.
47 B E N AT I
•I•
AMONG THE EARLIEST PAINTINGS BY in such a way that the counterweight (romanó),
Annibale Carracci that have come down to us running the length of the horizontal pole, reg-
is the large Butcher Shop in the Christ Church isters the weight. More summary, by contrast,
Museum, Oxford, datable on grounds of style is the rendering of the meat, which in the final
1
to about 1582-1583 (fig. i). The original desti- painting will become a spot of intense realism.
nation and precise significance of this painting From a technical viewpoint, the drawing
I
remain unknown. is comparable to the one of a Boy Eating at the
The present study is for the butcher at left, Uffizi (inv. 12393 F.),2 which confirms that in P R O V E N A N CE
A Man man has rather boyish features, which can Thus were born new subjects for paintings,
EXHIBITIONS
be explained by the tradition of studying the such as the so-called Bean Eater (Rome, Gallería Bologna 1956, no. 84; Bologna
Weighing Meat poses of particular figures through casual Colonna) or the Boy Drinking, known in sev- 1984, no. 78; Oxford and London
1996-1997, no. 51
models, usually chosen from among the work- eral versions.
c. 1582-1583; red chalk on beige shop apprentices. The clothing—dark woolen The Windsor sheet has been slightly cut BIBLIOGRAPHY
paper, 2/8 x 170 (1015/i6 x 6 u/i6) Wittkower 1952, no. 93, fig. 9 (as
cap, white shirt open to the chest, pure white on the right side. On the verso it bore a quick Agostino); Arcangeli 1956, 25;
HER MAJESTY QUEEN knee-length apron covering the trousers, dark study for the entire composition, bordered by Martin 1965, 264; Posner 1971, 2:
under no. 4, fig. 40; Schilling and
ELIZABETH II hose—is exactly the same in the painting and an indication of the frame.3 The trimming of
Blunt 1971, 62; Cooney and Mala-
the drawing, but the shirtsleeves of the drawn the page preserved only the right part, which farina 1976, under no. 4, repr.;
figure are not rolled up above the elbows. In a illustrates the butcher hanging a side of veal, a Fanti 19800, repr. 53; Goldstein 1988,
185, fig. 142; Zapperi 1989, 64,
detail sketch at right on the same sheet, Anni- carcass hung from the rafter, and, in the fore- fig. 10; Loisel Legrand 1995, 4;
bale studied the arm as it would appear in the ground, the back of the servant butchering a Whistler 1996, n; Finaldi 1997, 58;
Robertson 1997, 20, fig. 25; Turner
final painting (and in this case it is already the sheep (an incongruous detail, because the
1997, 209; Weston-Lewis 1997, 455
arm of an adult). The knife and sharpening slaughtering took place off site). Compared to
steel hanging from the belt of the painted fig- the final painting, the butcher at right in the
ure are missing, although great care has already sketch seems to have more mature features
been taken in the study of the scales, more and wears a hat.4 In spite of the rather hasty
properly a stadera, on which the meat is hung and almost careless handling, this sketch should
also be considered autograph.
The drawing on the recto exhibits an admir-
able economy of means. Comparison with the
drawings of contemporary Bolognese artists
shows an astonishing lack of preciosity and
elegance. Not only is the figure posed frontally,
well planted on his legs—his concentration on
his work makes it difficult to strike a harmo-
nious pose—but also the large, starched apron
falls heavily, almost unbroken by folds. At the
same time, the stroke is secure, rough, and
reluctant to round the contours. The shadows
are tersely formed, with no virtuosic frills.
The questions of attribution that have
surrounded the painting are reflected also in
the history of the drawing, which was first
F i G. i Butcher Shop, c, 1582-1583, The Governing Body, Christ Church Picture Gallery, Oxford published as the work of Agostino Carracci.5
49 CATALOGUE NOS . I - 26
tomarily justified the subjects of daily life in
their paintings (kitchens, marketplaces, etc.)
by including episodes from sacred stories. This
need was less strongly felt by northern Euro-
pean painters, in particular the Flemings. In
contemporary noble collections in Parma
and Cremona, paintings by Pieter Aertsen or
N OTES
Joachim Beuckelaer were certainly present,
1. This appeared for the first time
and were already being reinterpreted by the in the inventory of paintings in
Bolognese Bartolommeo Passarotti. Annibale the Gonzaga collection in Mantua,
acquired in 1627 from Charles i of
probably knew the work of Passarotti as well as
England.
he did the pictures of those northern painters,
2. Posner 1971, 2: no. 8, fig. 8b.
in which the shop is similarly treated from Unfortunately the drawing is not
behind the counter. Compared to these models, in good condition and so is not
included in this exhibition.
however, the Butcher Shop now at Oxford is
3. Noted for the first time by
much larger and presents the figures full length.
Robertson in Oxford and London
The scene is presented with great simplicity 1996-1997.
and truth, without any trace of comic-grotesque 4. Contrary to Robertsons view
intentions or mocking allusions to confronta- (Oxford and London 1996-1997),
it seems to me that the very exis-
tions with the working classes that characterize tence of these variants between the
the paintings of Passarotti (such as the Butcher drawings and the painting voids
VERSO Butcher Hanging a Side of Meat, black chalk the theory that the butchers at work
Shop now in the Galleria Nazionale, Rome).
with pen and brown ink for the ornament study in the painting are the Carracci
Indeed, the seriousness that the painting themselves and that the painting is
conveys has led some scholars in the past to an allegory of the Accademia degli
Incamminati (Martin 1963).
In later drawings, Annibale would soften his consider it an allegorical puzzle, and the picture
5. Wittkower 1952.
own stroke and pursue a more illusionistic has been thought to be connected with the
6. Posner 1971, 2: no. 6.
naturalism, while Ludovico, rather, adhered to program of naturalistic restoration introduced
7. Zapperi 1989, 45-69; Rossi 1997.
a similar absence of frills in his execution. In by the three Carracci. But this theory has since
any case, this coarse, essential drawing style is been set aside, and most prefer to read it as
also found in the painting of the Butcher Shop, promotion for the powerful guild of butchers,
as well as the Crucifixion with Saints, now in of which Vincenzo Carracci, the father of
the church of Santa Maria della Carita, dated Ludovico and the uncle of Annibale, was a
1583 and certainly by Annibale. Unfortunately, member.7 A connection has also been suggested
no preparatory drawings are known for the with the Canobi family, owner of a chain of
Crucifixion with Saints.6 livestock shops in the city and the holder of a
Paintings depicting the trades were unusual chapel in San Gregorio for whom, in the same
in the Italian tradition. Even the Bassano family, years, Annibale executed an altarpiece of the
active in Venice and known to Agostino, cus- Baptism of Christ (1583-1585; see Cats. 7-9). DB
50
LONG CONSIDERED THE WORK OF in the Accademia degli Incamminati. This
Correggio, this splendid sheet bears a study for would be an exercise of imitation/invention,
a draped figure covering his face with his man- as it were, and would be neither pedantic nor
tle, as if to protect himself from a fiery light or passive in nature, but would aim at recaptur-
an unbearable vision. The pose and the strong ing the style of the imitated painter by reex-
foreshortening from below recall those of the amining it through the study of reality.
apostles painted by Correggio at the base of the From the point of view of chronology, the
53 CATALOGUE NOS. I - l 6
THE DRAWING SHOWS A YOUNG NUDE poses, but refined in themselves. This was not
man, waist-length, intent on maneuvering the case for the painters of the next generation,
a long oar. The tense musculature of the arm such as Pietro Faccini1 and Guercino. To the
and the back expresses the effort that affects latter have been restored two drawings of
the whole body. nudes, properly defined as academies, formerly
This is an example of the nude "in move- attributed to Annibale, one in the Ashmolean
ment," which shows Annibale's interest in the Museum, Oxford (fig. i), and the other in the
Half-Length Nude from the beginning and in a style that is not drawings in Annibale's oeuvre. The drapery BIBLIOGRAPHY
yet explicit, a personal adherence to the human- that covers the lower part of the torso, for Moschini 1931, 77; Di Giampaolo
Man from Behind 1993, no. 33
istic ideal, which attributed the highest excel- example, is constructed in the same manner as
lence to "history" painting, or indeed to the the one in the Semi-Nude Youth in Chatsworth
c. 1583-1584; red chalk heightened
ability to construct a story through the gestures (Cat. n). Analogous handling turns up in a NOTES
with white chalk on ivory paper;
and expressions of the participants. It was in Bust of a Boy in Lille (fig. 2), ascribed to Bar- 1. Excellent academies by Faccini
252 x 229 (p 15/i6 x o) are presented in London 1992,
this direction that Annibale's entire career tolomeo Schedoni,3 but in my opinion attrib-
nos. 25, 26.
Inscribed at lower left in pen and would move, intent, nevertheless, on revising utable to Annibale Carracci from the period
brown ink: A Caracci; and below 2. The drawing in Oxford (Parker
this ideal in light of that pressure to imitate of the Palazzo Fava. (The profile recalls those 1956, no. 860) was restored to
the mans arm: an inverted script B
"life," the real novelty of his painting. of the children in the False Funeral of Jason.) Guercino by Mahon and Ekserd-
with other indecipherable marks jian in Oxford and London 1986,
Annibale's drawings of the nude are never It is very difficult to date sheets of this type,
no. n; the one in Paris (Byam
G A L L E R I E D E L L ' A C C A D E M I A, true and proper "academies" as much as studies particularly based on stylistic gestures that, Shaw 1983, no. 326) by Weston-
VENICE of the human body in affected and difficult though apparently contrasting, could actually Lewis 1994. For other reasons the
Seated Nude Youth Facing Left in
be from the same phase of his career, which is the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
marked by rapid evolution. As a kind of hypo- New York (inv. n.66.6; Bean 1979,
no. 107), can be removed from
thesis, a link can be proposed between this
the Annibale canon, while the
relatively little known drawing and the study Young Man Seen from the Back in
of An Apostle Shielding Himself discussed in the Pierpont Morgan Library,
New York (inv. iv.i72; Bean and
the preceding entry (Cat. 2). That drawing Stampfle in New York 1967, no. i),
presents a similarly spirited use of the chalk should remain in Empoli's oeuvre,
contrary to Di Giampaolo (1993,
and an equally vigorous and schematic accent-
54). The term "academy" does not
ing of the shadows (for example under the really apply to drawings like the
chin, in the armpit, and on the right shoulder). three in the Uffizi (inv. 1549 R, of
which there is a copy in the Fogg
Evident in both drawings—as well as in the Museum, Cambridge [inv. 272.232],
parts of the Palazzo Fava frescoes attributable inv. 1241 R, and inv. 3656 s.), which
were correctly returned to Anni-
to Annibale—is how the knowledge of Cor-
bale by Di Giampaolo (1993,54).
reggio that Annibale had gleaned in 1583 and
3. Brejon de Lavergnée 1997,
1584 first induced him to force the anatomies in no. 610.
an expressive direction. (This can be seen here
in the brutal deformation of the right hand,
brought about by the unnatural position of the
man's grip.) Only in the next moment would
F i G. i Guercino, Half-Length Nude Man FIG. 2 Here attributed to Annibale
from Behind, Ashmolean Museum, University Carracci (formerly Bartolomeo Schedoni), he add to this the rounded and fluid form
of Oxford Bust of a Boy, Palais des Beaux-Arts, Lille of the two drawings in the British Museum
(Cats. 6, 7). DB
54
•3-
•4-
THE TWO FIGURES ON THIS SHEET third panel, the greater quality that it exhibits
call to mind similar ones in the Story of Jason, as compared to the corresponding detail of the
the frieze in the Palazzo Fava. The pose of the fresco—which is marked by a rather general-
turbaned figure in the foreground recalls the ized facture—could work in favor of the solu-
figure of the usurper Pelias in the fourth panel tion proposed by Posner, that is, that it was
(The Sacrifice of Pelias to Neptune},1 but the executed by unidentifiable assistants working
greater resemblance—in the handling of the from a design by Annibale. On the other hand,
left corner cut does Pelias wear a turban like this one, the con- bution of this drawing stem from the various Budapest 1963, no. 117 (as Cave-
9 done); Bologna 1989, no. 9
Inscribed at right in pen and brown
nection between this drawing and the frieze in attributions of the Palazzo Fava panels. But
ink: Fassini(?j the Palazzo Fava is doubtful. judging only on style, Annibale's authorship BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kurz 19553, under no. 70 (as Cave-
No less disputed is the authorship of the can hardly be doubted. The knowledge of
SZÉPMÜVÉSZETI MÚZEUM,
done); Boschloo 1974, 2: 189, n. i,
two related frescoes: the third panel has been Correggios manner—in the smooth handling fig. 62; Emiliani in Bologna 1984,
BUDAPEST
considered a collaborative work between Anni- of the cloth and the illusionistic shading of loo (as Agostino); Loisel Legrand
in Paris 1994, under no. 40; Loisel
bale and Ludovico;3 by Ludovico alone;4 the red chalk—points to the youngest Car- Legrand 1995, lo-n; Robertson
5
by Annibale alone; by assistants based on a raca, for whom the trip to Parma was an 1997, 28, fig. 33
design by Annibale;6 or even a collaboration inspiring experience. A similar conclusion is
7
between Annibale and Agostino. The fourth reached by comparing the Uffizi drawing of
NOTES
is assigned with more or less agreement to Two Boys with Cudgels,10 which probably bears
1. This connection was indicated
Agostino, to whom should then belong also the first idea for the False Funeral of Jason, also by Robertson 1997.
the compositional drawing now in the Louvre.8 executed by Annibale. 2. In favor of this connection are
If indeed the Budapest drawing could be Even with the doubts expressed above about Boschloo 1974, Emiliani in Bologna
1984, Czére in Bologna 1989, and
preparatory for Pelias going to sacrifice in the the possibility of linking the drawing to the Loisel Legrand in Paris 1994.
frescoes in the Palazzo Fava, this sheet consti- 3. Arcangeli 1956, 29.
tutes the only basis for arguing the theory— 4. Ottani 1966, 48, n. 86.
quite believable nonetheless—that all three
5. Mahon 1957, 271, n. 36.
Carracci collaborated on the planning of the
6. Posner 1971, 2: no. 15, fig. i5f.
individual panels of the cycle. If, indeed, the
7. Emiliani in Bologna 1984, 100.
sheet examined here is preparatory for the
8. Inv. RF 607. See Loisel Legrand
third episode, it would have to have been an in Paris 1994, no. 40, who opted
early idea by Annibale for a panel that was for Annibale. Thereafter, the same
scholar came out in favor of Agos-
entrusted to the eldest, Ludovico—to whom tino (Loisel Legrand 1995, 7, fig. 6).
the sources (Malvasia) otherwise attribute the
9. The name of Agostino was
greatest responsibility for planning the entire advanced by Emiliani in Bologna
cycle. This would thus confirm the substantial 1984, who was also inclined to
assign the third panel of the Palazzo
equality of the three cousins in respect to the Fava to him.
work entrusted to them, while the numerous 10. Inv. 17090 F.
variants as compared to the final fresco would
guarantee the degree of autonomy that each of
F i G. i Pelias Goes to Sacrifice, 1583-1584, Palazzo Fava, Bologna the three would have maintained. DB
the distance is their ship, the Argo. VERSO The Meeting of Jason and King Aeëtes, Lauke 1954, 66, 71, 98 (as Ludo-
c. 1584; pen and black ink with
black chalk vico); Gernsheim and Lauke 1956,
gray-brown wash over black chalk, A rather complete series of studies for this
9 (as Ludovico); Bacou in Paris
squared twice in black and red panel exists. The earliest is partially conserved 1961, under no. 23; Ostrow 1964,
chalk; 254 x 5/5 (10 x 12 %) on the verso of this same sheet and consists of fresco. In this first phase of the project, the 87, figs. 3, 4; Ottani 1966,54, pi.
30; Johnston 1971, no. vu; Posner
Inscribed at lower right in pen and a synthetic ensemble study for the entire scene, Carracci had not yet imbued the frieze with 1971, 2: 8-9, under cat. 15) (as
brown ink: 3167; inscribed on the which is very rapid in its description of the the illusionistic meaning that it would have Ludovico); Boschloo 1974, 2:189,
n. i, pi. 57 (as Ludovico); Cooney
verso at upper center in graphite individual figures and is aimed at defining the later. A sheet in the National Gallery of
and Malafarina 1976, under no. 15
with the inventory number: 6823 various perspective planes. The whole scene is Canada,2 unfortunately not in good condi- i, repr. (as Ludovico); Ottawa 1982,
studied there from a certain distance, in a way tion, is an excellent example of the studies 67, under no. 25; Feigenbaum 1984,
STAATLICHE GRAPHISCHE no. 3 (as Ludovico); Loisel Legrand
SAMMLUNG, MUNICH
that includes the termine—that is, the fictive made for single figures, in this case Orpheus 1995, 7, fig. 3; Robertson 1997, 28,
statue that flanks the composition on the left (fig. 2) and on the verso the argonaut who %• 43
side (Pluto in the final painting). The pilaster points his finger upward and stands just
against which this statue is placed is seen from behind Jason.3
above, rather than from below, as in the Only at this point could the painter pre-
pare the modello. The recourse to pen and the
sober but effective washes result in a well-
defined image. After being approved by the
patron, the drawing was squared so that it
could be copied on a larger scale on the car-
toon, which would, in turn, be used to trans-
fer the drawing onto the fresco plaster. None
of the cartoons connected to this undertaking
has survived, but the traces of incising still
legible on the fresco indicate that they were
indeed used.4 In the case of this drawing, the
presence of two sets of squaring lines—in
black and red chalk—shows the care with
which the painter approached this operation.
F i G. i The Meeting of Jason and King Aeëtes, c. 1584, Palazzo Fava, Bologna
58
• 5'
The attribution of this sheet to Annibale
has recently been questioned, thus underlining
the paucity of our knowledge about the youth-
ful years of the Carracci.5 They all usually
worked in a spirit of true collaboration and
with a striking convergence of styles. How-
ever, two details must be considered: first, the
panel to which this drawing is related is by NOTES 5. Babette Bohn, in a letter to the
1. After the fundamental article museum, has suggested that the
Annibale Carracci; second, the Munich sheet by Arcangeli 1956, the more com- drawing is the work of Ludovico.
is, as has already been mentioned, a modello or plete and convincing discussion of The same opinion had already
this cycle, as to which parts each been expressed by Feigenbaum
a type of drawing that requires a particular
of the three Carracci executed, was 1984, no. 3, who now thinks it is
drawing technique and demands comparison offered by Ottani 1966. See also by Annibale.
with other drawings of analogous purpose and Emiliani in Bologna 1984.
6. Inv. RF 607. Its attribution has
execution. In regard to the first point, it can 2. Inv. 9891; see Regina and Mon- been discussed in relation to all
treal 1970, no. 32; Ottawa 1982, three Carracci (see Loisel Legrand
be argued that, ih theory at least, it cannot be no. 25. in Paris 1994, no. 40; Robertson
excluded that the Carracci all worked on the 1997, 28, fig. 39). Unfortunately
3. In the final fresco, this figure
I have not seen the second study
same panels and exchanged drawings. But in —studied in its entirety, even
for this scene in person, which
terms of probability, the chances are doubtless though destined to be partially
is almost identical to the final,
covered—will be moved further
greater that this sheet is by Annibale. On the squared version (Great Britain,
to the right, between Jason and
private collection), and which,
second point, it can be argued that the known Hercules.
according to Aidan Weston-Lewis,
comparative material is currently very slight. 4. According to Weston-Lewis was published as the work of
1997, 460, the marks on the plas- Agostino by Loisel Legrand in Paris
The page in the Louvre with the Sacrifice of
ter would have been traced free- 1994, 65, repr. (through a typo-
FIG. 2 Orpheus, c. 1583-1584, National Gallery of Pelias, executed by Agostino Carracci, shows a hand "with remarkable gusto and graphical error, the caption to the
Canada, Ottawa spontaneity"; yet close inspection illustration gives Annibale's name).
fluid use of pen—in the trees, for example—
of the frescoes confirms the use of
which may argue for a later date, but that 7. In this perspective, however,
a cartoon, which softens the inci-
interesting results are yielded by
drawing, in my view, is very different from sion mark. It would not have been
the comparison made by Loisel
practical, on the other hand, to
this one.6 As for the panels regarded as Legrand 1995, 7, with some youth-
have used a stylus to trace marks
ful compositional studies. She
"securely" by Ludovico (within the limits of that would have been more hand-
rightly observed that Ludovico,
certainty that are possible for whatever works ily executed with a paintbrush.
unlike Annibale, "was more
But the recent restoration (see
were executed by the Carracci in these years), attached to the structured organi-
Bologna 1984), in the course of
zation of the groups than to the
neither a modello nor even a drawing for a which some panels were unfortu-
decorative effect of the ensemble."
nately pulled out, did not produce
single figure is known.7 In this case—and with 8. Posner 1971, 2: under no. 14,
the technical indications that one
these doubts—it seems that the grace with would have expected to have fig. I4a. Otherwise, I agree with
which the figures are rendered and the sense of gleaned from such an opportunity. Sutherland Harris 1994, 73, pi. 30,
in retaining the attribution to
tender carnality that characterize them could Ludovico of the study in black
well belong to the young Annibale Carracci. chalk of Europa Rifling the Bull
(private collection; repr. Posner
These same qualities led to the attribution to 1971, 2: fig. I4d).
Annibale of the splendid preparatory drawing
(formerly in the Ellesmere collection, now
with Yvonne Tan Bunzl, London) for the frieze
of the Story of Europa for the eponymous
Camerino of the Palazzo Fava,8 which is stylis-
tically identical to this one and strengthens its
claim to Annibale's authorship. DB
60
•6-
IN THIS R E M A R K A B L E D R A W I N G , P R O V E N A N CE
which once belonged to Peter Paul Rubens, Sir Peter Paul Rubens; Johann
Goll van Franckenstein; Samuel
Annibale has drawn a half-nude boy who, prob- Woodburn; Sir Thomas Lawrence;
ably seated on the ground, is removing (rather reacquired by Samuel Woodburn
from Lawrence's estate; William n
than donning, as is usually thought) a patched
of Holland; Gerard Leembruggen
sock from his right foot. After drawing the bust (Lugt 2988) (sale, Haarlem, 20-22
6
and the raised leg, Annibale then switched sub- February 1866, no. 865); John
Malcolm (Lugt 1489); acquired by
jects to complete the sheet with a marine land- the Trustees of the British
scape and, at bottom, a study of stony ground. Museum, 1895-9-15-739
Only the curved line that marks the waist seems F i G . 2 A Boy Lying on His Back, c. 1584-1585, EXHIBITIONS
A Boy Taking off part of the first drawing, while the others, which location unknown London i836a, no. 60 (as Correg-
gio); Washington and Parma 1984,
at first sight appear to belong to the boy's left
His Sock no. 126; Canberra and Melbourne
leg, refer to the rugged terrain, which Annibale uneven terrain in the foreground correspond 1992, no. 63; Oxford and London
studied with particular attention. very closely to another early painting by Anni- 1996-1997, no. 57
c. 1584; red chalk on buff paper,
Since 1940, when Popham first refuted the bale, the Saint Sebastian formerly in the Esténse BIBLIOGRAPHY
laid down; 202 x 371 (11 l/2X 14 5/s),
attribution of this sheet to Correggio and collection, Modena, and now in the Gemalde- Robinson 1876, no. 299 (as Correg-
irregular, all four corners cut gio); Jaffé I956a, 398, n. 22; Jaffé
3
restored it to the Bolognese painter, the execu- galerie, Dresden (fig. i). The Roman ship that
and upper left and top missing i956b, 14, fig. 9; Popham 1957, no.
tion has generally been connected to that of plows the seas in the distance is identical, A 70; Sutherland Harris 1994, 84,
Inscribed in pen and brown ink at n. 49 (as Ludovico); Wood 1994,
The Baptism of Christ (Bologna, San Gregorio; though in reverse, to one in that painting, and
lower right: Antonio da Correggio 342, fig. 16; Robertson 1997, 7, fig.
Cat. 7, fig. i), made by Annibale between 1583 the terrain scattered with stones can be com- 7; Weston-Lewis 1997, 460
THE BRITISH MUSEUM, and 1585. In that painting, two boys are disrob- pared with the one behind Sebastian.
LONDON 1
ing in preparation for baptism by John. How- That connection does not, however, alter
NOTES
ever, as the viewpoint in the drawing is much the chronological limits within which the date
2 1. Jaffé 1956a and I956b. On The
lower than that in the altarpiece, the connec- of the drawing has been discussed up to now, Baptism of Christ, dated 1585, see
tion should be disregarded. More likely, the since even for the painting in Dresden it seems Posner 1971, 2: no. 21. Boschloo
1974, 2:170, n. 6, indicated there-
drawing of the boy was simply a personal exer- to me possible to sustain a date of a little after
after that the commission was
cise, unconnected to a specific project. The 1583, or in the very same years during which bestowed in 1583.
sources agree in signaling the importance that Annibale worked on The Baptism of Christ, 2. De Grazia in Washington and
the young Carracci placed on drawing as the which was finally delivered in 1585. Parma 1984.
indispensable means of capturing reality, and If one studies this drawing within the se- 3. Formerly attributed in the old
inventories to Annibale and then
they continually drilled themselves on a wide quence proposed here, it will be noted that,
to Lotto, the painting was restored
variety of subjects from daily life, in this case, compared to the drawing for the Butcher Shop to the youthful period of the
a boy undressing for a swim. (Cat. i) and to the drawings of the nude that Bolognese artist's career in Benati
1996. Related to this painting (and
It has never before been noted that the follow it, the stroke has become softer and the therefore also with the drawing
seascape, which includes, somewhat surpris- contour lines are more rounded (fig. 2).4 This considered here) is the study of
Saint Sebastian in the Galleria
ingly, a Roman trireme, and the study of the maturing process, which had its basis in a Estense in Modena (inv. 1008; see
strong adhesion to Correggio, will culminate Di Giampaolo 1989, 200, pi. Ixxi).
in the study for the Dead Christ in the Uffizi 4. Formerly in the Squire Collec-
(inv. 12418 F.), preparatory for The Deposition tion, London (Edinburgh 1972,
no. 22, pi. 55; sale, London,
in Parma (1585).5 The old attribution of the Sotheby's, 28 June 1979, no. 21).
F i G. i Saint Sebastian, c. 1583- exhibited sheet to Correggio is therefore richly 5. Posner 1971, 2: fig. 24b.
1585, Gemâldegalerie, Dresden significant. DB
63 CATALOGUE NOS. I - l 6
THE ANGEL IN THIS DRAWING IS Malvasia said that the young painter was "sup-
identical to one at upper right in The Baptism ported here and helped by Ludovico,"3 and
of Christ, executed by Annibale for the church this statement may be true given that the Car-
of San Gregorio ín Bologna (fig. i). racci shared a workshop and usually collabo-
As far as is known, this was the second rated at this time.
public commission obtained by the youngest The finished modello for this painting does
of the Carracci, who in 1583 had already com- not survive, but some partial preparatory stud-
contact from I578.2 Having contracted the the hands that wield the bow and violin. The 1. Boschloo 1974, 2: 170, n. 6.
obligation in 1583, Annibale would have worked synthetic substitution of an unnatural distor- 2. Fanti i98ob, 130; Zapperi 1989,
67, n. 23.
alone in 1584 and 1585, as demonstrated by tion into which the handling of the instrument
3. Malvasia 1686,114.
the rather more evolved style compared to that forces the player's hands appears remarkably
4. Brogi in Benati et al. 1991,
exhibited in the San Nicoló Crucifixion. Also adept. The back of the youth then demanded
no. 9.1.
evident is the affinity with the parts of the particular attention, and the painter employed
5. Byam Shaw 1983, no. 321
Palazzo Fava frieze that he executed (in partic- more strokes to better define the juncture (as Ludovico).
ular the resemblance between the figure of of the strongly lowered right shoulder. Only 6. Inv. 1901-4-17-29. See Turner
the Baptist and that of Hercules in The Cross- at the point of finishing the drawing did 1995, 609, fig. 36. In the same col-
lection the study of a putto (inv.
ing of the Libyan Desert]. The style of the Annibale add, with a few strokes of chalk, Pp. 2-107) could also be con-
young Annibale seems oriented in the direction two tiny wings. DB nected to this altarpiece. A draw-
ing representing A Semi-Nude Boy
of Parma: it has been theorized that this came
(Oxford, Ashmolean Museum,
FIG. i The Baptism of Christ, about through the intermediary of Barocci, inv. Parker 143), which has been
1585, San Gregorio, Bologna but the celestial glory that occupies the upper connected with both The Baptism
of Christ and The Story of Jason in
part of the painting shows a direct knowledge
the Palazzo Fava (Ostrow 1970,
of the works of Correggio. Of this painting 40-42, pi. 40), could more easily
be the work of Agostino (Suther-
land Harris 1994, 73, n. 10).
64
•7 •
•8-
EVEN IF THE CORRESPONDENCE IS
denced by abundant hatching (which is quite bale enclosed within a rectangular frame
different from Agostino's systematic cross-hatch- to better define the arrangement, it is possible
ing), and the monumentality of the figure also that the drawing is related to the Penitent
favor a comparison with the youthful Saint Magdalene now in the Lauro collection,
Sebastian in the Gemáldegalerie, Dresden.2 Bologna, which presents yet another composi-
The verso contains some studies for a half- tional choice.3
length figure of the Penitent Magdalene. These The handwriting of the inscription that
consist of very different ideas, which show attributes the drawing to Correggio belongs
to Peter Paul Rubens. DB
67 CATALOGUE NOS. I - 2 Ó
THE HANDS OF THE MUSIC-MAKING
1583-1585; black and white angel; for both hands of the one who is play- European private collection; Kate
Ganz Ltd, London, 1987; Art
chalk on gray-blue paper; 280 x 406 ing the lute, on the right; and also for the
Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, Gift
(ii3/é x loYie), irregular right hand of the angel at left, who plays the of Arthur Gelber, inv. 88/338
cello. The study of the correct positioning of
ART GALLERY OF ONTARIO, EXHIBITIONS
TORONTO, GIFT OF
musical instruments, especially the bow, also VERSO Saint Jerome Reading, black chalk height- London 1987, no. 14
ARTHUR GELBER, 1988 engaged Ludovico, who made a drawing ened with white
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(Windsor Castle, Royal Library) for an angel- Benati and Peruzzi 1987, 71, fig. 19;
violinist in the Assumption^ now in Raleigh, The study on the verso is for the Saint Bull 1987, 459; Brogi 1989,18, n. 3;
Benati in Warsaw 1990,16-18;
North Carolina.2 Jerome in Prayer that was formerly in the Heim
Brogi in Benati et al. 1991, no. 9.5;
The Toronto drawing stands out for the Collection, London, and is now owned by the Loisel Legrand 1995, 8; Benati
pictorial value that Annibale bestowed on it Banca Popolare deU'Emilia Romagna (fig. z).3 1996,108; Bohn 1996,171; Benati
and Peruzzi 1997,56, fig. 21;
through the use of blue paper and spare but Any reservations about the authorship of this Robertson 1997, 28, fig. 37
effective white highlighting. painting, given alternately to Annibale4 and to
Ludovico Carracci,5 can be happily resolved in
favor of the former thanks to this drawing. In NOTES
1. Inv. 4434. See Byam Shaw
addition, the uncertainty about the date that 1983, no. 321 (as Ludovico);
is inscribed on the painting, the last digit of Robertson 1997, 28, fig. 36.
which is virtually illegible, can be resolved in 2. Loisel Legrand 1995, n, fig. 12.
favor of 1585, given that, as this sheet indicates, 3. Benati and Peruzzi 1997, no. 23.
Annibale was involved with this painting at 4. Ottani 1966, 57, fig. 25; Volpe
the same time as he was working on The 1976,119; Brogi 1984, 36 ff; Benati
and Peruzzi 1987, no. 16; Bohn
Baptism of Christ. From the point of view of 1996, 171.
graphic technique, in the softness of the han- 5. Posner 1971, 2: 77, no. i8o[R.];
dling the drawing of Saint Jerome compares Dempsey in Bologna-Washing-
quite well with the studies for the figure of ton-New York 1986-1987, 249.
Orpheus and one of the argonauts for the 6. Ottawa 1982, no. 25.
68
• 9'
• IO •
IO A N N I B A L E WAS THE AUTHOR OF
Florence 1922, 39
of a Boy Bologna (a cycle that can actually be regarded is appropriate for a common boy, is cut very
BIBLIOGRAPHY
in its totality as an exaltation of boyhood) short for both practical and hygienic reasons.
Ferri 1881, 83; Ferri 1890, 288;
and also the playful putti which, in the Farnese The interlacing of strokes on the cheek gives it Posner 1971, i: 21, fig. 26; Cooney
1584-1585; red chalk on ivory paper;
Gallery, interject a less dramatic note into the a velvety texture, but without the insistence and Malafarina 1976,132, no. xiv;
224x162(8^/16x6%) Petrioli Tofani 1987, 689, no. 1668
aulic and serious tone of the representation. on a systematic accuracy found in Agostino.2 E.; Loisel Legrand 1997!), 45, fig. 87
Inscribed on the verso across the top
Other drawings of children are known, As always in these drawings, the care with
at center in red chalk (by the artist?):
which are truly exceptional "because of the which the face is treated is contrasted with the
della... uola di Crisiglano... (?), NOTES
combination of psychological gravity and youth- more cursory handling in the description
and at lower right in pen and 1. Posner 1971, i: 21.
ful appearance."1 In this sheet, Annibale has of the bust. A few vibrant strokes suffice for
brown ink: Giorgione di Castelfra 2. I therefore consider unjustified
imposed on his very youthful model a fixedly Annibale to jot down the collar that projects the suggestion that the attribution
[the rest cut off]
unnatural pose, forcing him into strict profile. from the cloth jacket, attire that confirms the of the drawing be changed in favor
GALLERÍA DEGLI UFFIZI, of Agostino, as noted on the
Nevertheless, the artist's capacity for rendering boy's humble status.
GABINETTO DISEGNI mount by Ann Sutherland Harris.
the boy's personality, which, in the fixity of The solid modeling and the stolid presen-
E STAMPE, FLORENCE 3. A date in the course of the
his gaze and the tight contraction of the mouth, tation indicate an early date. The clarity of the next decade was proposed by Loisel
expresses one that is already formed. contour stroke can be compared with that in Legrand I997b.
Remarkably well paired are the purity and A Boy Taking off His Sock (Cat. 6), with which
security of the line with which the profile is it could share a date of 1584—1585.3 Although
drawn, from which Annibale would then start it is risky to date drawings like this one ad
annum, these characteristics nevertheless seem
to indicate a slightly earlier dating here than
for Head of a Boy (Cat. 15). DB
71 CATALOGUE NOS. I - l 6
II SCHOLARS FREQUENTLY IDENTIFY
72
• II •
• 12 •
THIS DRAWING, WITH ITS EXTRAOR- came through the study of Venetian painting.
dinary pictorial effect, is the modello for the Compared with the gathering of turbaned
altarpiece, dated 1587, that Annibale executed and almost angry apostles in this altarpiece,
for the church of the Confraternita di San above whom the assumed Virgin hovers heavily
Rocco in Reggio Emilia (fig. i) and which, after like a boat adrift, the small Assumption of the
being appropriated by the duke of Modena Prado4 would represent, a short time later,
for his own collection (1660), eventually the arrival at the more Olympian and serenely
12
PROVENANCE
entered the Gemáldegalerie in Dresden (1746).! expressive world of Paolo Veronese.
Sir Peter Lely (Lugt 2092);
This is the one surviving drawing for this It is not surprising, therefore, that the William, 2d duke of Devonshire
fundamental painting, which constitutes an Chatsworth modello, the authorship of which (Lugt 718); Devonshire Collection,
Chatsworth, inv. 420
The Assumption important stage in the Correggesque revival has been questioned, is marked by an abnormal
EXHIBITIONS
that was carried out by Annibale in a rather expressive tension, which Annibale underlined
of the Virgin more coherent and modern way than by the by resorting to a highly chromatic finish. Over
Pittsburgh and tour 1987-1988,
no. 17; London 1992, no. 14;
other Carracci.2 Together with The Deposition an unusually nervous drawing in pen, he laid London 1993-1994, no. 30
c. 1587; pen and brown and black (c. 1586-1587), formerly in San Prospero in in layers of color and white lead to confer on BIBLIOGRAPHY
ink with brown wash over black
Reggio Emilia and the Bridgewater collection the image a strong pictorial impact. The Richardson 1722, 343; Waagen
chalk, heightened with white and 3 1854, 3: 358; The Athenaeum, no.
in London (now lost), the Reggio altarpiece result seems very convincing, as evidenced by
squared in black chalk on paper 2447 (19 September 1874), 387;
represents the moment in which Correggio's the careful disposition of the planes into depth Posner 1971, 2: under no. 40
washed gray-brown, laid down;
example, studied in Parma, led the artist to and the superb brilliance of the lighting effects. (as Carracci follower); Boschloo
541 x 355(215/i6x 14) 1974, i: 14, pi. 17; Jaffé 1994, no.
an exciting and openly anticlassical expression. In these same years, Ludovico, signifi-
480; Loisel Legrand i997b, 47,
THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE This created an impasse that Annibale over- cantly, resorted to an identical technique for n. 3; Robertson 1997, 37, n. 26
AND THE CHATSWORTH
the bozzetto of the Conversion of Saint Paul (as Annibale, with doubts)
SETTLEMENT TRUSTEES
of 1587 (British Museum, inv. 1895-9-15-748).5
Around 1590, Agostino also used a similar NOTES
technique for the modello for The Battle between 1. Posner 1971, 2: no. 40.
the Romans and the Sabines in the Palazzo 2. A copy of the present modello
Magnani (Chatsworth, inv. 66iA).6 Using the in nearly identical dimensions is
in the Christ Church Museum,
same technique, Annibale produced the Oxford, inv. 1366 (see Byam Shaw
modello for the Ludi Lupercali in the Palazzo 1976, no. 946).
Magnani (see Cat. 17) and another for the 3. Posner 1971, 2: no. 31. For the
subsequent fortunes of this paint-
Coronation of the Virgin (see Cat. 62) in the
ing, which arrived in San Prospero
Metropolitan Museum, New York, although only in 1616 following its donation
there the expressive intention seems quite by Turno Fontanella, see Pirondini
and Monducci 1985,192, 262-263.
different. Whichever of these cousins arrived
4. Posner 1971, 2: no. 39, who
first on this field, it is evident that it was their
placed it, in my opinion incorrectly,
example that prepared the way for Pietro Fac- before the Dresden painting.
cini who, after having departed polemically 5. Reproduced in Benati et al.
from the Accademia degli Incamminati, adopted 1991, no. 2.1.
76
•13 •
•I4
14
THIS SHEET OF STUDIES IS DIRECTLY P R O V E N A N CE
linked to the small painting in the Uffizi, Man Hans Sloane; purchased by the
British government, 1753; British
with a Monkey^ datable to 1590—1591* or slightly Museum, inv. Ff. 2-115
earlier (fig. i). A comparison of the style of the
Man with a Monkey EXHIBITIONS
drawing with the Study of a Dog in the British Oxford and London 1996-1997,
Museum, which seems to have been used, in no. 64
c. 1589'-/#>/; red chalk on beige reverse, for one of the dogs in the painting of BIBLIOGRAPHY
paper, cut at upper left corner
Venus and Adonis in the Prado,2 points up the Passavant 1836,109; Hake 1922,
and left side, laid down; 176x 179 340; Mahon 1957, 278, fig. 9; Pos-
particular care used by Annibale in the detailed
(6^/16x7^6) ner 1971, 2: 26, under no. 58, pi.
treatment of the animals' fur. no. 58b
Inscribed on the mount in pen and Contrary to what has been written about
brown ink at lower center: Hannibale
this sheet, there is no humorous or caricatural
Caratio; numbered in pen and NOTES
intention on the part of the artist. The man
black ink at lower right: 115-WYO, 1. Posner 1971, 2: no. 58.
and his pet are observed with equal attention,
and below that in graphite: 64 2. Inv. Pp. 3-18; repr. Oxford and
without hierarchy, and in a spirit of profound London 1996-1997, no. 92.
THE BRITISH MUSEUM, sympathy that seems to have marked Anni-
3. See, for example, Goltzius'
LONDON
bale's connection with the animal world. The drawing of a monkey in the
monkey has long symbolized the vices, partic- Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam,
inv. i88A 1510 (Reznicek 1993,
ularly luxury and folly, but it was often chosen fig. 60).
also as a motif by artists familiar with princely
menageries and by those interested in exoti-
cism, such as Goltzius.3 Here, however, it is
not the oddness that interests Annibale, but
rather the relationship between the man and
the monkey, which is emphasized by the par-
allelism between the two heads, seen in pro-
file. In choosing to present the man full face
in the painting, the artist conformed to a
more conventional allegorical schema.
The drawing was likely executed from
FiG. i Man with a Monkey,
nature, and this is probably a street scene c. 1500-1501, Uffizi, Florence
showing an entertainer with his monkey. CLL
79 CATALOGUE NOS. I - l 6
15
AMONG THE D R A W I N G S THAT A N N I - York (inv. 1972.133.3), is very probably the work PROVENANCE
bale Carracci devoted to the theme of child- of a French artist of the eighteenth century.3 Pierre-Jean Mariette (Lugt 1852,
twice, and Mariette's mount)
hood, this sheet stands out for its immediacy It is difficult to say if drawings like this one (sale, Paris, 15 November 1775,
and truth. Judging from his clothing, this child were anything more than private exercises. It probably part of no. 291: "Quatre
Head of a Boy autres têtes, idem., de sa famille");
appears to be from a wealthy family. He is cap- is not very likely that they served as studies
acquired by Lempereur for the
tured as he curiously turns his head, as if, weary for portraits in oil or were commissioned by king's collection; Musée du Louvre
c. 1585-1590; black chalk on reddish
of posing, he suddenly directs his attention to clients who wanted to record the likenesses (Lugt 1899 and 2207), inv. 7376
brown paper, laid down; 516x 252
something the viewer does not see. Through the of their children. In this drawing, the pose is EXHIBITIONS
(12 7/i6 x p 15/io), including a 2 cm
intent gaze and the parted lips Annibale suc- certainly not canonical for a portrait; more- Paris 1927, no. 13; Bologna 1956,
horizontal strip added at the top no. 215; Paris 1961, no. 90; Paris
ceeds in expressing in truly affecting terms the over, unlike an oil painting, a drawing on paper 1967, no. 29; Tokyo 1991, no. 89
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, boys fleeting concentration and his eagerness does not easily lend itself to being hung in
D É P A R T E M E N T DES ARTS BIBLIOGRAPHY
to be absorbed by something new. Nothing one's house. Nevertheless, numerous sheets of
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS Bacou 1968, no. 75; Roli 1969,
identifies the model, but the frankness of the this kind exist, all of large dimensions, in no. 10; Boschloo 1974, i: 33, 80,
portrayal suggests he is someone known to which Annibale composed an extraordinary 197, n. 28, 214, n. 16, and 2: fig. 118;
Cooney and Malafarina 1976,132,
the artist, perhaps the son of a friend. gallery of types and physiognomies, always no. xii
In addition to the Profile Portrait of a Boy studied with compassion. The main aim of this
(Cat. 10), other drawings of children executed set was probably as a touchstone for measur-
by Annibale in the course of the 15805 are ing the psychological reality of figures appear- NOTES
1. Posner 1971, 2: fig. 25.
recorded, including one in the Uffizi (inv. 1539 ing in the paintings.
2. Paris 1994, no. 43. Already in
F.)1 and another in the Louvre (inv. 7383). Though stated with some uncertainty, the 1956, Mahon (in Bologna 1956,
Based on these sheets, other portraits of chil- exhibited drawing can be dated to the second no. 214) called this Annibale "evi-
dently under the influence of
dren have been attributed, erroneously, to half of the 1580$. DB
Ludovico," who is also referred to
Annibale. Indeed, I believe that the Two Chil- in an old French inscription.
dren in the Louvre (inv. 7378) belongs to 3. Bean 1979, no. 97.
Ludovico,2 while Two Studies of a Boy and Two
of a Girl in the Metropolitan Museum, New
80
•15 •
•i6-
THIS IS A M O D E L L O FOR THE F I R S T l'abbiam fatta tutti not ("It is by the Carracci;
panel of the Story of Romulus^ the frieze exe- we all made it").2 Scholars then began rather
cuted by the Carracci in the Palazzo Magnani quickly to question this response in order to
1
in Bologna around 1590 (fig. i). The episode distinguish the separate hands, starting with
is recounted in Plutarch's Vitae parallelae and Malvasia himself who, while reporting their
tells of the twins Romulus and Remus, whom answer and leaving uncertain the authorship
i6
Amulius had ordered a shepherd to put to of the other panels, identifies Annibale as the
P R O V E N A N CE
death. The shepherd, however, abandoned them author of Romulus and Remus Nursed by the She-
Unidentified collector (stamp in
in the woods, where they were nursed by a Wolf. In recent years, distinguishing the hands black ink: CFC surmounted by a
she-wolf and protected by a woodpecker. Saved has proceeded steadily and scholars are in crown, different from Lugt 1149);
Cardinal Paolo Coccapani (d. 1650);
Romulus and in this way and having thus grown up, the general agreement about the various attribu-
Alfonso iv d'Esté, Modena
two twins would kill Amulius, and Romulus tions. Major doubts, however, concern that (1634-1662); seized in 1796 from
Remus Nursed by would found the city of Rome. same first panel, for which, rejecting Malvasia's the Este collection, Modena; Musée
du Louvre (Lugt 1886), inv. 7535
the She-Wolf Though rather close in total effect to the opinion, Ludovico has also been proposed as
final painting, the Louvre drawing presents vari- the author.3 This is, in effect, the most sur- EXHIBITIONS
foreground; and the shepherd Faustulus is posi- in making comparisons with the others, in Jaffé 1956a, 394, fig. 6; Volpe 1962,
Inscribed in graphite at lower right:
7-8; Posner 1971, 2: under no. 52,
anibal tioned closer to the principal group. which the characters of the individual Car- fig. 52k; Boschloo 1974, 27, fig. 84;
According to Malvasia, if anyone asked racci emerge more explicitly. Cooney and Malafarina 1976, under
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, no. 49, repr.; Grassi 1984, 210-211;
who was responsible for this undertaking, the On the other hand, Annibale's authorship
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS Brogi 1985, 242, fig. 5; Ottani
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS
Carracci would respond, Ell'e de Carracci: of the Louvre modello has never been doubted. Gavina 1988, 28 ff, fig. 6; Stanzani in
Emiliani 1989,177, fig. cxxni;
Weston-Lewis 1994, 714; Loisel
Legrand i997b, 44, fig. 82
F i G. i Romulus and Remus Nursed by the She-Wolf, c. 1500, Palazzo Magnani, Bologna
8 3 C A T A L O G U E N O S . I-26
Even when the fresco was attributed to his
cousin, it was thought that the first idea came
from Annibale and that Ludovico then
changed it according to his own taste, reduc-
ing the figure of Faustulus and studying the
position of the wolf in a second drawing
(Venice, Fondazione Cini).4The relationship
NOTES
between the Louvre drawing and the fresco,
1. Volpe 1972/1976, n.p.
however, seems rather more direct and it is now
2. Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 287.
perceived that the drawing in Venice is actually
3. Arcangeli 1956, 45-46; Mahon
a later derivation (in my opinion by Filippo
in Bologna 1956 was the first to
Pedrini), and that the change in scale of the consider the fresco as a collabora-
shepherd was achieved directly in the course of tive work between Annibale
(author of the landscape) and
the work (the outline of the original figure Ludovico (author of the wolf).
can be detected on the fresco, covered over by 4. Inv. 36.118. See Volpe 1962, 8;
a layer of color).5 The isolation of the wolf in Brogi 1985, fig. 6.
the foreground, no less than her more monu- 5. Ottani Gavina 1988.
84
THE DECORATION OF THE SALON OF ception and facilitated childbirth." The draw-
the Palazzo Magnani, which contained the ing in the British Museum3 shows a smiling
frieze of the Story of Romulus, ended at the woman who welcomes the fertilizing lash of
chimney, which was inscribed with the date the priest, who is covered only with a wolf-
1
1592. There was depicted the scene of the ludi skin. At center is the altar for the sacrifice,
lupercali (Lupercalian Games; fig. i), or the on which a dog is easily distinguishable, and
feast—described by Plutarch at the end of his at right stands a youth whose brow has just
17
2 PROVENAN CE
Life of Romulus —during which the Romans been cleansed of blood by two friends, all of
Pierre Crozat? (according to
commemorated the abandonment of Romulus them nude. Turner 1995, the numbering at
and Remus and the she-wolf who nursed them. In the final version, this last detail would lower right appears to be charac-
teristic of his collection); Richard
The Lupercalian Compared to the fresco, this drawing proposes be eliminated and, moved to the right of the
Payne Knight; bequeathed by
a different solution, but one that is closer to altar, the whole scene would be occupied him to the British Museum, 1824;
Games the passage in Plutarch. In the course of the by the young married woman who happily Trustees of the British Museum,
London, inv. Pp. 4-53
festivities, after sacrificing some animals, receives the beneficent lash. The woman
c. 1590-1592; pen and brown ink including a dog, the priests, called luperci, running with her arm raised and turning her BIBLIOGRAPHY
with brown wash, heightened with Turner 1995, 609-610, fig. 38;
touched the bloody knife to the foreheads of head backwards is moved behind the altar.
Loisel Legrand 199/b, 46, 48, n. 3
white gouache over a few faint traces
two noble youths, whom others quickly Another drawing in the Louvre (fig. 2) proposes
of black chalk on paper washed
cleansed with woolen rags soaked in milk. The a solution that is closer to the final version,
brown; 310 x 265 (12 9/i6 x 10 7/i6)
priests then ran through the city striking except for the background, which is occupied
Illegibly inscribed at lower left in those who got in their way with belts of goat's by a wooded landscape, but these variants
pen and brown ink, and inscribed
hide. "Young married women, especially," could also be attributed to the "restorer" who
in pen and brown ink at lower
concludes Plutarch, "did not pull away from intervened on the page with ponderous little
right: 15
the lashes, believing that they promoted con- touches of lead white.4
THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
LONDON
8 5 C A T A L O G U E N O S . I - l 6
MMMbUfe
•17-
The authorship of the painting above the
fireplace has almost always been doubted
by scholars, who have preferred to attribute the
execution to an apprentice of the Carracci
working from the drawing by Annibale. It
seems to me, however, that even considering
the poor condition of the fresco, Annibale's
authorship in 1592 still stands out very evidently.5 NOTES
i8
a very young age.2 physiognomic features of the people portrayed.
Nevertheless, it is precisely from this point That is why conclusions reached by scholars PROVENANCE
Portrait of a Boy of no more than sixteen or seventeen would emerges from this drawing is strongly Tin- EXHIBITIONS
exclude the self-portrait theory. At the same to rettesque, which is evident in the use of the London 1950-1951, no. 449;
time, it is very difficult to believe that drawings dense chalk, in the modeling power of the Bologna 1956, no. 212; Cambridge
c. 1500; black chalk heightened with 1959, no. 19; London 1964, no. 112;
white on blue-gray paper, laid
executed by Ludovico around 1576-1577, none gently undulating contour, in the very repre- London 1974-1975, no. 56
down; 379 x 249 (14 15/i6 x p 13/i6) of which is actually known, would have such sentation from above that obliges the boy to
BIBLIOGRAPHY
power. Indeed, nothing ensures that this mel- raise his eyes. Thanks to these characteristics Chamberlaine 1812, no. 18; Witt-
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
ancholy boy with the light-colored eyes3 is the face exhibits a plastic force that seems to kower 1952, no. 360, pi. 43; Pepper
ELIZABETH II
1973,130, fig. 12; Cooney and
Annibale, as he is known through such later present the "Roman" ideal of the figures in
Malafarina 1976, 83, repr.; Suther-
images as the Self-Portrait in the Pinacoteca in the Story of Romulus in the Palazzo Magnani. land Harris 1994, 71-73, pi. 29
Parma, dated 1593, and the Self-Portrait on From these considerations a dating of (as Ludovico); Loisel Legrand
i997b, 45; Robertson 1997, 7, fig. 9;
an Easel from the Roman years, now in the around 1590 is deduced for the drawing, rather Sassuolo 1998, under no. 54
Hermitage, Saint Petersburg (see Cat. 88).4 later than the date of 1583 or 1584 (or even
Without detailing other discrepancies that earlier) that has been maintained until now.
could be put down to differences in age, it is Thus also is confirmed the authorship of NOTES
Once the idea that this sheet is a self-portrait ment use of the black chalk, the drawing can 2. Sutherland Harris 1994 believes
that Annibale here is eighteen to
is discounted, the drawing can then be inserted be compared. To this same period belongs
twenty years old and consequently
into that remarkable sequence of studies of the Portrait of a Boy, also at Windsor (fig. i), attributes the drawing to Ludovico
the human countenance to which all three which is sometimes considered to be by around 1578.
Carracci would give life as they attempted to Agostino. On the other hand, comparison 3. I owe the observation of this
detail, which is easily perceptible
master in an ever more attentive way psycho- with the study for the Term in the Palazzo
even though the drawing is exe-
logical expressions and attitudes. These consist, Fava, correctly attributed to Ludovico (Wind- cuted in black chalk, to Alessandro
F i G. i Portrait of a Boy, c. 1590, for the most part, of faces without names (an sor Castle, inv. 2082)5 and recently used to Brogi.
Windsor, The Royal Collection ©loop
exception being the sheet in Berlin, dated 1590, confirm a common attribution to Ludovico,6 4. Posner 1971, 2: nos. 75,143.
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth n 5. Wittkower 1952, no. 3, fig. i.
on which Annibale inscribed the name of his appears significantly different in the greater
apprentice, Baldassare Aloisi; Cat. 13), that is, firmness of the contour and in the rather less 6. Sutherland Harris 1994, 72.
The exhibited drawing has been
of men, women, and children who constitute, virtuoso and pleasing ductus. D B
described as having been executed
in effect, a tour through their friendships in oiled black chalk, a medium
that Sutherland Harris claims
and their everyday milieu. The idea that such
Annibale never used but which
sheets had a function other than that of a Ludovico did (thus, its use here
personal exercise should be rejected, even if would militate in favor of the
attribution to Ludovico), but a
recent examination in the conser-
vation lab at Windsor Castle
established that it was executed in
ordinary black chalk that has not
been oiled.
88
•18 •
•19 •
19 THIS IMPRESSIVE SHEET WAS LONG
Polyphemus a stage of the work that clearly came after chimney of the Palazzo Magnani (1592) and the
EXHIBITIONS
that executed for Filippo Fava in 1583—1584, to Resurrection that was formerly in the Casa Florence 1922, 504; Bologna 1947;
which belong the rooms of Europa and Jason Angelelli and is now in the Louvre. From this Bologna 1956, no. 88, pi. 29; Flo-
early 1590$; black chalk with traces rence 1973, no. 37; Florence 1976,
(see Cats. 4, 5). Scholars have long discussed last, they repeat in particular the graceful no. 84; Bologna 1984, no. 135
of white heightening on blue-
gray paper, laid down; 424 x 352 at which point in the chronology such new barocchetto cadence, both in the neomannerist
BIBLIOGRAPHY
U 7
(l6 /16Xl3 /8)
works could have been inserted, whether still attenuation of the figures and in the expressive Bodmer 1939,118; Wittkower 1952,
in the 15805 or somewhat later. After they fluttering of the draperies. 138; Ottani 1966, 67, pi. 61; Byam
GALLERÍA DEGLI UFFIZI, Shaw 1968, 256; Posner 1971, 2:
completed this room, the Carracci allowed the As Johnston noted, the final indications in
GABINETTO DISEGNI under no. 30, fig. 3oa; Petrioli
E STAMPE, FLORENCE project to be entrusted to their own apprentices this direction indeed derived from the Uffizi Tofani 1972, no. 73; Sutherland
—prominent among them Francesco Albani drawing, which is marked by a strong Tintoret- Harris 1973,161, no. 6; Cooney and
Malafarina 1976, under no. 16 L,
—and to Bartolomeo Cesi, whose participation tismo that returns again in the study from repr.; Loisel Legrand 1997b, 48, n. 3
is securely documented to 1598, so it is likely Budapest for The Alms of Saint Roch (Cat. 26).
that the start of the undertaking can be dated The power of the figure, caught in a violent
to the beginning of the 15905. torsion, and the relief established by light
Still, the presence of Annibale, recorded by effects, imply a close study of Tintoretto's Ven-
Bellori and Malvasia, has sometimes been etian works. In addition, the employment of
placed in doubt. However, even in the state of black chalk, the use of colored paper, and the
extreme ruin that marks the frescoes in this undulation of the contour line can also make
room, the authorship of the youngest Carracci one think that Annibale had direct knowledge
can still be recognized in three compartments. of the drawings of the Venetian artist.
That is confirmed in the account of Malvasia, The presence of these characteristics ex-
cludes for this extraordinary sheet the author-
ship of Ludovico, whose name has recently
been advanced: a marked interest in Tintoretto
has never thus far been found in his drawings.
Likewise, comparison with a drawing executed
by Agostino in these years, the Kneeling Shep-
herd m the Louvre (inv. 7359), preparatory for
the Nativity in the Bolognese church of Santa
Maria della Pioggia, yields interesting results
for understanding how the imagination of
Annibale was marked, even in these years of
F i G. i Polyphemus Attacking the Trojan Fleet, early ifpos, Palazzo Fava, Bologna
shared infatuation with Venetian painting,
by a greater freedom of outline and a greater
degree of fantasy. D B
92
• 2.0 •
• 21 •
21 THIS AND THE FOLLOWING DRAWING
9 5 C A T A L O G U E NOS. I - l 6
22 THIS DRAWINGS OF A SMILING YOUNG
96
• 22 '
•23 •
ANNIBALE MADE THIS COMPOSITIONAL
99 CATALOGUE NOS. I - 2 6
The Oxford painting has generally been NOTES
IOO
• 24 •
^4
P R O V E N A N CE
NOTES
1. Sassuolo 1998, no. 54.
2. Inv. 7625. Another copy in
red chalk heightened with white
is in an American private collec-
tion. See Bloomington and tour
1983-1984, no. 17.
104
•25-
•z6-
26
C O M M I S S I O N E D IN 1587-1588 BY THE details of clothing and musculature combined PROYENANCE
Confraternita di San Rocco for the church with a manifest desire for synthetic simplifica- A.C. Poggi (Lugt 617); Miklós
Esterházy (Lugt 1965); Országos
of San Prospero in Reggio Emilia, the large tion of the faces. Among these sheets, all Képtár (National Picture Gallery),
painting of The Alms of Saint Roch (fig. i) was executed in black chalk, are Seated Man with 1870 (Lugt 2000); Szépmüvészeti
Male Nude Seen not completed until 1595, at the moment of
Múzeum, Budapest, 1906, inv. 1810
a Child and A Man Leaning against a Wall,
from Behind Annibale's final departure for Rome. Ludovico both in the Uffizi,M Young Man Lying on a EXHIBITIONS
3 Budapest 1963, no. 100; Vienna
and Agostino may even have participated, if Bed in Christ Church —the last two are
1967, no. 26; Washington and tour
c. 1593-1594; charcoal heightened the letter from Annibale of 8 July 1595, which on blue paper—as well as the Head of a Young 1985, no. 20; Bologna 1989, no. 12
with white on gray-blue paper, cut indicates that the work had not been completed, Man in Profile in Windsor.4 Of all the identi-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and made up on the left; 365 x 208 is to be believed.1 There is no doubt, however, fied drawings at Oxford, Rotterdam, Paris, Hoffman 1927,142,145-147, fig.
(143/8x8X6) that Annibale was the true author of this com- and Oslo, it is the exhibited sheet that stands 32; Fenyô 1967, 255, no. 26; John-
ston 1971, 82, pi. x; Posner 1971, 2:
position, which brings the Bolognese period out as the most impressive in the energetic
SZÉPMÜVÉSZETI MÚZEUM, 37, under no. 86, pi. 86d
BUDAPEST to a close in authoritative fashion. execution and the expression of the light. The
Few drawings have survived, which is sur- effects studied by Annibale through the undu-
prising given the number of figures that the lation of the contour line, which is both NOTES
1. Posner 1971, 2: no. 86.
artist necessarily studied from studio models. descriptive and dynamic, and the sfumato of
2. Inv. 762 E. (repr. Petrioli Tofani
It is probable that numerous studies were the crumbly black chalk, combined with
1987, no. 762 E.); inv. 12370 F. (repr.
made before the definitive composition was the heightening in white chalk to express the Florence 1973, no. 39, fig. 29).
worked out, a process that is attested to by tension of the muscles, refer more to the 3. Inv. 0479. Repr. Oxford and
drawings that exhibit a striking realism in the drawings of Veronese and Tintoretto than to London 1996-1997, no. 61.
description of the attitudes and in certain those of Titian. A remarkable similarity of 4. Inv. 2242. Wittkower 1952,
no. 36, describes the paper as brown.
spirit links this sheet to the study in the Louvre
5. Inv. 7310. See Paris 1961, no. 29
for Saint Catherine,5 which is preparatory
(not repr.).
for the painting of 1593 in the Pinacoteca
Nazionale in Bologna, The Madonna and Child
with Saints John the Evangelist and Catherine,
thus allowing the consideration of a date
rather close to 1593-1594.
Quite apart from all the scholarly references,
the quiver of life that is felt in even the slight-
est stroke shows to what heights the study of
nature had led Annibale before his installation
in Rome. With the slightly later drawings
of the Camerino a palpable change would
manifest itself, brought about by the daily
confrontation with Raphael and antique
sculpture. CLL
F i G. i The Alms of Saint Roch, 1587/1588-1595, Gemaldegalerie, Dresden
The following year, Annibale and Agostino traveled to the city to sign a con-
already under way. Annibale was inundated with work and unable to commit
before November 1595,' but the cardinal, who could have had any artist in
Cardinal Odoardo Farnese was the second son of Duke Alessandro Farnese,
a brilliant condottiere who had captured Antwerp, thereby securing the south-
ern Netherlands for Spain and the Roman church. In 1592 Odoardo's older
and inherited the splendid Farnese Palace in Rome (fig. i). Ranuccio, however,
resided in Parma, and by the terms of Alessandro s will, Odoardo enjoyed the
right to use, improve, and embellish the palace. With its facade by Antonio
da Sangallo the Younger and Michelangelo, the structure has been called the
the eldest, was head of the family's thriving studio and could not be persuaded
to leave Bologna.3 For Annibale and Agostino, however, Rome offered the
IO9 FEIGENBAUM
stored in the Gallery, interrupting Annibale s work on the
frescoes for about nine months. The sudden revival of the
project in 1599 appears to have been spurred by the impend-
ing marriage of Ranuccio and Margherita Aldobrandini,
niece of Pope Clement vin, which, after a couple of years of
distinctly sour negotiations, was finally set to take place in
Rome in i6oo.6 The Farnese brothers were eager to improve
their chilly relations with the pope, for their ambition was
great—they had aspirations to the English throne—and
they needed papal support.7 They hoped to receive the pope
at the palace either for the engagement or the wedding,
and there was no time to waste. The Sala Grande would be
magnificently adorned for the reception with the deeds
of Duke Alessandro, glorifying the power of the house of the
Farnese in the service of the church. As soon as it became
clear, however, that the pope had no intention of entering
the palace, the project was abruptly halted, leaving the
arrícelo, or rough coat of plaster, exposed, waiting to receive
its fresco decoration.8 Drawings by Annibale have tentatively
been connected with the project, including some usually
associated with the Gallery, such as Cat. 74. The evidence
F i G. i Antonio da Sangallo and Michelangelo, View of the Farnese Palace, 1517-1589, Rome remains rather confusing, perhaps a reflection of the different
moments at which the decoration was projected, only to
of the highest international visibility, and a position in the be dropped.9
center of the grand tradition of Italian art. In 1595, with his plans for the Sala Grande sputtering,
On 2i February 1595, Odoardo wrote to Ranuccio, "I Odoardo devised other projects for the Carracci, whose
have decided to have the sala grande of this palace painted arrival in Rome was imminent. From Parma, where he spent
with the deeds of the duke, our father, of glorious memory, the summer, he wrote to his librarian, Fulvio Orsini, who
by the Carracci, Bolognese painters, whom I have for this lived in the Farnese Palace, about a room to be decorated
reason conducted into my service, and have had them come with stucco and painting.10 He is presumed to have been
to Rome some months ago."4 The Sala Grande was a large referring to his study, a small room, or camerino, on the
room on the piano nobile, or principal story, overlooking north flank of the palace. The comparatively modest nature
the piazza in front of the palace. In 1594 Simone Moschino of the Camerino would not necessarily have required the
was called to Rome to carve a huge marble statue of Duke efforts of both Agostino and Annibale, which may be why
5
Alessandro crowned by victory for the room. There is no Agostino postponed coming to Rome.11
record of further work in the Sala Grande before September The topography of the Camerino ceiling is rather complex,
1599, when its furnishings and pavement were removed and with a coved ceiling penetrated by six triangular spandrels,
no
and lunettes surmounting the four doors and two windows. It Over the course of the sixteenth century the Farnese fam-
is organized into compartments of various sizes and shapes ily had amassed a collection of antiquities that was among
framed by real gilded stucco. Crowning the vault and set into the greatest in the city.15 Antiquities were the privileged mea-
the plaster was an oblong canvas of the Choice of Hercules .^ sure of magnificence in Renaissance Rome, and the size and
Mythological scenes fill the lunettes and subsidiary compart- quality of the Farnese collection put Odoardo in an enviable
ments of the vault. The Farnese impresa of three lilies with position.1 Discussion has naturally focused on Orsini's
a scroll appears in two roundels on the principal axis. Anni- influence on the iconography of the Camerino, and while it
bale filled the space between the compartments with grisaille is possible that his involvement went no further than hand-
grotesque decoration: rinceaux populated by putti, fauns, ing the artist what he had written, it is worth considering
satyrs, and interspersed with masks, birds, and beasts. Oval that he played a more significant role in Annibale s self-edu-
niches with allegorical figures, also in grisaille and in the cation. Although the artist had the reputation of holding
spirit of antique carved gems, are set amid this festive welter. himself aloof from the erudite company that so attracted
The theme of the Camerino is virtue, expressed allegorically Agostino, it is tempting to think that Annibale found Orsini,
through the mythological scenes, and intended to honor the who was nearly seventy, sympathetic, and that he was intently
13
young cardinal. Though the early sources are equivocal, it is curious about the humanist's personal collection of draw-
generally believed that the iconographie program was devised, ings, medals, coins, gems, books, and manuscripts.17 Orsini
as was customary, by a literary adviser, most likely Orsini.14 and Annibale shared an ambition: to educate themselves
about the classical past through its artifacts. Annibale certainly
knew objects in Orsini's collection, drew them, and drew
upon them for his paintings. It is not difficult to imagine
him listening to Orsini as he showed to him or to others the
treasures in his care. Most importantly, Orsini had a vital
role in organizing the systematic presentation of the antiq-
uities within the palace, in designing a serial disposition that
distinguished the simple accumulation of objects from a true
collection.18 Annibale had every reason to pay attention to
this, for the decision to exhibit statues there was the Gallery's
raison d'être, and the inception of Annibale's magnum opus.19
The Gallery occupies the center of a garden facade of the
palace, its three large windows looking out toward the Tiber
River. Like the Sala Grande and the Camerino, it is on the
piano nobile. Its proportions are long and narrow (c. 66 x 21
feet), and it is crowned by a barrel vault just over thirty-two
feet at its highest point (fig. z).20 The basic composition
for the long walls was established before the vault was begun,
though the stucco and painted decoration was carried out
F i G . 2 Annibale Carraca and students, Farnese Gallery, 1597/1598—1608, Palazzo Farnese, Rome only after the vault was complete.
Ill FEIGENBAUM
Annibale s principal charge was to fresco the vault (fig. 3),
which is separated from the walls by a strong, uninterrupted
cornice of gilded stucco. Above the cornice all is painted, but
it is so skillfully illusionistic that a visitor is easily fooled into
believing that parts of the vault are three-dimensional.
Running down the spine of the vault are three large
scenes, a longitudinal compartment with the Triumph of
Bacchus and Ariadne, the central feature, flanked by two
framed octagons of Pan and the Wool and Paris and Mercury.
A second band of pictures intersects the first on the short
axis of the vault. On the coving of the long walls is a frieze
of rectangular compartments with mythological scenes
alternating with feigned bronze medallions. Forming parti-
tions between the units are atlas herms and caryatid figures
painted to look like marble statues who hold up a cornice. At
their feet ignudi, or nude youths, sit on the real cornice.
In the center of each long wall is a quadro riportato, or framed
picture that has been "transported," which feigns to be
propped on the cornice in front of, and obscuring part of, the
frieze. Upright quadri riportati with pendant scenes of
Polyphemus are propped on the cornice of the end walls.
The geometry of the Gallery's vault is challenging because
of the steep curvature. Annibale decided to treat the coving
illusionistically as a continuation of the real walls rather than
as a curved part of the vault. He extended the real pilasters
with loadbearing atlas herms and caryatids in the same scale
as the architectural elements and marble sculpture below.
For inspiration in designing the scheme Annibale called
upon well-known models of Roman ceilings, such as Michel-
angelo's Sistine chapel and Raphael's loggia in the Vatican.
The logic and clarity of Annibale's tectonic design, which
are in contrast to mannerist ceilings of the previous decade,
F i G. 3 Farnese Ceiling, 1597/1598-1601, Palazzo Farnese, Rome
emulate the High Renaissance principles of the Sistine ceil-
ing (fig. 4). Annibale proclaimed his sources proudly. He
appropriated the bronze medallions from the Sistine chapel,
although here they have the green patina of age. The nude
youths lounging on the Gallery's cornice were a frank homage
112
F i G. 5 Pellegrino TibaLdi, Ceiling of the Sala d'Ulisse, c. 1554, Palazzo
Poggi, Bologna
113 F E I G E N B A U M
below. His unsurpassed ability to manipulate light and shade matter of debate.25 Annibale completed the Camerino in
enabled him both to model forms that seemed three-dimen- 1597, and it has been assumed, though never incontrovertibly
sional and to generate habitable space between them. Control demonstrated, that he began work on the Gallery the same
of a consistent lighting system was critical, and the drawings year.26 A project as extensive as the Gallery would have taken
attest that he was preoccupied with the problem from the time to plan, and it is unlikely that Annibale began painting
outset. Not only did the light and shade have to model fig- until I598.27 Work in the Gallery was interrupted in Sep-
ures and space, but they also had to create the illusion of tember 1599 when the Sala Grande project was revived; the
natural sunlight emanating from the windows to illuminate painters' scaffolding was dismantled and the Gallery used as
the ceiling. a storage room for about nine months. Annibale's drawings
The quadri riportati and other painted scenes create a for the Sala Grande, such as Cat. 74, were probably executed
fictive picture gallery that complements the sculpture gallery at this time. In the course of 1600 the scaffolding in the Gal-
ensconced in the room below. Upon entering the room lery was erected again, and the date 18 (or 16) May 1600,
the visitor's eye is attracted everywhere and all at once. The written lightly with a brush then traced in a darker color, may
vault has no narrative sequence. After responding to the refer to the resumption of the painting. Beneath the Poly-
immediate appeal of the crowning feature of the Triumph of phemus and Galatea is written MDC, which has sometimes
Bacchus and Ariadne, the viewer is invited to look where been taken to mark the completion of the work, but if
he pleases, in any order he chooses. The three scenes on the finished, the frescoes were not on view.28 It should be remem-
spine are oriented to the visitor entering from the corridor, bered that work had been interrupted for the better part of a
but in order to see other parts of the ceiling properly, it is year, in 1599-1600, during which time Annibale was occu-
necessary to turn around, and something is always upside pied with some of his most important religious paintings,
22
down. Annibale imposed no single or optimum viewpoint. including the Three Maries at the Tomb (Saint Petersburg, The
The brilliance and unity of the Gallery rely upon its ingenious State Hermitage Museum), meaning his attention to the
aggregation of parts and details. Annibale allowed visitors the Gallery could not have been undivided. Many questions
leisurely pleasures of merely circulating. remain, but the irrefutable evidence of completion is 2 June
Beginning with the central compartment and working 1601, when Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, nephew of the
outward and downward, Annibale executed the vault frescoes pope, reported that he had seen the frescoes unveiled. He
in 227 giornate.^ (Agiornata is the area of fresh wet plaster liked them so well that he ordered a painting from Annibale
to be covered in fresco in a day's working session; each fresh for himself, and rewarded the artist with a gold chain worth
coat of plaster overlaps slightly the previous session's dried two hundred scudi.29
plaster, thus indicating the order and pattern of execution.) With the vault complete, the next phase, the execution
Thegiornate in the Triumph, which is thought to have been of the stucco ornament of the walls, commenced. The
frescoed first, are proportionately more numerous than those author of the wall decoration is unknown. It was not Anni-
in later scenes, as Annibale became more swift and sure in his bale, though he supervised its execution by one Giacomo
4
execution. Jupiter and Juno was completed in two giornate? da Parma to the extent that it was Annibale who signed the
The project, of course, took considerably longer than 227 account book attesting to work done on the walls in May-
days, but precisely when it was begun or finished remains a September i6o3.3°
114
Only after the stucco on the walls was completed did to fulfill his later commissions. It is also part of the explana-
Annibale begin work on the large frescoes of the end walls, tion given for the hardening of Annibale's style, and his
Perseus and Andromeda and Perseus and Phineus. A stylistic increasing reliance on assistants.
and thematic gulf divides the side walls from the vault. The "Omnia vincit amor," or love conquers all, has been
drawings confirm that neither their design nor their subjects accepted as the theme of the Gallery since Bellori published
evolved at the same time. The walls constituted a second his life of Annibale in róyi.34 Ever after scholars have debated
and separate campaign. Beginning with Bellori in the seven- the iconography of the frescoes and proposed widely diver-
teenth century, attempts were made to explain or reconcile gent interpretations.35 At the most literal level, the subjects
the disjunction, but the very discordance reveals and even of the ceiling frescoes are the loves of the gods based primar-
generates new valences of meaning in the Gallery. ily, but not exclusively, on the writings of Ovid. Bellori
The decoration dragged on in a desultory fashion until interpreted the iconographie program of the ceiling, which
1608 with the minor frescoes on the walls, which were exe- is about the power of love, and the program of the walls,
cuted by Annibale's assistants, most notably Domenichino.31 which is about heroic conduct and virtue, as all of one piece.
Agostino, who designed and executed the two large scenes He further insisted that the "entire meaning and allegory of
in the middle of the lateral friezes, does not seem to have the work" depended upon the pairs of cupids in the corners,
32
contributed substantially to other parts of the project; in whose struggles represented the contest of sacred and profane
any case Annibale had grown so annoyed with his brother love. Bellori construed the walls as a moralizing comment in
that they broke with one another and at some point by 1600 which sacred love triumphs over the profane love portrayed
Agostino left Rome to work for Ranuccio Farnese in Parma. in the vault. By contrast, other early writers, such as the
The giornate indicate Agostino's frescoes were painted after painter Salvator Rosa, were struck by the sheer profanity of
the surrounding scenes, suggesting that the vault was nearly the carnal pleasures of the vault and ignored any moralizing
done when he left. note sounded by the walls.36 Both the hedonistic reception
When the vault was complete or nearly so, Cardinal Far- of the Gallery, which either ignores the walls or regards them
nese paid Annibale five hundred scudi. It was a miserly sum. as quite separate, and its antithesis, the moralizing interpre-
According to the early biographers Odoardo had been per- tation rooted in Bellori, have had strong advocates in the
suaded to deduct from his payment room and board for the twentieth century.37
artist and his assistant, as well as his monthly salary for all The quarreling cupids raise troublesome questions. They
the years of work. A payment of five hundred scudi might now seem to represent not sacred and profane love, as Bel-
befit a major altarpiece, but not a masterpiece that had lori believed, but rather Eros and Anteros, or love given and
been three years in the making. Though Annibale, from all love returned.38 Since the preparatory drawings demonstrate
accounts, cared little for money, he must have been stung that Annibale did not introduce pairs of cupids until his
by such an insult. The episode was purported to have caused plans for the vault were well advanced, an interpretation that
Annibale to suffer an emotional collapse from which he did not depend so heavily upon them would be more likely.39
never fully recovered.33 It has been blamed for his poor mental The tone of the ceiling frescoes is lyrical as love renders
and physical health, his melancholy (a modern diagnosis of the gods by turns tender, ecstatic, foolish, jealous, and vul-
his symptoms might be severe depression), and his inability nerable—in short, human. Annibale nevertheless portrayed
115 FEIGENBAUM
them as ideal in their physical perfection, and ennobled pre- from flesh to stone, but he had the wit to change the bod-
cisely in that they appear to be antique statues come to life. ies of the soldiers back into the very ancient sculpture from
In this spirit Annibale's Gallery pays its compliments and which they derived.45 The painter trumps the sculptor by
forms a pendant to Raphael's frescoes in the Villa Farnesina recasting these ancient warriors, victims of Medusa, into
across the Tiber River.40 The comic tone in the Gallery variations on the Apollo Belvedere, the Borghese warrior,
ceiling frescoes is plain to see, but this does not limit them the Belvedere torso, and other famous antique marbles.46
to being "just what they seem."41 Comedy in Renaissance From the men he changed to stone, as Lucian told it, Perseus
thought could function as dissimulation, as a cloak for a created a handsome sculpture gallery. Surely Annibale also
truth or meaning that is different from the text itself, and exploited the metaphor for the sculpture gallery which he,
in much the same way as love, that is erotic love, could sig- as a painter, had created on the vault of the Farnese Gallery
nify sacred love. The rape of Ganymede by Jupiter, which (which was itself a real sculpture gallery) by changing men
appears in the Gallery, was a favorite episode of Renaissance into antique statues, not to mention antique statues that he
Neoplatonic philosophers, for whom it symbolized the rise changed into living men.
of the mortal soul to its union with the divine. This manner Lucian invoked the Medusa as well in his description of
of amplification and explication of literal meaning was fun- a splendidly decorated room, which he praised in its brilliance
damental to text and image analysis in the Renaissance, and of illumination, luster of its gilding, and "the gaiety of its
not confined to the most learned literary, philosophical, or pictures... the frescoes on the walls, the beauty of their colors
theological minds. Iconographie content in the Gallery was and the vividness, exactitude, and truth of each detail." This
not fixed or monolithic. Its interpretation depended upon room, he continued, affects its spectators just as the "beauty
context, upon tone, and upon the play of possible meanings of the Gorgons, being extremely powerful... stunned its
42
of subjects, alone and in relation to one another. beholders, and made them speechless, so that... they turned
The severity of the Perseus scenes on the walls is in strong to stone in wonder."47 A modern such splendid room is, of
contrast to the sunny pleasures on the vault, but they have course, Annibale's Farnese Gallery.
43
been shown to be brilliantly pertinent in their conception. Though the drawings prove that the walls were not
They constitute a painter s commentary on the paragone, a planned until after the vault, once the walls have been shown
debate that flourished throughout the sixteenth century over to offer a profound commentary and a key to the aesthetic
which was the greater art, painting or sculpture: painting was conceit of the entire Gallery, they can no longer be dismissed
conceded to be the more lifelike, and sculpture better able to as projects about which Annibale was apathetic.48 The ques-
achieve perfection of form.44 tion remains as to what the Farnese Gallery is about. One
The paragone prompted Annibale to turn to Lucian thing is certain: each of the leading iconographie interpreta-
rather than Ovid as his source for the scene of Perseus who tions to date works only by ignoring an important part of
challenges Phineus (Andromeda's former suitor) at the the scheme.49
wedding banquet. In Lucian, Perseus conquers not with the If the essential project of the Renaissance was to bring
sword (as in Ovid), but with the severed head of the Medusa, to life the classical past, then Annibale's Farnese Gallery can
which turns to stone anyone who gazes upon it. Death by be understood as a summa and a metaphor of precisely
pétrification enabled Annibale not only to flaunt his—that this endeavor. The culture of humanism and an interest in
is the painter's—skill in portraying a body as it is transformed antiquities were not unknown in Bologna, but there the
116
occupation with the classical past had been peripheral, and medals, in a real or imagined gallery, inspired his ideas for
50
not particularly compelling to the young Carracci. Com- the Farnese vault.51 Annibale made explicit use of Philostratus,
ing to Rome, Annibale found himself at the epicenter of as in the Polyphemus (Cat. 51), where the image is astonish-
the study of the ancient past, surrounded by monumental ingly close in detail to the description; the relationship is
ruins, by a wealth of magnificent marble statuary. A world meant to be recognized.
which from a distance had seemed exaggerated in praise and Where High Renaissance artists like Michelangelo and
importance was now present and overwhelmingly impres- Raphael were intent on reviving the principles of classical
sive. It would transform his art. art in their own work, Annibale worked at a further remove.
Annibale was introduced, perhaps by Fulvio Orsini, to He was attuned not only to the actual remnants of the ancient
the methodology of the humanist, philologist, archaeologist, world, but also to the process that his predecessors had already
and antiquarian. The life's work of such men was to gather performed in transforming their own art through a study
the surviving fragments of poetry and prose, of inscriptions, of antiquity. Although Annibale's insistent references to the
statuary, carved gems or coins, and to study them to try paragons of High Renaissance art have at times been per-
to recover a past that had been buried. Their original context ceived as competitive, they are also tributes to the first artists
had perished and the disjecta membra—scraps of texts, of modem times to participate in the great project of reviving
broken statuary—acquired a new totemic significance as the the classical tradition. He recognized that the contribution of
Renaissance collectors—led by the great cardinals of Rome artists to this endeavor was analogous to, and equal in stature
—and their humanist advisers set about constructing a new to, that of poets and humanists.
context both for their meaning and for their presentation. Though it is never pedantic, the structure of Annibale's
This was the impulse behind the display of sculpture in the ceiling is one of argument, not narrative. It is not a pure vision
Farnese Gallery. It is here proposed that it was also the of antiquity, like that of the High Renaissance artist, but
inspiration for the frescoes. rather self-conscious and displaced. Its ultimate subject is the
It was Annibale's genius to understand, perhaps better process of assembling the detritus of antiquity—bits of
than any other artist, the great Renaissance endeavor to theory, fragmentary statues, literary testimony—and con-
recover the classical past and to bring it to life. Annibale structing its new meaning. There are obvious clues, such as
also recognized how, in so doing, new meanings were gener- the broken-off arm of the marble herm or the bronze medal-
ated. He understood the method by which Ovid's pagan lions that have acquired a verdigris patina. He is working at
myths of carnal love were subjected to a bombardment a historical remove. The disjunctions between visual levels—
of Christian meaning to emerge, transformed and justified, the vault that is and is not solid, the contradictory levels
in Neoplatonic allegories wrested by Renaissance thinkers of illusion, an arrangement in which something is always up-
from the medieval Ovid Moralisée. This is one good way of side down—are counterparts to the shifting interplay
explaining Annibale's brilliant iconographie retrofitting between levels of interpretation: hedonistic, dynastic, Neo-
of the Perseus frescoes and the Virtues into the initial program platonic. The theme is not antiquity itself, but history
of the Gallery. In Orsini's unsurpassed library Annibale refracted through the mentality of the Renaissance. It is the
could hold in his hand the treasured texts that preserved the operation of interpreting antiquity and constructing its con-
voices of ancient writers. He met the texts of Philostratus, text anew, the occupation with the disposition of its physical
whose ekphrasis, or descriptions of paintings, sculpture, and remains, the development of the gloss and the commentary.52
117 FEIGENBAUM
The province of the revival of antiquity, as Annibale 6. Zapperi 1994, 28-36 and 96- Among the many questions the
105, suggested this connection and painting raises is a stylistic one, for
demonstrates, was not limited to poets and writers. Though
characterized the marriage as a it is close in conception to the
the status of the painter, his position in the hierarchy of misalliance. The twelve-year-old work of Ludovico.
culture, had risen in the course of the Renaissance, it lagged bride, who cried at her wedding,
9. For other drawings see Bernini
would have preferred to be a nun,
behind that of the practitioners of the liberal arts, the poets 1968, and Posner i: 165, n. 16, and
suffered from serious health prob-
Cat. 74.
and humanists. Annibale, the least pretentious of artists, lems, and was thought (wrongly)
to be infertile. Scandal had been 10. Martin 1965, 42, transcribes
was also the most ambitious, for in the Farnese Gallery he attached to her father, a parvenu the letter. His remains the most
demonstrated how it was the painter who could best fulfill who nevertheless had hoped for an comprehensive treatment of the
even loftier match than Ranuccio. Camerino, including the prepara-
the goals of the great cultural endeavor of the Renaissance. Odoardo was responsible for con- tory drawings. See also Posner
The Gallery is the project of Renaissance humanism incar- ducting the negotiations leading to 1971, 2: no. 93, and Cats. 27-38
the engagement. The proposal that for further bibliography.
nate. It was the painter who could make the classical past
the Gallery decoration was related 11. Agostino seems to have re-
come alive. to the marriage is discussed below. mained in Bologna until 1597, and
7. Zapperi 1994, 85, argues that does not appear to have had a
Odoardo was not a man of faith hand in the Camerino decoration.
NOTES
but became a cardinal because of 12. The original is now in the
and Agostino were in a different dynastic exigency; that he harbored
position, for professional regula- Pinacoteca Nazionale, Naples,
1. The precise date of Agostino's hopes that he or Ranuccio might
tions barred them from operating having been replaced on the ceiling
arrival in Rome is not known. gain the English throne, and in
an independent studio as long as by a copy. See Cat. 31.
2. The research of the last twenty 1601 Pope Clement was writing
Ludovico was in practice. to support the Farnese cause. If 13. Martin 1965, 23, 24-38.
years has called into question
certain assumptions made in the 4. For the letter see Zapperi 1986, Ranuccio either became king of 14. Martin 1965, 38-48. It was
older, by now standard, literature. 203-205, Uginet 1980,104-107, England or failed to produce an customary where a decoration
A case in point is Malvasia's report and Martin 1965, 9; Odoardo went heir, then Odoardo would stand was complex to supply the artist
that Farnese had called Ludovico on to request that Ranuccio send to inherit the dukedom. with a program invented by a liter-
to Rome, which had been dismissed him a "book of drawings of the 8. Zapperi 1994,104. Malvasia ary adviser, such as the one prepared
as an example of that Bolognese deeds" of Duke Alessandro, which reports that the project was re- by Annibale Caro and Fulvio Orsini
author's preference for Ludovico. was still in Flanders. Zapperi vived again after completion of the for the Farnese villa at Caprarola.
While in modern times Annibale's 1994, 99, also notes that two years Gallery vault, and that Ludovico's Where such programs survive they
fame came to eclipse that of his earlier, on 17 July 1593, he had help had been enlisted; he claims are not uniform in their degree of
brother Agostino and elder cousin written to his brother to request to have seen four drawings Ludo- detail or format, appearing vari-
Ludovico, there is no indication eight paintings dedicated to his vico had done earlier for the project ously as libretti, letters, or notes.
that in 1593 Annibale was more father's deeds, which were among at Annibale's request. His report Bellori was vague on the adviser in
famous or sought after than Ludo- his things from Parma, and which has been dismissed as fiction (Mar- the Camerino, suggesting Mon-
vico. The Carracci passed work Ranuccio seems to have procured tin 1965,19, and Posner 1971, i: signor Giovanni Battista Agucchi.
around freely among themselves for him and sent, but of which 165, n. 15). Recent research attests As Martin argued, this was un-
and proudly presented themselves nothing is heard again. The Sala to Malvasia's reliance on documents likely, especially as Agucchi in his
as a collaborative concern, but in Grande was also called the Salone, and credible informants, however, Tmttato did not even mention the
business affairs the Carracci would or the Sala di Fasti di Alessandro and in other cases where he claims Camerino specifically, whereas
generally be approached through Farnese. to have seen a drawing, it has in Orsini corresponded with Odoardo
Ludovico, who, as eldest, was fact turned up. Bernini 1968, 84- about the Camerino and devised
5. Zapperi 1994, 96-99, reports
caposcuola or head of the studio. that Moschino's project was also 92, published a fragment of a large Odoardo's personal heraldic device
Malvasia's account is now considered interrupted several times and com- painting of the "Allegory of the of the lilies.
accurate. See especially Zapperi pleted in 1598 when the statue was Conquest of Flanders," Gallería 15. Their collection incorporated
1986, 203-205. installed. The room had earlier Nazionale di Sicilia, Palermo (also major collections already formed
3. Ludovico was not inclined to been fitted with a grand and ex- preserved in a Saint-Non engrav- by such families as the Chigi and
trade his stature and autonomy pensive wooden coffered ceiling. ing after a drawing by Fragonard Del Búfalo, and in 1593 they
for life as a court painter; Annibale said to be after Annibale), which acquired the Cesarini antiquities.
he connected with the Sala Grande.
119 FEIGENBAUM
On the collection see Riebesell Robertson 1990, 7-41; Reckermann Hermann-Fiore in Rome 1983 28. See Briganti 1988; Zapperi 1981,
1988, 373-414, and Falguières 1988, 1991; Zapperi 1994. argued persuasively for an attribu- 821-822; Zapperi 1994,121-129.
215-333. tion to Giovanni Alberti and a
21. Malvasia reported that Annibale 29. Zapperi 1981, 821-822. If the
date of 1597. The drawings indicate
16. On the status conferred by col- requested drawings of Tibaldi's vault was finished at that time, as
that even while Annibale was
lections of antiquities see Falguières ceiling from Ludovico, who was in seems to be the case, it is not clear
working in the palace, Odoardo
1988. Odoardo was envied for Bologna, and a few years ago three why there were further payments
was considering having the
both his collection and palace, and sketches after the Sala d'Ulisse made more than a year later, in
Alberti, specialists in illusionistic
this earned him considerable were recognized as the ones Ludo- July 1602, for the removal of the
perspectival ceilings, decorate the
enmity, affecting adversely his rela- vico drew for Annibale, still bear- painters' scaffolding in the Gallery,
Gallery. Whether the Alberti
tionship with the Aldobrandini ing the creases from being folded as also noted in Zapperi.
declined because of their commit-
family and others, for which see up and sent to Rome. Feigen-
ment to paint the Sala Clementina 30. Uginet 1980,105-107.
Zapped 1994,15-18. baum 1992.
in the Vatican, or whether Odoardo 31. Assistants figure in only a very
17. According to his biographers, 22. An anecdote said by Chantelou was so pleased with Annibale's work minor role in the Gallery until the
Annibale was mightily irritated by to have been told by the great in the Camerino that he chose not campaign of the end walls. The
what he saw as Agostino's preten- sculptor Bernini related that to offer the Alberti the project, vault itself is thought to have been
sions, his consorting with literati, Agostino had pressed for a unified is not known. Hermann-Fiore sug- carried out with the minimum of
intellectuals, etc. Agostino was not illusion based on one-point per- gests there was a competition assistance, although it is likely that
yet in Rome, however, and Anni- spective; Annibale responded that between the Alberti and Carracci toward the end of the project
bale's attitude might not have had they should then install a beautiful for the commission.
Annibale permitted a trusted assis-
reason to harden toward his col- chair on the one and only point in
26. See especially Briganti et al. tant to execute minor parts of the
leagues, such as Orsini, who also the room from which the ceiling
1987, 31. Dempsey 1968, following frescoes. See especially Posner 1971,
lived in the palace but of course could be correctly viewed. See also
a suggestion by Tietze, crafted the i: 108-109. Briganti et al. 1987, 42,
held a much higher status in the Posner 1971, i: 96. (A pen drawing
hypothesis, which became widely noted minor passages he believes
hierarchy of service to the cardi- in Chatsworth in which a lone
accepted, that the Gallery consti- were executed by assistants.
nal. Annibale enjoyed access to woman is seated on a chair, with
tuted a kind of visual correlative to Recorded in Malvasia 1678 (1841),
Orsini's collection, and while the Gallery—the walls rather than
an epithalamium, a poem celebrat- i: 405, Bonconti, a former pupil,
working on the Camerino had rea- the vault— sketched in around
ing a marriage, for the wedding complained that Annibale received
son to consult with him. Orsini her is curiously evocative of this
of Ranuccio and Margherita Aldo- only ten scudi a month and his
also oversaw the restoration of the story.) Annibale's ridicule may not
brandini. Dempsey 1987, 34-35, portion (of bread and wine) and
statuary, an enterprise that would have been directed only at his
qualified his suggestion in light of for this "labored and pulled the
have attracted Annibale. brother, but also at the Alberti
new evidence presented by Zapperi cart all day like a horse, and
who were famous for their illusion-
18. See especially Falguières 1988 and others regarding the chronol- painted loggie, small rooms and
istic perspectival ceilings and had
on the development and disposition ogy of the engagement and wed- large, pictures and altarpieces and
been considered by Odoardo to
of the cardinal's collections of ding. Zapperi 1994 demonstrated works worth a thousand scudi,
decorate the Gallery. The jibe
antiquities. that in 1597 any anticipation of and he is exhausted, and cracking
may also have been aimed at the
celebrating the marriage would under this, and has little appetite
19. See Riebesell 1988 for the sug- competition.
have been unlikely, and the negoti- for such servitude—"
gestion that Annibale was advising
23. Briganti 1988, 65-72, published ations were desultory and sporadic
Odoardo on the redisposition of 32. The most recent study of
and discussed the diagram of the until the contract was finalized in
the antiquities in the palace. Agostino's contribution is in Lon-
giornate. mid-1599, at which moment work don 1995. Annibale made some
20. The literature on the Gallery is in the Gallery was abruptly halted
24. Briganti 1988, 65-72. revisions to Agostino's designs.
of course extensive, and the fol- —hardly evidence for a decoration
lowing list of principal and recent 25. There is complicating evidence intended to celebrate the wedding. 33. This story, which has been so
bibliography, to which this writers in drawings by one of the Alberti, The engagement seems to have often repeated from Baglione 1642,
brief essay is deeply indebted, is which are clearly for the Farnese been the impetus instead for work 108, to Bellori, to the present day,
not complete: Bellori 1672; Tietze Gallery. See especially the drawing on the Sala Grande. raises many questions, not least
1906-1907, 49-182; Martin 1965; in the Berlin Kupferstichkabinett of which why Annibale continued
published by Vitzthum (without 27. This date is written below the to work for Farnese for several
Dempsey 1968,1981, 1995; Posner
1971; Marzik 1986; Briganti et al. specifying which of the brothers) scene of Glaucus and Scylla with a more years and to live in the palace.
1987; Briganti 1988, 65-72; Fuma- and dated to c. 1594-1595, subse- quick brush dipped in red earth. Further research is warranted to
roli 1988,163-182; Hughes 1988, quently accepted by Martin and Briganti et al. 1987, 32. verify the accuracy or completeness
335-348; Morel 1988,115-148; Dempsey who assigned it to Cher- of this story, which has become
ubino Alberti, the best known. a legend.
120
34- Bellori wrote a commentary 38. Dempsey 1968. Dempsey and Reckermann pointed terms of poetics, as a "mine of
(reprinted in Malvasia) to accom- out, her closed interpretation fails epigrams and potential ekphrasis"
39. The theme of reciprocal love
pany a set of engravings of the to take context, tone, or the his- Fumaroli 1988. His model of a
is not altogether in accord with
Gallery by Carlo Cesio in 1657, torical situation fully into account more open view of the content and
that of the loves of the gods or love
but his account in the Vite is more and is severely limited. Annibale format of the ceiling has influ-
conquers all, which also suggests
exhaustive. Unlike the Camerinos must have been aware, however, enced this writer's conception of
that it was an afterthought or
tightly unified program, probably of this tradition regarding the Tri- Annibale's achievement.
modification to the initial icono-
dictated by Orsini, the Gallery's umph of Bacchus, which had been
graphical program. Dempsey s 50. The Carraccïs postille are at
iconography is open, its components intended to occupy a major,
brilliantly argued case for the times derisive of artists' obsessions
more freely orchestrated. See espe- though not the central, position
iconography of the frescoes does with antique statuary at the expense
cially Robertson 1990 and Hughes of the ceiling from the outset.
not reconcile or enter into the of nature. See Fanti 1979 and 19803,
1988. Though Orsini has been sug-
question of a disparity between 43. Probably because they are less and Perini 1990,158-164.
gested as author (Martin), he was
the themes. attractive and may have been car-
no longer living in the palace. It 51. Philostratus has long been rec-
ried out partly by assistants, schol-
is likely that Annibale himself 40. In recent research on Odoardo's ognized as a source for Annibale,
arship has tended to treat them as
devised the program, consulting a Palazzetto, a pavilion behind the in both the individual descriptions
less important. Scott 1988 has illu-
literary adviser for help and critique. palace garden across the Via Giulia, or "ekphrasis" of works, and in the
minated their remarkable content.
it has emerged that the palace and description of a gallery of paint-
35. See, in modern times, Tietze,
especially the Gallery was to have 44. For a contemporary summa- ings. See especially the analysis of
Martin, Dempsey, Posner, Scott,
been physically and conceptually tion of theparagone see Varchi Fumaroli 1988.
Marzik, Robertson, Reckermann,
connected to the Farnesina by a 1549. Scott 1988 provides further
as in note 20, above. 52. In 1600 the Renaissance was at
footbridge across the Via Giulia to bibliography.
an end, and the Gallery reflects a
36. Cesáreo 1892, i: 249, quoted in the Palazzetto (which contained
45. Scott 1988. historical consciousness of this late
Martin 1965, 83, n. 2. paintings by Annibale, notably
moment in which even the central
the Sleeping Venus), and a second 46. Scott 1988.
37. For the "hedonistic" tradition: metaphor of Renaissance painting
bridge across the Tiber River to 47. Lucian, De Domo (The Hall),
Tietze 1906-1907 found Bellori's as an open window to a view of
gardens on the Trastevere bank I: 9. Lucian s explicit association of
allegorical interpretation strained, nature or reality is given a new
and thence to the gardens of the the pétrification of spectators of
arguing that the frescoes were gloss. In the interplay of the quadri
Farnesina. See Whitfield 1981. An the Medusa with that of spectators
purely about the power of love and riportati, the fictive levels of frame
unpublished paper on this subject in the beautiful hall is not noted
the artist's opportunity to paint and frieze, the bravura of the illu-
given by Stephen Pepper at the in Scott, but it increases the specific
appealing love scenes with nude sionism paradoxically emerges as
National Gallery, London, came relevance of Lucian's theme to
figures; Dempsey 1968 explained it a negation of depth. It is a new
to the author's attention too late Annibale's work.
as a "satire on the gods," and in statement of painting as pure
to be considered here.
1995 invoked the "lyric sentiment representation without thickness
48. Scott 1988 argues that the sepa-
of love." Posner 1971, i: 94, stated, 41. This point is made by Recker- ration of walls and vault in modern or objecthood. Morel 1988.
"Dempsey has shown that [the mann 1991, chap. 2, which deals analysis is artificial and invalid,
frescoes] mean just what they with Renaissance interpretation of suggesting a tightly planned inte-
seem" without any "hidden reli- myth as concealed truth. gration. Nevertheless, the technical
gious or moralizing message." For evidence of the drawing indicates
42. See Bellori, Dempsey 1968 and
the moralizing or "philosophical" that the artist came to the Perseus
1995, Robertson 1990, and Fuma-
tradition: Martin 1965 accepts, for theme after his plans for the vault
roli 1988. For the most compre-
the most part, Bellori's account; were realized. See also Robertson
hensive and synthetic discussion
Marzik 1986 proposes that the 1990, who offers an alternate inter-
see Reckermann 1991. Marzik 1986
Gallery functions as a "Repràsen- pretation of the Gallery's lack of an
argued that a palace gallery as a
tationsraum" and that the decora- iconographie coherence, demon-
Repràsentationsraum or state
tion must therefore be a political strating that unity was not always
room functioned traditionally as a
panegyric to celebrate the Farnese. crucial to Renaissance patrons.
locus for the political glorification
See especially Reckermann's (1991)
of the dynasty of the proprietor. 49. Hughes 1988 points this out in
perceptive chapter, "Die Galleria
The Triumph of Bacchus was a his astute piece on "reading" the
Farnese im Spiegel Ihrer Interpre-
traditional subject for such a pane- Farnese Gallery. The present essay,
tationsgeschichte," 11-60, on the
gyric, and Marzik places the Farnese owing to limitations of space, gives
history of the interpretation, serio-
Gallery in the same context. As little attention to Marc Fumaroli's
comic, Neoplatonic, political, and
otherwise. brilliant reading of the ceiling in
121 FEIGENBAUM
• ^7 •
IN THE AUTUMN OF 1595 ANNIBALE act as frames for the three main figurative scenes.
arrived in Rome, where he was given lodgings The most important intersections in this net-
in the Palazzo Farnese and commissioned to work are distinguished by roundels with Car-
decorate the ceiling of a room on t\\e piano dinal Farnese's impresa—three purple lilies,
nobile, the Camerino Farnese. This may well which Annibale actually rendered as irises—
have been the cardinals private study; in any accompanied by the Greek motto 0E00EN
case, he was actively involved in planning its ATEA NOM AI, "By God's aid I grow" (fig. i).3
Decorative Orsini conceived the iconographical scheme, bands are already in place, delineating the span- EXHIBITIONS
which subtly flatters the young prelate by pre- drels and roundels as well as the central rectan- Bologna 1956, no. 144, pi. 70;
Framework senting him as a new Hercules, while holding gular compartment, where he painted the Oxford and London 1996-1997,
no. 75
up examples of virtuous behavior to him. No Choice of Hercules (see Cat. 31). Here the artist
1595-1596; two types of black chalk doubt it was also Orsini who supplied Anni- concentrates on the ornament that would fill the BIBLIOGRAPHY
with pen and brown ink (in the Bodmer 1937,146; Wittkower 1952,
bale with the appropriate figurative models for spaces within the stucco bands, an exuberant 133, no. 280, pi. 60; Martin 1956,
central medallion and reinforcing the
the mythologies and personifications that the decoration of scroll-like foliage, which was to 93,103, fig. 29; Bacou in Paris 1961,
putto and part of the spandrel at 2 37, under no. 53; Martin 1965, 240,
artist depicted there (see Cats. 28 and 34). be painted in grisaille in imitation of stucco. As
right), heightened with white, on no. 2, fig. 102; Cooney and Mala-
The Camerino is a small room, almost is often noted, this playful stucco finto has its farina 1976,106, fig. 87(1)
gray-green paper, laid down;
twice as long as it is wide (about 15 x 30 feet). roots in antique reliefs, but Annibale s immedi-
232 x 363 (9 1/8 x 14 1/4)
The coved ceiling, which flattens out in the ate models were northern Italian, not Roman:
HER MAJESTY QUEEN NOTES
center, has six triangular spandrels—two on Mantegnas Camera degli Sposi in Mantua was
ELIZABETH II 1. Martin 1956,112, appendices n
each side and one at each end—over lunette- an important precedent, as was the nave deco- and in.
shaped fields above the doors and windows. ration of Parma Cathedral.4 Newly arrived in 2. Martin 1956,109-111.
To make a coherent decorative entity of this the papal city, Annibale evidently still had vivid 3. This impresa had been
complex shape, Annibale devised an ingenious recollections of Emilian art. invented for Cardinal Farnese
by Fulvio Orsini in 1592 (cf.
scheme. Molded, gilt-stucco bands rise from The main elements of the scheme are
Martin 1956,106-107; Pastou-
the corners to divide the ceiling into compart- already in place in the Windsor drawing, yet reau 1981, 445-448).
ments of different shapes and at the same time many more studies must have intervened 4. Tietze 1906-1907, 70; Witt-
before Annibale was ready to tackle the final kower 1952,133; Posner 1971, i: 80.
124
•28-
•29 ·
Incised lines in the present example are
29
THE TRIANGULAR SPANDRELS ABOVE P R O V E N A N CE
the lunettes at either end of the Camerino clearly visible by raking light, which proves it Domenico Zampieri, called II
Domenichino; Francesco Raspan-
Farnese contain allegorical figures in oval was used for transfer. Yet there are significant tino; Carlo Maratti; Giovanni
wreaths, painted in gold and set among the discrepancies between the painted figure and Francesco Albani, Pope Clement xi;
A Putto with rich stucco finto ornament that Annibale the cartoon. The painted putto does not hold
purchased in 1762 by King George
in of England (Windsor Inv.
a Cornucopia sketched in Cat. 27. Two matching putti hold- his own cornucopia, as he does in the draw- Ms. A, 75); Royal Library, Windsor,
ing cornucopias are seated on the ovals, which ing; rather, he reaches over to grasp that of his inv. 2024
c. 1596-1597; black chalk height- are supported by armless sirens. This drawing twin, so that the two are intertwined. More- EXHIBITIONS
ened with white on brown paper and the next (Cat. 30) are fragments of a over, the cartouchelike frame on which the Bologna 1956, no. 146
(three sheets of irregular size cartoon for these subsidiary figures. Both putto sits becomes an oval wreath in the fresco. BIBLIOGRAPHY
joined together), partly incised entered the Royal Library from the Albani col- These discrepancies show that Annibale was Vittoria 1703 (1841), 16; Wittkower
1952, 2i, 133, no. 282, pi. 59; Mar-
for transfer and laid down; lection in 1762, and had probably always open to other design possibilities up until the
tin 1956, 93; Bacou in Paris 1961,
528 x 396 (20 3/4 x 15 9/16) been together. Yet only this drawing is listed last moment, and was willing to make changes 37, under no. 53; Martin 1965,
in the inventory of Francesco Raspantino, if need be even at the cartoon stage. Without 240-241, no. 4, fig. 107; Robertson
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
in Oxford and London 1996-1997,
ELIZABETH II from which most of the Carracci drawings examining the vault of the Camerino at close 127, under no. 78
later owned by Albani derive.1 range, it cannot be determined whether he
As full-scale working drawings, cartoons prepared a completely new cartoon or simply
NOTES
represent the last stage in the preparation of a improvised with brush in hand. However,
1. "Chartone d'un Putto con
fresco. They were intended to help transfer given that both Cats. 29 and 30 prepare sub- fogliami" (Spear 1982, i: 341, fol.
the image to a ceiling or wall. The most com- sidiary figures that were repeated at either end 29v). According to Vittoria 1703
(1841), both cartoons belonged to
mon means of doing so were by pricking holes of the Camerino in mirror image, most likely
Carlo Maratti, who is known to
in the image s contours and dusting them Annibale executed new cartoons. If that was have purchased the Raspantino
lightly with chalk powder, or by using a stylus indeed the case, the incisions in this drawing collection.
to indent the outlines into the freshly applied were made while transferring the image not to 2. For more technical informa-
tion on cartoons, see London 1995,
plaster. To make it easier to handle, the car- plaster but to another cartoon. CVT 5-6, and the relevant bibliography
toon was often cut into smaller pieces, so the cited there.
design could be transferred section by section.2
128
•30-
•3i •
THE CENTER OF THE CAMERINO S composition, flanked by the two rivals.2 This
vault was reserved for an oil painting on can- allowed the artist to represent not only the
vas depicting The Choice of Hercules (fig. i). young hero's momentary indecision, but also
The original was removed in 1662, when the (in the background) the emblems of the rewards
most important art works from the Palazzo promised by Pleasure and Virtue: a lovely
Farnese were sent to Parma, and is now in the but impenetrable grove of trees, and a barren
Galleria Nazionale di Capodimonte in Naples. mountain on whose summit the winged horse
divergent approaches to drawing. The Carracci Paris 1961, no. 54, pi. xin; Chicago
The approximate date is significant espe-
1979-1980, no. 9; Paris 1987, no. 92;
c. 1596; pen and brown ink on had reputations as indefatigable draftsmen, cially with regard to the landscape sketch Paris 1995,119-120, no. 28
beige papery laid down; 23 ox 3/9 who even drew during meals, "bread in one opposite the figure. Securely dated landscape
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(9 fax 14%) hand and chalk or charcoal in the other," in drawings by Annibale are few and far between; Lumet and Rambosson 1911, i:
the words of Malvasia. Nor is there any doubt this one, therefore, serves as a benchmark no. 22; Vitzthum 1962, 76, fig. 24;
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE,
Bacou 1964, 44, n. 10; Martin
that drawing was the basis of their successful for his landscape style at the beginning of his
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS 1965, 241, no. 7, fig. 106; Johnston
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS revitalization of art.2 Yet apparently Annibale Roman period. 1969, 73, fig. 3; Arquié-Bruley,
did not engage in casual, unpremeditated The perspective construction with a domed Labbé, and Bicart-Sée 1987, 2:165;
(~Lr\\Act-e*\n rr»QQ TTT Tr-> inrr Ti/C
sketching as a stimulus to invention to the same church must predate the other motifs on the
extent as his brother. His approach to drawing sheet. The buildings were apparently rendered
is more purposeful and less capricious; one freehand before the artist decided to overlay N OTES
might almost call it utilitarian. A drawing like them with a grid, which is itself quite free. This 1. See, for instance, several draw-
ings at Windsor (Wittkower 1952,
this one—random combinations of unrelated was followed by the landscape sketch, which nos. 131-142).
motifs not necessarily connected with paint- overlaps the perspective lines at the left and 2. Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 334.
ings—is therefore something of a rarity, espe- in turn continues beneath the figure of Her-
cially since it can be dated fairly precisely. The cules, which must have been added last of all.
one motif that does relate directly to a painted The purpose of the diagram at bottom right
work is the nude at bottom right. It has been is unclear; it may, as Martin suggested, be a
pointed out that this is an early thought for representation from below of the window em-
the dying Hercules on his funeral pyre, painted brasure on which the Death of Hercules was
to be painted. Equally equivocal are the studies
of a grasshopper at top right. CVT
132
•32-
•33 '
THE CENTRAL CANVAS ON THE CAM- studies were known for this figure alone; Bel-
erino ceiling, the Choice of Hercules, is flanked lori saw them as characteristic of Annibale
by two oval frescoes, the one depicting Her- whenever he "was unable to realize at once in
cules Supporting the Sphere (fig. i), the other his work the perfect conception he had in
Hercules Resting. As Bellori explains, the image mind."3 A Roman statue of Atlas, then in the
of Hercules upholding the heavens is a refer- Farnese collection, provided the artist with
ence to the virtues of the contemplative life, the basic model. But the globe supported by
globe, and Euclid on the right, holding a pair body. The attitude is close to the final concep-
of compasses. tion, but the right arm is still unresolved and
NOTES
Of the ten surviving drawings for the fresco, the head is set somewhat lower. More impor- 1. Bellori 1976, 50 (1672, 36).
most concern the central figure of Hercules. tantly, the study is a consummate example of 2. Martin 1956, 96.
In the seventeenth century, at least twenty foreshortening. CVT 3. Bellori 1976, 91-92 (1672, 81);
the translation is Martin's, 1965,
180. Vittoria 1703 (1841), 15-16,
refers to "over twenty studies of this
Hercules" in the collection of
Angeloni. In his day, the cartoon
was owned by Carlo Maratti.
34
P ROVENANCE
of the Cenyrean stag, the three-headed dog Annibale's handling of antique sources. It was Bertrand Talabardon, Paris; Cleve-
Cerberus, and the head of the Erymanthian during his first years in Rome that the artist land Museum of Art, Leonard C.
Hanna, Jr. Fund, inv. 1997.52
boar. The hero gazes at a sphinx seated oppo- gradually forged that combination of natural-
Hercules Resting site him on a block of stone inscribed, in ism and classicism that has always been re- BIBLIOGRAPHY
Greek, with "Toil is the bringer of sweet rest." garded as one of his greatest achievements. We De Grazia 1998 a; De Grazia 19988,
296-297, figs. 2 and 3
According to Giovanni Pietro Bellori, this know he deeply pondered the ancient sculp-
c. 1596-1597; black chalk height-
ened with white on brown paper,
tranquil scene, with its allusions to the hero's
partially incised and laid down; * toil and strife, paradoxically signifies the vita
15 3
$54 x 5/7 (13 /i6 x 20 /s) activa. Within the decorative context of the
Camerino, Hercules Resting has been interpreted
THE CLEVELAND MUSEUM
as an admonishment to exercise power and
OF ART, LEONARD C. HANNA,
136
•34 '
NOTES
138
35
ONE OF THE PLACES WHERE ULYSSES color" a chain of events that a poet could nar- P ROYENANCE
and his companions dropped anchor on their rate at length. 1 Francesco Angeloni; Pierre
Mignard; Pierre Crozat (sale, Paris,
quest for Ithaca, after the fall of Troy, was the Like the other lunettes, the scene illustrates 10 April-13 May 1741, under no.
fabulous island of Aeae, home of the sorceress a moral lesson. Circe, her throne adorned 473); Pierre-Jean Mariette (sale,
Ulysses, Mercury, Circe. In the tenth book of the Odyssey, Homer
Paris, 15 November 1775, part of
with images of Venus and Cupid, personifies
no. 311); French royal collection;
and Circe describes how Circe gave Ulysses' men a magic Lasciviousness; she has the power to reduce Musée du Louvre (Lugt 1899 and
potion to drink that turned them into swine. men to beasts. Helped by the god of Reason, 2207), inv. 7203
c. 1596-1597; black chalk height- Only the hero himself escaped, thanks to Ulysses overcomes this vice. The moral is EXHIBITIONS
an antidote, the mythical herb moly, he had encapsulated in the painted medallion above Paris 1866, no. 155
ened with white on gray-blue paper
(watermark: M in an escutcheon); received from Mercury. Impervious to her the fresco, a representation of Chastity. BIBLIOGRAPHY
375 x 525 (14 3A x 2011/i6) magic, Ulysses forced Circe to restore his com- An unusually large number of drawings doc- Tietze 1906-1907, 69; Wittkower
1952,133, under no. 283; Martin
Inscribed in pen and brown ink panions to their human shape. uments the evolution of Annibale's thoughts
1956, loo, n. 56; Mahon in Bologna
at lower right: 3 One of the Camerinos lunettes depicts the for the composition. A quickly drawn pen con- 1956,102, under no. 136; Bacou
moment when Circe hands Ulysses the magic cetto in the Louvre shows that he settled on in Paris 1961, 35, under no. 49;
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, Martin 1965, 244, no. 21, fig. 123;
potion (fig. i). Unseen by either, Mercury the basic scheme early in the creative process.2 Bacou in Paris 1967,184-185,
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS reaches over the hero's shoulder to drop the Circe is in profile on the left, seated on a under no. 31; Posner 1971, i: 82, 2:
pi. 92g; Rosenberg 1981,132;
antidote into his cup. As it happens, there is no raised throne. A few rapid pen lines suggest
Goldstein 1988,136,139, 218, n.
such incident in the Odyssey, for there Mercury the setting of a pillared hall. The sorceress 72, fig. m; Rangoni 1991, no. 10
gives Ulysses the moly well before his encounter hands the potion to Ulysses, who stands before
with the sorceress; in the fresco, Annibale con- her, while Mercury reaches over the hero's
flated the two incidents. Bellori highly com- right shoulder from behind to drop the anti-
mended the scene, because it conveys "in mute dote into the poisoned cup.
tion. Annibale's greatest challenge was appar- shifted the figures of Ulysses and Mercury 1. Bellori 1976, 55 (1672, 42).
ently to find a satisfactory way to distribute to the lunette s right half, resolving the prob- 2. Musée du Louvre, inv. 7211;
Martin 1965, no. 20.
the three figures across the lunette, while keep- lem of the unoccupied space but creating
3. Musée du Louvre, inv. 7201;
ing the attention focused on the all-important another awkward gap in the middle of the Martin 1965, no. 22.
cup. In the aforementioned concetto, the figures composition. To bridge it, Circe's left arm had
4. Rosenberg 1981,132-136, fig. 2;
are gathered into one sculptural grouping, to be lengthened unnaturally. A subsequent formerly in the Mathias Polakovits
which leaves about half the available space study, again in the Louvre, illustrates the final collection, sold in Paris, Hôtel
Drouot, 4 March 1988, no. 134, repr.
solution.3 Ulysses is brought back to the cen-
5. A pen drawing closely depen-
ter, narrowing the gap between him and dent on the exhibited sheet is in
Circe, and the space at the right is filled with the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart (inv.
c89 /36o8; Hôper 1992, 85, no. D 10,
a subsidiary figure, one of Ulysses' hapless
repr.); it may be the work of
companions, cast as a nude male figure with a Francesco Albani. An elaborate
swine's head. In the present drawing the composition at Windsor Castle,
developing ideas culled from
sailors are glimpsed in the right background, the Camerino fresco, has been
behind a low parapet. The last drawing in attributed to Ludovico Carracci
in the past but is now generally
this unusually complete sequence is a privately
thought to be by Albani as well
owned design that approximates the final (inv. 2122; Wittkower 1952, no. 35,
redaction and is squared for enlargement.4 pi. 5). What may be an early
sketch for the Windsor drawing
The verso of the sheet bears sketches that was exhibited in Edinburgh
relate to other scenes on the Camerino ceiling. 1972, no. 23, repr., as by Annibale.
The large head study to the right served
for the father in the lunette of the Catanian
Brothers. To the left is a sketch for the oars-
VERSO Two Oarsmen and a Head of a Bearded Man, black chalk heightened with white men in Ulysses and the Sirens (see Cat. 37).
The theme of Circe and Ulysses was taken
up by Annibale's pupils and followers. Over
time, these drawings were given to the master
himself.5 CVT
and sixteenth-century sources such as Ripa sketched in chalk are rare among Annibale's 1. Sale catalogue of the collection
of Pierre Crozat, 1741, no. 473:
interpreted the subject as yet another example drawings. CVT
"Quatre Desseins pour les tableaux
of Virtue triumphant over Vice—the overall du Cabinet Farnèse; savoir le
theme of the room.2 In modern times, Hein- Bellerophon, l'Atlas, & deux pen-
sées différentes pour la Circé."
rich Bodmer was the first to draw attention
2. Ripa 1603, s.v. Virtu-, Martin
to the sheet. His characterization of it as an 1956,103.
142
· 36 ·
•37-
37
ONE LUNETTE IN THE CAMERINO there is little difference between the poses of P R O V E N A N CE
the figures on this sheet and in the final paint- Pierre Crozat; Pierre-Jean Mariette
shows Ulysses bound to the mast of his ship,
(sale, Paris, 15 November 1775, part
struggling to free himself from the ropes as he ing. Evidently Annibale had already decided of no. 311); French royal collection;
listens to the dangerously seductive song of just how much of the figures to include by the Musée du Louvre (Lugt 1899 and
Two Oarsmen time he made this drawing from life, as there
2207), inv. 7324
the sirens (fig. i). The goddess Minerva stands
behind him, a further safeguard against temp- are no superfluous details—with the charac- EXHIBITIONS
c. 1596-1597; black chalk height- Paris 1866, no. 166; Bologna 1956,
tation, while his companions, their ears plugged teristic exception, as Martin noted, of a realis-
no. 140, pi. 67; Paris 1961, no. 48;
ened with white chalk on gray
with wax, struggle to row the ship safely out tic touch: the right-hand rower's left foot Chicago 1979-1980, no. 10
paper, laid down, the lower right
of danger. braced against the bench in front.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
corner cut and made up; 246x 382
On the verso of another sheet in the Louvre, The artist's main concern here is to fix the Tietze 1906-1907, 68; Bodmer 1937,
(çn/i6xisiï6)
Annibale made a rapid initial sketch for the contours of the figures and to see how the 147; Popham 1939-1940, 7; Witt-
1 kower 1952,134, under no. 285; Mar-
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, rowers in the ship's bow. From it the exhib- light, which throws the muscles of the sailors tin 1965, 245-246, no. 26, fig. 129;
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS
ited drawing was developed. It represents an into relief, can be used to enhance the sense Schilling and Blunt 1971,134
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS
advanced stage in the fresco's preparation: of physical exertion. CVT
NOTES
i. Cat. 35.
cartoon Annibale prepared for the lunette curve and heighten our awareness of the phys- Lord Spencer (Lugt 1531); Richard
Payne Knight; bequeathed by him
depicting Ulysses and the Sirens in the Camerino; ical strain. Annibale had first sketched his to the British Museum in 1824,
it shows the helmsman steering the hero's head a little lower on the paper, then moved it inv. Oo. 3-6
A Helmsman ship. In the fresco, this figure wears a leather higher up and further to the right. EXHIBITIONS
tunic—the neckline and sleeves are lightly This section of the cartoon consists of four Manchester 1982, no. 121; London
c. 1596-1597; black chalk or charcoal indicated in the cartoon—and a helmet. 1995; Oxford and London 1996-
irregular pieces of faded paper joined together.
with traces of white heightening on
1997, no. 77
Below the man's left elbow the figure of Nep- A fifth piece, which presently forms the top
gray paper (four sheets of irregular BIBLIOGRAPHY
tune holds his trident—part of the boats relief right corner of this section, derives from the
size joined together), partly incised; Popham 1939-1940, 7-8, pi. 6;
7
decoration that appears in a slightly different original cartoon but does not belong in this Wittkower 1952,134, under no. 285;
443 x 450 (17 /i6 x 18 Vi6)
position in the fresco. Traces of incising, espe- position; it may have been added to make a Mahon in Bologna 1956,104,
under no. 140; Bacou in Paris 1961,
THE BRITISH MUSEUM, cially around the man's neck and arms, show rectangle when the cartoon was cut up into
35, under no. 48; Martin 1965,
LONDON
that the design was transferred to the wet salable—or salvageable—pieces. The dis- 246, no. 28, fig. 131; Cooney and
plaster by indenting the main outlines with coloration of the paper suggests the British Malafarina 1976,107, fig. 87 N2;
Turner 1980, no. i
a stylus or some other pointed instrument. Museum section was displayed for a long time,
A drawing by Annibale in the Louvre is an the prized possession of an early collector,
earlier study from life for the helmsman, perhaps. CVT NOTES
which was used with only a few adaptations in i. Musée du Louvre, inv. 7334;
Martin 1965, no. 27, fig. 130.
the cartoon.1 Such changes as were made—
altering the angle of the figure's head, raising
his left elbow, and adding volume to his back
146
•38-
•39 •
IN DEVISING A DECORATIVE SCHEME and the massing of animated figures and
for the ceiling of the Farnese Gallery, Anni- decorative motifs, the awkward join would be
bale had to confront the technical challenges masked rather than bridged. How Annibale
posed by its steeply curved coving. The geom- intended to coordinate a continuous frieze on
etry of the corners and short end walls created the long walls with this independent com-
particularly awkward fields for fresco. Anni- partment on the ends is difficult to understand.
bale s struggle with the stereography of the Recognizing the problem, he discarded the
departure for the principal study in pen. It in Cat. 39. A fleur-de-lis pattern covers the Tietze 1906-1907,104-105, pi. iv;
and brown ink on cream paper;
Weizsàcker 1936, i: pi. 147, fig.
388 x 264 (15 lAx ID %) includes a herm towering over two putti, background surface. The fleur-de-lis decoration 167; Wittkower 1952,137, under
who hold an oval shield with Cardinal Far- was discarded in the fresco, and its rejection no. 294; Martin 1965,195-196,
Inscribed in pen and brown ink
251, no. 50, fig. 155; Whitfield 1981,
at top center: 88; and at left: alii nese's impresa of lilies and a banderole. is significant. Annibale illusionistically defined
325, n. 53; Rangoni 1991, 65, no. 3;
(vertically); J Francesc (upside Working in pen over the red chalk nota- the surface level, the skin of the ceiling itself, Bologna 1998, under no. 28 a/b,
down); annn (upside down); on the tions Annibale elaborated a comprehensive adorned with fictive engaged medallions and 106, n. 9
verso, inscribed in pen and brown solution for one of the short ends of the vault plaster moldings. He then established a space
ink at left center (vertically): 89 (fig. i). Anchored by the corner he had estab- in front of tliis surface, in which exist the over-
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE,
lished, he drew a balustrade surmounted by a lapping quadri riportati and the lively popula-
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS single putto holding a shield. An atlas herm tion of statues and ignudi. In the drawing with
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS supports the corner, and while no connection
has been devised between him and his chalk
counterpart, who leans sharply inward, the dis-
connected hand on his proper right shoulder
foretells the ultimate solution of embracing
herms bridging the corners. An ignudo perched
on a block overlaps the herm, enhancing the
illusion of depth and habitable space in this
area. The central feature, a large vertical com-
partment, is indicated by its framing. With
typical economy Annibale drew no more than
was necessary, just the corners and the mask,
to clarify the position and motifs. The framed
compartment appears to overlap a roundel
with a figurai scene. Significantly, Annibale
had first drawn the entire roundel in red chalk,
which suggests that the idea of overlapping
was born in the process of drawing, where the F i G. i Farnese Ceiling, Detail of North Wall, c. i$o//i^o8—1601, Palazzo Farnese, Rome
150
•40 •
solution, which was used on the longitudinal NOTES
152
4i ANNIBALE USED BLACK CHALK FOR
VERSO Decorative Motif and a Study of a Leg, black chalk (for the decorative motif)
and pen and brown ink (for the leg)
153 C A T A L O G U E N O S . 2 7 - 6 1
•41 •
Drawn on the verso in black chalk is a NOTES 6. The recto bears the number 98,
1. This discussion is indebted to identifying it as part of the Angel-
standing putto who curls his upper body around
Thiem's incisive analysis of this oni collection. Although there was
an oval. Above and below are horizontal fram- sheet and its role in the develop- more than one Angeloni album,
ing lines indicating they are part of a frieze. ment of the frieze (1985). and thus more than one drawing
may bear the same number, Thiem
A second, clearly winged, putto appears to 2. Thiem 1985 tentatively con-
connected the present sheet with
nected this with the figure of Juno
flank another oval medallion below. Quickly Louvre 7197, Angeloni no. 94,
in Jupiter and Juno, but even in
which is likewise on blue-gray
sketched inside the principal oval are three this abbreviated notation the goat
paper and similar in manner, and
flowers with some curved lines suggesting a legs are unmistakable. She also
dates both to c. 1597, which she
connected the herm to the one at
scroll: Cardinal Farnese's impresa, three purple correlates with the initial plans for
the left of Hercules and lole in the
the marriage of Ranuccio Farnese
lilies with the Greek motto "I grow with God's fresco, but there are significant dif-
to Margherita Aldobrandini. While
ferences in the pose. This raises
help."5 In the course of Annibale's planning a date of 1597-1598 for the draw-
some questions regarding Thiem's
ing is surely correct based on other
for the Gallery the impresa migrated from one argument that the present drawing
evidence discussed above, the
place to another in the decoration, appearing, represents a location on the west
Angeloni number and the marriage
side, at the beginning of the exe-
notably, in early solutions for the corners (as in (which recent scholarship has tended
cution of the fresco.
to discount as the motivation for
Cat. 40), and finally settling in a lobed com- 3. Thiem 1985, 525. the decoration of the Farnese) are
partment set into the stucco ornament of the not necessary to support the date.
4. Thiem proposed this relative
walls. The oval, which evidently preceded sequence. The Windsor sheet
the idea of the roundel, corroborates the early contains a chalk study for Anni-
bale's Nativity of the Virgin, in the
placement of the drawing within the evolution Louvre, which dates the sheet to
of the scheme. A pen study of a leg is of uncer- 1597-1598. For the Windsor draw-
ing, inv. 2131, see Martin 1965,
tain relation to the Gallery.6 G F
no. 48, fig. 154. The chalk style,
which is similar to and clearly con-
temporary with the Camerino
drawings, is also close to that in
the present sheet.
155CATALOGUENOS.27-61
4¿
P R O V E N A N CE
3 7 ground, shallow space, planar composition, back of a protesting donkey. A cymbal-clang- Bellori 1672, 74; Tietze 1906-
258 x 420 (o /8x i6 /s)
1907,109, in, n. 2, fig. 38; Stix
spare setting, and emphatic chiaroscuro conjure ing maenad twists around toward Bacchus 1930, 2: 180, nn. 1-3, pi. 121;
GRAPHISCHE SAMMLUNG
ALBERTINA, VIENNA
an effect of a low-relief sculptured frieze. Rarely to connect the two halves of the scene. A pair Stix and Spitzmüller 1941,105;
Bacou in Paris 1961, under no. 58;
did Annibale use such a coloristic technique of shaggy, diminutive lions pull the chariot.
Martin 1965, 253, no. 54, fig. 159;
or produce such an elaborate formal design with Two eroti, one of whom plays the lyre, ride Posner 1971, i: 105, n. 55; 2: pi.
so few fentimenti. Certainly the drawing was backward on the lions. At the far right, just inw; Johnston 1976, no. 6; Reck-
ermann 1991,176, fig. 43; Weston-
intended for presentation, although it is not behind the donkey's head, are two female Lewis 1992, 298-299, 312, nn. 46,
known to whom. Later it does seem to have attendants, one carrying a wine jug on her 52, fig. 21; Sciolla et al. 1991-1994,
44, fig. 38; Williamson 1992,128,
found its way into the hands of the artists biog- head, the other balancing a basket. Above the
n. 53; Clayton in London and tour
rapher, Bellori: "In our album is kept the first procession hovers a rather sizable cupid. 1995-1996,103, under no. 36, fig.
idea with drunken Bacchus supported by The Triumph of Bacchus had a complicated 30; Birke and Kertész 1994-1997,
4: 2224-2225, inv. 23370
fauns on the chariot amidst bacchanti." Bellori s history. Annibale s preparatory drawings attest
drawing was described as executed in pen that, with the Finding of Ariadne, it was the
1
with white heightening on tinted paper. The only specific subject that was contemplated at
drawing represents an early stage in what would the early planning stages of the Gallery. In
become the crowning feature of the Gallery a design for the ceiling, in the Louvre (fig. 2),
(fig. i). The scene would undergo extensive a procession of Bacchus in his chariot with atten-
changes, which are charted in a series of com- dants appears in a compartment at the bottom.2
positional drawings, as well as more than a A drawing in Windsor (Cat. 43) includes a por-
dozen surviving studies for individual figures. tion of the decorative frieze enframing an
Here Bacchus, who indeed appears intoxi- oblong compartment in a continuation of the
cated, requires two youths to prop him up same procession including Silenus and the
in his chariot. A piping faun and satyr accom- episode of the finding of Ariadne. A third
pany him at the left. Nearby in the left fore- drawing, in the Louvre, is a more fully artic-
ground Ariadne sleeps unnoticed, except by ulated study of a section of the scene with a
one of the youths attending Bacchus. Silenus, crowd of Bacchic attendants. 3 None of the
at the right, is so drunk that he needs three three summary sketches depends specifically
on the present compositional drawing.
156
• 42 •
For all the questions they raise, the group
of studies for a Bacchic procession provides
indispensable evidence for the interpretation of
the Gallery. They suggest that the Triumph
of Bacchus may have been a subject required or
suggested by the patron or adviser, but that
it was not intended as the linchpin of the dec-
oration. Nor were the particulars of the icono-
graphy of the Triumph fixed or important
at this early stage. It is important to keep the
evidence of these drawings in mind in evaluat-
ing the arguments of a recent monograph
F i G. i Design for the Farnese Ceiling with a Procession of Bacchus, 1597/1598-1601,
Musée du Louvre on the Farnese Gallery, which construed the
Triumph of Bacchus as an allegory of Alessandro
The subject of a Triumph of Bacchus must Farnese's conquest of Flanders. According to
have been decided at an early stage, but not its this thesis, the Gallery as a Reprasentationsraum,
iconographie details or central position in the a public or state room, was, by definition,
program. In the present drawing, the Triumph dedicated to the glorification of the Farnese.
of Bacchus is combined with the Finding of Surrounded by other mythological events
Ariadne, although the latter is more suggestion corresponding to the Neoplatonic concept of
than action. The oblong format and unified the ascent of the soul to heaven, the Triumph
composition are a close fit with what Annibale of Bacchus thus would signify here the ascent
ultimately designed for the vault. Yet its rela- of the Farnese.4 While in summary this concept
tive position in the planning process remains may seem far-fetched, there are learned and
puzzling. If the Triumph of Bacchus was the compelling arguments to support a Neoplatonic
only subject determined at the outset, a pre- gloss to the ceiling.5 What the drawings
sentation drawing in the spirit of the antique demonstrate, however, is that the Triumph of
would be a logical starting point. Annibale Bacchus was not the central or controlling
could have then explored the idea of breaking premise of the decoration from the beginning,
the scene into three segments as in the three but rather an obligatory component. While
studies in the Louvre and Windsor, mentioned there is good reason to accept that mythology
above. The general project for the ceiling in the Gallery functions as a concealed repre-
represented by fig. 2 already provided for a sentation of philosophical truth, and that
large, elongated central compartment that was there is reference in the Triumph to the dynas-
left blank, while the Bacchic procession was tic glory of the Farnese,6 in Annibale s frescoes
relegated to the frieze. The Triumph was not, political panegyric and metaphysics are over-
at this point, destined to be the principal sub- powered by comic dissimulation and carnality.
ject in the Gallery. Annibale had many examples of the Triumph
of Bacchus to turn to for inspiration. Bellori
158
wrote that Annibale made drawings after NOTES
antique marbles while working on the scene, 1. Bellori 1672, 74 (authors trans.);
Tietze 1906-1907, no, identified
and certainly the subject appeared on many this as Bellori's drawing. A later
an ancient sarcophagus. It also appeared on a description of the media is in Vit-
toria 1703 (1841), 54. See also
carved crystal in the Farnese Casket, commis-
Martin 1965, 201; Weston-Lewis
sioned by Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, for 1992, 299, 312 n. 52.
which Perino del Vaga had provided preparatory 2. Inv. 8048. Bacchus holds a lyre,
designs. Annibale's indebtedness to Ferinos more usually an attribute of
Apollo, but the procession includ-
drawing (fig. 3), which was available to him in ing a faun or satyr is associated
the Farnese collection, has long been recog- with Bacchus.
nized.7 Even the memory of Ferinos oval com- 3. Inv. 7185; repr. Martin 1965,
fig. 158.
position, intended for a gem, seems to govern
the Albertina design. Perino offered models 4. Marzik 1986.
for the team of lions ridden by putti with lyres, 5. Reckermann 1991, especially
chapter i, n-6o, treats the history
the sprawling Silenus on the donkey sup- of the interpretation of the Gal-
F i G. 3 Perino del Vaga, Triumph of Bacchus, Musée du Louvre ported by attendants, the maenad carrying a lery, including an astute critique
of Marzik. In a review of Marzik,
basket on her head, the faun playing the
Dempsey (1986) appropriately
double flute, and numerous other details. Yet characterized Marzik's argument
Annibale's debt to Perino increased in the as strained and he challenged her
methodology of isolating icono-
final version of the fresco where the composi- graphie analysis from considerations
tion is built up at the left and modifications of genre, style, expressive content,
and literary taste.
are made to the poses of Bacchus and Silenus.
6. Reckermann 1991 provided the
Above all, Annibale has changed the diagonal
historical context for this in a
placement of the chariot, which drove the entire magisterial analysis of how mytho-
procession toward the foreground, creating a logical narrative in the Gallery
could function on multiple levels of
traffic jam. Following Perino he adopted a pro- argument, political, philosophical,
file view of the chariot, which cleared the way exemplary, etc.
for a genuine procession moving irresistibly 7. See Martin 1965,118-121, for
detailed discussion and further
across the vault of the Farnese Gallery. He also
bibliography.
transformed the scene into a Triumph of Bac-
8. Louvre inv. 7183; Albertina
chus and Ariadne, perhaps in anticipation of invs. 2144, 2148, 2145. Repr. Mar-
Ranuccio's marriage, which was being negoti- tin 1965, figs. 160-163.
Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne who blows supporting Silenus appears in the Albertina Francesco Angeloni; Pierre
Mignard; Antoine Coypel;
a horn while he strides alongside Silenus to modello in the position that would be occupied Charles-Antoine Coypel;
support him on his donkey. The Triumph of by the faun in the final composition. No bequeathed by him to the French
A Faun Blowing Bacchus and Ariadne is thought to be the first
royal collection, 1752; Musée du
other preparatory study is known for the faun,
Louvre (marks partially trimmed:
a Horn major part of the Farnese ceiling to be frescoed. who is so authoritatively realized in this sheet. Lugt 1899 and 2207), inv. 7316
Since it was Annibale s practice to refine the The precise and definitive rendering, with the
EXHIBITIONS
1597-1598; black chalk heightened details as he went along rather than planning lighting carefully plotted and shadows meticu- Paris 1797, no. 22; Paris 1802, no.
with white on gray paper, laid down; the whole decoration at once, the drawings for lously hatched and crosshatched, was perfectly 48; Paris 1838, 1841, 1845, no- I23;
Paris 1866, no. 158; Bologna 1956,
542 X 280 (213/8X II Yl6) the Triumph of Bacchus can be counted among suited for translation to the full-scale cartoon no. 154, pi. 51; Paris 1961, no. 61;
the earliest for the project. (Cat. 47). Annibale was surely mindful of Paris i988c, no. 32 (repr. misla-
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE,
beled 31)
DÉPARTEMENT DES ARTS
Much admired, this drawing was exhibited the final composition when he drew this for
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS for a long time in the Louvre and the original he sharply truncated the faun's shoulder, in the BIBLIOGRAPHY
blue of the paper has faded to gray. It is easy manner of a sculptured bust, where it would Tietze 1906-1907,118; Martin
1965, 206, 255-256, no. 65, fig. 172
to understand why it was held in such high be obscured by Silenus' arm in the fresco.
esteem, for the life and energy of the figure is It is interesting to note that compared to
impressive. The pose, with its jaunty counter- the powerful, monumental drawings for the NOTES
poise, the twist of the body, and the bounce nudes, which were done later in the cycle (Cats. 1. Musée du Louvre, inv. 7185;
repr. Martin 1965, fig. 158. The
in the step, is one of the most memorable in 59, 60), this one is more conscientiously double pipes held with both hands
the Gallery. Annibale played with the contours, detailed, is articulated with shorter strokes, and appear also in Perino's drawing
for the Farnese Casket.
having begun the study with both legs farther conveys a tight-knit elasticity in the physique.
2. Naples, Museo Nazionale;
forward, and the multiple outlines enhance The taut, detailed musculature, almost
Riebesell 1989, fig. 16. The statues
the sense of action in the drawing. knobby in the torso, is reminiscent of examples are recorded in engravings after
A precursor to this figure appears in the of antique sculpture that Annibale knew quite the Gallery by Pietro Aquila.
Albertina modello (Cat. 42) and in one of the well. For example, the Farnese owned a faun
hasty ideas for the Triumph presented in three with infant Bacchus on his shoulder, which
parts; in both the pipes are double and held was installed in one of the niches in the Gallery.2
While the pose is not similar, the articulation
of the anatomy is, and the Bacchic subject
may have inspired Annibale's interest. G F
162
•44'
•45 •
45 STUDIES OF THE FEMALE NUDE ARE
166
•46-
•47 '
THIS IMMENSE AND IMMENSELY more detailed drawing of the figure—com-
imposing drawing is the full-scale cartoon for plete with the fluttering draperies and a more
the right half of The Triumph of Bacchus and exact rendering of the hands and head—before
Ariadne^ the central ceiling decoration of the he drew her in the cartoon.
Farnese Gallery. As such, it belongs to the last As one would expect, the Urbino cartoon
stage of Annibale's preparations for the fresco, corresponds very closely to the final painting,
and was preceded by a large number of compo- diverging only in some rather insignificant
47 sitional and figure drawings, some of which are details. Some of these occur in the draperies, P R O V E N A N CE
(now lost), which would have been presented to trunk at far right, which is more vertical in BIBLIOGRAPHY
c. 1598; black chalk heightened with the patron for his approval. Only at that point the fresco; in the more upright position of the Bellori 1942,122; Vittoria 1703
white on more than fifty joined (1841), 54; Bertolotti 1885,175;
would Annibale have proceeded to draw the boy who can be seen just above the head of
Serra 1930,121 ff; Wittkower 1952,
sheets of brown paper (formerly gray-
full-scale cartoon, which would originally have the reclining figure at lower right, and in the 134; Mahon in Bologna 1956,
blue), partially pricked for transfer, 114, under no. 151; Bacou in Paris
measured about 3.5 by 6.7 meters, assuming slight twist given to the head of the goat he is
cut at lower left and laid down; 1961, 40, under no. 58; Martin
that it was made as a single unit. The left half of holding; in the addition of a wreath of grape 1965, 206-207, 257, no. 71, fig. 178
345° x 3320 (^ox 131)
the cartoon has been lost at least since the end leaves to the head of Silenus and in the wider
GALLERÍA NAZIONALE DELLE of the seventeenth century.1 arrangement of his beard, thus making his
MARCHE, URBINO
Comparison between some of Annibale's head larger and rounder; in the clarification of
individual figure studies for the Farnese ceil- the leopard's skin on the donkey's withers
ing with the corresponding figures in the (scarcely indicated in the cartoon); and in the
Urbino cartoon suggests that, as one would addition of the calf's hooves (symbolic of the
expect, Annibale actually had the figure draw- punishment of Pentheus) in the basket on the
ings under his eye when he drew the cartoon. head of the bacchante at right. Other less
That certainly seems to have been the case for obvious changes were also made to the head
the Woman Carrying a Basket on Her Head of the donkey, the basket of grapes borne by
(Cat. 45), for example, which matches exactly the putto at upper right, the hair of the danc-
the figure in the cartoon except in the amount ing bacchante, and the spacing between her
of her body left visible. Kpentimento in the and the faun blowing the horn. Most of those
cartoon version of that bacchante, however, changes could easily have been made directly
shows that after Annibale copied her from the in the fresco, though it is possible that the
Louvre drawing onto the cartoon, he made a changes to the head of Silenus and to the child
small change to the shape of her breast—giv- with a goat at right required some additional
ing it a slightly more upward tilt—a change study and perhaps even auxiliary cartoons. F i G. i Bacchante with a
vive intact, and indeed why the other cartoons (sometimes thought to represent Glaucus and 2. Repr. Martin 1965, pis. 190,194.
Both cartoons, recently restored,
by Annibale exhibited here are all fragments Scylla) and Aurora and Cephalusy adjacent to were the subject of an exhibition
(Cats. 29, 30, 38, 63). How then did the huge Annibale s Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne.'1 (see London 1995).
Urbino cartoon survive such a process? The These, too, were never cut into giornate and
answer must be that this particular drawing probably served the same intermediary pur-
was not in fact used to transfer the image to pose as the Urbino cartoon. The survival of
the ceiling of the Farnese Gallery. In spite of three such large cartoons is rare in any case,
the considerable damage it has suffered but to have three from the same project sug-
through the years, the Urbino cartoon shows gests that Annibale and Agostino were
no hint of having ever been cut into irregular encouraged to alter their normal workshop
shapes and pieced back together, as it would practices in response to particular demands
have to have been had it been used to transfer made either by the Farnese Gallery project or
the design onto the eighteen giornate that by the patron who had commissioned it.
make up the right half of the ceiling (fig. 2). For the Urbino cartoon, it is perhaps sur-
Nevertheless, the cartoon still appears to have prising that a composition that had already
served its transfer purpose, for the contours been worked out in such detail in dozens of
have been pricked and the pricked lines seem preparatory drawings could have been drawn
to have been pounced with charcoal. Since it with such remarkable spirit and spontaneity,
was not used on the ceiling, it is most logical with multiple strokes searching out just the
to think that it was used instead to transfer right contour for many of the figures. Even
the entire composition to a second cartoon, the stains, losses, repairs, fading, surface wear,
which would then have been cut up and pre- pricking, and pouncing that have considerably
sumably destroyed in connection with the affected the condition of the work cannot
work on the ceiling. impair the brilliance of the draftsmanship nor
Two other complete, large-scale cartoons obliterate the rich graphic qualities that once
from the decoration of the Farnese Gallery made this work the treasured possession of a
survive in the collection of the National succession of seventeenth-century artists. MMG
170
• 48 •
ENSCONCED IN AN ELABORATE GOLD
48
wool, Pan, the God of Arcady, charmed you,
lady Moon, and then deceived you, calling PROVENANCE
pendant horizontally within the present fields It has been proposed that Bellori's invenzione 1. Virgil, Georgics, bk. in,
384-393. For the iconography, see
flanking the central frieze; this would have of an unspecified subject was the Chatsworth
McGrath 1982.
necessitated their being read at right angles to sheet, and that with their unusual technique
2. Robertson 1990,19.
the Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne, an uncom- and elaborate degree of detail and finish, both
3. The possibility that the high-
fortable arrangement.4 There is no trace in drawings were intended for presentation to a lights on the satyr were strength-
the Chatsworth sheet of the octagonal frame patron or adviser.6 ened by a later hand, as has
happened in the case of other
that Annibale used so effectively in the fresco In a second, far more swiftly executed pen drawings by the Carracci, cannot
to insulate the scenes from discrepancies of and wash study for Pan and Diana, Annibale be ruled out.
scale with the central compartment, and which made the transition to a vertical format and 4. Martin 1965, 210.
allowed them to stand out alongside the exu- established the octagonal frame (fig. 2). A 5. For Bellori's drawings see
berant Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne. standing pose, better adapted to the narrowed Martin 1965, 201, 210.
field, was introduced for Pan, and Diana was 6. Martin 1965, 210, suggests that
it was a modello intended for
tipped to the diagonal, her bow replaced by a approval by the man he presumes
spear. Annibale would refine the characteriza- to have been a principal adviser
for the project, Fulvio Orsini. Sub-
F i G. 2 Study for Pan and Diana,
tions of the central figures in later drawings,
sequent scholarship has not
Windsor, The Royal Collection ©1000 including the impressive chalk study of Pan supported such a role for Orsini.
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth n (Cat. 49). G F
figures is the satyr Pan who, animated by Francesco Angeloni; Pierre Mignard;
Antoine Coypel; Charles-Antoine
lustful optimism, springs to offer his gift of Coypel; bequeathed by him to the
snowy fleece to Diana. This large chalk study French royal collection, 1752; Musée
Pan is executed with an absolute mastery of the
du Louvre (Lugt 1899 and 2207),
inv. 7190
body turning in space, capturing the torsion
f
597~ I59& black chalk heightened of the magnificently muscled human torso.
EXH I B I T I ON S
174
•49 •
•50-
FILLING THE PAGE IS THE PROFILE been proposed, including the Louvres Head
of a satyr, painstakingly rendered in black of a Woman (Cat. 46).3 Even with a heightened
chalk. Strong, carefully plotted passages of white consciousness of the category, it is doubtful
chalk magnify the impression of the relief and that numerous Annibale drawings after ancient
solid mass of the head. It has long been recog- statues will emerge. As was the case with his
nized that Annibale drew this satyr after an other sources, such as Michelangelo, Annibale
antique sculpture. His model was the head of tended to privilege the live model over the
ing. If the drawing does not correspond in from the plane of the page is unrivaled, and 1. Martin 1965, 210; Loisel
Legrand in Paris 1994, 91-92.
every detail to the fresco, it is nevertheless close here it emerges with an almost self-conscious On the history of the group see
in type and in spirit. Annibale also made a force. Throughout the sixteenth century, Haskell and Penny 1981, 286.
drawing of the entire group.2 painters and sculptors had carried on a rivalry 2. Windsor Castle, Royal Col-
Annibale's attraction to the antique was, of as to which practiced the better art. In this lection, inv. 1784.
course, central to his experience in Rome and long-running argument, known as the paragone 3. Weston-Lewis 1992 percep-
tively treated this subject and sug-
crucial to his evolution as an artist. Ancient or comparison, painters claimed the monopoly gested several other drawings that
statuary was readily available for him to study on color, sculptors on three dimensions, and are related to antique statuary.
in Rome. He was surrounded by the Farnese's so forth. In his ability to render so convincing 4. An anecdote in which Annibale
drew from memory the Laocoôn
collection of antiquities, one of the best in the an illusion of the three-dimensionality of an
group as his brother expounded
city, and artists had easy access to the Vatican actual sculpture, Annibale emerges the winner: on its aesthetic merits is related by
collections. By the time he was working on the his virtuosity is the greater for he succeeds as a Agucchi in his Trattato (reprinted
in Mahon 1947, 253-254).
Gallery, he was steeped in the aesthetics of draftsman without even resorting to the use of
5. See Feigenbaum 1990,1993b,
ancient marbles, and the experience had trans- color. Notable here is the way Annibale plays and Weston-Lewis 1992.
formed his style. Yet only a few drawings with the profile, shifting the outline. Where
directly after the antique are known. If this one a profile in a drawing would conventionally
has long been recognized for what it is, only call for a line, Annibale created an ambiguous
recently have other examples of such study zone, a small area where the profile seems to
turn the corner in space. Rather than reading as
F i G. i Pan and Olympos, Museo a line, a border, or an ending, this profile leads
Archeologico Nazionale, Naples to the area beyond, mimicking the way the eye
perceives an object in three dimensions. G F
not tossed by the breeze, for it is so moist that it is 4. Forster 1880, 51, was the first to
5 recognize the source.
proof against the wind... .
5. Philostratus, Imagines, 2:18.
A person of learning and cultivation—and
surely it was for such an audience that Annibale
was working—would have recognized the
source as an ekphrasis, a description of a work
of art, from Philostratus. The alert viewer
would have recognized as well how Annibale
had made such fitting use of a description of
an ancient painting to recreate what would
be framed and presented as an independent
painting, or quadro riportato, in the illusionis-
tic Gallery of the frescoed ceiling. G F
178
• 5i '
• 52 •
5*
THIS LARGE CHALK STUDY REFINES PROVENANCE
the pose of Polyphemus in love, which Anni- Francesco Angeloni; Pierre Mignard;
Pierre Crozat; Pierre-Jean Mariette
bale had already established in the pen study (sale, Paris, 15 November 1775,
(Cat. 51). There he had succeeded in convey- no. 311); French royal collection;
Polyphemus Musée du Louvre (Lugt 1899 and
ing the impression of a giant in a small format.
2207), inv. 7319
Here, working on a large sheet, the figure bursts
1598-1599; black chalk heightened from the page. The pose has been changed and
EXHIBITIONS
with white on gray-blue paper; Paris 1797, no. 19; Paris 1802, no.
the figure injected with centrifugal force. The 45; Paris 1866, no. 161; Paris 1927,
1
521 x 387 (20 V2 x /j A) 15, no. 7; Bologna 1956, no. 167,
legs kick at the margin and front plane, and
pi. 57; Paris 1961, no. 72; Paris 1967,
Inscribed in pen and dark brown the tightly bent elbows threaten a release of no. 33; Paris i988c, no. 35; Paris
ink at lower right: 27; annotated tremendous force. The torso is canted farther 1990-1991, 88,131, no. 49 (exh.
by Mariette in pen and brown ink no. 30)
to the right. What astonishes is the illusion
across the bottom: figures du Poli- F i G. i Polyphemus, Musée du Louvre
of space excavated, as the hips and torso move BIBLIOGRAPHY
phème du tableau de Poliphème Wittkower 1952, 38, under no. 302;
back into depth, and projected, as the knees In love Polyphemus is at his most gentle,
et de Galattée Martin 1965, 215, 260, no. 85, fig.
and toes jut outward. Polyphemus' yearning but Annibale shows that his violent and bestial 197; Schilling and Blunt 1971, 63;
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, tugs him toward the object of his love, so nature is only in check. In the fresco of Poly- Bacou 1981, pi. 40; Rangoni 1991,
D É P A R T E M E N T DES ARTS no. 16
much so that he risks toppling out of balance. phemus and Ads or Polyphemus Furioso, on the
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS
Alternate placements for the arms create the opposite wall of the Farnese vault, the giant
effect of a figure in motion, an impression erupts in a deadly rage when his love is scorned. NOTES
augmented by the long, sweeping hatching The two pen and chalk sketches for Poly- 1. The proper right arm in the
compositional study does not seem
strokes at the left, which may be a preliminary phemus were associated with other studies for
to conform to the solution in the
indication of the violet cloak Polyphemus the composition. One of the entire composition figure study, where the position
wears in the fresco. in black chalk on blue paper (fig. i) may have was, in fact, adjusted several times.
As in the fresco Polyphemus has raised the preceded the monumental chalk figure study, 2. For the drawings associated
with this composition see Cat. 51,
pipes, instrument of the hoped-for seduction for it anticipates most of the alterations in n. i.
of Galatea, to his lips. Annibale left out the pose.1 In contrast to the decisive power of the
right hand of the figure. He then studied it same medium in the figure study, the compo-
separately, conspicuously delicate as the finger- sitional drawing employs a blunt chalk style
tips barely touch the pipes, at the lower right. —soft, atmospheric, and pictorial. It is the
The staff has also found its final position, nes- first hint of the pastoral setting and mood that
tled in the crook of Polyphemus' left arm. suffuses the fresco.2
An indication of the fleece, an allusion to the The verso of this sheet has preserved a
V E R S O Studies of a Man's Head,
sheepskin with which Ulysses had tricked brighter blue hue. It contains a partial figure,
a Man's Bust, and Two Hands,
black chalk heightened with white the Cyclops, is tucked behind his hip. left arm outstretched, with a light indication
on paper to which a strip has been of drapery. At the top is a sketch of a head
added at center and two hands, one emerging from the thick
sleeve of a cloak, the other reaching out.
A strip of old blue paper was added to rein-
force the fold. G F
with the exception of Paris' leg, which hangs Annibale's motive for choosing this unusual 4. Beyond Martin 1965 and
Dempsey 1968, see the chapter on
over it. In the fresco Annibale retracted the moment in the legend has not been entirely Paris in Gilbert 1994.
leg so that most of the foot remains within the clarified.4 5. Repr. Martin 1965, figs. 184,
frame. The other leg was raised slightly from While no compositional sketches for the 187,186.
its position in the drawing by propping the scene survive, there is a black chalk study
foot up on a rock to strengthen the echoing from life for Mercury (Besançon inv. 01492),
diagonals from the corner through Mercury's which depends for its modeling on a network
F i G. i Paris and Mercury, of thin sharp hatching rather than the smudged
outstretched arm and winged helmet.
1597/1598-1601, Palazzo Farnese,
Idealized though he may be, Paris retains shadows and liberal white chalk highlights in
Rome
the spontaneity of a living model. There is a this drawing; a chalk study for the dog on the
trace of awkwardness in the pose as if he had verso of a study for a seated ignudo (Besançon
just pivoted slightly to receive the apple, his inv. 01538); and a black chalk study for a
right foot rolling to take the weight. Not only sphinx of the type that adorns the angles of
does Paris dominate the page with the reach the octagonal frame around Paris and Mercury,
as well as its counterpart, Pan and Diana
(Louvre inv. 7414).5 G F
182
•53 •
. 54 •
THIS RED CHALK STUDY OF TWO the corner ensembles, as it is the only one to
cupids who link arms to form a chair for a experiment with three putti.
third is an early idea for a corner of the Farnese A subsequent stage in the development
Gallery (fig. i). As was his usual practice, of the same scene is represented in a drawing
Annibale began by framing the field for his in the Louvre (inv. 7305), where the trio has
composition, here drawing a rough ground- been reduced to a pair whose poses are essen-
line and the tapered sides of an arch. The tially those of their original counterparts. The
cream paper, laid down; 222 x 150 London 1950, no. 10; Newcastle-
compartment toward the actual junction of the putti, freed from their burden, become
upon-Tyne 1961, no. 136, pi. xxvi;
(SMxoM)
the side and end walls. Otherwise Annibale buoyant and seem to spring upward, as they do New York 1967, no. n; New York
Inscribed in pen and brown ink projected the field in simple section on the in the fresco. Both the single cupid projected 1973, no. 16 (not repr.); Amherst
1974, no. 7; New York 1976, n.p.
at lower left: annibale caracci flat page and allowed the figures to move in in the early decorative scheme and the trio of (not repr.)
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM
and out of the space by means of their light- cupids in the Metropolitan sketch presented
BIBLIOGRAPHY
OF ART, NEW YORK, PURCHASE, ing, poses, and relationship to the frame. the logistical problem of the corner seam cut- Jaffé 1962, 26, fig. 29; Bean 1963,
P F EI F F ER F U N D , 1962 Annibale used red chalk only rarely in his ting through a central figure. Annibale soon 231; Bean 1964, no. 27; Martin
1965, 270-271, no. 125; Vitzthum
drawings for the Gallery. Here the multiple, realized that paired cupids, deployed one on each
1966, 48, pi. 35; Vitzthum 1967,
feathery strokes softly define the forms with wall, could fraternize easily across the seam. 253 cit.; Bean 1979, no. 101
blunt, discontinuous accents in the contours. The eroti in the corners have long borne a
The fall of light from the upper left and slightly disproportionate share of the weight of inter-
NOTES
in front is worked out with care and Annibale's pretation of the Gallery's iconography. Accord-
1. Malvasia reported that
deft manipulation of delicate hatching creates ing to Bellori, "the entire meaning and allegory Ludovico Carracci sent drawings
translucent shadows over the figures. Annibale's of the work" depends upon the cupids in of Tibaldi's ceiling to Rome at
Annibale's request. Some of these
recollection of Correggio, so important in the the corners.2 Yet the series of preparatory draw-
drawings have been identified. See
Camerino, persists here in the atmospheric ings demonstrates conclusively that the cupids Feigenbaum 1992, 297-309.
red chalk style. were not part of Annibale's initial conception. 2. Bellori 1672, 65. Translation in
As the preparatory drawings show, the open Neither is there a trace of any contest of heav- Martin 1965, 86.
corners in the Gallery were inspired by Pelle- enly and earthly love, as in Bellori's exegesis, 3. For the history of the Eros and
Anteros interpretation, see espe-
grino Tibaldi's Sala d'Ulisse in the Palazzo nor a hint of battle between Eros and Anteros, cially Martin 1965, 87-89. Dempsey
Poggi.1 The idea of populating the corners with as in other more recent interpretations,3 to be 1968 argued for the "Amor Reci-
proco" theme in the Gallery.
putti seems to have emerged only late in the found prior to the present sheet. In order to
design process. They first appeared in a highly accept Bellori's thesis that the cupids' struggle 4. Tietze 1906-1907, 89-90,
104, rejected Bellori's thesis of the
developed scheme where Annibale had first constitutes the "foundation of the entire cupids' central importance because
sketched, in red chalk, a pair of putti holding a work" it would be necessary to come to terms they do not appear in the prelimi-
nary drawings. Martin 1965, 196,
shield with Cardinal Farnese's impresa, and with the fact that this foundation was con- countered Tietze's argument,
F i G. i Putti Fighting over a Palm,
over it drew, in pen, a single putto holding a ceived only after the decorative program had reasoning that "the fact that [the
1598—1601, Palazzo Farnese, Rome
been quite thoroughly worked out.4 G F cupids] were introduced [into an
shield (Cat. 40). In the fresco there are pairs of
already planned scheme] is proof
putti in each corner. The present sheet must of their significance in the cycle."
be the earliest of the seven surviving studies for
1508-1590; black chalk heightened Turin 1950, no. 96; Bologna 1956,
quarreling over love.
no. 172; Turin 1990, no. 98c
with white on blue paper
In this study Annibale grappled with the
(watermark: M surmounted by a BIBLIOGRAPHY
problem of positioning the herms. They had
star [?] in an escutcheon, repr. in Bertini 1951, 40 ff, pi. xi, fig. 46;
to bridge the awkward space created by the Wittkower 1952,139, under no. 308;
Turin ippo, 384, no. 27); 415 x 347
real curving geometry of the coving as it inter- Bertini 1958, 23, no. 97; Martin
(16 ft xi} "fa) 1965, 226-227, no. 117; Griseri 1978,
sected with a fictive decorative program gov- no. 61
Inscribed on the verso in pen and
erned by a rectilinear framework. The coving
brown ink at right: Al mol to
curves steeply on each side, and where the
M[agnifi]co Sig and below that F i G. i Embracing Herms, 1598—1601, Palazzo
walls join they form a seam that arches inward Farnese, Rome
NOTES
di Roma i. Windsor Castle, Royal Library,
as it rises to the vault proper. When Annibale
inv. 2087; repr. Martin 1965, fig.
BIBLIOTECA REALE, TURIN made this drawing he had not yet arrived at a of the herm on the right.1 The placement of 232, 233.
viable stereographic solution. He was still the hand is logical as a further exploration
experimenting with how to project the figures, of the pose in the Turin drawing, however the
which stand in two entirely different planes, position is quite different from the one
one on each wall, onto the concave surfaces, adopted in the fresco.
and, at this point, how to visualize this on the The earliest evidence for the idea of paired
flat page. In the study the upper bodies are herms in the corners is in Cat. 40, where,
still too far apart and Annibale's hesitation is at the right, a slanting herm on the corner was
evident in the alternate positions indicated for drawn in red chalk. Annibale elaborated part
the interlaced arms. He realized that in the of the scheme in pen, adding a herm on the end
fresco the heads of the herms had to meet at wall, in an upright and frontal view, on the
the apex of the angle in order to frame the opposite side of the corner. On his shoulders
corner aperture, while maintaining a plausible is a disembodied hand that presumably belongs
position for the figures. to his companion, but there is no link between
While the present study for the south end them yet. In the Turin sheet Annibale had
must be one of the first to tackle the projec- already conceived of the herms as contrasting
tion of the paired herms, all four corners were pairs of handsome beardless youths and luxu-
most likely worked out at about the same riantly bearded older men.
time. On the verso of another chalk drawing On the verso are pen sketches by another
at Windsor for a pair of herms on the opposite hand of several figures who are bathing
end is a study for what is probably the hand at the water's edge, as well as a profile of an
old man. G F
186
•55 '
• 56 •
56 TO LINK THE REAL ARCHITECTURE
of the ceiling. They are frescoed in grisaille to nate outlines of the hips. Having created such EXHIBITIONS
1598-1599; black chalk heightened Turin 1950, no. 95; Bologna 1956,
imitate stone and take the form of herms a vital human form, Annibale then began the
with white on blue paper (water-
no. 177; Turin 1990, no. 98d
whose extremities below the hip are replaced process of changing it into stone. He carved
mark: M in an escutcheon surmounted BIBLIOGRAPHY
by a tapered pillar. away the hips to the narrow silhouette of the
by a star; repr. in Turin 1990, Bertini 1951, 41, pi. x, fig. 40; Witt-
7 3
In this study for the herm at the right of tapered plinth of a herm, adjusting the con- kower 1952,139, under no. 308;
384, no. 28); 418 x 258 (16 /i6X0 /s)
the medallion of Salamacis and Hermaphrodite', trapposto in the process. The drawing offers a Bertini 1958, 22-23, no. 96; Mar-
tin 1965, 225, no. 226; Cooney and
BIBLIOTECA REALE, TURIN Annibale defined the muscular contours and glimpse of the extraordinary process of pétrifi-
Malafarina 1976,118; Griseri 1978,
bulk of the body with long, loose strokes. He cation in the Farnese, revealing how Annibale s fig. 4; Sciolla and Griseri 1985, 72
began with a soft sketch and left the head fictive statues could appear so alive.
indistinct. In the fresco the figure is lit sharply In the fresco, the herm was given a more
NOTES
from the left, leaving the right side in heavy hieratic pose. His shoulders were squared and the
i. These changes are recorded in
shadow. Soft hatching, much of it smudged, head turned frontally. Leonine hair and strong a black chalk drawing in Windsor
creates such a mobile, pliant skin that the fig- regular features were also introduced.1 G F (inv. 2083), which is markedly
close to the fresco and whose auto-
ure almost seems to breathe. Using a gritty graph status has been questioned.
chalk or charcoal Annibale reinforced the con- See Wittkower 1952,139, under no.
310, and 144, no. 344, fig. 44; Mar-
tours on the shadowed side. With a thin dark
tin 1965, 225.
figure into a herm. In the present drawing create the heavier proportions assumed by the 5. Mahon in Bologna 1956,137,
no. 197.
the arms have been carefully studied and their herms throughout the program.
6. Martin 1965, 89.
position elegantly resolved. In the fresco, how- Paradoxically, among the spirited popula-
ever, Annibale introduced a break, or rottura, tion of the frescoes it is the inanimate herms
just past the shoulder of the proper right arm. who most enliven the decoration.6 They are
In doing so Annibale interjected a "naturalis- vigorously posed, interested in their surround-
tic" detail, for antique sculpture that survived ings, alert and responsive. In comparison to
in the Renaissance was, more often than not, their flesh-and-blood companion ignudi,
fragmentary. Although there is no indication whose ethos is more detached, the atlas herms
convey a more mundane, human sentience. G F
190
• 57 '
• 58 •
58 THIS RED CHALK STUDY IS FOR
Mariette at lower right: gravé n° 15; eye level is a line indicating the entablature Turin (Cat. 55) documented an early moment BIBLIOGRAPHY
and numbered in pen and black behind him. It breaks just to the left of his head, in the conceptualization of the interlocked Wittkower 1952,139, under no. 308;
ink: 46 Martin 1965, 227, 269, no. 120,
the spot that corresponds precisely in the pairs at each corner of the Gallery, this study
fig. 235; Bacou 1968, no. 78, repr.;
MUSÉE DU L O U V R E , fresco to the junction of the side and end walls radiates Annibale's easy mastery of the difficult Bacou 1981, 250; Goldstein 1988,
D É P A R T E M E N T DES ARTS of the vault. problem posed by the space and must repre- 115,183, 217, n. 42, fig. 80; Rangoni
1991, no. 31; Weston-Lewis 1992,
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS
Annibale's use of red chalk on cream paper sent the end of this sequence. Supporting this 299 and n. 51, fig. 25
in a figure study for the Farnese Gallery is conclusion is the gradually tapering base of
exceptional, for he consistently preferred black the Louvre herm, which is of the type adopted
and white chalk on blue paper. Red chalk had in the fresco; the other preparatory sheets,
been a frequent choice in earlier projects in including both of the Turin studies, employ a
Bologna, however, and Annibale's mastery of sharply tapered base. In addition, the shad-
the medium was unparalleled. Here the shadows owed break in the entablature at the left of the
are laid in with swift zigzags of hatching on face of the Louvre herm indicates that at this
the torso and drapery, accented with shorter stage Annibale knew precisely where the head
strokes of hatching on the arms and face. of the painted figure would fall in relation
Annibale's ability to coax highlights out of the to the actual convergence of curved surfaces in
cream paper is uncanny, as witness the surface the corners.
sheen on the arms and the bright patches In the fresco, the handsome, almost arro-
on the nose and chin. His swift contour lines gant face in the drawing was made pudgier
have an astonishing capacity to capture and given a sweet expression. The drapery that
emerges over the shoulder is seen in the paint-
ing to cover part of the proper right torso. G F
193 C A T A L O G U E N O S . 2 7 - 6 1
ANNIBALE S D E C I S I O N TO POPULATE
194
•59-
•6o-
ONE OF THE MOST CELEBRATED
6o
P R O V E N A N CE
bale worked out the problem of modeling
Francesco Angeloni; Pierre Mignard;
and shading this area with particular care, and Pierre Crozat (sale, Paris, 10 April -
strengthened the silhouette of the figure 13 May 1741, part of nos. 462-472);
Pierre-Jean Mariette; French royal
with heavier chalk lines to enhance the sense collection; Musée du Louvre (Lugt
Seated Ignudo of projection from the background. 1899 and 2207), inv. 7325
His profound and reflective powers of concep- as the model for these modifications (fig. 2). 2. Goldstein argues that Annibale
dispensed with the model in many
tualization enabled him to assimilate a living The thick curls and tendrils caressing the ears
of the Farnese studies. While he is
model to the classical ideal. An ordinary figure in the statue are quite similar to those in the right to point out the error of
is thereby endowed with a clarity and author- fresco.3 There, Annibale also raised the posi- assuming that virtually all Carracci
nudes are life studies, his attribu-
ity that transcends an imperfect model, yet tion of the proper right eyebrow, and possibly tions (particularly of the earlier
the breath of life, the feeling for a warm, pli- the left as well, creating a heavier, bolder eye drawings) and the principles about
Carracci methodology that he
ant, moving being remains. This perfect socket that also recalls the jutting, troubled
extrapolates from his examples
equilibrium of nature and idealization was, it brow of the Alexander. have been challenged. See, espe-
is important to recognize, an artificial construc- The elements of naturalism that survive cially, reviews by De Grazia 1989,
866-868, Dempsey 19890, and
tion, and one that was fleeting. By the time he from the model, the graceful assimilation of Perini 1991, 203-204; also
put the last strokes on the ceiling frescoes, the human physique to a heroic antique ideal, Weston-Lewis 1992, 310, n. 31, and
Feigenbaum 1993b, especially 66.
FIG. 2 Dying Alexander, balance had shifted toward a new and austere the astonishing command of a figure rendered
© Rijksmuseum-Stichting, Amsterdam 3. Weston-Lewis 1992, 299. The
purity and abstraction. in space, and the rhythmic coordination
Dying Alexander, now in the Uffizi,
Several differences between the drawing of modeling with the fall of light and shade Florence, was at the time in the
and the fresco can be noted. The most obvious impart a bold life and force to this drawing Medici collection, for which see
Haskell and Penny 1981,134-136,
one is the lowering of the left arm, which in that had not been achieved by any of Anni- and would have been available for
the fresco hugs the body with the hand resting bale's predecessors. G F Annibale to study if he visited the
city, which is more than likely.
on the shoulder. The right leg in the drawing
197 C A T A L O G U E N O S . 27-61
ON THE END WALLS OF THE GALLERY this sheet, is nearly hidden in the fresco. The
are large rectangular frescoes of Perseus and hands, with long, spatulate fingers, are typical
Andromeda and the Combat of Perseus and of Annibales later work. A second chalk study
Phineus (fig. i). In the latter scene Perseus holds at Windsor for the foremost of the companions
out the severed head of the Medusa, which is extremely close in technique and manner of
will turn any man who gazes upon it to stone. execution (fig. 2). The present drawing offers
6i
Behind him are three of Perseus' companions, no indication that in the fresco the middle
P ROVENANGE
who cover their eyes to protect themselves figure will be largely obscured by his compan-
King George in (Windsor Inv.
from this horrifying weapon. In this drawing, ion, nor that the foremost figure will obscure Ms. A, 76); Windsor Castle, Royal
the second of these three men is studied with much of the second figure. Library, inv. 2072
Perseus' Warriors care. Part of the third companion, in the rear, Compared to the drawings for the earlier EXHIBITIONS
who is largely overlapped by the second, is phases of the Farnese Gallery, the preparatory London 1950-1951, no. 448;
Bologna 1956, no. 201; London
more summarily drawn, his head bent sharply studies for the walls are subdued and austere.
1603-1604; black chalk heightened 1964, no. 117
with white chalk on blue paper; downward. Annibales command of form is effortless,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
3
33$x237(i3 /i6x?yi6) Annibale was primarily concerned here yet there is little impression of his pleasure in
Tietze 1906-1907,152 (as Do-
with the position and shading of the arms and rhythmic design, no flourish in the execution. menichino); Pope-Hennessy 1948,
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
the arrangement of drapery in the sleeve. He He has reduced his expression to the essentials, 14, n. 33; Wittkower 1952,137,
ELIZABETH II no. 297, pi. 65; Bacou in Paris 1961,
changed the contours of the proper left arm to the sure delineation of the skull or the few 48, under no. 84; Martin 1965,
and pulled it in more tightly to the body. The strokes that conjure the terrified self-defense of 274, no. 138
outlines of the other arm are strengthened and the rear figure in this sheet. The white height-
corrected with thin dark strokes of brittle chalk. ening is deployed to a sculptural effect lending
NOTES
The proper right arm, so carefully studied in dimension only in selected areas. i. Tietze 1906-1907,152, ascribed
The dating of the Perseus frescoes is uncer- the Perseus drawings in Windsor
to Domenichino, an attribution
tain, although Annibale seems to have been
rejected by Pope-Hennessy 1948,
involved in the designs in 1603-1604. It is likely 14, n. 33; Wittkower 1952,137,
that the present sheet dates to this moment restored the drawings to Annibale.
198
•6l-
Annibale's Rome's
Art and Life
in the Eternal City
Kate Ganz
tiny room under the roof of Cardinal Odoardo Farnese's vast palace, until
his death fourteen years later, in simple lodgings on the Quirinal Hill,1 two
threads are woven through Annibale s life in Rome. The first is his rich, creative
output: work inspired by the history, art, and life of the city, once capital of
the ancient world and, in Annibale s time, center of the powerful papal court.
The other is his tragic personal history: the paranoia that isolated him from
his patrons, the melancholy that led to his diminishing activities as a painter,
and the illness that resulted in his early death in the summer of 1609.
a well-established career, his years in that city produced a far greater historical
left his teaching, his family, and his studio in response to the summons of
the cardinal, and in anticipation of all "the great good fortune that awaits me
hardly have imagined that his ascendancy in Rome would be so glorious, nor
that the light he kindled there would leave such a lasting glow.
the ancients,"3 and indeed the monuments of the capital infused his art and
changed the way he drew and painted within a short period of time. Not only
2OI GANZ
did he learn from the treasures of Roman antiquity—the ease, Annibale "... despised ostentation in people as well
altars, tombs, sculpture, and other artifacts being excavated as in painting, seeking the company of plain, ambitionless
—but also from the stupendous works of two great Renais- men. He fled the haughtiness of the courtiers and the
sance masters, Michelangelo and Raphael. Court."8 Although he could be witty and amusing, telling
The daily task of frescoing the Farnese Palace ceilings sarcastic stories that delighted his pupils, the stronger side
dominated Annibale's first five years in Rome, but almost of his personality was melancholic and taciturn. He is most
immediately upon his arrival his services as a painter were in often described by his biographers as introspective and a
demand by princes of both the church and state. His career loner, an unusual, if not eccentric, personality.
at this time was fertile, demanding, and successful. Between Annibale undoubtedly suffered professionally from his
1595 and 1600 he undertook commissions from the powerful eccentricities. His disheveled appearance and ungainly man-
4
Aldobrandini, Mattei, and Borghese, as well as the heads ner clashed with the sophisticated court surrounding the
of other noble families, among them Márchese Salviati and cardinal and his advisers. As Bellori wrote, "he was not suffi-
Prince Ludovisi.5 Annibale also worked for Cardinal Farnese ciently aware that those who usually judge by appearances
outside of the Gallery, and he completed a large number of did not hold him in esteem."9 His feelings about his patron
secular, religious, and intimate genre pictures. were so conflicted that he once allowed himself to be taken
In addition to painting, he made a dozen delicate and to prison rather than explain that he was in the service of
widely praised prints, designed at least two important pieces the Farnese family. On another occasion Annibale ducked
6
of silver, and made many hundreds of drawings, which are out the back door of his house when he heard that Cardinal
among the most remarkable graphic achievements of the Borghese, a nephew of the pope, was approaching to pay
sixteenth century. Whether small pen and ink sketches with him a visit.10 In some sense, because he was an artist, he could
delicate washes (Cat. 66) or large studies for entire composi- get away with this behavior, but his shyness and paranoia
tions (Cats. 62 and 79), his drawings were unsurpassed in affected his relations with powerful Roman patrons who could
their perfect reflection of what he saw before him in nature have commissioned him for more work.
or idealized in his imagination. Annibale seems to have been little influenced by the artists
Annibale devoted his life to his art. Having never married, who were most favored by the pope and other patrons when
he had only his brother Agostino s children and, latterly, his he first arrived in the city, such as Federico Zuccaro and
pupils as his family. His consuming desire to paint, and the Cherubino Alberti," perhaps because their mannered style
reverence and respect his contemporaries accorded him for was of little interest to him, or because Cardinal Farnese
this, is reflected in many observations about his habits, both expected him to paint in the natural style he had developed
personal and professional. Bellori speaks of "his constant in Bologna. As an independent painter under the protection
application to art and the relaxation that he sought from of the Farnese, he was somewhat removed from these artists.
his labors..." and observes that "he used to live shut up in But his achievements did not go unnoticed, and with the
his rooms with his pupils, spending hours at his painting, completion of each project, his reputation as Rome's most
which he was wont to call his lady."7 important artist gradually became assured.
Unlike his sociable and outgoing older brother Agostino, When the scaffolding in the Farnese Gallery was removed
who loved the finery of noblemen and the company of and the marvels Annibale had created were revealed for
courtiers, and who discussed poetry and philosophy with all to see, his fame spread throughout Europe. One Dutch
202
visitor, writing from Rome in 1601, described the "beautiful
gallery... so marvellously painted in fresco that one says
that its manner surpasses that of all other masters, and that
its beauty is indescribable."12
In the summer of 1600, Annibale was hired by a new
and enlightened patron, Count Tiberio Cerasi, to execute
paintings in the same funerary chapel in the church of Santa
Maria del Popólo as another painter just beginning to be
recognized in Rome. Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio,
thirteen years Carracci's junior, was an artist of rare but dif-
ferent talents, whose radical new style was beginning to create
a sensation in the capital. Caravaggio's paintings of the Life
of Saint Matthew in the Contarelli chapel, in San Luigi dei
Francese, not far from the Farnese Palace, had been unveiled
that very summer to tremendous public acclaim.13
Lack of documentation that would establish a chronology
for all of the Cerasi chapel paintings hinders our understand-
ing of the nature of the rivalry that began between the two
artists at that moment.14 Within a few square meters, three
large pictures, Annibale's altarpiece and Caravaggio's lateral
images, address the most fundamental questions about the
nature of painting in seemingly irreconcilable ways (fig. i).
Each artist seems to have subtly altered his style of painting as
a result of his direct confrontation with the other (see Cat. 78).
It is possible that Annibale's monumental saints, whose
hands and feet seem to pierce the picture plane, influenced
Caravaggio's astonishing naturalistic figures on the chapel F i G. i Cerasi Chapel, Santa Maria del Popólo, Rome
2O3 GANZ
around 1599-1600 (Cat. 66), and continuing in many were completed with the help of Albani and Badalocchio. He
later drawings, especially those executed in the artist's allowed Domenichino to paint the figures of the Virgin
increasingly favored medium of thick reed pen and dark and child in the foreground of The Flight into Egypt, the most
ink (Cats. 90, 91). prominent part of the painting.20 Some of the work Annibale
After his experience in the Cerasi chapel, Annibale s melan- agreed to undertake seems to have been accepted expressly
cholic state began to interrupt his career more frequently. in order to gain commissions for the assistants in his shop.21
Whether or not his mental decline was directly connected to Annibale was famously generous with his pupils. "The love
each new triumph of Caravaggio s, as some scholars have with which he instructed his pupils was very great. He taught
speculated, is difficult to say.17 It is perhaps an indication of them not so much with words as with examples and demon-
his dwindling self-esteem, however, that after 1600, Anni- strations, and he treated them with so much kindness that
bale never again signed a painting. he often neglected his own works."22
Early in 1602 Agostino died and Annibale returned to During the painting of the frescoes for Herrera, Annibale's
his native city, probably for the first time since his departure health broke down and Albani had to finish most of the
seven years earlier. On his return to Rome that spring he work.23 Mancini, a friend of Carracci and a doctor, described
was accompanied by a small group of young painters, includ- his illness at this time as "an extreme melancholy accompa-
ing Agostino's son Antonio, whom Agostino had specifically nied by a loss of memory and speech."24 In a letter dated
requested be sent to Rome to study with his uncle. A great 12 March 1605, Cardinal Farnese wrote to the duke of Mod-
deal of work awaited Annibale there. Perhaps realizing that ena that Annibale had suffered "a mortal sickness in the
he was becoming too ill to carry out his commissions alone, past days... ."25 The collapse forced his pupils to become more
Annibale formed a working studio whose members included independent. The depth of their grounding under their
Sisto Badalocchio, Giovanni Lanfranco, Domenichino, master's care enabled them to begin separate and successful
Francesco Albani, and one or two others whose work cannot careers that would carry Annibale's inventions firmly through
1
be traced. All were trained to help Annibale in his daily the seventeenth century in Rome, and beyond.
tasks as a painter, and there can be no question that their In August of 1605 Annibale left the Farnese Palace and
presence enabled him to continue his commissions with- moved behind the vineyards near the Farnesina, across the
out interruption. Tiber, where an agent to the duke of Modena found him
Between 1602 and the spring of 1605, Annibale prospered living in seclusion.26 He moved again to the Quirinal Hill,27
professionally. The walls of the Farnese Gallery were finished and later, in 1606, records show him living near the church
and stuccoed, mostly by Annibale's pupils to his designs, of San Lorenzo in Lucina.28 His spirit was restless, and the
and several major painting projects were undertaken. Both output from his studio was unpredictable. "For at least the
the frescoes for the Herrera chapel in San Giacomo degli last five years, he was hardly able to work at all," his friend
Spagnuoli (1604—1607) and the famous landscape lunettes Agucchi wrote,29 and indeed, after 1605 there is no single
for the chapel of the Aldobrandini family in the Palazzo Doria work we know of, apart from three small prints, that was
19
Pamphilj (1604/1605-i6io?) were begun in these years. executed entirely by his own hand.
The chapel frescoes for Herrera were executed mainly by It is tempting to see the dramatic change in Annibale's
Albani, but Annibale provided him with detailed drawings drawing style during the last decade of his life as reflecting
and large-scale cartoons. Similarly, the Aldobrandini lunettes his personal history, and there may be some connection.
2O4
Certainly the drawings change from sheets of delicacy and maladies," a common reference to syphilis, has hardly been
grace (Cat. 73) to pages of boldly drawn rapid and expressive referred to in modern biographies, and never fully explained.34
lines (Cat. 91), from detailed drawings using a fine pen and No mention is made in the various biographies of any com-
subtle washes, to those drawn with a thick reed instrument panions in his personal life other than his nephew Antonio,
with no wash and much of the paper left bare (Cats. 89, 94). who shared his house and cared for him there for the last
But one must be careful in labeling this evolution of draw- seven months that he lived.35
ings an "old-age style," as some art historians have done.30 On 15 July 1609 Annibale died at the age of forty-eight.36
For one thing, Annibale was forty in 1600, which, at that Antonio was named executor of his small estate and his list
31
time, was not considered old, but rather full middle age. It of his uncle's household effects, made two days after his death,
is true that as his illness progressed the artist may well have is a pitiful testament to Annibale's simple life. Although Anni-
felt an increasing urgency in working quickly, but even in bale had had a successful career, along with a number of paint-
these last years he had periods of drawing with great clarity ings, mostly unfinished, he left only a few broken bits of silver
and precision and, as the drawing for one of his last prints, and furniture, some torn shirts, and some mattresses in his
Christ Crowned with Thorns of 1606 (Cat. 93), shows, he was humble house and even those, according to the documents,
able to render even the tiniest detail of a drawing with deli- may have been on loan to him from the Farnese household
cacy and total control of the pen and ink and gouache. nearby.37 What had become of his earnings is a mystery.
As the threads of his life unraveled, the melancholy of Monsignor Giovanni Battista Agucchi was with Annibale
Annibale s last years was punctuated by a few rays of light when he died. In a moving letter about the last hours of
provided not by his art but by his pupils. In the summer of the artist's life, as notable for its universal concerns as it is
1607 two of his students, Sisto Badalocchio and Giovanni for the simplicity of its expression, Agucchi created one
Lanfranco, dedicated a group of prints to Annibale. He had of the greatest documents about the artist to have survived:
instructed them to copy Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican,
I have just come... from watching Annibale Carracci... pass on to
as he had often made his students copy after the antique and
another life. Recently he went... to seek death in Naples and, not
works of the Renaissance. In the preface to their book of
having found it there, he returned... to meet it here in Rome.
prints, they wrote: "... even though nothing of ours is wor-
He arrived.. .and instead of being cured, he became seriously sick
thy of you except perhaps an immense affection and an
and... this evening he died — this morning... he was in good
infinite desire to be worthy of your merit, at least some light
spirits... but toward evening, when I went to see him again, he was
of your art may be recognized scattered amid the shadows
desperately ill, and I urged him to take communion — the parish
of our works."32 And later, the year before he died, in July
priest arrived and gave him extreme unction; a little later he died —
1608, a group of his pupils rallied around him and created a
He wanted to make a will,... but he didn't have time — His
valiant document that Annibale also signed, promising to
nephew Antonio, Agostino's son, is here and will take care of every-
paint at least one head every five weeks and to work together
thing, and he will arrange for burial in the Rotunda, next to the
in the studio for at least two hours every day.33
tomb of Raphael.... in the judgment of the leading painters of Rome,
Annibale seems to have become more and more isolated,
when he lived he was the greatest man in the world in his profes-
and his loneliness was often remarked upon. Annibale's
sion . . . . his loss is a sorrow not only to relatives and friends, but to
sexuality has never been fully investigated, and Bellori's state-
our city, and to all students of a most noble art— 3
ment that Annibale's death was hastened by his "amorous
2O5 GA N Z
Annibale's death deeply affected those who esteemed art 6. Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 334, tells 17. Posner 1971, i: 138, says, "... if
us that Francesco Angeloni owned one is to judge by the sad transfor-
in Rome. They recognized his achievements as a painter,
fully six hundred drawings by Anni- mation in Annibale's art that took
his influence as a teacher, and his uniqueness as a man. His bale, and Wittkower 1952,16 and place between the painting of the
friend Mancini described him thus: "He was a universal n. 24, surmised that the number of vault and the walls of the Farnese
drawings for the Farnese Gallery Gallery [that is between 1601 and
painter, sacred, profane, ridiculous, serious.... Since his mind ceiling alone was probably more 1604], then the competition, to
contained everything, he did not need to see things in order than a thousand. the extent that it was responsible,
cost Annibale dear."
to paint them. His compositions were perfect; they captured 7. Translation by Enggass in
Bellori 1968, 58. 18. See Negro and Pirondini 1995,
emotions and were filled with graceful decorum."39 For 10, for the Bolognese artists who
8. Bellori 1968,58.
his contemporaries, he had revitalized the great Renaissance began to work with Annibale at that
9. Bellori 1968, 58. time. See Posner 1962,130-131,
achievements in painting, bringing graceful proportions for minor artists we cannot now
10. Bellori 1968, 59.
and the grandeur of the antique into harmony with nature, identify.
n. Posner 1971, i: 134-135.
fusing light, color, and an observation of the beauty in Gods 19. See Posner 1971, 2: nos. 145-150.
12. The letter, written by an
world with the humility and humanity of man. anonymous correspondent to the 20. See Spear 1982,142 and nn. 5-8.
Dutch painter Carel van Mander, 21. Domenichinos commission
is quoted in Posner 1971, i: 135, to paint the Farnese-sponsored
and its date is discussed on p. 174, chapel at Grottaferrata was obtained
NOTES 2. The letter was written on 8 July
n. 12. For Annibale's fame in Rome through Annibale's intervention
i. According to a letter written 1595 to the priors of the Confrater-
immediately upon completion of and is an often-quoted example of
by a Bolognese compatriot, G.B. nita di San Rocco, to whom he
the Gallery, see Posner 1971, i: 135. this. See Spear 1982,159, no. 35.
Bonconti, dated 2 August 1599, owed an unfinished painting. For
Annibale was given "una stanzietta the text of the letter, see Perini 13. See Rottgen 1965, 49-51, for 22. Bellori 1968, 61.
alii tetti" (a little room under the 1990,155-156. the chronology of the unveiling
23. Bellori 1968,56, says that Anni-
eaves) in the Farnese Palace for of the paintings. For Caravaggio's
3. See Bellori 1672, 31. bale began painting The Assump-
accommodation. Quoted in Mal- rising popularity after 1600, see
tion in the Herrera chapel but that
vasia 1678 (1841), i: 405. Annibale 4. For the Aldobrandini family Posner 1971, i: 137-138, and nn.
"... after twelve days he stopped
was living on the Quirinal Hill, on he painted The Coronation of the on 174-175.
working here and stayed his hand
the present site of the Borromini Virgin (Cooney and Malafarina
14. No documents for Annibale's and brush. His illness suddenly
church of San Carlo allé Quattro 1976, no. 88); for the Mattei fam-
contract with Cerasi have been redoubled as he was struck by
Fontane, at the time of his death; ily, a Death of the Virgin for their
found. For the documents concern- apoplexy which impeded his speech
Bellori 1672, 67, had reported that family chapel in San Francesco
ing Caravaggio's contract with and disturbed his intellect for
Annibale had moved there. Zap- a Ripa (Cooney and Malafarina
Cerasi, see Friedlaender 1955, 277. some time."
peri's relatively recent discovery of 1976, no. 128, pi. 56); for the
the inventory of the artist s belong- Borghese family, The Temptation 15. Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 344. 24. Translation in Posner 1962,
ings (see Zapperi 1979, 62-67), of Saint Anthony (Cooney and See Posner 1971, i: 136-138 and nn. 98-99.
which had been submitted to the Malafarina 1976, no. 98). on 174-175, for a discussion of
25. Quoted in Mahon 1957,196.
local notary two days after the how each artist was aware of, and
5. For the Márchese Salviati,
artists death, confirms that Anni- influenced by, the other. See also 26. Letter from an agent to the duke
Annibale painted the Holy Family
bale was still living on this site Dempsey 1977, 86, n. 59; Hibbard of Modena, Archivio di Stato, cited
with Saint John the Baptist (Cooney
when he died (he is referred to as 1983,131-132. byTietze 1906-1907,148, n. i.
and Malafarina 1976, no. 93a) and
"Anibals ad quator fontes"). Anni- The Vision of Saint Francis (Cooney 16. After 1601, what Posner has 27. Bellori 1672, 67.
bale's death was registered in the and Malafarina 1976, no. 92); called "an implacable rigidity
28. Posner 1971, i: 147-148, and
records of the parish of San Giro- for Prince Ludovisi, the Adoration and iconic frontality" took over.
n. 61, reports this move, on the
lamo al Quirinale. of the Shepherds (Cooney and Others, notably Pepper and Mahon
basis of a reference in Bousquet
Malafarina 1976, no. 95). Wittkower (oral communication 1999), see
1952, 289, n. 3.
1952, 16, n. 26, lists genre pictures this later style as Annibale's great-
of the period. est painting.
2O6
29. Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 319. 38. The letter was not written until
12 September 1609, but it describes
30. Posner 1962, in.
the night of 14-15 July. It was
31. Soussloff 1987,116 and n. 9. addressed to Agucchi's friend in
32. Bellori 1968, 84. Bologna, Canon Bartolomeo
Dulcini. Translation in Posner
33. "lo Annibale Afermo," Anni- 1971, i: 149. Quoted in Malvasia
bale wrote. The "contract" is on the 1678 (1841), i: 319-320.
verso of a drawing now in Turin,
inv. 16096 D.C. 39. Mancini 1617 (1956-1957,), i:
219."Fu pittore universale, sacro,
34. Posner refers to this in a note profano, ridicolo, grave e vero pit-
(1971, i: 179, n. 68), but does not tore poiche faceva di sua fantasia
pursue it. Martin 1965,19, mentions senza tener il naturale davanti;
it briefly. Wittkower (1963,115 bonissimo compositore, espresse
and n. 70) discusses the comment gl'affetti et hebbe gran decoro."
made by a seventeenth-century
biographer, Joachim von Sandrart,
about Annibale's reckless lifestyle.
He led "a wicked life devoid of
virtue, though before his end he
redeemed himself from this slough
of iniquity."
35. Zapperi 1979, 62. Zapped also
conjectures that another pupil,
a certain Giovanni Antonio Solari,
one of whose paintings was
recorded in the inventory of Anni-
bale's house after his death, lived
together with his master "at least
since 1607" (p. 63).
36. Bellori 1672, 76-77, mistak-
enly noted Annibale's age as forty-
nine in his account of the artist s
death, and it has been repeated in
this incorrect form ever since. In
fact, Annibale was born in early No-
vember, so that in July of 1609 he
was forty-eight, not yet forty-nine.
See Posner 1971, i: 149.
207 CAN z
•6i-
62 THIS IMPORTANT SKETCH IS DIRECTLY
F i G. i Coronation of the Virgin, c. 1507, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Purchase, Bequest
of Adelaide Milton de Groot (1876-1067), by exchange, and Dr. and Mrs. Manuel Porter and Sons,
gift in honor of Mrs. Sarah Porter, loyi
2O9CATALOGUENOS.62-95
63 PROVENANCE
Francesco Angeloni; Pierre
Mignard; Antoine Coypel; Charles-
Antoine Coypel; bequeathed by
him to the French royal collection
Bust of the Virgin in 1752; Musée du Louvre (Lugt
1899 and 2207), inv. 7144
with Hands Joined
EXHIBITIONS
Paris 1866, no. 147; Bologna 1956,
1597-1599; black chalk heightened no. 109; Paris 1961, no. 35; Paris
with white on two joined sheets 1974, no. 15; Paris 1994, no. 54
of gray-blue paper, slightly trimmed F i G. i after Annibale Carraca, Coronation of the Virgin, c. 1597-1599, Santa Caterina del Funari, Rome
BIBLIOGRAPHY
at left and top and laid down; Jaffé 1956a, 398; Posner 1971, 2:
500 x 374 (19 n/i6 x 14 3A) THIS IS THE PREPARATORY CARTOON now in Naples, which directly inspired the 44-45, 47; Voile in Paris i988a,
155; Giardini 1995, 261
for the left part of the lunette of the Corona- exhibited drawing.3 Certainly a connoisseur
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE,
D É P A R T E M E N T DES ARTS
tion of the Virgin, copied by Annibale after the and an informed patron, Bombasi doubtless
GRAPHIQUES, PARIS fresco by Correggio in Parma. The painting intervened in the aesthetic choices that NOTES
was placed above that of Saint Margaret in the presided at the creation of the altarpiece for 1. Mancini 1617 (1956-1957), i: 219.
Bombasi chapel in the church of Santa Cate- his chapel, which still today is striking in the 2. In regard to the Saint Margaret,
Bellori's statement that the copy of
rina dei Funari in Rome. According to Mancini, bare elegance of the framework—perhaps
the painting in Reggio is by Lucio
the earliest source, Annibale was the author of designed by Annibale—beside the neoman- Massari and that Annibale only
the CoronationI and executed Saint Margaret, nerist stucco work of the other chapels. By intervened to change the iconogra-
phy is put in question by direct
below, following the figure of Saint Catherine resolutely affirming the Emilian and Venetian examination of the canvas, which
in the Madonna of Saint Luke, now in the sources of his art in the first years of his stay shows sumptuous Venetian tonali-
ties and many differences in the
Louvre.2 Later sources disagree about the extent in Rome, between 1597 and 1599, the Bolog-
placement of figures and contrast-
of Annibales participation in the work, nese painter clearly manifested his personality ing details in the two canvases. An
but there is no doubt that the cartoon, from and his individuality. original drawing by Annibale for
the landscape in the background is
which the right part with Christ has disap- The cartoon, which belonged to Francesco in the Louvre (inv. 7645).
peared, is by him and was used by a student, Angeloni, was known to historiographers of 3. VanTuyll 1988,50-51.
probably Innocenzo Tacconi, to transcribe the painting and notably to Giovanni Pietro Bel-
composition into paint (fig. i). Ion, who could examine it at his leisure and
The patron, Gabriele Bombasi, who came remember it when he evoked Annibales forma-
from Reggio, was the preceptor of the young tion. However, it is not an exact copy of Cor-
Odoardo Farnese and seems to have played a reggio's composition, as differences with the
role in the Farnese court. He even bequeathed fresco in Parma prove, but rather a free recre-
several paintings by Annibale to the Farnese ation with numerous pentimenti that was
family: The Angel Gabriel,, now in the Musée inspired by the sinuosity of Correggio s motif,
Condé, Chantilly, and four copies after Cor- but treated with an energy that is close to Titian
reggio, including The Coronation of the Virgin, in the modeling. CLL
210
• 63 •
• 64 •
THE R E C E N T A T T R I B U T I O N OF THIS which is preparatory for Annibale s Adoration
1
drawing to Agostino by Aidan Weston-Lewis of the Shepherds from the Ludovisi collection
raises once again the question of the proxim- (fig. i), despite superficial resemblances with the
ity of style between the two brothers at the end work of Agostino in the handling of the faces,
of the 15905. It is enough to recall the problem this sketch can be considered a rare surviving
of the lost painting The Return of the Prodigal example of its type by Annibale. From this
64
Son—attested by the oldest sources as a work dynamic and airy composition only the central
2
of Annibale, and reattributed to Agostino by figure of the Virgin, a souvenir of Correggio P R O V E N A N CE
The Nativity the Louvre3—to understand the difficulty of the shepherds watching from a wall will disap- EXHIBITIONS
separating the hands of the two brothers in pear and be replaced by an opaque background. Cambridge 1959, no. 20; New York
certain drawings in pen and even in black chalk. The motif of the figure cut by the column at and tour 1976, no. 14; Oxford and
c. 1597-1598; pen and brown ink London 1996-1997, no. 90
on cream paper, the upper left corner
In fact, the recto of the composition drawing left, an invention that is typical of Annibale,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
torn off; 514 x 378 (20 V4 x 14 %) in Windsor for The Prodigal Son* with the will be reused with variants in two later compo-
Mahon in Bologna 1956, under
monumental amplitude of the draped figures sitions, a painting and a print of the Adoration no. 109; Jaffe i956a, 398, fig. 2;
THE SYNDICS OF THE
defined by a concise pen line broadly heightened of the Shepherds.5 Posner 1971, 2: 45, under no. 102,
FITZWILLIAM MUSEUM,
pi. iO2b; De Grazia Bohlin 1983,
CAMBRIDGE
with wash, would constitute the culmination The many stylistic similarities with the
38-39; Moinet in Tours-Orléans-
of Annibale s studies before his definitive instal- series of preparatory drawings for the painting Chartres 1996-1997, under no. 41;
lation in Rome. As for the exhibited sheet, of The Madonna and Child in Glory over Bologna Weston-Lewis 1997, 461; De Grazia
19980, 300-301
in Christ Church, Oxford (see Cat. 23), and
more notably the correspondence between
this drawing and the bust of the Virgin in the NOTES
lunette of Santa Caterina dei Funari (Cat. 63) 1. Weston-Lewis 1997, 461.
213 C A T A L O G U E N O S . 6 2 - 9 5
WHILE THE GALLERY CEILING WAS a group of revelers. Fat Silenus, the oldest
being frescoed, Cardinal Farnese commissioned satyr and companion of Bacchus, is seated on
Annibale to design two ornate table orna- the ground holding a tipped goblet. Already
ments of silver and gold. The objects, known drunk, he is propped up by a younger satyr and
1
from seventeenth-century inventories, no a faun who pour wine into his mouth from
longer survive, but a number of masterful and a goatskin bag. Cardinal Farnese's strong iden-
sensuous studies for each piece are extant, tification with Bacchus has been noted before,
The Drunken salver rimmed in gold, known as the Tazza The elaborate border evolved with evident EXHIBITIONS
Farnese; the other, a silver bread basket with care, as its complex manufacture suggests. Not Newcastle-upon-Tyne 1961, no. 124;
Silenus golden feet, is referred to as the Panière Farnese satisfied with his first attempt at the vine-leaf Washington 1979, 456, 458,fig.I9f;
Oxford and London 1996-1997,
(see Cat. 68). The bowls of these unusual wreath, Annibale cut three irregularly shaped 138, no. 87
1599-1601; pen and two shades objects had been incised with a burin, resulting pieces of paper and laid them around the edges
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of brown ink with brown and
in beautifully worked surfaces that caught over the original design, leaving the right side Campori 1870, 489; Ellesmere 1898;
gray-brown wash over traces of
and reflected light. It is not surprising that of the drawing intact. He washed the corners Wittkower 1952,113; Kurz I955b,
black and red chalk on beige paper, 282-287; Mahon in Bologna 1956,
Annibale, an accomplished printmaker, was of the sheet with pale brown before drawing
cut in several places and pieced 89, under no. 113, Posner 1971, 2:
requested to use his skill in engraving for the rim of vines, the effect of which projects the 50, no. 113 under pi. 113 b; Turner
together, with additional overlap-
the decorative design. center of the cup more deeply into space. 1980, 22-23, n°- 2; De Grazia 1984,
ping strips of paper, laid down; 240-243, under no. 19, fig. 339f;
1 13
286 x 275 (n A x 10 /io) The fate of the two objects is not known. The decorative border, then, acts as a porthole Bohn 1996, 236, 238; Colorno-
A round, flat circle of engraved silver, found onto a separate scene. He may have intended Munich-Naples 1995, 382-384,
THE BRITISH MUSEUM, under no. 168; De Castris, Mar-
in Naples among the Farnese treasures, was the rim to be made from a separate piece of
LONDON tino, and Muzii 1996, chap. 4,
identified by Kurz as one surviving piece of the silver, either engraved or perhaps cast in relief. 136-140
3
original Tazza. It is more likely, however, that Annibale s drawing shows a richly orna-
it is a copy of the bowl of the Tazza and that mented, intricate wreath of grapes, the tendrils
NOTES
the cup is lost (see Cat. 67). The importance and leaves of which intertwine with eight
1. See Muzii in De Castris, Mar-
of the commission can be surmised by the animals' heads—four horned and bearded tino, and Muzii 1996,136, for a
survival of many remarkable drawings, three rams, and four lions.7 Two sweeping strokes of complete list of the inventories in
which the Tazza appears.
of which are in the current exhibition (Cats. wash around the inside of the circle cast the
2. See especially De Grazia Bohlin
65-67), and by the large number of prints after entire border into even higher relief.
in Washington 1979, 456-465,
Annibales design.4 The fat baby satyr clinging to the wreath no. 19, and again in De Grazia 1984,
The British Museum sheet is the first for the and reaching toward Silenus seems to have 240-243, no. 19. See also Bohn
1996, 235-244, under no. .018.
Tazza's interior in its final design. Among been added later, perhaps to unify the two ele-
3. See Kurz I955b, 282-287.
the drawings that preceded it is a design in the ments of the design. Here the artist is begin-
4. See Bohn 1996, 235-244,
Louvre (fig. i) showing the head of Silenus ning to change his concept, as the wreath will no. .018, who records seventeen
in the center of the dish, grapevines in his hair. eventually become part of the Tazza's bowl, impressions of the print.
A companion to this drawing is the sheet by rather than its rim. 5. Inv. 1986. Repr. Wittkower
5 1952,113, fig. 13.
Agostino at Windsor, which may illustrate an The landscape background was sketched in
early project for a twin dish that was never last and is clearly drawn over the new borders. 6. See Zapperi 1988, 347.
F I G . i Head of Silenus, 7. For a discussion of the Bacchic
executed. On this drawing it appears as an afterthought,
c. 1599-1600, Musée du Louvre symbolism and its relation to the
With each study Annibale worked out the and on the engraved plate it is absent entirely. KG Farnese Gallery vault, see De Grazia
positions of the figures and the ornamental Bohlin in Washington 1979, 464,
n. ii.
border. For the center of the cup, he sketched
214
•6S-
66 THE DRAWING ON THE RECTO OF
216
T
• 66 V E R S O •
The drawing, although not complete, is one ing fluidly around the exterior volumes, hardly NOTES
of the most important in Annibale s oeuvre. being lifted from the sheet. The drawing 1. Martin 1965, 228-230. He
discusses the seven known studies
First, its connection with the vault of the Gal- on the verso uses coarser, rougher strokes, with for the four corners and their
lery provides a terminus ante quern for the parallel hatching and heavy outlines to indi- probable date. See also Gail Feigen-
baum's essay, this volume.
Tazza Farnese studies to the winter of 1600- cate shading and mass.
2. For a map of the daily sections,
1601. Second, the dramatic change in style The verso is Annibale's first study in which
see Brigand et al. 1987, in the
between the recto and the verso marks a turn- he appears to be applying a basic fresco tech- section "Carte delle Giornate."
ing point in Annibale's graphic development, nique to a pen and ink drawing. In fresco, color 3. Steven Pepper, in a paper pre-
one that heralds a new way of drawing that must be applied with denser or lighter patches sented at the German Institute of
Florence, spring 1998.
he will use increasingly over the next years. of single strokes and parallel lines; it cannot
The technical as well as stylistic changes are be blended into wet plaster the way wash
startling. Both sides of the sheet show rapidly can be applied to a sheet of paper. In his later
sketched compositions. In the drawing for the years, Annibale would apply this technique
Tazza Farnese Annibale used a fine-nibbed pen to his drawing almost exclusively.
for the outlines and a delicate sepia-colored Mariette was evidently pleased to have two
ink, washed on with a brush, to show volume; drawings by Annibale on the same sheet. Not
in the study for the Farnese ceiling corner he only did he draw the decorative oval border,
used darker ink and no wash, and a pen with complete with ribbon and bow around the two
a broader nib for drawing. The sketch on the putti on the verso, he annotated the recto with
recto is made with the pen twisting and turn- a note to the viewer: "tournez, s'il vous plaît." KG
cating that Annibale used this method to trans- outside of Annibale's drawn border, and that EXHIBITIONS
fer his design onto the silver bowl of the Tazza. the circle of vines and grapes will decorate the London i836b, 25, no. 74; London
1955, no. 14; Bologna 1956, no. 113;
The figures that occupy the center of the curving sides of the plate. Deft brushstrokes Newcastle-upon-Tyne 1961, no. 124;
cup, now so familiar to the artist, have been of wash around the left edge help to indicate Washington 1979, 456-464, under
drawn directly onto the paper in pen and ink. where light and shadow will fall on the slanted no. 19
In this final drawing the group of revelers sides. This records a change from the British BIBLIOGRAPHY
is placed on a flat, rocky platform, bathed in Museum drawing, in which Annibale planned Campori 1870, 665; Ellesmere
1898, no. 60; Tomory 1954, 21, no.
48, repr. as frontispiece; Kurz
I955b, 285-286 and fig. 15; Posner
1971, 2: 50, under no. 113; Schilling
and Blunt 1971, under Wittkower
100; Bean 1979, 76-77, no. 104;
Turner 1980, 22-23, under no. 2;
De Grazia 1984, 242, under no. 19
and fig. 339h; Colorno-Munich-
Naples 1995, 382-384, under no. 168;
De Castris, Martino, and Muzii
1996,136-140, under no. 4.5;
Bohn 1996, 236, repr. 240, under
no. .018; Robertson in Oxford
nd London 1996-1997,138, under
no. 87
F i G. i Annibale Carracci s signature, from his letter to Giulio Fossi, i$p$, Archivio di Stato di Reggio Emilia, Bologna
220
•67-
to have the wreath decorate the flat edge of the NOTES 3. Kurz's observation that there
1. The subject of Annibale's sig- are traces of solder on the base of
salver, perhaps in relief.
nature has not been studied sys- the Naples plate does not prove
Annibale was a master of the engraving tech- tematically. Six autograph letters that it belonged to the cup, only
nique, and his silver plate must have been by Annibale survive, but one is a that it may have once been
fragment from the middle of the attached to another piece of silver.
radiant once completed. It has been suggested One of the earliest examples of the
letter and does not contain his sig-
that among the surviving examples of prints nature, and five are to Ludovico print, the so-called first state at the
and are not signed with his name. Metropolitan Museum in New
after this design (fig. 2), several were made from
The sixth is a letter dating from York, with a velvety brown/black
the bottom of the salver after it had been 6 July 1595, to Giulio Fossi of the ink on an oily piece of paper, in
detached from its base and rim.2 This explana- Confraternita di San Rocco, con- which the impression has slightly
cerning Annibale's commission double registered, seems indeed to
tion is a way of linking the silver plate found have been pulled from the Naples
for the painting The Alms of Saint
in Naples with some prints apparently pulled Roch (Dresden, Gemaldegalerie) plate. But neither appears to be by
and is signed in full (fig. i). Two Annibale himself. Wittkower 1952,
from it.
pages of the letter are reproduced 113, writing before Kurz, states
There is compelling evidence that some of in Boschloo 1974, 2: 346-347. It that the engraving "probably repro-
FIG. 2 afterAnnibale Carraca, Drunken Silenus the earlier prints of this subject were made from is on the basis of the handwriting duces Annibale's design for his Far-
(The Tazza Farnese), National Gallery of Art, in this letter that the majority of nese salver," even though he knew
the Naples plate. But there is no real proof that that early collectors of the print
Washington, Rosenwald Collection Apostille in the annotated volume
the worn, damaged silver circle, on which the of Vasari preserved in the Biblioteca called the early engravings "la tazza
Communale in Bologna can be di Annibale."
engraving is of poor quality, was the base of
assigned to Annibale, rather than
the Tazza Farnese. Aside from the difficulty to Agostino, as was previously
in imagining that Annibale's cup would be de- thought. Annibale signed another
drawing, see Cat. 84. Annibale's
stroyed in order to use one section of it for
full signature also appears on four
printing, the existing prints do not match Anni- documents related to payments for
bale's details in the exhibited drawing, nor work in the Farnese Gallery. See
Uginet 1980, pis. i a and b, 2a and
do the incised lines correspond to the compo- b. Only one other example of
sition on the silver plate. More important is Annibale's written name, in this case
only his first name, is known.
the fact that neither the piece of silver in Naples
This is the contract drawn up with
nor any of the known prints pulled from it his pupils on 14 July 1608, to
have the life and richness of Annibale's other which Annibale added: "lo Anni-
bale Afermo quanto di sopra." See
prints. It seems far more likely that, like the Mahon in Bologna 1956,167, under
silver plate surviving for the Panière (see Cat. no. 248. The contract is on the
back of a drawing in Turin (Biblio-
68), the plate of engraved silver in Naples is
teca Reale, inv. 16096 D.C.).
a copy after the original bowl of the magnifi-
2. For the idea that the stem of
cent cup, now lost.3 KG the dish and its decorative border
were removed from the Naples
silver object so that prints could be
pulled from the remaining plate,
see Kurz 19 55 b, 285: "Already at an
early date impressions were taken
from Annibale's salver." All subse-
quent authors have accepted that
the prints were pulled from the
Naples plate.
68
mena after Annibale's designs, survives in
Naples2 and it is from the prints pulled from PROVENANCE
The basket, like the cup it was designed to Bologna 1956, no. 115; Washington
a Decorative accompany (see Cats. 65-67), was to be com- 1979, 462, repr. 463, fig. I9k;
Oxford and London 1996-1997,
Framework posed of two distinct elements. An exquisite F i G. i Francesco Villamena after Annibale Carraca,
no. 88
Drunken Silenus, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
drawing in Florence depicts the original idea
Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1953 (53.600.931) BIBLIOGRAPHY
1599-1601; pen and brown ink for the center, with the composition reversed.4 Wittkower 1952,135, no. 289,
with brown wash over black chalk The Windsor sheet is a study for details fig. 30; Kurz 1955b, 286, fig. 19;
Posner 1971, 2: 50-51, under H4[s];
(in the studies at bottom and of the surrounding decorative frame, in which his human features and has become a more
De Grazia 1984, 243-244, under
right) and touches of orange-red Annibale combined a rich variety of motifs decorative element, almost like a rosette amid no. 19, fig. 339k; Bohn 1996, 241,
chalk (in the study at right, based on antique sources. Two satyr herms with the grape-laden frame. These new studies are under no. .018 ci si
the central mask, and the tassel) garlands stand like pilasters at either side, transferred without adjustments onto the silver
on cream paper; 250 x 383 with goats nibbling at the grapes that partially plate. As in his drawings for the Tazza, Anni-
NOTES
(10 3/i6 x 15 YIG)
cover their nude bodies. Heavy swags of leaves bale is particularly concerned with light and 1. Campori 1870, 489. According
HER MAJESTY QUEEN and ribbons, two fat putti, and a fierce recum- shadow, and the extra push of his pen in places, to Kurz i955b, 286, n. 14, the
description reads "Una panattiera
ELIZABETH II bent lion become the lower border, with the and the deposit of wash in others, serves to con- d'argento con cornice dorata, pure
classicizing head of Bacchus crowning the top trol light values throughout the composition. d'argent in quadro, intagliatovi
sopra un Baccanale, di Annibale
of the frame. In the upper left corner of the sheet, drawn
Carazzi."
Unusually, Annibale began to draw on the in almost pure wash and seen from below, is
2. See De Castris, Martino, and
right side of the sheet. Perhaps he was intend- a beautifully sketched head. Wittkower identi- Muzii 1996,141, no. 4.6, repr. 140,
ing to sketch the entire frame, but stopped to fied this drawing as the head of the nude figure for the extant silver plate, its history,
bibliography, and Farnese inventory
work out several details. He began with a chalk to the right of Apollo and Marsyas in the
numbers.
underdrawing of the border, followed by a Farnese ceiling. As Wittkower had incorrectly
3. Bohn 1996, under no. .018 ci si,
more complete drawing in pen and dark brown connected other studies on the present draw- reproduces Villamena's engraving,
ink. The first satyr-herm he drew has a head ing to Annibale's designs for the Farnese and discusses all known versions.
that is half-human, half-ram. A goat stands ceiling, the appearance of another sketch for 4. Repr. Posner 1971, 2: pi. ii4b.
6 De Grazia, following Kurz, states
quietly by his side, a refinement from the one the same project on the sheet was logical. that because the composition is
Annibale had experimented with on an earlier The resemblance to Annibale's fresco, surely reversed, the Uffizi drawing must
5 be a copy after an impression of
drawing at Windsor. finished by the time this drawing was executed,
the print pulled from the Tazza.
In the studies to the left, which are drawn may be coincidental. Ultimately, this head The freedom of execution, the
with a lighter color ink and no underdrawing, depends on Annibale's study of similar figures pentimenti, and small changes in
the composition would seem to
the satyr-herm and Bacchus are redrawn on the Sistine ceiling, such as Michelangelo's refute this argument.
with minor changes that Annibale evidently powerful view of the prophet Jonah. Annibale 5. Wittkower 1952,136, no. 290,
preferred. The satyr now has an older, less must have made many drawings in the chapel inv. 1967.
human, face, and his shoulders have developed when he first arrived in Rome, such as the two 6. Wittkower 1952,136. Kurz
into decorative volutes. Bacchus, too, has lost examples that survive at Windsor.7 KG was the first to connect the draw-
ing with the Panière.
7. Wittkower 1952, nos. 419
and 420.
224
• 68 •
• 69 •
THIS POWERFUL BUT RATHER IDIO- Bartolommeo Passarotti. Both the drawing
syncratic drawing is a study for the right half and the painted panels display a curious hard-
of a two-part painting, Silenus Gathering ness. The panels are backed with gold leaf,
Grapes, that Annibale executed in tempera on and the unusually sculptural figures are painted
panel around 1600, as De Grazia was the first in layers, built up within crisp, dark outlines.
to recognize.1 Now in the National Gallery, The entire lid is treated as if it were a sculptured
69
London (fig. i), the picture was recorded by frieze, an object that could be read clearly as
Bellori in 1664, who had seen it in the Palazzo if it were in relief. As the painting could only P ROYENANCE
In the Stàdelsches Kunstinstitut
Lancellotti in Rome and identified it as a sec- be seen when the instrument was open, the before 1862, inv. 4272
2
tion of a harpsichord lid. It has been sug- decorations for the interior had to be legible
EXHIBITIONS
Two Satyr Children gested that Annibale had been commissioned from a distance.
Frankfurt 1980, no. 35; Frankfurt
to decorate the harpsichord for the celebra- At some point Annibale cut his drawing 1994, no. 732
Picking Grapes tions of the marriage of Duke Ranuccio Far- into two pieces, probably when the panel was
BIBLIOGRAPHY
nese to Margherita Aldobrandini in Rome, in divided for mounting into the lid. On the De Grazia Bohlin in Washington
1599-1600; pen and brown and i6oo,3 although there is no record that the instrument, the left-hand satyr is much higher 1979, 460, 462, 464, n. 17, fig. 190;
black ink over red chalk, on three De Grazia 1984, 243-244, fig. 3390
Farnese family owned the instrument. A more than its twin. As Finaldi has observed, the
joined sheets of paper with the versos
likely proposal is that Annibale designed the size of the figures in the drawing match those
of the left and right portions (which
decorations for a harpsichord owned by Fulvio in the painting, and the drawing, rubbed on NOTES
originally formed a single sheet)
Orsini, the classical scholar and collector who the back with chalk as if prepared for transfer, 1. De Grazia Bohlin in Washing-
rubbed with black chalk; 230 x 400 ton 1979, 460, n. 17, where the
lived in the Palazzo Farnese and worked for may well have served as a cartoon.6
(çl/iôxi^A) description of the medium incor-
the duke. A description of such an instrument To preserve the separated sheets, Annibale rectly includes wash and the sheet
G R A P H I S C H E S A M M L U N G IM
appears in the inventory of Orsini's collection reunited the two halves of the drawing by insert- is described as having been cut
STÁDEI.SCHEN KUNSTINSTITUT, and repaired.
after his death, on 18 May i6oo,4 and if, as ing a strip of paper between the pieces, which
FRANKFURT AM MAIN 2. See Posner 1971, 2: 51, under
Levey believes, he owned the panels painted by corresponds precisely in scale to the cut in the no. 115.
Annibale, this establishes a terminus ante panel. In the new section, using a pen with a 3. De Grazia Bohlin in Washing-
quern for the drawing of 21 January 1600, when different color ink, he drew an exquisite land- ton 1979, 462, first made the
suggestion.
Orsini dated his will. scape, connecting the vine leaves at the top
4. See Levey 1971, 65.
The design for the harpsichord relates to with more branches and grapes. The distant
the theme of the Drunken Silenus, already trees, roads, and mountain in the landscape 5. De Grazia Bohlin in Washing-
ton 1979, 460, suggests that Anni-
given pride of place on the ceiling of the Far- are not present in the painting, but the study bale copied these figures from a
nese Gallery, and treated again so exuberantly provides a valuable example of the artist s way print pulled from the inked bot-
tom of the Tazza. I believe the
in the series of drawings for the cardinal's silver of rendering nature around 1600 in a manner
prints are not by Annibale. In
pieces (see Cats. 65-67). The drawing is a that is fluid and exceptionally free. KG any case, the differences are too
study for the two satyr children who swing from numerous to sustain this view.
the arbor to pick grapes. These satyrs are en- 6. Oral communication, 1999.
The paper is not incised for transfer,
larged—and almost identical—versions but the correspondence is exact.
of those in the Tazza Farnese, and Annibale
seems to have more or less copied them from
one of the prints he had engraved after its
design, as De Grazia was the first to suggest.5
The drawing of the satyr children, with its
emphasis on precise ink outlines and even
cross-hatching, is unusually rigid for Annibale,
and when it entered the Stàdelsches Kunstin-
stitut in 1852, it was catalogued as a work by
F i G. i Silenus Gathering Grapes, c. 1600, ©National Gallery, London
lished with a known painting, scholars cannot tion. Although the sheet was evidently trimmed 5. An invaluable starting point for
such a reassessment is provided by
agree on the attribution.4 on all sides at a later date, traces of old framing
Ann Sutherland Harris in various
Hence the need to take a fresh, unbiased lines in brown ink at the top and the bottom recent publications, including the
look at the evidence.5 The most reliable basis indicate that the image did not extend much review of the catalogue of Italian
drawings at Chatsworth (1996,195
for a reconstruction of Annibale s landscape beyond the present confines. CVT -205) and her discussion of Cat. 71
style is the landscape elements incorporated in Poughkeepsie and tour 1995-
1996, no. 34.
228
•70-
• 71 •
7i
THIS BEAUTIFUL LITTLE DRAWING IS with Men Bowling to two securely attributed P R O V E N A N CE
72
P R O V E N A N CE
of wash. The right side of this sheet is drawn palace is dispensed with, the only evidence of
King George in (Lugt 1201)
largely in pen and ink, with rapid, expressive domesticity being the huge drape, behind (Windsor Inv. Ms. A, 75); Royal
lines, and seems stark and raw compared which the cupid hides. Annibale's daring in Library, Windsor Castle, inv. 1987
Mars and Venus with the delicacy of the drawing of Mars and placing the bed outside extends to his turning BIBLIOGRAPHY
Venus. A few strokes of wash in the fore- the end of it into a rock, an invention the Wittkower 1952,156, no. 422;
in a Landscape ground serve to link the scene. copyist of the Albertina version of this drawing
Birke and Kertész 1994-1997, 2:
mo, under inv. 2112 (as a copy
In his brief catalogue entry, Wittkower did not dare to imítate.3 or second version of the drawing
c. 1600; pen and brown ink with in the Albertina attributed to
states that this drawing belongs to a series of The style is like that of Amor and Silenus in
Agostino)
light brown and dark brown washes
lascivious depictions of the loves of the gods, a Landscape (fig. i), which, because of its rela-
on beige paper, laid down and the
but that no other version of this composition, tionship with Annibale s harpsichord lid (see Cat.
lower right corner slightly trimmed; 1
whether printed or painted, is known. Anni- 69), gives a terminus ante quern of the spring NOTES
189 x 380 (7 7/i6 x 15 YIÓ)
1. Wittkower 1952,156, no. 422.
bale had invented his own pairs of embracing of 1600. Annibale's brilliant touches of wash
Inscribed in pen and brown ink at 2. See Wethey 1969-1975, 3:
couples for the ceiling of the Farnese Gallery and his ability to control light and shadow in
lower center: n°56 (partially cut off) nos. 58-59, 65.
—Juno and Jupiter, and Venus and Anchises, the smallest details are similar in these two
3. See Birke and Kertész 1994-
HER MAJ ESTY QUEEN among them—but here the erotic content of studies, and call to mind his drawings for the 1997, 2: mo, inv. 2112.
ELIZABETH II the lovers' embrace is more fully charged. The Tazza Farnese of the same approximate date
pictorial device of lovers before a window or (Cats. 65—67). The summary treatment of the
at the edge of a parapet, beyond which a vast landscape background, in pen and ink with
and inviting landscape beckons, was common no wash, also makes the two drawings roughly
in the Renaissance, and Titian's masterful contemporary. KG
232
• 72 •
•73 '
73
IN THE MOVING SKETCHES ON EACH Annibale began the drawing on the verso P ROVENANCE
side of this small sheet Annibale planted the with a sketch of the Virgin standing over the King George m (Lugt 1201) (Wind-
sor Inv. Ms. A, 76); Royal Library,
seeds of what was to become "one of the crumpled body of her son. Her eyes stare and Windsor Castle, inv. 2169
greatest masterpieces of European art around her mouth is open, as if screaming in pain.
Pietà (recto and verso) 1 EXH I B I T I ONS
1600," the Naples Pietà (fig. i). It is character- The pose of Christ is modeled on Michelan- Bologna 1956, no. 123; Cambridge
istic of Annibale as a draftsman that in these gelo's Roman Pietà, as Wittkower was the first 1959, no. 23
1600-1602; pen and brown ink abbreviated beginnings the essential emotional to note.3 Annibale's debt to this sculpture is BIBLIOGRAPHY
with brown wash over red chalk on
and compositional elements of the monumen- one of numerous examples of his reverence Chamberlaine 1812, pi. 30; Witt-
light beige paper (watermark: M kower 1952,147, no. 357, pi. 75;
tal canvas are present. The themes of death, for, and continued study of, the older artists
in an escutcheon surmounted by a Schilling and Blunt 1971, 65; Posner
sorrow, and resurrection, symbolized by Christ's inventions. 1971, i: no and 2: 52, no. 119, repr.
star); verso, pen and brown ink
open tomb, are already recorded. Annibale The Virgin's rounded back may have
with some random chalk strokes at
treated the subject in numerous paintings, inspired Annibale to set the Pietà within an
lower right; 259 x 205 (10 3/i6X 8 I/IG)
drawings, and prints throughout his career. He arch when he drew the calmer version on the
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
probably painted the Naples Pietà for Cardi- recto. The gentle expression of the Virgin
ELIZABETH II
nal Farnese as the vault of the Gallery was transforms the scene from one of panic to ten-
nearing completion or was finished, sometime der despair. Christ is twisted toward the viewer,
between 1600 and 1602.2 his torso and head more visible. Annibale has
placed his limp body on the rocky ground
against the open tomb in a bleak and desolate
landscape. Mary kneels over him, her hands
clasped in prayer and her mouth closed.
Annibale sketched the figures on the recto
in red chalk, which he then worked over in
pen and ink before adding a warm caramel-
colored wash. The technique of using red chalk
for underdrawing was abandoned around this
time. The pentimenti between the chalk and
ink compositions intensify the poignancy
of the scene. The Virgin's head bends slightly
forward and down, which acts to unify her
with her son. Along with strengthened ink
lines, clusters of parallel strokes, and pockets
of cross-hatching, Annibale added light and
then darker densities of wash to built up areas
of shadow. The sharp outcropping of rock
against the sky recalls the public scene of the
F i G. i Pietà, c. 1600 -1602, Museo Nazionale di Capodimonte, Naples Crucifixion, while emphasizing the private
tragedy of Christ's death for the Virgin.
236
• 73 V E R S O •
•74 '
74 THIS VIGOROUS STUDY FOR A SECTION
240
•75 '
75
IN THIS EXQUISITE, SMALL SELF- the large, soft Correggesque eyes, the small P ROVENANCE
portrait, drawn by Annibale about 1600, the strokes of shading, all find their counterpart Francesco Maria Niccoló Gabburri,
Florence; William Kent, London;
artist's melancholy aspect inadvertently in the Pietà drawing of around the same date Charles Rogers, London (Lugt 624;
becomes the subject, illustrating the leitmotif (see Cat. 73). sale, London, T. Philipe, 23 April
Self-Portrait of his biographers with heartbreaking clarity.
1799, no. 171); private collection,
Annibale's face and general appearance
Oxfordshire; Richard Day, London;
Annibale stares out with sad eyes, half in were accurately described by Bellori, who must Katrin Bellinger, Munich; purchased
c. 1600; pen and brown ink on buff shadow, over an oval frame. He appears small have had a careful, detailed description from by the J. Paul Getty Museum, inv.
paper, laid down on another sheet 96.GA.323
in the convex space. He wears informal artists his adopted father, Angeloni, who knew Anni-
on which is drawn a decorative border BIBLIOGRAPHY
clothes, with a cape roughly draped over his bale well: "Annibale's face was marked by
in pen and black ink with gray wash Turner 1993,184, 204-206
shoulders. The collar is messy, his hair tou- earnest melancholy. His coloring was rather (appendix n, no. 17), 208, fig. 23;
over graphite, 133 x 102 (5 *A x 4)
sled, and his arms are folded with one hand olive. He had intense eyes, a magnificent Turner 1997, 210, under no. 4,
Inscribed in pen and brown ink and fig. 67; Turner 1999, no. 9
resting on the frame, the other drawn in two forehead, and a broad nose. His beard, which
on a small rectangle of paper pasted
positions, both above and tucked under his he allowed to grow naturally, tended toward
at the bottom of the decorated
arm. Surrounding him is a bizarre cartouche, blond and was not shaven but rounded off."3 NOTES
mount: Caracci
decorated with skeletal animals resembling It is not possible to know what purpose 1. The Farnese owned multiple
THE J. PAUL GETTY dragons or seahorses, the corkscrew bodies of this drawing served, but each of its associations strands of rosary beads of the type
shown here, large and evenly
MUSEUM, LOS ANGELES
which fill the squinches above. Below, also is with death. In format it resembles an epi- rounded, with examples in amber
in the corners, are dolphins with curling tails. taph to be used for a tomb or sculptural mon- and other semiprecious material
preserved in the Farnese collection
Other ornaments in the decorative sur- ument. The small angel's head or death's head
in Naples. See De Castris, Mar-
round are difficult to identify. In the center of in the center, above the image, coupled with tino, and Muzii 1996,192, where
the oval above him, a winged animal, resem- the skeletal monsters in the upper corners fourteen examples are illustrated
in color.
bling a death's head, holds what appears to be of the design, are found in other engraved
2. I am grateful to Nicholas
a string of rosary beads in its jaw.1 The small mementi mori of the period. The size of the Turner for sharing his extensive
drawing has been pasted into a decorated bor- drawing conforms to that of some smaller research on the Florentine collec-
2 tor and diplomat Gabburri, who
der, added by a later collector, and its geo- prints, and this study may have been prepara-
owned this drawing, and on the
metric lines compete with the soft swelling of tory to an engraved self-portrait that was never presumed provenance of the deco-
Annibale's forms. made. Such a print may have been intended rated border.
Judging by face and demeanor, the sitter as a frontispiece to a biography of the artist,4 3. Bellori 1968, 66.
could be anywhere from twenty-five to forty- or a gift to Annibale's pupils for a publication 4. Annibale's biographers relied
on engravings after the few self-
five, but the style of the drawing suggests a of his works. KG portraits made by the artist. See
date around 1600, when Annibale would have Cat. 88, n. 2.
been forty years old. The swiftly drawn hands,
entourage of Cardinal Odoardo Farnese. The to moralize, as the artist essentially expresses 4. Inv. 7346.
caricatures produced at this time might have the solitude and despair of the condemned. 5. Inv. 7296.
played a derivative role through their humor, In the Louvre drawing of The Death of Judas
but it is also likely that the series of genre por- (fig. i),4 which is probably contemporary—
traits in Le arti a Bologna was a statement c. 1600-1603—the religious theme eliminates
this dramatic dimension, while another version,
known through a studio copy in the Louvre,5
presents the terrifying vision of a hanging in a
hostile forest. CLL
244
• 76 •
•77 '
77
THE DRAWING IS ONE OF FIVE SUR- Roman statue of Jupiter Enthroned, an antique PROVENANCE
viving preparatory studies for Annibale's sculpture that was one of the prize possessions King George in (Lugt 1201)
(Windsor Inv. Ms. A, 76); Royal
Assumption of the Virgin altarpiece in Count of the Farnese family (Naples, Museo e Gallerie Library, Windsor Castle, inv. 2098
Tiberio Cerasi's funeral chapel in Santa Maria Nazionali di Capodimonte).3
Kneeling Apostle EXHIBITIONS
del Popólo (see fig. i and Cat. 78).* The com- Wittkower comments on the care with London 1950-1951, no. 450;
mission was given to Annibale in the summer which Annibale's last Assumption of the Virgin Bologna 1956, no. 119; London
1600; black chalk over charcoal, the 1964, 32, no. 120
of the Jubilee year 1600, and the painting was prepared, and on the painterly black and
chalk wetted in places, heightened
was certainly finished and in situ by the time white effect of these late sheets, broadly exe- BIBLIOGRAPHY
with white gouache on blue paper, Wittkower 1952,145, no. 349, repr.
of the count's death in May of the following cuted with a grainy effect as compared with
laid down; 557 x 265 (14 Vie x 10 7/i6) 2 pl-73
year, and possibly significantly earlier. the smoothness of drapery studies of earlier
HER MAJESTY QUEEN The chapel was dedicated to Saints Peter and years.4 Annibale's use of soft, rich chalks, their
ELIZABETH II
Paul, and in Annibale's complex altarpiece these sfumato quality accentuated by the deep blue NOTES
two saints are given pride of place in front of paper, recalls the drawings of Titian, and it 1. See also Windsor, invs. 2108,
2114, 209or, 2090V.
the Virgin's empty tomb. Their huge bodies, seems certain that Annibale had seen some
2. The altarpiece is discussed
curving around the base of the stone sepulcher, of Titian's drawings on his trip to Venice in by Baglione 1642,107; Bellori 1672,
link the viewer's space in the chapel with the 1587/1588.5 There can be no doubt that Titian's 82; Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 297;
Tietze 1906-1907,134; Mahon
vision of the Virgin being transported to heaven. Assumption in the church of the Frari was
1947, 79, n. 129; and Posner 1971,
Other apostles crowd around the tomb. in Annibale's mind as he painted the heads of 2: 55, no. 126. No documents have
The study for the kneeling Saint Peter some of the apostles in deep shadow and in been found for the commission.
The Assumption is almost univer-
shows the ghost of a model posing in the posi- profilperdu. sally considered to be the first of
tion that the saint would have in the altarpiece. The drapery on this small sheet is trans- the paintings to be executed and
installed.
There can be little question that Annibale set lated almost exactly onto the huge panel in
up his model in the studio, carefully folded the church. Saint Peter's magnificent robes of 3. See Bober and Rubinstein
1986,51-52, no. i, repr. The statue
cloth in the way he wished it to appear, lit the yellow and blue also connect the figure directly was housed at the Villa Madama,
ensemble purposefully from above and to the with the scene on the vault above, in which he outside of Rome, a Farnese prop-
erty at the time.
left, and drew the model and the drapery from appears with Christ (see Cat. 78). Such is Anni-
4. Wittkower 1952,144-145.
life. It is unusual in Annibale's oeuvre that the bale's skill with chalk that the differentiation
5. For Annibale's trip to Venice,
figure is barely indicated but that the drapery in textures of cloth is clear even on the draw-
see Posner 1971, i: 44-48, and
is drawn with precision. This sheet is the ing, as are gradations in color on the folds. notes. Annibale probably went to
closest example of a "pure" drapery study by An interest in the effects of bright light and Venice several times between 1587
and 1595. He knew Veronese,
Annibale to have survived. deep shadow is also evident, as is Annibale's Tintoretto, and Bassano personally,
The drapery falls in broad, flat planes, growing interest in the defining quality of light. and is recorded as having made
copies after Titian and Tintoretto.
echoing the drapery on classical monuments It is significant that only the drapery is fully
Many of Annibale's drawings, both
that Annibale knew and studied in Rome. The worked up on this sheet. When Annibale was those in pen and ink as well as those
folds in this drawing recall particularly the satisfied with this element, he stopped draw- in black and white chalk, indicate
his knowledge of Venetian examples.
F I G . i Assumption of the Virgin, thick, rough cloth depicted on the colossal ing. This kind of study greatly influenced the For more on the influence of Vene-
c. 1600-1601, Cerasi Chapel, Santa pure drapery studies of Domenichino, Albani, tian drawings on early Annibale,
Maria del Popólo, Rome see Benati essay in this volume and
Guercino, and Lanfranco, and continued to
Cats. 18-22, 26.
inspire artists for a long time thereafter. KG
count, Tiberio Cerasi, acquired space to build to be crucified a second time," answers Christ, Pierre Crozat (probably his sale,
2
Paris, 10 April-13 May 1741, under
his funerary chapel, dedicated to Saints Peter pointing to the city's gates. The symbolism of nos. 442-451); Pierre-Jean Mari-
and Paul, in the church of Santa Maria del this meeting cannot have been lost on the pil- ette (Lugt 2097; probably his sale,
Studies for Popólo, just within the gates of Rome. He com- grims who entered the papal city in that holy
Paris, 15 November 1775, under
nos. 1399-1402); Julien de Parme;
"Domine, missioned Annibale to paint the high altar year. As with Saint Peter, each visitor would find Prince Charles de Ligne; Albert
and fresco the vault, and Caravaggio was given redemption within the walls of Rome. von Sachsen-Teschen; Graphische
Quo Vadis?" Sammlung Albertina (Lugt 174),
space for two large pictures on the lateral Three sketches of Peter and Christ document inv. 2160
1
walls (fig. i). Annibale's development of the composition.
1600-1601; pen and brown ink EXHI BITIONS
The Albertina drawing is a study for the What first appears to be part of the study of Bologna 1956, no. 118, pi. 60
on cream paper; 214 x 271
fresco of Domine, Quo Vadis?, on the north side the two main figures is, in fact, a drawing for
(S7/16XIOn/16) BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the vault above The Crucifixion of Saint the entire scene. It shows a tiny perspective
Bartsch 1794, 91, no. 2; Braun 1896,
GRAPHISCHE SAMMLUNG Peter. According to the apocryphal story, many study and small figure groups, including a rudi- 405; Tietze 1906-1907,133-136,
ALBERTINA, VIENNA
years after the Crucifixion Peter was surprised mentary kneeling figure that must have been pi. ix; Gnudi in Bologna 1956
(Dipinti), 237-240; Levey 1971,
to meet Christ on the Via Appia and asked, the first idea for Peter. The perspective diagram, 63 and n. 2; Posner 1971, i: 139-140,
repeated in the center, studies the vanishing 176, n. 4, and 2: 56, under no. 127,
pi. 1270; Cooney and Malafarina
point through the gate to the city and Christ's
1976, no. 119.1; Goldstein 1988,
position on its axis. The two protagonists are 154-155; Birke and Kertész 1994-
drawn again, larger in scale, on the lower right 1997, 2:1133, inv. 2160
248
• 78 •
On the verso is a precise drawing, made with
ruled lines, of a large cross, and seven small
drawings of the cross in relation to the picture
plane.4 The drawing seems to have been made
to help Annibale with this awkward, large
shape, which, even in the small studies on the
recto, appears unresolved. The extraordinary
size and bold angle of the cross in Caravaggio s
painting appears to have caused Annibale con-
cern. Even on the recto of the sheet the cross
is drawn and redrawn several times, and has
VERSO Studies of a Cross in Perspective, pen and brown ink with red chalk
changed again in the fresco. The proximity of
the paintings created a situation of inevitable NOTES 5. For the rivalry between Car-
competition, and a comparison of the two 1. Annibale's commission, con- racci and Caravaggio, see Posner
sidered the more important, was 1971, i: 136-138.
artists' works shows that Annibale's composi- probably received first. Caravag-
6. Baglione 1642,107, was fol-
tion was hopelessly retardataire} gio's contract with the count was
lowed by Bellori 1672, 83 and 93,
signed on 24 September 1600. See
Baglione stated that Annibale assigned the in this statement. All modern his-
Friedlaender 1955,183-186. For
torians repeat this assertion, begin-
vault paintings to his then most trusted pupil, Carracci s role, see Posner 1971, 2:
ning with Tietze 1906-1907,133-
the weak and ineffectual artist Innocenzo 126-127.
136. Tacconi was distantly related
Tacconi.6The stiffness of the fresco in relation 2. The story is described in The to Annibale (he was Ludovico s
Golden Legend. See Granger Ryan sister's stepson), and had come to
to the drawing would seem to confirm this Rome to work with Annibale
1993' i: 345-
statement. Even if Tacconi aided Annibale in 3. The gate leading into Rome
in about 1598. For Tacconi s role in
Annibale's studio and his break
the Cerasi chapel,7 Bellori's assertion, almost at the end of the Via Appia is still
with his master in 1602, see Posner
extant. Since medieval times
wholly overlooked in the literature, that the 1971, i: 139-140, and nn. 2-5.
it has been called the Porta San
frescoes were "retouched by Annibale,"8 should See also Schleier 1971, 669.
Sebastiano.
be given renewed consideration. The recent 7. Tietze 1906-1907,133, says
4. The small perspective studies
that Annibale was exhausted by his
cleaning of the vault frescoes has allowed care- may or may not be related to the
labors on the Farnese Gallery and
fresco. For a discussion of the
ful examination of the quality of the painting. verso of this drawing and Anni-
unable to paint the frescoes as well
as the large altarpiece required, and
The oval fresco in the center of the vault, bale's interest in and notations
for this reason assigned the ceiling
Christ Crowning the Virgin, appears to be by about perspective, see Goldstein
to Tacconi.
1988,154-155.
Annibale, as do the heads of Christ and Saint 8. Bellori 1976, 82-83.
Peter on the north side of the vault.9 KG 9. Sir Denis Mahon has indepen-
dently reassessed these frescoes and
agrees that the central oval is not
by Tacconi but by Annibale (oral
communication, 1999).
250
79
THIS AND THE FOLLOWING TWO led the prelate to choose a Bolognese artist in PROVENANCE
drawings were made in preparation for the the service of Cardinal Farnese for a profoundly Padre Sebastiano Resta; purchased
in Rome by Henry Newton in
painting Saint Gregory Praying for the Souls in devotional work that was clearly incompatible 1712; John, Lord Somers (died 1716;
Purgatory (now destroyed; fig. i), originally with the iconographie program of the Farnese his sale, London, 6 May 1717);
Saint Gregory William, id duke of Devonshire,
placed on the altar of the Salviati chapel in San Gallery ceiling.
by 1722; Devonshire Collection,
Praying for Souls Gregorio Magno. The chapel was consecrated An examination of the Chatsworth drawing, Chatsworth, inv. 435
in October 1603 after the death of the patron, a true bozzetto that includes the frame, reveals
in Purgatory EXHIBITIONS
Cardinal Antonio Maria Salviati, in March that an important change in the iconography London I938a, no. 391; Bologna
or April 1602.T The date of the commission is took place after it was made. According to 1956, no. 120; Newcastle-upon-
1599-1602; pen and brown ink Tyne 1961, no. 153; Washington
not known, nor are the circumstances that the medieval legend, Saint Gregory prayed for and tour 1962-1963, no. 13; London
with brown wash, heightened with
the souls in purgatory in order to deliver Em- 1969, no. 13; London 1993-1994,
white on brown paper, 595 x 265 no. 35; Washington and New York
peror Trajan, who had shown compassion to
(l^/2Xl03/8) 1995-1996, no. 51; Oxford and
a poor widow. The Chatsworth sheet depicts a London 1996-1997, no. 95
Inscribed in pen and brown ink at
small nude figure lifted up to heaven by angels,
lower right with the Resta-Somers BIBLIOGRAPHY
a treatment that is also found in a drawing, Richardson 1722,190; Tietze
number: £77, and inscribed on the
unfortunately somewhat worn, in pen and 1906-1907,162-163, n - 55 Voss
mount made for Lord Somers in 1924, 499, n. i; Wittkower 1952,
brown wash from the collection of Baron Do-
pen and brown ink by Jonathan under no. 351; Jaffé 1962, 26;
minique Vivant Denon, now in the Musée Posner 1971, 2: under no. 130,
Richardson Senior: Annibale Car-
des Beaux-Arts in Lyon (fig. i).2 In the end, the fig. i3ob; Jaffé 1994, no. 485;
racci; inscribed on the verso: Q.ZI Wood 1996, 2i, 53, no. 65, fig. 18
patron chose to eliminate this archaicizing
THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE
vision, and the saint instead bows before the
AND THE CHATSWORTH
SETTLEMENT TRUSTEES
miraculous image of the Virgin on the side
wall of the chapel.
It is worth noting that the successor to
Antonio Maria Salviati, Cardinal Cesare Baro-
nio, elevated on 21 April i6o2,3 presided over
the placement of Annibale's painting and the
statue by Cordier representing Saint Gregory
seated in the triclinium. Contrary to medieval
iconography, the saint is represented without
a beard as he is in Raphael's fresco of La Dis-
2 5 3 C A T A L O G U E NOS. 6 2 - 9 5
8o AFTER COMPLETING THE MODELLO
EXHIBITIONS
it was rejected by the patron, Cardinal Anto- tilting the head downward toward the left
Studies for nio Maria Salviati, or because Annibale him- shoulder and lifting the right shoulder. In yet
London I938a, no. 394
"Saint Gregory self was dissatisfied with it, Annibale began to another sketch at the bottom of the page, BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tietze 1906-1907,161, fig. 68;
rethink almost every detail of the composi- Annibale moved closer to the final solution
Praying for Wittkower 1952, no. 351; Mahon
tion: the pose of Saint Gregory and the two for Gregory's pose by bowing the head slightly in Bologna 1956, under no. 120;
Souls in Purgatory" angels accompanying him, the celestial vision and tilting it to the right while opening the Schilling and Blunt 1971, 65;
Robertson in Oxford and London
above, the setting, and even the angle of view arms and hands into a gesture of humble 1996-1997,146, under no. 95
1599-1602; pen and brown ink on from which the figures are seen. The study beseeching. Other drawings clearly intervened
cream paper, cut and made up sheet at Windsor Castle, which overflows with between this sheet and the painting, not only
at lower right and the image com- a fluid succession of ideas, played an impor- more studies of the composition as a whole,
pleted by another hand, laid down; tant role in helping Annibale to work out a but also studies for the individual figures once
2/2 X 201 (lO U/16 X 7 15
/lo)
more satisfactory arrangement. He seems at Annibale had determined their poses, ges-
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
first to have been thinking in terms of jotting tures, and costumes (see Cat. 81). The seeds
ELIZABETH II down a rather complete composition, proba- were planted here, however, for the final evo-
bly beginning with the figure of Saint Gregory lution of the painting.
at center, the two angels who accompany him The rather scratchy, choppy pen style of
—one hardly indicated at the saint's shoulder the Windsor drawing conforms to Annibale's
—and the angelic host above. He seems then drawing style of about 1600-1602. (The
to have drawn the quick sketch of the saint painting was completed by 1603.) Comparisons
and the right-hand angel at the left of the page, can be made, for example, with other draw-
repeating exactly the pose of the angel but ings of about that time in this exhibition, in-
altering the positions of Gregory's head and cluding Studies for "Domine, Quo Vadis?"
arms. (The truncation of that sketch suggests (Cat. 77) ^nd A Man Carrying a Vase (Cat. 83),
that the sheet has been trimmed at the left, and with such slightly later sketches as Self-
though there is no way of knowing how much Portrait on an Easel and Other Studies (Cat. 88)
and Saint Catherine (Cat. 91). MM G
254
•8o-
•8i-
8i A NUMBER OF ANNIBALfi's CHALK
lower right: 8 herms and ignudi of the Farnese Gallery, the several times before he was satisfied. (He still BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the same angel in a slightly different pose cated, though resolving its position does not i. Invs. 2067, 2089; repr. Martin
1965, figs. 245, 246. For the dating
in a sheet of studies for the Saint Gregory at seem to have concerned him in this study.
of the drawings of cupids, see also
Windsor (Cat. 80), but here the pose matches The execution of the Metropolitan drawing Cat. 66.
almost exactly that of the angel in the paint- can be compared most profitably to some
ing. The arrangement of the draperies, how- of Annibale's studies for cupids for the Farnese
Gallery, most notably two in Windsor,1 both
of which probably date from around 1600. The
sense of supple flesh, fully rounded forms,
and soft, enveloping light in all three drawings
is nearly identical. Adding extra energy to the
Metropolitan sheet, however, is the broader
treatment of the drapery, which contrasts with
the finer modeling of the body and adds a
spark of spontaneity to his pose and gesture.
On the verso is a delightful study for the
cushion that supports the knees of the praying
saint in the painting. Drawn without any in-
dication of the figure, it nevertheless suggests
the saint's presence through the lumpy depres-
sions along the upper contour and in the way
VERSO A Cushion, black and white chalk
its left corner is lifted. Although Annibale used
the same kind of tasseled pillow in the final
painting and showed it from the same point
of view, its shape there is quite different. MM G
258
•8i-
• 83 •
83 WITH ITS HARMONY OF LINES,
Sleeping Venus the most complete of three surviving studies for already in the Farnese collection, and The drawings in his collection); in the
Stàdelsches Museum's collection
this picture.1 Made for his ever-demanding Feast of Venus, brought to Rome by the Aldo-
before 1862; inv. z 4060
patron Cardinal Farnese, the painting was seen brandini family in 1598. Between 1602 and
c. 1602; pen and brown ink with EXHIBITIONS
by Annibale s friend Agucchi in the artist s 1604 Annibale designed a series of titillating
brown wash over black chalk, Frankfurt 1980, no. 38; Frankfurt
studio in the palace while he was still working mythological scenes, some of which he exe- 1994, z 31
heightened with white chalk on
blue paper, laid down; 279 x $79
on the canvas. Agucchi s description of the cuted and some of which were painted by his
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(n x 14 %) picture is an important document, as it under- pupils,3 for the ceilings and walls of the cardi- Tietze 1906-1907,162-163 and
scores that Annibale was still living and work- nals private retreat. Taken with the Gallery fig. 70; Foratti 1913, 235 (as not
Inscribed, or signed (?), in pen and autograph); Wittkower 1952,148,
ing in the Farnese Palace in the autumn of frescoes on the east side of the palace gardens,
brown ink at left: Annib /Caracci, under no. 358; Martin 1964,160-
1602, and that he was undertaking a major as Robertson has observed, the scheme forms 163; Posner 1971, 2: 60, under no.
and at upper right: An. Caracci;
commission for the cardinal at a date after his a kind of Garden of Love.4 The figure of the 134, and fig. 134 b
numbered in pen and black ink at
lower right: 30 supposed rift with his patron over payment sleeping goddess was certainly painted by
for the Farnese Gallery. It is also of interest for Annibale, although one or more of his pupils
GRAPHISCHE SAMMLUNG IM
what Agucchi singles out to praise in the may have contributed to other parts of the
S T À D E L S C H E N K U N ST I N S T I T U T ,
FRANKFURT AM MAIN painting: its literary content and "the variety painting.5 He drew the sleeping figure three
and richness of its symbolic display of human times, each with the subtlest refinement of her
2
passions and interaction." pose. The most complete drawing, in the
center of the page, was the first study. The artist
has posed a model on a bed, her eyes closed
and curls tucked under a simple scarf, and
drawn her from life. Venus' entire body is
stretched out, and she sinks lightly into the
mattress, her back against the round bolster
that lifts her from the sheets. A highly finished
and carefully worked study in black and white
chalk, the drawing evokes the sensual and
tactile quality of Venus' flesh.
Her left arm is raised above her head. Tietze
was the first to observe that this pose depended
on the Roman statue of the Sleeping Ariadne
(see fig. 2), which Annibale would have
FIG. i Sleeping Venus and Putti in a Landscape, c. 1602, Musée Conde, Chantilly
known in Rome. The indication of a bracelet
on her upper arm is copied from the Roman
model. The goddess, half dreaming, bends her
262
• 84-
NOTES
right arm upward and touches her breast. In the other drawing, the much freer study 5. For the authorship of the
painting, see Posner 1971, 2:59-60.
The erotic nature of the subject is heightened on the far left, Annibale again placed her left
6. Tietze 1906-1907,162-163,
in this study, because the artist s view of his arm behind her head, while he tried two alter- suggested that the first drawing
model is so tender, and because he has used his native positions for her right arm. The second was the one on the upper left, and
that it is this drawing that is
skill with chalk to make her flesh come alive. study, showing her arm on the bed and her
dependent on the antique source.
Annibale outlined the figure and the sleeping hand across her belly, would be used for the
cupid with pen and ink before moving on to painting.
a new sketch. Annibale must have been aware of the
Annibale reworked Venus' pose in two rapid exceptional beauty of the two pen studies, as
drawings. On the upper right corner of the he may have signed each of them with an
page he changed the positions of the cushion abbreviation of his name (see Cat. 67). These
and the models right arm, which is now raised sketches are quite extraordinary in their mod-
to her cheek so that she can rest her head. ern look. The pen drawing, in particular, on
He put her in more shadow and rearranged her the upper left, with its abstract openness, and
curls to be more classicizing, as they will appear smudges and deposits of dark wash, heralds
in the painting. the drawing style of nineteenth-century artists
such as Théodore Géricault and Eugène
Delacroix. KG
264
• 85 •
ANNIBALE WAS FAMOUS FOR HIS to a minimum. The saint's face, arms, and hands
generosity to his pupils, and his concern for are barely outlined in chalk, and their forms
their artistic well-being included sharing not are reduced to blocks of light and shadow.
only his ideas, but more unusually his stock of Empty sections of paper are read as light-filled,
drawings as well. In the last years of his life, giving an illusion of form, such as on the saint's
from about 1603 onward, most of the drawings cheek, where there is no chalk at all. Annibale
in black and white chalk that have survived have has used the heavenly light that falls from
Saint Andrew The present sheet is an example of this type in order to darken the lines of Andrew's torso EXHIBITIONS
of drawing. It was made as a preparatory study where necessary, in those edges of the body London 1950-1951, no. 442;
for an altarpiece of The Martyrdom of Saint that in the painting will appear black against London 1964, 32, no. 119
c. 1603-1604; black chalk
heightened with white chalk on Andrew, certainly executed in Annibale's work- the strong, slanted heavenly light from God. BIBLIOGRAPHY
cal figures, probably representing Felicity and cornucopia filled with fruits and leaves, while Jean Papillon; private collection,
New York; Mia Weiner, New York;
Fortune, appears to be a study for the same below her a small child kneels offering a basket purchased by the present owner
painting as a drawing at Windsor called Plenty containing apples and other fruit, normally in 1986
Felicity and Fortune 1
and Felicity (fig. i). Wittkower has suggested a symbol of abundance. This figure, however, EXHIBITIONS
that these studies may have been made for a seems derived directly from Cesare Ripas Icono- New York 1992, 2
c. 1602-1605; pen and brown ink painting in the Farnese collection that is listed logía, in which Felicita Publica, based on BIBLIOGRAPHY
over traces of black chalk on in the seventeenth-century family inventories an antique medal, is personified as a woman Bull 1987, 483
cream paper, laid down; i86x 168 as "Un'Abbondanza con altra Donna."2 As no holding a cornucopia filled with fruits and
(7%ex6H) trace has been found of the picture, this rela- flowers (fig. z).3
tionship must remain speculative. The elegant figure seated on the right, her
PRIVATE COLLECTION,
CHARLES TOWN ,
The freedom in handling, the rough black profile classical in its perfection and propor-
WEST V I R G I N I A chalk underdrawing, and the thin framing line tions, gazes at Felicity. She holds a winged
at the bottom of the page are Annibale s usual caduceus, usually included as the attribute of
way of starting a composition. Thus, this sketch Mercury or as a symbol of eloquence, but here
likely precedes the Windsor drawing, which is intended to represent Good Fortune.4 Both
also less agitated and more complete. In the women are wrapped in flowing dresses, the
figure of Fortune in a diaphanous garment that
hints at her breasts underneath. The classical
poses, with wide ample laps, opened legs, bare F I G . 2 Felicita Publica, from
feet, and particularly the slightly twisting Nuova iconología di Cesare Ripa
(Padua, 1618), National Gallery
upper torsos, suggest that Annibale may have
of Art, Washington
had in mind an antique statue, such as the
Roman Seated Venus, which Raphael drew, or
even a figure by Raphael himself, such as the
figure of Wisdom in the Stanza della Segnatura,
as a generic model for his figure of Fortune.
On the sheet at Windsor, the figure on the
left holds the caduceus and the one on the
right a sheaf of wheat and a grape vine. Their
positions are more central, and they link arms.
They are reduced in scale and rendered with
more care, the lines becoming more lyrical and
FIG. i Plenty and Felicity, c. 1602-1605, Windsor, The
simplified. The figures appear before a land-
Royal Collection ©iopp Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth n
scape that opens up the composition behind
them, showing a group of men on horseback
marching toward the gate of a town, perhaps,
judging from the mass of towers, Annibale's
268
• 86 •
beloved Bologna.5 It is possible that in the origi- NOTES
bale s pure pen and ink studies of his last 6. Posner 1971, 2:10, no. 19.
2/0
«7
THE F I R S T C O M P L E T E I N V E N T O R Y OF P ROVENANCE
the Carracci drawings in the Royal Library was King George in (Lugt 1201)
(Windsor Inv. Ms. A, 75); Royal
compiled in the early nineteenth century, Library, Windsor Castle, inv. 1989
within fifty years of King George ill's acquisi-
Young Man tion of two large groups of studies in 1763.
EXHIBITIONS
London 1986, no. 83; Washington
Holding a It was in this inventory that the present double- 1987, no. 36
sided drawing was first called "for the Picture
Rearing Horse BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the Conversion of Saint Paul," although no Wittkower 1952,153, no. 400
painting of that subject by Annibale is known
1602-1604; pen and two colors of
or mentioned in any of the seventeenth-century
brown ink on beige paper; 344 x 255
biographies of the artist. Wittkower, followed
( 13 9/16X 10^16) VERSO Young Man Holding a Running Horse,
by virtually all other writers, calls the studies
pen and brown ink over traces of black chalk
HER MAJESTY QUEEN "certainly fragments... showing Saint Paul's
ELIZABETH II
rearing horse with a soldier trying to master it,"1
and indeed there are clues that this, and two
additional drawings at Windsor for the same
project (invs. 1849 and 1990), could be for such
a painting.
On the recto of the Windsor drawing a
young boy reins in a galloping horse, while
another youth, with a Roman-style helmet,
runs before them; a figure riding bareback is
shown behind. The young boy, hair stream-
ing, is wearing a fluttering Roman toga, belted
at the waist. Made with a wide nib or reed
pen, over a rough preliminary sketch that uses
a traditional pen and lighter colored ink, the
drawing is particularly free. As the pen flew
over the surface, drips and splats of ink fell at
random onto the paper. Blocks of parallel
lines were used to shade the face of the boy, his FIG. i Caravaggio, The Conversion of Saint Paul,
1600-1601, Cerasi Chapel, Santa Maria del Popólo, Rome
tunic, and the belly of the horse. On the verso
of the drawing, the young boy is shown pulling
the horse to a stop from the far side, while absorbed the lessons of Caravaggio's startling
part of the torso and legs of a figure, presum- depiction of the scene in the Cerasi chapel,
ably the stunned Paul, are shown in the fore- executed while Annibale was at work in the
ground. There is an intimacy between the boy same space a few years earlier (fig. i). The
and the horse that suggests Annibale had more traditional depictions of the Conversion
1. Wittkower 1952,153.
FIG. 2 Raphael, The Expulsion of Heliodorus from the Temple (detail), 1512, Stanza dellEliodoro, Vatican Palace,
Vatican City
88
drawing at the J. Paul Getty Museum (Cat. 75), bale expanded the composition and drew the
dating from about 1600; and the painting interior of the artist s studio, with a beamed P R O V E N A N CE
Self-Portrait for which the current drawing is a study. ground. Three small dogs are at the left, one EXHIBITIONS
The Saint Petersburg portrait (fig. i) shows of which barks at the painting, perhaps, as Pos- Bologna 1956, no. 122; London
on an Easel and a large easel in a darkened room on which a ner was the first to suggest, "taking the painting 1964, 31, no. 113; Oxford and Lon-
don 1996-1997, no. 98
Other Studies small canvas rests. On this canvas Annibale of his master for reality."5 A cat is curled up in
has painted his image. The picture is stark and the foreground, underscoring the domesticity BIBLIOGRAPHY
stood with his right shoulder facing the mir- the suggestion of a classical bust is shown in 5. Posner 1971, 2: 66.
ror, as the reflected image was in reverse. His silhouette. The dogs have been replaced by
left hand holds his cloak together, while his one startled animal, staring straight out at the
right hand—his painting hand—is not drawn viewer, as does the sitter in the portrait. The
FIG. i Self-Portrait on an in. An oval mirror, on the wall behind the sit- cat has retreated into the shadow of the room.
Easel, c. 1604, The State Hermitage ter, may reflect the image of the artist from The artist s palette, a pictorial signature, hangs
Museum, Saint Petersburg across the room. A small sketch, which could from the easel's peg.
be a second study for the mirror frame, appears The painting is not mentioned in the early
to the right. The study of a bearded man, always literature and its exact date is not known. The
assumed to be an independent drawing, may image of Annibale on the easel became the
be related to a sketch for the artist s cloak. The source for Ottavio Leoni s drawing of Carracci
of about 1614, and, in turn, for other images
of Annibale reproduced throughout the seven-
teenth century. KG
274
•88 •
• 89 •
89 THIS SWIFTLY RENDERED LITTLE
277 CATALOGUE N O S .6 2 - 9 5
BY 1595, WHEN ANNIBALE ARRIVED pupil. The final picture (now destroyed), well
in Rome, Titian's painting of Danaë, one known to Bellori and Malvasia,5 was docu-
of the greatest and most erotic mythological mented as having been sold by Pamphilj to
works of the sixteenth century, had been Queen Christina of Sweden in 1656. It was
hanging in the Farnese Palace for fifty years painted sometime around 1605 by Francesco
(fig. i).1 The picture was one of the proudest Albani, one of Annibales most trusted pupils
possessions among the many great riches then at that moment.
Danaë bedroom, his "camera propria,"2 since its Annibale used a very broad nib, perhaps even E X H I B I T I ON s
arrival in Rome, and from there it had been a reed pen, which would explain both the London 1950-1951, no. 437;
transferred, after the cardinal's death in 1592, thickness and the apparent roughness of the Bologna 1956, no. 126
1604-1605; pen and brown ink
on cream paper, laid down, the
to one of the great rooms on the piano nobile lines over the initial sketch. In this masterful, BIBLIOGRAPHY
3 Bellori 1672, 84; Malvasia 1678
upper right corner cut; 104 x 257 of the palace. free study, Annibale placed his Danaë out
(1841), i: 499; Tietze 1906-1907,
(7%xiott) There can be little doubt that when Anni- of doors, reclining on her bed against a huge 167, fig. 73; Foratti 1913, 235; Voss
bale was commissioned by Gamillo Pamphilj drape. Danaë is reversed in position to Titian's 1924, fig. 185; Wittkower 1952,147,
HER MAJESTY QUEEN
to paint his own Danaë, it would be to Titian's no. 355, pi. 83; Posner 1971, 2: 69,
model, but the drawing includes the essential
ELIZABETH II under no. 153, pi. 1530
languorous, sexy model that he would turn.4 ingredients of Titian's painting in clear and
Danaë, the daughter of the king of Argos, direct homage to it. Annibales expectant lover,
had been locked in a tower by her father. Her like Titian's, lies naked in her bed, leaning NOTES
imprisonment did not stop her lover, Zeus, 1. See Wethey 1969-1975, 3:
against her pillows with one arm, her breasts
56-57, n. 288 and pi. 81.
from ravishing her, however, disguised as a exposed. Annibale's clever putto kneels to col-
2. See Robertson 1992, 72 and
shower of gold. lect the gold raining from the sky. Unlike Tit- 204, for the fact that the cardinal
The Windsor drawing is a study for Anni- ian's heroine, however, Annibale has his Danaë kept this picture in his bedroom.
bale's painting, ultimately undertaken by a reach up to greet her lover with a gesture that 3. For the inventories of the Far-
nese and the descriptions of where
lifts her whole torso off the bed. The land-
the picture hung at given moments
scape, although distilled to a minimum of in time, see Robertson 1988, 368
lines, shows plains, hills, bushes, and trees and n. 42.
278
•90 •
•91 •
9i WHEN THIS DRAWING ENTERED
Catherine, the learned and beautiful virgin piece (Paris, Musée du Louvre), when he first 4. Posner 1971, i: 175, n. 30.
daughter of a prince, was ordered to be exe- arrived in Rome.3 In that church there were
cuted by beheading because she would not already depictions of the saint by Livio Agresti,
renounce her God. Federico Zuccaro, and Giovanni Ruggeri.
The figure is shown kneeling on three steps In the 1627 inventory of Cardinal del
twisting toward her unseen executioner, and Montes collection in Rome, there is a reference
opening her arms in joyous prayer as she waits to a painting by Annibale of a Saint Catherine
to join her savior. In the smaller study she that may be connected to the present drawing,
kneels in supplication, her hands folded in her but no visual record of it exists. It has been
lap, her head bowed and pushed forward, suggested that Annibale made this late paint-
ing to compete with one by Caravaggio, also
owned by the same cardinal.4 KG
with any documented work by Annibale, but houettes in the background are marked by an N. Beets (sale, Amsterdam, Fred.
Muller, 9-11 April 1940, no. 107,
the style places it in Rome about the time of elongated elegance that is found in the bathers as Venetian, sixteenth century);
the Cerasi chapel and the Domine, Quo Vadis? of the landscape in the Oppé collection,2 acquired by the Amsterdams His-
Christ Bearing torisch Museum, inv. A 18112
in the National Gallery of London, which was while the caricatured accent of the soldier
the Cross undertaken at the behest of Cardinal Pietro behind Christ presages the etching of Christ BIBLIOGRAPHY
Vitzthum 1971, 89, pi. IV;
Aldobrandini after the unveiling of the Farnese Crowned with Thorns of 1606 (Cat. 93).
Koevoets 1976, no. 17
1601-1605; pen and brown ink over Gallery ceiling in 1601. The scene is treated The projected painting, which, like the
red chalk on light brown paper, rather ambitiously with a multitude of figures Stoning of Saint Stephen in the Louvre may have
l [
laid down; 232 x 310 (o /s x 12 A) and a complicated layering of the planes. been on copper,3 presents a very high horizon NOTES
All the artist s hesitancies are revealed in 1. Posner 1971, 2: pi. I27C.
Inscribed in pen and brown ink at
line, much like that in The Pietà in the Kunst-
the multiplicity ofpentimenti and the use of historisches Museum, Vienna.4 At left, the 2. Bologna 1956, no. 236, fig. 79.
lower left: An C
two successive sketches in red chalk and pen, group around the swooning Virgin evokes the 3. Posner 1971, 2: no. 141.
AMSTERDAMS HISTORISCH
while the passages of wash seem to have Correggesque reminiscence of the Christ of 4. Posner 1971, 2: no. 139.
MUSEUM, AMSTERDAM
resulted from extra pressure on the pen rather Caprarola. A drawing in Windsor shows a 5. Wittkower 1952, no. 470.
5
than from a brush, a working method that is study in reverse for the figure of Christ. By the
frequently seen in Annibale s late drawings. energy of the line, the Amsterdam drawing
Certain geometrizations in the features—such recalls the violence of the studies for The Flight
as the straight line of the eyes and the nose of into Egypt in the Doria Pamphilj, as well as
Christ—strongly recall the drawing in the The Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. i), which
Albertina for one of the compartments of the points to a dating between 1601 and 1605. CLL
FIG. i Study for the Adoration of the Shepherds, c. 1606, private collection
282
•92-
• 93 '
THE CONTRAST BETWEEN THREE While one soldier binds Christs hands
faces, two of cruelty, one of grace, is at the with rope, pulling tight on the cord, the other,
heart of this small composition, the supreme his own hand protected by his iron gloves,
technical perfection and expression of which pushes the Crown of Thorns deep into Christ's
shows that Annibale's ability to draw did not bowed head, a poignant and jolting detail.
diminish despite failing health and depression In the drawing, the soldier behind Christ ties
in his later years. his hands, whereas in the print he gives him
Christ Crowned for an etching that is signed and dated 1606 which he will be crucified. EXHIBITIONS
(fig. i),1 the study served as a modello for the The drawing emphasizes highlights and Washington and tour 1969-1970,
with Thorns print. Annibale drew the composition in great shadows, and on the paper Annibale drew the no. 24, fig. na; London 1973-
1974, no. 24; Washington 1979,
detail on a sheet of green-blue prepared paper, lightest elements with particular attention, 468, under no. 21, fig. 2ia
1606; black chalk and gray wash and the dark ground heightens both the drama using layers of white gouache applied with a
BIBLIOGRAPHY
heightened with white on green- and the emotional intensity of the scene. Al- brush. Not only Christ's robes, but the light Malvasia 1678 (1841), i: 86; Posner
blue prepared paper, incised for
though the etching is restricted to a palette of on his neck, beard, and chin appear luminous 1971, 2: 73, under no. 174, pi. 1740;
transfer and laid down; 163 x 132 Jaffé 1994, 84, no. 486; De Grazia
black ink against ivory paper, the drawing has against the green-blue ground, ensuring that
(67/16X^/16) 1984, 245-246, under no. 21, fig.
the effect of a chiaroscuro print and is a tour the tiniest details, such as the glint on the sol- 34ia; Bonn 1996, 264, under no.
T H E D U K E OF D E V O N S H I R E de force of draftsmanship at this late moment dier's chain mail, and even the ugly white hairs .021, repr. 266
AND THE CHATSWORTH
in Annibale's career. Once completed, this bristling on his chin, would be cast into relief.
SETTLEMENT TRUSTEES
highly finished composition was incised with Christ's long neck, his pose of submission,
NOTES
a sharp instrument to transfer the image onto and the utter cruelty of his tormentors bring 1. The print is inscribed Annib.
an etching plate of nearly identical size. Christ to mind not so much Titian's great painting Carracius in. et fecit. 1606.
Crowned with Thorns was to become one of of this subject in the Louvre, to which this tiny 2. See Bohn 1996, 264, under no.
.021. The print, one of only two
Carracci's most copied prints.2 composition has often been compared, but 3
pure etchings by Annibale, was
rather Caravaggio's Flagellation (Naples, Museo known in five states and thirteen
Nazionale di Capodimonte) and Crowning printed copies.
with Thorns (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Mu- 3. See, for example, De Grazia Boh-
4
lin in Washington 1979, 468, n. 4.
seum). Both of Caravaggio's paintings and
4. The Flagellation was painted in
Annibale's drawing, as well as Annibale's earlier about 1607, when Caravaggio was
painting of the subject (Bologna, Pinacoteca already in Naples (see Gregori in
New York and Naples 1985, no. 93).
Nazionale), are ultimately dependent on the
The close relationship between
majestic altarpiece by Sebastiano del Piombo, this painting and Annibale's print
in the church of San Pietro in Montorio, up suggests that Caravaggio may have
seen the etching before leaving
the Janiculum Hill from the Tiber River and Rome. Particularly striking is the
just behind Annibale's abode in 1606. repetition of the gesture of the
soldier who forces down Christ's
The print for which this drawing is a study,
head with his fist (as is noted
and two others of the same year, The Adora- by Wallace in Boston-Cleveland-
tion of the Shepherds (see Cat. 94) and The Washington 1989,112). Caravaggio's
Crowning with Thorns also bears
Madonna delta Scodella, for which there is also striking similarities to Annibale's
a full preparatory drawing, are the last docu- etching, but its date is uncertain
and it is not clear which artist
mented works of Annibale's life. KG
influenced the other. For a review
of the dating problems, see Gre-
FIG. i Christ Crowned with Thorns, 1606, gori in New York and Naples 1985,
British Museum 316-318. See also Marini 1987, no.
35, who dates the painting to 1599.
Studies for an the only elements to have been retained, the shepherd's cloak. Annibale may have been EXHIBITIONS
bagpiper and his two dancing shepherds having influenced by pipers in the Bacchic processions New York 1967, 25, no. 14; Wash-
Adoration of been discarded along the way.2 ington 1979, no. 22, 470-472, fig.
carved in relief on Roman sarcophagi. A
22b
the Shepherds The Morgan sketch is drawn on the back particularly close prototype is found on a sar-
of a very rare proof state, before letters, of an cophagus that belonged to the Aldobrandini BIBLIOGRAPHY
286
•94 •
•95 '
ANNIBALE'S REVERENCE FOR THE Annibale has constructed his drawing in a
lyricism of pure nature, and his representa- way typical for him. More than half a dozen
tions of vast, breathtaking landscapes, both planes of clearly defined space stretch into the
1
painted and drawn, is justly famous. As Posner distance. A cluster of grass, flowers, and reeds
has written, "he made a contribution to the in the bottom right corner serve as a repoussoir,
genre greater than any other Italian artist since plunging the rest of the landscape into the dis-
Titian," whose landscapes Annibale studied tance. The variety Annibale records in nature
Inscribed in pen and brown ink at receding planes and distant space. home in the sunset. Every detail is given equal London 18360, no. 62; London
1955, no. 13; Bologna 1956, no. 247;
lower right: 48 An extraordinary sense of country life and emphasis, and the effect is one not so much of Newcastle-upon-Tyne 1961, no. 103;
THE B R I T I S H MUSEUM,
a wealth of information are conveyed in this Annibale telling a story, as it is of the artist Tokyo and Nagoya 1996, no. 61;
Oxford and London 1996-1997,
LONDON drawing, one of the latest and possibly the most showing that he can equal the beauty of nature
151, no. loo
4
famous of all of Annibale's landscape studies. in his art.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The bucolic moment, as the sun begins to Although Annibale must have sketched
Tomory 1954, 27, no. 68; Posner
sink in the sky and a shepherd sits quietly on constantly out of doors, a drawing such as this 1971, i: 113, fig. 98; Turner 1980,
a small hill watching his donkey, is conveyed was almost certainly constructed in the studio 24, no. 3
VAN DEN AKKER 199! BACOU 1968 B E A N 1963 BENATI AND PERUZZI 1997
van den Akker, Paul. Sporen van Bacou, Roseline. Dessins du Lou- Bean, Jacob. "Form and Function Benati, Daniele, and Lucia Peruzzi.
vaardigheid: de ontwerpmethode voor vre, école italienne. Paris, 1968. in Italian Drawings: Observations Banca Populare dell'Emilia Romagna.
de figuurhouding in de Italiaanse on Several New Acquisitions." I dipinti antichi. Modena, 1997.
tekenkunst van de Renaissance. B A G O U 1978 Metropolitan Museum of Art Bul-
Abcoude, 1991. Bacou, Roseline. "Everard Jabach, letin 24 (March 1963), 225-239. BENATI ET AL. 1991
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Italian Art. The Queen's Gallery, and Stephen Coppel). N EW Y O R K 1 9 7 6 Drawings by the Carraccifrom
Buckingham Palace (catalogue by Roman Artists of the Seventeenth British Collections. Ashmolean
Anthony Blunt). L O N D O N 1997 Century: Drawings and Prints. Museum and Hazlitt, Gooden and
Discovering the Italian Baroque: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Fox (catalogue by Clare Robertson
L O N D O N 1969 The Denis Mahon Collection. and Catherine Whistler).
Old Master Drawings from Chats- National Gallery (catalogue by N EW Y O R K 1 9 8 4
worth. Royal Academy (catalogue Gabriele Finaldi, Michael Kit- Thirty New Acquisitions. P A R I S 1797
by Thomas S. Wragg and A. E. son, et al.). Mia Weiner. Notice des Dessins originaux, Car-
Popham). tons, Gouaches, Pastels, Emaux
LONDON AND TOUR N EW Y O R K 1 9 9 2 et Miniatures du Musée Centrale des
LONDON 1973-1974 1995-1996
Aspects of Antiquity in Renaissance Arts, Exposés pour la première
Old Masters from Chatsworth. Poussin: Works on Paper. Drawings and Baroque Italy. Mia Weiner. fois dans la Galerie d'Apollon, le
Victoria and Albert Museum. from the Collection of Her Majesty 28 Thermidor de l'an v delà
Queen Elizabeth u. Dulwich NEW YORK AND CHICAGO
République Française. Louvre.
LONDON 1974-1975 Picture Gallery; Museum of Fine I99I-I992
George m: Collector and Patron. Arts, Houston; The Cleveland From Pontormo to Seurat: Drawings P A R I S 1802
The Queen's Gallery, Bucking- Museum of Art; The Metropolitan Recently Acquired by The Art Notice des dessins originaux, Esquisses
ham Palace. Museum of Art (catalogue by Institute of Chicago. Frick Collec- peintes, Canons, Gouaches, Pastels,
Martin Clayton). tion and The Art Institute of Exposés au Musée Napoléon, dans la
L O N D O N 1986 Chicago (catalogue by Susan Folds Galerie d'Apollon, En Messidor de
MANCHESTER 1982 McCullagh). l'an x de la République Française.
Master Drawings in the Royal
The Arrogant Connoisseur. Richard Louvre.
Collection, From Leonardo da Vinci
to the Present Day. The Queen's Payne Knight, 1/51-1824. Whitworth NEW YORK AND NAPLES
Art Gallery (catalogue by Michael 1985 P A R I S 1838, 1841, 1845
Gallery, Buckingham Palace (cata-
logue by Jane Roberts). Clark and Nicholas Penny). The Age ofCaravaggio. The Metro- Notice des Dessins placés dans les
politan Museum of Art and Museo Galeries du Musée Royal du Louvre.
L O N D O N 1987 M O D E N A 1998 Nazionale di Capodimonte. Musée Royal du Louvre.
3OI EXHIBITIONS
PARIS 1965 P A R I S 1991 R O M E 1983 TURIN I95O
Le xvie siècle européen. Dessins Repentirs. Musée du Louvre Disegni degli Alberti. Gabinetto Disegni italiani délia Biblioteca
du Louvre. Musée du Louvre (cata- (catalogue by Françoise Viatte Nazionale delle Stampe (catalogue Reale di Torino. Biblioteca Reale
logue by Roseline Bacou et al.). and Christina Petrinos). by Kristina Hermann-Fiore). (catalogue by Aldo Bertini).
Bacou et al.). PITTSBURGH AND TOUR Zeichnungen des 16. bis 18. Jahrhun- Meisterzeichnungen aus dem
1987-1988 derts. Vermàchtnis Richard Jung. Museum der Schonen Künste im
PARIS 1978-1979 Old Master Drawings from Graphische Sammlung Staatsga- Budapest. Graphische Sammlung
Le Paysage en Italie au xvne siècle. Chatstuorth. A Loan Exhibition lerie Stuttgart. Albertina (catalogue by Ivan
Musée du Louvre (catalogue by from the Devonshire Collection. Fenyô).
Roseline Bacou). The Frick Art Museum; The TO KYO 1975
Cleveland Museum of Art; Old Master Drawings from v i E N N A 1991
P A R I S 1987 Kimbell Art Museum; Los Angeles Chatsworth. National Museum Die Italienischen Zeichnungen
La Collection Saint-Morys au Cabi- County Museum of Art; Miami of Western Art. der Albertina, zur Geschichte der
net des Dessins du Musée du Louvre. Center for Fine Arts (catalogue Zeichnung in Italien. Graphische
Musée du Louvre. by Michael Jaffé). T O K Y O 1991 Sammlung Albertina (catalogue
Visages du Louvre: chefs-d'oeuvre by Veronike Birke).
POUGHKEEPSIE AND TOUR
PARIS I 988A du portrait dans les collections
1995-1996
Lan V: dessins des grands maîtres. du Louvre. National Museum of VIENNA AND DRESDEN
Musée du Louvre (catalogue by The Katalan Collection of Italian Western Art. 1978
Lydia Beauvais, Yveline Cantarel- Drawings. The Frances Lehman Die Albertina und das Dresdener
Besson, and Ariette Sérullaz). Loeb Art Center, Vassar College; TOKYO AND NAGOYA 1996 Kupferstich-Kabinett, Meisterzeich-
The Minneapolis Institute of Arts; Italian Sixteenth- and Seventeenth- nungen aus zwei alten Sammlun-
P A R I S 19886 The Frick Art Museum; The Ack- Century Drawings from the British gen. Graphische Sammlung
land Art Museum, University of Museum. National Museum of Albertina and Albertinum (cata-
Seicento. Le siècle de Caravage dans
North Carolina, Chapel Hill; The Western Art and Aichi Prefectural logue by Veronike Birke et al.).
les collections françaises. Grand
Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth Museum.
Palais (catalogue by Arnauld Bréjon
College. WARSAW 1990
de Lavergnée and Nathalie Voile).
TOURS ORLÉANS Opus Sacrum. Royal Palace (cata-
P A R I S 19880
REGINA AND MONTREAL CHARTRES 1996-1997 logue by Józef Grabski et al.).
1970
Le dessin à Rome au xvine siècle. Italies: peintres des musées de la
A Selection of Italian Drawings région Centre. Musée des Beaux-
Musée du Louvre (catalogue by WAS H I N G T O N 1979
from North American Collections. Arts, Tours; Musée des Beaux-Arts, Prints and Related Drawings by
Roseline Bacou and Jacob Bean).
Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery Orléans; Musée des Beaux-Arts, the Carracci Family. A Catalogue
and Montreal Museum of Fine Arts Chartres. Raisonné. National Gallery of
PARIS 1990-1991 (catalogue by Walter Vitzthum).
Mémoires d'aveugle. L'autoportrait Art (catalogue by Diane De Grazia
et autres ruines. Musée du Louvre Bohlin).
ROME 1972-1973
(catalogue by Jacques Derrida).
Ilpaesaggio nel disegno del Cinque-
cento europeo. Villa Medici (cata-
logue by Roseline Bacou et al.).
302
WASHINGTON 1987 WASHINGTON AND TOUR
WASHINGTON AND
NEW YORK 1995-1996
303 EXHIBITIONS
PHOTO CREDITS
304