Islamic Art and Architecture
Islamic Art and Architecture
Islamic Art and Architecture
?•.:'...
«
;i I I e n b r a n d
Boston Public Library
Robert 1 lillenbrand
was educated at the universities
of Cambridge and Oxford. Since [97] he has taught .it the
University of Edinburgh, and in [989 was made Professoi of
Islamic Art there. He has travelled extensively throughout tl
<£*
WORLD OF ART
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ft
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Islamic Art
and Architecture
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Library of Congress Catalog Card Number NA380
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isbn 0-500-20305-9 H52
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Introduction
CHAPTER ONE
The Birth of Islamic Art: the Umayyads 10
CHAPTER TWO
e
The Abbasids
CHAPTER THREE
The Fatimids 6l
CHAPTER FOUR
The Saljuqs B6
CHAPTER FIVE
The Age of the Atabegs: Syria, Iraq and Anatolia, i 100-1300 1 1 1
CHAPTER SIX
The Mamluks [38
CHAPTER SEVEN
The Muslim West [67
CHAPTER EIGHT
The Ilkhanids and Timurids [96
CHAPTER NINE
The Safavids 226
CHAPTER TEN
The Ottomans 2$ 5
( OSS ARY
I
INI) I X
THE ISLAMIC WORLD FROM ANATOLIA TO CENTRAL ASIA
KHURASAN Bukhara * Samarqajul
Men RANSOXIANA
vr >
l'<y, Tinnidh
Sarakhs
»Ti
• Mashhad C; A R S T A N
M . J I
.^^ Nishapur-
.
Sultaniy; ^amgnaj ,
,
Sangbast
Qazvm Tehran •Simnan
• Zuzan Kabu]
Raw
~7J Khargird
#X araniin
Herat
Q umm» Ghazna
Kashan* •Tab.
• Natanz
Zavara •
•Ardistan
Isfaha
Introduction
A secondary aim has been to sot the various schools and types of
Islamic art in a reasonably full historical context so that the images
are not, so to speak, trapped in limbo. Specialists will have to console
themselves with the thought that this hook waf not written with
them in mind. It is truly no more than an introduction to vast field. .1
Moreover, the very (act that hook with the .ill inclusive tide of
.1
art. Basic guides to the territory therefore still have their function.
But it would be a serious mist. ike to assume from that disparity that
there is any less 'going on' in Islamic than in European art. You just
N OT 1 CONCERNING D AT E
For the sake of simplicity and consistency, year dates are shown m
accordance with the Gregorian calendar, but with occasional men
tions of their equivalents in the Muslim calendar (based on the lunai
Iy< le) in on nee tion with spec it u ally dated buildings Or works of art.
c
Muslim years are < al< ulated Mom the date of the hijra the Prophet's
journey from Mecca to Medina in |uK 1
rrri ^
-•-V~: i
i The pivot of Islam. The Ka'ba in the Masjid al-Haram, Mecca: principal Islamic shrine and the goal of
Muslim pilgrimage. Frequently restored, it contains the Black Stone, the directional focus for Muslim
prayer, and is covered - like a bride' according to medieval
poets - with the kisica, a silken veil, now black
but formerly in many colours.
CHAPTER ON]
ing as the spectacle of the Arab conquests is, it in fact has relatively
little to do with the early years of Islamic art. Yet the formative
1 1
craftsmen from outside Syria were active within that province and
on the art produced there.
thus exerted external influence
These remarks might lead one to expect a somewhat parochial
quality in the earliest Islamic art. and also a certain timidity or lack of
purpose. Yet this is not so. Such characteristics might well have
marked the verv first monuments which the Muslims erected, for
example in Fustat. Basra and Kllfa - although there is no way o\
clinching this, for they have not survived But if Islamic art was slow
to start, it was quick to gather speed. Certainly the first major monu-
ment to survive, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, radiates assur-
ance. A new arrived It established itself quickly and, for all
art has
that numerous experiments and changes of mind can he detected
during the rule of the Umavvad dynast) 66] ~so). the pervasive
confidence of the age remained undimmed.
This confidence, one of the most striking features of Umavvad art,
was founded on several interrelated factors. Chief among them,
perhaps, was the astonishing military si;, the Arabs in their
foreign campaigns. To their enemies they must have appeared to bear
charmed lives, their winning streak seeming unassailable for much o\
the Umayyad period. Decade after decade the borders of the dor al-
islam steadily expanded, until m ~;^ exactly a century after the
Prophet's death - the Arab defeat at Poitiers m central France sig-
nalled (though only with the hindsight of history) the end of sub-
stantial territorial gams for some centuries. But the splendid
confidence ot the Umayyads was not based entircK on military
success abroad; it was founded also on the ability of the new dynasty
to survive numerous challenges from within. Such challenges were at
their most dangerous m the first thim years of Umayyad rule. It mav
be no more than a coincidence that this same period was singularly
barren so far as the production of works of art was concerned. Yet it
is probable that the outburst of building activity which followed the
behind, and other princes of the royal family, such as al- Abbas b. al-
Walid and Ghamr b. Yazid, followed suit. Indeed, to judge by the
quantities of religious and secular buildings erected in Syria between
690 and 750 under the direct patronage of the Umayyad royal house,
architecture speedily became a family business. The immense
financial resources of the Islamic state, whose exchequer was swollen
by the accumulated booty of the Arab conquests and by the taxation
revenue which came pouring in thereafter, were at the disposal of
c
the Umayyad builders. Thus Abd al-Malik was able to set aside the
tax revenues of Egypt for seven years to pay for the Dome of the
Rock, while his son al-Walid I devoted the entire tax revenue of
Syria for seven years to the building and embellishment of the Great
Mosque of Damascus. There was thus both the will and the means to
embark on grandiose building projects.
Enough has been said to account for the superb self-confidence
which triggered and then fuelled the massive building programme ot
the Umayyads. Yet the geographical location of these buildings also
requires explanation. Given that they are to be found, with very few
exceptions, exclusively in Syria, how was an undue parochialism,
peculiarly inappropriate to a world empire, avoided? The answer is
three-fold. First, Syria under the Umayyads was beyond compare the
most favoured land in the Islamic empire. Its inhabitants enjoyed
privileges and concessions denied to those from other provinces. Its
principal city, Damascus, was from 661 the capital of the empire.
Here was established the Umayyad court and administration, when
these were not to be found toiling in the wake ot semi-nomadic
caliphs. The massive caliphal investment 111 agricultural installations
canals, dams, wells, gardens and so on, culminating in the planned
but abortive diversion of the River Jordan itself- made Syria perhaps
even exceed Iraq .is the richest province m the empire. Thus abun-
dant wealth complemented its politic. il prestige.
Parochialism in Umayyad art was further discouraged by the prac
rice of conscripting labour and materials from other provinces. his 1
custom ensured that Syrian material culture would be metropolitan.
The caliphs could dip at will into an extensive labour pool within
their owndomains, and could supplement this by importing still
more craftsmen and materials from outside the Islamic world,
notably from Byzantium. The chance survival of a cache of papyri
from Aphrodito in Upper Egypt documents the workings of an
Islamic corvee system - essentially the leiturgid practised by Rome
and Byzantium - in the early eighth century. The local governor,
one Qurra b. Sharik, was responsible for sending a specified number
of men to work on the Damascus mosque, and he had to provide
money to cover their living expenses too. Such documentary proof
of the corvee system can be supplemented by literary references - for
example, al-Taban mentions the activity of Syrian and Coptic
workmen in the building of the mosque at Medina - And, above all,
by the evidence of the buildings themselves. Stucco sculpture of
Persian type, Iraqi techniques of vault construction, mouldings from
south-eastern Anatolia, a hgural style closely paralleled in Coptic
sculpture — all furnish unmistakable evidence that the style and build-
ing practice of Syria was enriched by ideas and traditions from much
further afield. There was no danger that the local Syrian craftsmen
would cling to their own traditions and thus risk stagnation.
Finally, the position of Syria, both geographically and politically,
militated against parochialism. The province was uniquely placed to
draw inspiration from the major cultures newly yoked together to
form the Islamic empire, lb die north, west and south west lav lands
in which Graeco-Roman culture was dominant and which were
either Byzantine or, like Egypt and North Africa, had recently been
wrested from Byzantine rule, [b the south was Arabia, which at this
early stage in Islamic history was still by no means a spent force in
religious, cultural or political terms. lb the east lav Mesopotamia and
Persia, comprising the accumulated heritage of Assyria and Babylon,
and of the Achaemenids, Parthians and Sasanians. Here the tradition
of world empires died hard, though the horizons of these Middle
Eastern states were appreciably narrower than those of the
Umayyads.
Within the Umayyad empire, then, which stretched from France
to the Indus, Syria was ideally placed to act as a central point from
which metropolitan influences radiated to the outlying provinces.
No other region of the Islamic world combined such a deeply rooted
Hellenism with an openness to the ancient cultures of the Near East.
By virtue ot its geographical position and its political pre-eminence,
H
i Standard mosque types
16
rival the enemy in martial pomp, so that he may be witness to the
prestige of Islam'.
Finally, the Umayyads' choice of Syria as their power base had
tremendous consequences for later Islamic art, since the generative
impact of Syria was greater than that of any potential rival among
the other provinces in the Islamic empire. Islamic art would have
developed in a very different fashion if the Umayyads had settled.
tor example, in Arabia, in Spain or in India. At the same time, lest
too much be claimed tor the art of this period, it is worth remem-
bering that some of the media which were later to become most
typically Islamic, such as glazed pottery, metalwork, carpets, book
painting and textiles, are either totally or virtually absent from art of
this period.
What, then, are the principal expressions of Islamic art under
Umayyad dominion? The so-called 'minor arts' are quickly disposed
of. the textile fragment which, if its attribution to Marwan II is
Abbasid; but its date, and indeed its provenance, is less important
than its form, which is prophetic of much of later Islamic metalwork
in that it typifies the preferred Islamic response to the sculpture of
living creatures. The body of the ewer is occupied principally by a
continuous arcade enclosing rosettes and animals, all lightly incised.
A pair of dolphins in high relief support the handle; but the piece de
resistance is the fully three-dimensional crowing cockerel, craning
forward eagerly with his beak open in full cry, who perches on (and
then himself forms) the spout of the ewer. The utilitarian function of
such sculpture may well have sufficed, from the standpoint of strict
orthodoxy, to justify its otherwise impiously mimetic quality. Several
similar but less ornate pieces testify to the popularity of this model.
A new chapter in Umayyad metalwork was opened with the discov-
ery in [985, at the ancient site of al-Fudain, of a square bronze
brazier on wheels. At each corner stands a naked girl, sculpted 111 the
round and holding bird; along the only complete side is a set of
.1
panels with erotic images and scenes of revelling. The piece bean
close affinities to the sculptures ofKhirbat al Marjar (see p.
3 (lefty Engraved base metal ewer
aseribod to the caliph Marwan II,
_
s . found in Egypt. Its blind
arcades (here with solar rosettes)
recur m sura dividers m early
Qur'ans, ungjazed clay lamps and
jars, and Umayyad architecture; they
A
<atlKia
s Economic interdependence. Money scarcely existed m the Arabia of Muhammad. For tins reason, and to
maintain economic stability, the Muslims long forbore to replace the existing coinage. They contented
themselves with unobtrusive tine tuning, adding Arabic inscriptions and removing religious symbols.
[Q
Pahlavi mint marks, while the date was given successively in the two
Sasanian calendars and then in the Islamic or Hijra reckoning. When
the Muslim governor's name was given, it was also written in Pahlavi
characters. The only distinctively Islamic feature was the addition of
pious expressions in Kufic script, such as 'in the name ot God' or
'praise be to God'. Thus presumably Persian die makers continued to
work under the Muslims. These Arab-Sasanian coins, then, show the
willingness of the Muslims to maintain the status quo.
In Syria, with the of a weakened but unconquered
spectre
Byzantine north of the border, the situation was different
state just
Here the Arabs naturally encountered not Sasanian but Byzantine
coinage. They were already familiar with this, since the words dinar
and dirham (from denarius and drachma respectively occur in the
Qur'an. Despite the Greek derivation of its name, the dirham men-
tioned in the Qur'an, in the chapter ofJoseph, is probably a Sasanian
coin since this was by tar the most widespread silver com in the Near
East - the dollar of late antiquity. The Sasanian economy was based
on silver iust as that ot Byzantium was based on gold. Under the
'
VWIV
'r,
•
W?IY( ^
6 A
language of symbols. Lace yth-century coins.
(a) Caliph (?) at prayer with attendants. Muslim
adaptation of a standard Sasanian type. Silver dirham
minted by Bishr b. Marwan. 692-3.
(b) Bar-less cross on altar steps. Syrian gold dinar,
caliph Umar I, for example, the Syrians paid their taxes in gold
while the Iraqis paid theirs in silver. The Arabic copper coin, the fab,
is Greek fottis in disguise; here, too, the Byzantine designs were
the
copied. At first Byzantine types were used without any alteration;
this was sound economic sense, for the Arabs had long been familiar
with these coins in commerce. Indeed, a Syriac chronicle records
that when in 661 the caliph Mu'awiya minted gold and silver 'the
populace did not accept it as there was no cross on it'. Several well-
known Byzantine types were copied, some of single standing imper-
ial figures, others showing the emperor Heraclius and his two sons.
j 1
8 (below) Imagery of the afterlife. Dome of the Rock:
polychrome and mother-of-pearl mosaic. Motifs of
secondary importance in Byzantine tradition are now
greatly enlarged and promoted to centre stage. Jewelled
vases and celestial plants glorify the Rock and create an
other-worldly ambience, employing new symbols of
power and Paradise.
V>-
M
M
Temple by Titus in AD 70. It marked an enigmatic outcrop of rock
traditionally associated with the Creation itself and with the near-
sacrifice of by Abraham, the prelude to Clod's covenant with
Isaac
man. Later Muslim belief identified this as the place of the Prophet's
Ascent to Seven Heavens (his mi'raj) in the course of his miraculous
Night Journey. In form the building is a domed octagon with a
double ambulatory encircling the rock; 111 essence, then, centralized .i
SI i
si^ lijj
i.
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3 5S"'
i
W\
3
mm y it
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icMain
13, The new Rome- Great Mosque of Damascus, mosaic on west wall. This fantasy architecture
14 (ofoiv)
uses - no doubt for political purposes - a Roman, not a Byzantine, vocabulary, {be loir) A world
transfigured. Drawing ot the landscape panorama in the Great Mosque, showing its hill context.
secure a new emphasis in keeping with the needs of Islamic
lateral
worship. The remained, but the direction of prayer ran at
three, aisles
right angles across them and was marked in elevation by a towering
domed gable which clove through the pitched roof to form a central
transept. Its facade was a free variation on the standard west front of
Syrian churches. This T-shaped partition of the sanctuary was des-
tined to have a long posterity in the mosques of the western Islamic
world (see p. 186).
Carved marble window grilles with elaborate geometrical patterns
loosely inspired by late antique wall mosaics presage the enduring
geometric bias of much Islamic ornament. Quartered marble, so cut
that the veining oi the stone continues from one slab to the next,
formed dados in typical Byzantine fashion. Above them unfolded
the glory of the mosque: hundreds of square metres of wall mosaic in
the predominantly green and gold tonality already encountered in
the Dome of the Rock mosaics. The caliph seems to have obtained
artists and materials from Byzantium itself for this great work; cer-
al-Hair al-Gharbi and perhaps one at Qasr al-Hair al-Sharqi too, and i
S
c
a miniature city at Anjar laid out on a Roman grid plan - these
foundations fall into a well-defined category. Here, too, pre-Islamic
forms are pressed into service.
Yet much more than mere imitation is involved. Where the Dome
of the Rock sedulously copied Christian martyria and the Damascus
mosque reworked the Christian basilica, the desert residences radi-
cally refashioned inherited forms. They combined two familiar
building types whose origins are Roman, not Byzantine - and this
1 5 Roman authority. Qasr al-Hair al-Sharqi, main gate of caravansarai or palace(?), c. 728. The projecting
towers, arcuated lintel and alternation of stone and brick are all Roman; the central machicolation copies
local models.
16 Rustic idyll. Qusair 'Amra, hunting lodge and bathing establishment, early Nth
century. Vault fresco with human ,\nd animal figures in a lozenge pattern adapted from
classical floor mosaics.
30
i" Concert hall? Khirbat al-Matjar. bath
hall. c. 740. The 21 vaulted spaces gave
this chamber a magnificent acoustic; its
^" "'T
I l'i ! <" ,
'
"• —> r — 1 •*
say nothing of the dance, the bath and the hunt - in a remarkably
uninhibited idiom. Among several images in a more serious vein,
some of them with Solomonic echoes as at Khirbat al-Mafjar (see
below), a scene of six kings in submissive pose, identified by inscrip-
tions as the monarchs of the earth, is especially notable. It symbolizes
the entry of the Umayyads into the exclusive club of world leaders,
and implies the dominant role of their dynasty in that club. The epi-
curean lifestyle conjured up by the main body of frescoes has to be
seen within the context of this overt bid for imperial status. Thus
political concerns infiltrate even the carefree atmosphere of this
remote hunting lodge, to which the anonymous prince occasionally
repaired for a few days of recreation - there was no provision for
him to live at this site permanently.
At the very end of the Umayyad period, in response to the
increasingly extravagant ambitions of the playboy caliph al-Walid II,
17, 18 greatly enlarged multi-functional palaces were built. Khirbat al-
Mafjar (unfinished; before 743) is a five variation on the loosely
planned agglomeration of discrete units found m the Roman and
Byzantine pal. ices of Tivoli, Piazza Armerina and Constantinople.
Here, in the fertile valle\ of Jericho, and linked by little more than
their proximity within an enclosing wall, are disposed a palace, a
32
iy Totalitarian architecture.
Ground plan of the palace of
Mshatta, Jordan, c. 744. The side
reconstruction.
34
i\ Conspicuous consumption. Q.im- al-Hair al-Gharbi, detail of floor fresco,
Regimented and abstracted floral frame three scenes: a beribboned prince
rosettes
hunting gazelles, using stirrups and a compound bow; a flautist and lutanist; and a groom
in a game park (not shown). All this reflects Sasanian roek reliefs and silverware, with
their iconography of pleasure, and the increasingly Eastern orientation ofUmayyad art
had perforce to adopt the initially alien styles of the people they had
conquered. Their practice of conscripting labour from provinces
outside Syria ensured the meeting of widely divergent styles.
This helps to account tor the second hallmark of L'inawad an
its experimental nature. Virtually limitless funds were set aside for
.irehiteetur.il projects; and the speed with which they were com
pleted shows th.it large teams of workmen laboured side b\ side.
Naturally they learned horn, and competed with, each Other. It i^
thus scarcely surprising that, in the heady atmosphere created by a
continuous building spree, and in response to the urgings of patrons
who delighted in all-over decoration, the sense of restraint integral to
classical art and its descendants was soon thrown off. Experiment
became the watchword. It has its serious side, as shown m the austere
geometric wall-paintings of Hisn Maslama. an Umayyad residence
and settlement on the Euphrates in Syria. But in general one is
struck by the infectious gusto of Umayyad decorative art. especially
its figural stucco and painting, where the effect is heightened by
36
i^9dUIXIJIY
4JL WUU
%&jz4tw^$tm^d
^Aj5^Ti
22 Types of Islamic writing (top to bottom): simple Kufic; foliated Kufic; floriated Kufic
naskhi; thulth; and nasta'liq.
The Abbasids
The Umayyad ruling class had been a tiny Arab minority maintained
in power only by its military strength and riven internally by reli-
gious and tribal disputes which hastened its downfall. Tolerance of
other religions and dependence on mawali,non-Arabs who had
turned Muslim, were therefore political necessities. Victimized by
illegal taxation, reduced status in the army and the racialist scorn of
the Arabs, the mawali manifested their social and economic griev-
ances by participating in a series of uprisings that m 749 culminated
in a brilliantly orchestrated revolution that toppled Umayyad power
and championed the cause of those descended from the Prophet's
c
uncle, al- Abbas. The new 'Abbasid dynasty vaunted these blood
links with Muhammad and claimed to usher in the true Islam based
on universal brotherhood irrespective of race.
Politically the change of dynasty marked the eclipse of Syria and a
consequent weakening of Creek Influence in the burgeoning Islamic
culture. It also signalled the end of purely Arab dominion. The
foundation of a new capital. Baghdad, at the eastern extremity of the
Arab-speaking world, epitomized this process. Its site near two major
rivers suitable for sea-going traffic - the Tigris and Euphrates - made
Baghdad a much greater mart than )amascus had ever been, and its
1
38
army were now introduced. The new Persianized administrative
system hinged on the vizier, a post which was often hereditary and
gradually came to erode the caliph's power. But in the first century
of 'Abbasid rule that power was absolute, as the chilling anecdotes of
contemporary chronicles testify. To the Western world, the figure of
Harun al-Rashid - who sent his contemporary Charlemagne an ele-
phant - has always symbolized the oriental potentate, and it is the
golden prime of eighth-century Baghdad that is celebrated in the
Arabian Nights. There can be no doubt of the immense cultural
superiority of the Muslim East over western Europe at this time.
Court life attained an unequalled peak of sophistication and luxury
m manners, costume, food and entertainment.
This gilded world was underpinned by a complex financial
machine to which capital investment, liquidity and long-term credits
were familiar concepts. As late as the eleventh century a Saljuq vizier
could pay a boatman on the Oxus with a draft cashable in Damascus.
Wars of conquest had now ceased, along with their attendant booty,
but the resultant Pax Islamica allowed the collection of revenue and
the expansion of trade to proceed smoothly. Perhaps the major dis-
tinguishing feature of the early 'Abbasid empire was thus the
immense wealth that it commanded. Btit this idyll was short-lived.
Squabbles over the succession pinpointed much deeper rifts, for
example between Arab and Persian, and between the various reli-
gious groupings. Gradually the extremities of the empire - in Spam,
North Africa, Central Asia and Afghanistan - gained autonomy. Iran
in particular saw a blossoming of national sentiment which found
expression in literary controversies with the Arabs, in heterodox reli-
gious movements and - under the Samanid dynasty in particular
(8 1
9— 1005) - in a revival of pre-Islamic Persian culture. Meanwhile,
m Baghdad the caliphs* increasing reliance on slave troops of Darkish
stock caused so much local unrest that in 836 they moved then-
capitalnorthwards to Samarra. a move which led to their eventual
domination by these Praetorian guards. This situation was formalized
m 945 when the Persian Buyid dynasty, whose Shi ite rulers func-
tioned as mayors of the palace, dealt cahphal prestige a catastrophic
blow by assuming direct control of the state. Nevertheless, a cos-
mopolitan Islamic civilization had been made possible by a basic
unity of language, faith and religious institutions which exists in large
\9
The shift in the centre of gravity- from Damascus to Baghdad
involved not merely a geographical adjustment of five hundred miles.
It had potent repercussions in politics, culture and art. Baghdad
40
l,,
"»*Sba.
24 From
c
villa to palace-city. Fortified residence ofUkhaidir, Iraq, c. — 5 6, probably built by the governor
ofKufa, Isa b. Musa. Desert now surrounds but extensive traces of cultivation explain
it, its name of'the
c
little green one". It betrays a typically Abbasid obsession with security and ceremonial; its design looks
both to Syrian and Iranian traditions tor inspiration.
574 554 ft
•
its living quarters are cramped, therein
. perpetuating
Arab tradition: but its luxurious amenities and ceremonial aspect
are strongly Persian in flavour, notably in the interplay oi iwatts and
1
25, 26, 27 An Islamic aesthetic: all-over decoration. Samaria, stucco wall panels, yth century. Three styles
occur contemporaneously, despite differences of conception and technique. The hrst (top) uses a broadly
naturalistic classical vocabulary of five-lobed vine Leaves and tendrils arranged in rows or circles. The
second (above left) flattens, abstracts and geometricizes this idiom. The third (above right), now moulded,
not hand-carved, has a quilted and sculptural quality: its abstract, tactile forms are at once suggestive and
ambivalent. In all three, equal attention is given to precise rendering of detail and to the overall design.
42
ribbon development and galvanized by remorselessly axial planning,
tor example by the use of the familiar three-tract design borrowed
from Umayyad palaces (see p. 34). Proportional ratios (often 3:2) and
striet axiality hold these structures together. Interior building materi
curved vegetal elements too stylized to equate with any actual pi. int.
In the seeond style, this tendency is accentuated to the point where
recognizably natural tonus disappear. The borders become plain and
the compartments themselves more varied. The Chinese motif of yin
and yung appears frequently. Finally, in the third style, the decoration
is not painstakingly carved by hand but is rapidly applied by moulds
M
^
£
till!
28 Courtyard of mosque of Ibn Tulun. Cairo, 876-9 (the foreground dome
dates from .296) Its essence is
Iraqi: outer enclosure, brick construction,
piers with engaged columns, crenellations, stucco
ornament and
minaret. The pointed arch serves as a leitmotif. The mosque
was connected by a broad read to its natron's
palace. '
raLed I 71 "V'f'V""'*
'""'", MoSqUe °f Qainwan Tum ^-
- »* »*« «*. aerial view. The
* " *3 ™™" ™«
hW^rH it " '""P 1 J "J 'he huge axial nnnaree derive
gave way to vast urban palaces, or rather palace-cities, conceived on
the Perso-Sasanian model, where massive scale is the dominant
factor.Gigantic scale also characterizes many of the major mosques
(Samarra - the largest mosque in the world - and Abu Dulafin Iraq;
Ibn Tulun in Egypt: Tunis and Qairawan in western North Africa).
Powerful bastions militarize the mosque, which can even be inter-
preted (as in the case of Qairawan) as an emblem of jihad. Nor is this -<;
30 The interplay between metropolis and province. Hajji Piyada Mosque. Balkh, Afghanistan, probably
yth century. This diminutive nine-bayed multi-domed mosque without courtyard may reflect
.1 lost Iraqi
.1
prototype: certainly us abundant stucco decoration faithfully mirrors the idiom of Samarra. I he stumpy
piers have Sasanian antecedents.
<il£
'
r
c
In some instances, Abbasid mosques are surrounded by
these
further enclosure* which to mediate between sacred and
serve
profane space. Typically, they were built on the sites of new Islamic
towns and thus catered for the whole population - hence their great
size, which often brings monotony and repetition in its train.
projects were huge; the historian al-Ya qubi notes that over 100,000
men were recruited for the construction of Baghdad, and the city of
Ja'fariya near Samarra. whose rums cover [7 square kilometres (6.5
square miles), was completed in a single year (AD 859). Schemes of
this magnitude could only have been organized by a corvee system
(see p. 14). This system had a significant by-product: native craftsmen
learnt the traditions of their imported fellow -workmen. Forms of
varied foreign origin were at first juxtaposed and then, within the
course of one or two generations, blended. This blend was in turn
exported by the new generation throughout the Islamic world.
30 Hence the basic similarity of Style which underlies provincial varia-
tions in early Islamic art.
31 The figural iconography of Samarran palaces such as [ausaq al-
Khaqani attests the gradual consolidation and refinement of cycle .1
46
ii Th<
le courtly ethos. Restored wall painting from thejausaq al-Khaqani palace, Samarra,
he early 'Abbasid period saw the apogee of wine poetry (khamriyya); many such
I
poems praise the cup-bearer. The kiss-curl, the scalloped fringe and the agitated hem find
parallels m Central Asian art possibly brought to Iraq by Turkish slave troops.
Kmp'. All this indicates a radical departure from the aniconic norms
of Muslim numismatics.
But the art form par excellence was textiles. Byzantine ambassadors j
j
e word as official
50
are encountered in this first century. This immediate maturity is puz-
zling. true that the rather earlier Nabatean painted pottery of the
It is
c
Levant does have some striking connections with Abbasid wares (as
in the use of the 'peacock's eye' motif), and that lead-glazed wares
had already been made in Egypt for a millennium. But the virtual
absence of tine Umayyad pottery, together with the fact that glazed
pottery - which accounts for most quality medieval ware - though
known in ancient Egypt and Parthia, did not achieve the status of a
tine art in the ancient world, underlines the lack of immediate prece-
dents tor these wares. The earliest Arab pottery, being simply for
domestic use. continued this utilitarian bias and was sparsely deco-
rated with simple incised or relief designs.
c
of artists but they have no other merits', while al-Baihaqi reports th.it
the governor of Khurasan in eastern Iran sent the caliph Harun al-
Rashid 'twenty pieces of Chinese imperial porcelain, the like of
which had never been seen in a caliph's court before', together with
two thousand other pieces of porcelain. The latter were no doubt the
product of the Chinese export industry; as is usual in China, the
finest pieces are the ones made for home consumption. In the field
of ceramics, then, China was held to be supreme. There alone
pottery had been cultivated for many centuries as a fine art. Given
the prestige attached to Chinese wares, it would be natural tor the
'Abbasids to supplement the always insufficient imports o( choice
pottery by establishing a local industry. Hence, perhaps, the sudden
explosion of the ceramics industry in the ninth century. Theological
prohibitions might also have contributed in slight measure, for
various hadiths (sayings of the Prophet) condemn the use of gold and
silver vessels. The development of pottery with a sheen imitating
precious metals lends some credence to this view. Finally, the advent
nt~ much-reduced output in certain
[slam led to a well established
media - notably sculpture - which depended on figural motifs.
Perhaps the burgeoning quality-ceramic tradition was an attempt,
conscious or not, to develop an alternative means o! expression for
s i
36 (above) The lore of the stars.
Lustre bowl found in Samarra,
9th century. It depicts Cygnus
(the swan), a fixed star from the
constellations of the northern
hemisphere. The subject-matter
implies a cultivated patron. The
bird has been transformed into a
vegetal design; the busy hatched
and squiggly background is typical
of lustreware.
54
19 Restraint. Pish covered
with white slip and painted
with brown kiitic
inscription; Samarqand,
9th-ioth century. In the
centre, the Chinese tai-kt
40 The word as icon. Qur'an leaf with sura heading m gold; parchment, perhaps yth-ccntur\ Iraq. Rc<.\
dots indicate vowelling, thin black strokes (made with another pen') diacritical marks. Spacing between
individual letters, sequences and whole words can be very wide and therein privilege certain syllables.
JL4L
widely distributed throughout north-west Iran. Its decoration fre-
quently apes metalwork, even to the use ot the incised lines to
prevent colours from running. A particular class of champlevi ware, in
which the white slip is gouged away to form the design, is associated
with the Garrus area in Kurdistan. These varied provincial schools
were independent of influences from the court and from abroad,
though reminiscences of Sasanian iconography were common. Their
subject matter favours single figures of animals and monsters or bold
abstract designs.
The other art form which has survived in substantial quantity is
58
i^^— <m* » ^1 L ,— ^J I -i_J L
v
4; name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate'. Almost every sura in the Qur'an begins with
"In the
this known as the bismillah from its opening three words. Often displayed by calligraphers, in
phrase,
popular belief it has special power as an amulet. Here it is executed 111 some major Qur'ank hand
from top) early Kufic. square Kufic. eastern Kufic, iluilih: (right,jrom top) naskhi, muhaqqaq, rihani, taliq.
59
long-distance trade with lands to the east, both overland and by sea.
Islamic art now largely severed its connections with the classical
world, and turned its back on the Mediterranean. In architecture,
Sasanian forms were dominant for city plans, palaces and mausolea.
Baked brick, mud-brick and even stamped earth often replaced
stone. Classical ornament of foliate inspiration became ever more
abstract and this abstraction - which led, among other motifs, to the
arabesque in its final form - became the basis of much later Islamic
art. Such classical materials as carved stone and mosaic were largely
rejected in favour of stucco, which was to become the decoration par
excellenceof eastern Islam. The unusually yielding quality of stucco
made an excellent testing ground for new techniques and designs.
it
60
( MAIM 1 R I UK! 1
The Fatimids
this dynasty forms a bridge in time and space between east and west
in the Muslim world, between the pervasive influence of first
c
Umayyad and then Abbasid art and the rather different art of the
eastern Islamic world which developed in the wake of the Saljuq
invasions of the eleventh century. It was the Fatimids who dominated
the southern Mediterranean world, with its millennial heritage of
Hellenism, and whose contact with the Christian powers to the
north brought fresh ideas into Islamic art. The metropolitan status of
Cairo, probably the major Muslim city of the eleventh century, can
only have accentuated this internationalism.
Discussion of the evolution and even to some extent the nature of
Fatimid art - though not the architecture of the period - has been
62
bedevilled by the extreme scarcity of datable (not to mention actually
dated) objects. Only two ceramics, three rock crystals and two
woodcarvings are securely datable. The great exception is the tiraz
textile production of the period, but these pieces are principally of
interest for the history of epigraphy Happily the ceiling of the
Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Sicily, which is of immense value .is a
guide to Fatimid art. can be dated securely between 1140 and [50;
1
44 The Gate of Victories in the City of Victory. Bab al-Futuh. Cairo, [087. One of
three Fatimid gates built by three Armenian brothers from Edessa, and incorporating the
very latest defensive devices, this fortification belongs to a Ja/iran tradition best illustrated
by the walls of Diyarbakr. It was one of many gates m the palace-city wall.
4.s Recreation .is ceremony.
Carved ivory, Egypt,
nth- 1 2th century. Perhaps
a Fatimid book (.over.
gated enclosure walled orT from the rest o\ the city; the palace area j 1
gilded marble cloisters, their gardens prinked out with artificial trees
remain. They depict scenes of revelry and are in the standard Islamic
idiom favoured for such subject-matter (see p. 68 ,
with every feature identified in gold, silver and silk writing. Mecca
and Medina, the ultimate goals o\~ fatimid ambition, were given
special prominence. Made in 964, it allegedly cost 22,000 dinars. he I
too, precious objects were sometimes put to the same uses - for
example, the marriage contract of the princess Theophanou, who
was despatched from Constantinople in 970 to marry the German
emperor, was drawn up in gold lettering on purple-tinted vellum.
From much the same time dates the celebrated though now
dismembered 'Blue Qur'an', probably made c. 1020 in Qairawan -
66
46, 4~ A
religion of the book. Leaves from the 'Blue Qur'an'; parchment dyed indigo; perhaps Qairawan,
i. Qur'an folios dyed saffron, salmon-pink and pale yellow are also known, and presumably derive
1020.
ultimately from Byzantine 6th-eentury purple codices. The absolute control of the text block, and the
overall symmetry to which individual variations of script are subordinated, bespeak the professional scribe.
though Cordoba has also been suggested - whose gold Kufic script
unfolds against a background of indigo-dyed vellum. It is the only 6, r
such Qur'an known. An almost musical sensibility controls the
expansions and contractions of the letters, an aesthetic device here
carried to its highest point. Whether these visual rhythms were
intended to correspond to the way the text was recited or chanted is
a matter tor future research. Unfortunately, as yet there is no wa\ of
animals with two bodies but only one face. Such images draw on a
millennial Middle Eastern heritage. Scenes which seem to derive
48, 49 from western sources include one of a man grappling with a lion
(Samson), an old man holding a bird (Noah?) and a Norman knight
engaged in close combat with a Muslim cavalier. Apparently, then,
68
the ransacked the entire repertoire of images available to them,
artists
'V-
'
'
i
<: v. v-V»
art as developed at Samarra. A textbook case of this influence is pro-
vided by the seated cross-legged monarch whose pose - even to his
tiny feet - seems" to owe much to images ot the Buddha. That a
secular king should be depicted by Islamic artists in a Far Eastern
religious manner in a Christian church at the very centre of the
Mediterranean highlights in the most telling way the international
quality of medieval Islamic art.
It must be conceded that virtually no echo of this rich cycle of
images has been found in Fatimid Egypt proper, with the minor
exception of a hammam excavated at Fustat, whose painted decora-
51 tion included a seated youth and affronted birds - scenes roughly
comparable with those on the ceiling of the Cappella Palatina. It is
true that many single leaves have been found, notably one now m
the British Museum showing a fortress being besieged, and a wood-
52 block print depicting a foot soldier: but for the most part these
works are of coarse quality indeed, some are mere scrawls) and
suggest that manuscript painting was still relatively underdeveloped at
this period. But a few of these leaves, of which the largest group is
that m the private Keir Collection in Surrey, England, illustrate not
c
able generalizations about it. and the mosques built b\ the Sunni
majority in this period have almost entirely disappeared. But the tew
surviving major monuments ot the dynasty do encourage some
interesting speculations, lor example, the absence of minarets in the
mosques is noteworthy, the major exception being the lakim I
~-
Fatimid mosques which do survive that it is no Longer possible to
identify the nature of the typical mosque of this period. Some strik-
ing innovations may be noted. These include the use of towers as
corner salients on the facade of the Hakim mosque - a device which
gave them a new and crucial articulating function - and the high-
lighting of the area in front of the mihrab by placing domes at the two
corners of the qibla wall. Such corner domes serve .is pendants to the
more familiar dome over the mihrab (Azhar and Hakim mosques). 54
'
The world's oldest
university. The much rebuilt And
constantly enlarged A/har mosque.
Cairo, founded in 070-2 and
intended also as .1 centre of learning
and of Isma'ili propaganda. Note
such trademarks of Fatimid
architecture as radiating roundels
and niches, keel-shaped arches
and clustered columns.
This idea is closely related to the creation of a T-plan in mosque
sanctuaries - that is. using .1 central axial nave which leads up to the
mihrab at end. and similarly picking out the transverse aisle
its tar
S5i 5<5 Aswan in Upper Egypt. They form an entire necropolis. custom of .1
course already established in Egypt for millennia. Since this city was
a major departure point for pilgrim caravans, it is likely enough th.it
the original tenantsof" these mausolea were pilgrims, though some
could aKo have fallen in holy war. since Aswan was on the Nubian
border .md therefore faced infidel lands. Although - or perhaps
because - main of these structures are of mud-brick, they demon-
-4
: -4 *^
•-
76
attempt to create a funerary cult that would support the caliphal
c
family, which of course claimed descent from Ali. The tombs in the
Qarafa cemetery especially became centres for weekend outings,
with the faithful spending the night in their vicinity, circumambulat-
ing them and hoping for answers to prayers through the intercession
of these personages, and. more generally, to profit from the baraka or
spiritual power associated with these tombs. The forms of such m.ui
lolea are very much more modest than those of contemporary funer-
ary structures in the eastern Islamic world, for the most part they
comprise small square chambers, largely plain not only externally
except for the occasional fluted dome) but
also inside, apart from
their monumental sometimes disposed in groups of
mihrabs, the latter
five (Sayyida Ruqayya) or three (Ikhwat Yusuf). Most were dedi
cated to members of the Prophet's family; several honour martyrs for
the Shi'ite cause; and the prominence of women among their tenants
is quite remarkable - perhaps a reflection of the key role in popular
piety played by women and expressed also in the area of the Qarafa
cemetery (that centre of female piety) by the unusually high propor-
c
form of light even before the world was created. The Qur'anic
inscriptions in these tombs frequently contain references to the sun.
the moon and the stars, and these were interpreted to connote the
Shi'ite Holy Family. Any name on the central roundel (significantly
termed shamsa in Arabic, from the word shams, 'sun') would most
naturally be interpreted as the source of light, and it is exclusively
' c
'Allah', 'Muhammad' or Ali'. The latter two names are again found
atmg designs, with Ah' at the centre of the largest, direcd) over the
77
L
57 A religious and political manifesto. The Aqinar mosque m Cairo was erected in 12s beside the eastern i
Fatimid caliphal palace, and was perhaps intended as a court oratory, tea Jung institution and tomb tor al-
1
Husain, the Prophet's grandson. Its inscriptions implore God to give the caliph 'victory over all Infidels
(presumably the Crusaders and schismatics) and exalt the family of 'Ah by quoting Qur'an 33:33.
78
Fatimid pottery is dominated by lustrewares. Their origin is dis
puted; some argue that the earlier lustrewares of Samaria provided
the direct inspiration, as indeed similarities of graphic style suggest,
while others seek its source in glass (see p. 54). Hut the key point is
not the source of the technique but the fact o\~ that the importance
Fatimid lustrewares extends tar beyond Egypt, since they usher in the
rust consistent attempt in the medieval Islamic world to make luxury
ceramics say something in visual terms. Not that they are the firs!
themes - forof course Egypt had been one of the major centres of
Hellenistic art, and was a country where the sense of an immemorial
p. ist was stronger and more pervasive than elsewhere in the Near
59 The survival of other faiths. Early 12th-century lustre bowl. ^n.-A bv the Muslim potter Sa'd, whuh
shows a Coptic priest swinging a censer; a gigantic ankh hieroglyph denotes 'life'. Ham. 2
I 1
.9
111 < (8.6 in).
60 'Good health and
complete joy to the
owner, may he be saved
from evil' runs the
inscription around this
The iconography is
international, but this
piece of so-called Fustat
ware is inscribed 'well
made in Egypt'. H. 7 cm
(2.8 m». diam. 38.3 cm
(is in).
8l
It is Fatimid period above all that potters' signatures come
in the
into their are admittedly encountered earlier - for
own. Signed wares
c
82
thisor just plain trade was the source of such wares, they give a valu-
able indication ot the type of luxury pottery produced in the late
Fatimid period. The style of these pieces is so varied that it seems
reasonable to look for several quite different sources of inspiration.
Sometimes the trick of painting the
of the piece,
face, or the exterior
is connection is incontestable.
so like that o\ Iraqi lustre that a close
But other pieces have the vivacity and freedom o\' [ellenistic art .is 1
in the Fatimid treasuries in the 1060s - even their size and market
value were noted, and a group ot pieces bearing the name ot the
c
61 caliph al- Aziz were singled out for special attention. I he total
number of rock crystal vessels in this treasury alone was then i,Xoo.
The only three inscribed rock crystals bearing the names ot notables
were clearly made 111 Egypt; they mention the caliphs al-'Aziz and
al-Zahir, and al-Hakim's generalissimo, Husain b. Jauhar. The luxury
nature of the craft emphasized by the technique itself; the ewers,
is
84
M
) oil
6j From Muslim robe of honour to
church treasury. Linen cloth made in
Damietta, Egypt, and bearing tapestry
ornament depicting birds, addorsed
jw£S\
iphinxes and other animals. Known as
'the veil of St Anne",
caliph al-Musta
al-At'dal.
li
it
Islamic origin, for this is where most of the finest medieval Islamic
textiles and rock crystals have been preserved, usually because they
had fallaciously acquired some sacred Christian association. Many
rock crystals were used as containers for relics believed to be drops of
Christ's blood or associated with the Last Supper or the Crucifixion.
Hence the elaborate European ecclesiastical mountings in which so
many of them are set.
The surviving Fatimid textiles do not measure up to those known
from literary sources - for example, the hundreds of textiles men-
tioned by al-Maqrizi with pictures of rulers and other celebrities, .ill
The Saljuqs
86
commanders who often usurped power. Turkish traditions like these
clashed with Muslim norms and destabilized Islamic society.
Yet this Turkish element was counterbalanced by more ancient
ones. Guides to good government ('Mirrors tor Princes') were
written for the Saljuq rulers, in which the Sasanian tradition of the
divine right of kings was modified by the principle that the monarch
must obey the law as defined by Muslim jurists. ike the Ghaznavids,
I
While remarkably little in the way of the visual arts has survived
from pre-Saljuq Iran, under the Saljuqs this situation is dramatically
reversed, and for the first time 111 Islamic Iran the flavour of a period
can be captured adequately by studying a mass of its artefacts. I his
period, like that of the Umayyads, witnessed a prodigious expansion
in the forms, techniques and ideas of the visual arts.
The heritage of the Saljuqs political, religious and cultural - can
scarcely be exaggerated. The contrast between the pre-Saljuq and
the post-Saljuq periods is striking. The tenth and eleventh centuries
had seen minor Persian and Arab dynasties throughout the eastern
Islamic world flourish at the expense of the enfeebled caliphate. The
unity of the faith had disintegrated, although Arabic was still the
predominant language. By the late twelfth century the situation had
changed decisively: orthodox Islam was now much stronger, having
absorbed some heterodoxies and defeated others. This was princi-
pally due to the Turkish dynasties of the Ghaznavids and the (ire.it
Saljuqs. The caliph had regained his theoretical power by allying
himself with the sultan, and was about to recover actual political
strength too. The Turks now dominated the Middle East; certain of
the territories which they controlled, such as Anatolia, north-west
88
Iran and Central Asia, have remained Turkish-speaking ever since.
Theirs was in some senses a disruptive influence; they represented a
pastoral economy immemorially opposed to agriculture. One con-
temporary historian remarked wryly that tax-farming was 'the only
way to interest Turks in agriculture'. They constituted a recurrent
political threat because certain tribes could with impunity flout the
authority of the sultan. Plunder was the only aim of many of the
tribesmen and this could not always be channelled into holy wars.
But the Saljuq leaders quickly adapted themselves to the Persian \\,i\
of life. Under their aegis Persian became widespread throughout the
empire and Iran itself became an artistic centre of the first impor-
tance. Above all. the centre o\~ gravity in the Islamic world had
shifted from the Arab territories to Anatolia and Iran. The tradi-
tional centres o\ Islamic power in the Middle East - )amascus and 1
Islamic art as a whole lies m the way that it established the dominant
80
position of Iran; one may compare the pivotal role of late-medieval
Italy in European art. It also determined the future development of
art in the Iranian world for centuries. In its own time its impact was
felt, either through the agency of the Saljuqs themselves or through
alwork to the arts of the book and architecture. However, the overlap
between Saljuq art and that of the Buyids, Ghaznavids, Ghurids,
Qarakhanids and Khwarizmshahs — to name only some of the major
stylistic groupings of the time — is such that these dynastic labels are
90
<< i
.
64 Pomp and circumstance, Turkish style. Stucco relief from Raw. late 12th century It depicts the
enthroned Saljuq sultan Tughril (II?; d. [94) surrounded by his officers. Direcdy beneath his feet is written
1
"the victorious, just king' and in the panel above are his titles, interrupted atypically by the sultans personal
name placed directly over his head.
65 Ceramic sculpture. Lustre mihrab re-used in the Masjid^i Maidan. Kashan. It is dated 1226. inscribed
with the names of the Twelve Shi ite [mams and signed by al-Hasan lbn Arabshah. Its many components
c
were separately fired and fitted together. The contrast of buff and blue mimics the palette of contemporary
architecture. H. 2.84 m (9.3 ft).
f%
IS^m^^y
B£
mi
U;
66 Bobrinski bucket and the jug
Similarly, the fact that the celebrated
of 1 182 now both bear an inscription stating that they were
in.Tiflis
made in Herat indicates that fine inlaid metalwork was produced in
that city. The craftsmen's names, which are traditionally supple-
mented by their place of origin (nisba), indicate Khurasani cities -
Herat, Merv, Nishapur - and thus confirm the important role of this
province in metalwork. But it is not enough to justify the wholesale
attribution to Herat of wares that merely share some of the features
found on work from that city. This is particularly unlikely for metal-
work that is technically simpler than the inlaid pieces, since the
demand for such cheaper work must have been too widespread to be
catered for by a single production centre. But exactly where these
other Iranian workshops were located must be determined by future
research. The astonishing range of forms encountered in Saljuq
metalwork (including many derived from architectural forms) also
points to numerous centres of production. It seems likely that some
of the best craftsmen travelled widely to execute commissions, and
that fine pieces (e.g. of Kashan tilework) were shipped over long dis-
tances. There is evidence too of a division of labour in metalwork
*~'-'\ 1
67 Latent iconophobia?
Signed open-work
roomorphic incense-
burner, bronze inlaid with
silver. North-east Iran.
1 1 th century. The
btheness and ferocity of
this creature are much
exaggerated, the body
itself dematerialized and
reduced to an inscribed
and decorated surface.
Thus the artist avoids
usurping God's prerogative
ot creating lite. Compare
Ibn 'Abbas advising a
the Saljuq period. The frequency of dated ceramics (and many are
signed) argues a higher status for fine pottery than had previously
71 (below left) A wedding present' Overglaze-painted beaker in mina'i or hafi rang (seven-colour) technique.
Iran, early 13th century. The narrative, in strip cartoon format, recounts the love storv ii\ Bizhari and
Manizha, a highlight of Firdausi's Shahnama. This beaker long predates manuscript illustrations of the storv
and proves that a well-developed Shahnama iconography existed by c. 1200. H. 12 cm (4.7 in).
72 (below right) The arts were interdependent. Spouted jug, painted black under a transparent turquoise
glaze. Kashan, early 13 th century. The elaborate perforated shell transfers to the fragile medium of ceramics
a technique first developed in metalwork. and better suited to that material.
73 The world of magic. Peep green bowl, in champlevi technique (i.e. with large areas of
slip cut away). Western Iran, i ith century. The sphinx has apotropaic, paradisal and astro
and is also often deputed with the griffin, thereby symbolizing the
logical associations,
journey through the heavens. The rosettes echo this theme. The facial features
sun's
conform to the contemporary ideal of beauty Diam. 25 cm (9.8 in).
>>')
the ornamental sheen and decorative motifs of Saljuq metalwork
reveal close familiarity with manuscript illumination. All this points
both to the interdependence of the arts in this period and to the
existence of hierarchies within the visual arts, since the cheaper arts
copy the more expensive ones — never vice versa.
The recent demonstration that the majority of textiles once
thought to be Buyid or Saljuq are in fact of modern manufacture
has made it imperative to submit all so-called Saljuq silks to
scientific tests, and proper renders premature any art-historical
enquiry into them.
The principal centre of book painting in the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries was Iraq, which was then under the control of the
newly renascent caliphate (see pp. 125-32). But this painting often
has marked Iranian features, suggesting the existence of an earlier
pan-Saljuq school of painting in which distinctions between Iraq and
Iran were perhaps not very significant. The most likely candidate to
represent the largely vanished art of Saljuq book painting is the verse
romance Varqa va Gulshah ('Varqa and Gulshah'), written in Persian
c c
by the poet Ayyuqi and signed by the painter Abd al-Mu nun al-
Khuyi. This suggests a provenance in north-west Iran, but Anatolia is
a distinct possibility too. The manuscript (in the Topkapi Saray
74 Library in Istanbul) has seventy brightly coloured illustrations in strip
format against a plain coloured or patterned ground, with figural
types of the kind familiar in minax pottery. The paintings have a
strong narrative drive enriched by a complex iconography in which
the animals which figure in many of the pictures take on symbolic
meaning, connoting for example watchfulness, fidelity, treachery and
courage. A fragment of al-Suffs Kitdh Suwar al-Kawakib al-Thabita
('Treatise on the Fixed Stars') in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Or.
133), undated and unprovenanced but probably of the thirteenth
century, might be of Iranian origin. But for all the paucity of the
surviving material, the clear dependence of both fine ceramics and
fine metalwork on manuscript painting and illumination shows
clearly enough the high profile which the arts of the book enjoyed in
the Saljuq period.
Several fine Saljuq Qur'ans have survived. They include dated
examples in Mashhad (466, i.e. 1073 ni tne Christian calendar),
Tehran (485/1092 and 606-8/ 1 209-1 1), Philadelphia (559/1164;
produced in Hamadan) and London (582/1186), as well as examples
which slightly predate the advent of the Saljuqs (London, 427/1036
and Dublin, 428/1037). There are also numerous undated but proba-
100
bly Saljuq examples in Dublin. Paris, Istanbul. Tehran and London,
to say nothing of parts of Qur'ans or individual leaves in dozens of
collections throughout the world. Saljuq Qur'ans are notable for
their magnificent full-page or double-page frontispieces and
colophon pages, often ot pronounced geometric character, with
script in panels taking a prime role. They are known both in naskhi 76
and in 'New Style' (or 'East Persian') Kufic. There is substantial
.1 75
variation in scale - from small one-volume Qur'ans measuring only
[2 > 10 cm (4." X 4 in) to large ones of 41 28 cm (16 > 11 in),
•
and in some the limited amount of text per page resulted in Qur'ans
o( thirty or sixty parts, large and small, each part with its own
frontispiece. The diversity of size and layout extends to the number
of lines per page, which varies from two to twenty, and to the scale.
quantity and placing of illumination. The task o\~ establishing dates
and provenances tor this ample material, and devising working cate
gories for it. has only just begun.
In architecture even more than in other fields the dividing line, so
far as style is concerned, between what is defmably Saljuq and what
precedes that period is very hard to draw, though the Mongol inva-
sion and the architectural vacuum that followed mean that there is a
distinct break in continuity after c. 1220. A few examples will make
this clear.The characteristic minarets of Saljuq type - lofty, cylindri-
cal, on a polygonal plinth and garnished with inscription bands
set
943. That building also exhibits a highly developed style of brick and
terracotta ornament. Similarly, such standard features of Saljuq archi-
tecture as the trilobed squinch and the pishtaq or monumental portal
are already to be encountered in the tenth century, for example in
the mausoleum of Arab-ata at Tim. The same phenomenon can be
detected in other art forms, for example in sgraffito potter) ^v the
continuity o\~ ring and dot decoration from pre Saljuq to Saljuq
metalwork; and while the quantity and range of architectural tile
work is indisputably a 'Saljuq' phenomenon, its roots 111 Islamic
monuments he as far back as Abbasid Samaria.
The distinctive Saljuq contribution lies rather in tin- final
'\£}gj&±W&> J^ V
nent inscription
u'itc, in Hamadan in .164. it also has u
st.llhls
headings arc in Kufic; note the interlin,
'
II
1
| .;
•
Mausoleum o\~
Ju
So {right) Marital devotion.
the princess Mu'mina Khatun. 'Chastity ot~
Islam and the Muslims". Nakhchivan. 1 1 so. .
domed square underwent other major changes too, not.ihk 111 the
8i {above and right) Community
centre. Friday Mosque, Isfahan, 10th century onwards. Successive genera-
and extended this mosque, which was engulfed in the city's bazaars and served
tions embellished, repaired
many functions. The two Saljuq dome chambers mark the principal axis, {right} Beneath the myriad small
domes resembling molehills which encircle the courtyard lies an endlessly varied scries of vaults, many of
them unique. The best of them date to loth— I2th centuries.
tsite) Tents tor the afterlife. Tomb
towers built in open country at Kharraqan,
western Iran, by the same architect in 1067
and 10S6 for Turkish chieftains. Many details
of Structure and ornament evoke the yurt or
tent of the Turkic nomads. The later tower.
a torn it force of decorative brickwork, has
10S
M Massive monumentality Central Asian caravansarais of the tith and [2th centuries, though built for
trade,owe much to earlier local fortified manor houses. The Rabat Malik of 1078, in Uzbekistan, now
i
mostly destroyed, has a stark power and sense of volume which is strangely modem in feeling.
madrasas of the Iranian world in this period far outshone those from
other Islamic territories.
Several caravansarais (lodging places for travellers and their ani
in. lis 1 datable to Saljuq times are known; four of them - K1b.1t 1
Malik. Daya Khatun, Ribat-i Main and Ribat-i Sharaf bear lavish M
decoration. Indeed. Ribat-i Sharaf (probably built 1114 is. repaired
1154—55), Wltn lts huge double courtyard plan (repeated AJccha .it
'Ai'>y *5
85 royal hum of the sun. Stone reli
The lestan. 12th century Hunting here
takes on cosmic overtones, tor the animals forming .1 wheel design (itself found on
ancient Mesopotamian cylinder seals, and especially popular in the J.i/ira. the Caucasus
and north-west Iran at this time) are a solar symbol, representing the full astral cycle
across the heavens.
10
(MAIM 1 R I IVI
Between the eleventh and the early thirteenth centuries Anatolia and
the Levant experienced something of a power vacuum. Neither the
c
ailing Abbasid caliphate nor the Fatimids were able to extend then-
writ to all these areas, some of them remote from their own home
base, and even tor the Great Saljuqs these regions were peripheral.
c
power of the Great Saljuqs waned just as the Crusaders arrived in the
Near East.
The contemporary power vacuum made it much easier tor the
Crusaders to establish bridgehead and then several fully-
first a
I I I
single town, such as, in Anatolia, the Shah-i Annan at Ahlat and the
Mengjukids at. Divrigi. Ethnically, these new rulers were neither
Arabs nor Persians but Turks or Kurds, and this added a new element
to the political complexion of the time.
De facto power and the Jazira was now
in the Levant, Anatolia
vested in warlike Turcomans whose tribal and nomadic heritage
inevitably placed them at loggerheads with the peasantry and the
urban populations whom they ruled. They had entered the Islamic
world as the shock troops of the Great Saljuqs, and, proving difficult
for the sultans to control, had been despatched to the outskirts of
Saljuq territory. They had wrested much ot Anatolia from Armenian
and Byzantine hands and had also infiltrated the long-Islamized
territories of northern Iraq and Syria. In the process, they had en-
countered not merely urban and rural Muslims but also Christ-
ians of various confessional allegiances - Orthodox, Armenian and
Jacobite. Similarly, the Ayyubids in the Levant ruled a large popu-
lation of Christians, mostly oriental but some from western Europe.
All this made for a pluralistic, multilingual, multi-ethnic society in-
stinctively hostile to the imposition of orthodoxy. Nevertheless, there
are frequent references in the sources to measures taken against the
indigenous Christians: tor example, destroying churches, refusing
permission to have them rebuilt, or converting them to mosques.
Much of the interest ot~ the ait o\ the Atabeg polities derives pre-
cisely from the wined accommodations which they fashioned with
non-Muslim traditions. They frequently employed non-Muslim
artists. Equally interesting is the undertow o\~ Persian modes m
Anatolia and of Arab ones in Syria and the Jazira. though a Turkish
military elite wasdominant m all three areas.
The Turcomans' version of [slam seems to have had a distinctive
character, involving as it Jul animistic and folk elements absent from
orthodox interpretations of the faith. Hut this did not prevent rulers
of Turkish stock from parading themselves as paragons of orthodoxy.
The political gams of such a stance in the long-drawn-out wars
against the Crusaders were obvious. In the case of the later Zangids
and early Ayyubids. moreover - especially Nur al-Din and Saladin -
the personal piety ot certain rulers is harder to doubt and must have
imparted an extra charge of energy to their prosecution of jihad and
their hostility to the Isma'ilis. The titulature of these rulers reflected
precisely these concerns. Many of these rulers also treated members
c
ol the ulama (religious with special and public marks of dis-
classes)
tinction. They were also great builders of religious foundations.
I 12
Others lavished honour on Sufis and founded special establishments
(khanqahs) for them.
It is extraordinarily difficult to define a significant degree of
homogeneity - politically, ethnically or culturally - in these areas
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, even though they were
contiguous geographically and experienced similar tonus of govern-
ment. In some ways the period constitutes an interlude' sandwiched
between epochs that were dominated by more powerful dynasties.
Moreover, in the visual arts the inherited tradition differed markedly
from one region to the next, and this alone effectively forbade the
creation of a single style. But the vigour of contemporary art gives
no clue to the uncertain political complexion of the times; .is so
often, the rhythms of art and polities do not synchronize. Not
surprisingly. Ayyubid art continues Fatimid modes. Nurid art m
northern Iraq is clearly a province of the Saljuq art of (ire. iter Iran.
while the Saljuqs of Rum owed much to Armenian architecture.
Hence the difficulty of understanding the place of each of these very
different styles within the composite picture o\~ contemporary art.
Accordingly, to lump them together m a single chapter may smack of
manipulating historical realities. What do Ayyubid Syria and Saljuq
Anatolia have in common? Perhaps what most links them is the fact
that all of them could be described as Saljuq successor sutes - and
that not only because they followed the Saljuqs chronologically but
also because they maintained similar traditions o\~ Sunni orthodoxy
and governmental practice, and were shot through with Turkish
customs and habits of thought.
Saljuq Anatolia was the most long-lived of these polities.
Culturally speaking, it was in many respects a province of Iran. This
situation had its roots in political realities, for the area was originally
overrun by Turcomans from Iran, and the ruling dynasty from sc> i i
was related by blood to the Great Saljuqs of Iran. Soon after the line
of" the Great Saljuqs had been extinguished, the Mongol invasion of
Iran brought in its tram not only unprecedented carnage but also a
new state, major Upheavals in religious practice, and new cultural
priorities. These factors caused a stream of Iranian refugees to seek
asylum in the safer, more familiar and congenial atmosphere o\
Saljuq Anatolia. Persian poets, mystics and men of letters like Kuim
and Nasiral-1 )m Tusi received a warm welcome m court circles,
where the language of cultural interchange was Persian, where
viziers of Persian origin Hike the Pcrvanc. Bunijirdi and the Jmaini
brothers; wielded power and the court hromclei's dike Ibn Ihbi a\\A
(
i i
I
Aqsarayi) wrote in Persian. was the same story in the visual arts.
It
Persian architects and tileworkers left their names and those of their
been disputed. This is because they do not tit easily into the evolu-
tion of book painting in Iran proper during the fourteenth century,
in which the influence of ideas derived from China is ubiquitous.
True, these Shahnamas contain occasional references to Mongol
costume and armour, but that is entirely appropriate in view of the
imposition of Mongol rule in Anatolia after the battle of Kose Dagh
in 1243. Given the close kinship of the hgural types of the small
Shahnamas with those of lustre and mina'i pottery, given too the
Iranophile and Iranophone nature of the court culture of the Rum
Saljuqs, and finally given the remarkable fondness for archaic
Shahnama names evinced by successive Rum Saljuq rulers
Kaikhusrau. Kaika'us, Kaiqubad - it does seem at least tenable to see
these small Shahnamas as a kind of refugee .in and thus to consider .is
a possible provenance later thirteenth-century Anatolia, with its per-
vasive fashion tor all things Iranian, even though - or perhaps
because - the area was Mongol protectorate. The choice o( text
.1
own court, and ot' course these local "courts', if th.it is the right
word, varied size and sophistication. It was the Saljuqs of Rum
in
whose was the most ambitious and lavish of all; they were at
lifestyle
pains to model their court ceremonies on those of the (Jre.it Saljuqs,
and their chronicler Ibn Bibi provides detailed descriptions of the
protocol followed at public audiences, banqueting, the hunt and
114
16 The classical afterglow. Alexander the Great - a powerful and mythic totem tor last and West alike
ascending to heaven. Detail of bronze plate inlaid with 7-colour cloisonne enamel hearing the name of the
Turkish Artuqid prince Da'ud (reigned 1114-42). This object is thoroughly international. It bean nisirip
dons in Arahic and Persian: its technique is Byzantine; and its iconography has Byzantine, Georgian and
Islamic connections.
1 1 s
illustrated manuscripts and enamelled metalwork. It is even possible
that by the end of the twelfth century palace workshops were main-
tained on a regular basis.
But by far the major expression of was religious
royal patronage
architecture. In this respect the ruling class was conforming to an
ancient Islamic ideal which dictated that the ruler should build
widely for the public good. Thus it was standard practice for amirs to
build madrasas, usually with their own tombs attached, as soon as
they had the means to do so - and it was this custom above all, more
than any government-sponsored building programme, that ensured
the rapid spread of these institutions of learning throughout the Near
East in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Large cities like
87 Damascus and Aleppo had scores of such monuments, while in
Saljuq Anatolia the tally ran to several hundred in the thirteenth
century alone. Indeed, it is here that the early architectural history of
the madrasa institution can best be traced. The function did not
require any particular form. Domed madrasas focused on a single
large chamber with adjoining cells and occasionally a courtyard may
perhaps have catered for a reduced clientele of students, while the
more ambitious 2-iwatl or \-iwan madrasas, which were often graced
88 with imposing 2-minaret facades as at Kayseri, Sivas or Erzurum)
could house substantially larger numbers. In some larger cities
competition between viziers seems to have generated increasingly
elaborate buildings.
Mausolea proliferated even more, becoming the favoured means of
conspicuous consumption m architecture. In Syria the standard form
was a domed square, relatively plain inside and out, with the all-
important identification of the tenant, complete with genealogy and
titulature. on a panel over the door. Much of the appeal of such
buildings lies in their stonework. Egypt preferred something bigger
and grander, with a much more elaborate /one of transition incorpo-
m the tomb of al-Shaffi. In
rating multiple tiers of squinches, as
northern Iraq rather squat square tombs with pyramidal roofs and
facades m decorated and glazed brick were the rule 'for example
those of Imam 'Awn al-Dm and Imam Yahya b. al-Qasim). Further
south the muqamas dome reigned supreme, with a sculpted many-
tiered sugarloaf on the exterior matched by an inner dome like a fit-
fully illuminated honeycomb (asin the tombs of Sitt Zubaida and
e
Umar al-Suhrawardi in Baghdad); the fashion spread briefly to
Damascus as can be seen in the funerary madrasa and maristan of Nur
al-Dm). But it was in Anatolia that the mausoleum genre was
SS {opposite) College tor the religious elite. Erzurum. Qiftc Minare Medrese, before 1242. This, the largest
madrasa in medieval Anatolia, accommodated perhaps a hundred studentv A mausoleum was added 1284, c.
perhaps by Padishah Khatun. the wife or" two Mongol khans. The building is of local volcanic stone, except
for the two Iranian-style fluted brick towers with dazed ornament.
B7 [above) The teaching of the law Al-Firdaus Friday Mosque and madrasa, Aleppo. 123 s f>. limit byI>.ufa
Khatun. the wife of the local ruler. Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir - it was a tunc of lavish female patronage of
religious buildings - it illustrates a newly fashionable type, the funerary complex. The marble floor with
geometric designs is a local speciality.
I
— M -
's$t-n
E
89, 9° The pervasive Middle Eastern fashion tor m.uisolca dates from the ith century onwards and took
i
many forms. At Gevas {left) in eastern Turkey the tomb tower of Hahma Khatun. 1335, has clear Armenian
connections in material and design; the mausoleum ot Sitt Zubaida {right), built c. 1200, has a standard
Iranian lower half, decorated with geometric brickwork, but is crowned by a conical muqamas dome whose
external form has ancient Mesopotamia!! associations.
explored with the greatest energy and ingenuity The preferred type
So was the tomb tower, as it had been m Iran tor the preceding two
91 (opposite) The mosque as dynastic memorial. Congregational mosque of 'Ala al-Din, built intermittently
between ns> and 1220. in Konya. the Rum Saliuq capital. Its hypostyle or Arab plan, with re-used
columns, includes a dome chamber in the Damascus manner, and two royal mausolea. It shows the use of
carpets not only for the comfort of the worshippers but also to inject colour into the interior.
«$ \
92 Entrepot for the slave trade. Dock at Alanya 'Ala'ivva. a city founded m I22fl by the Saljuq sultan 'Ala
al-Din Kaiqubad and exceptionally named after him. It wax a summer resort and a fortified seaport of
strategic importance, with an artificial harbour. In this rare example of Islamic naval architecture, with five
brick-vaulted galleries some 40 m (131 ft) deep, large ships could be built safely and secretly.
Syria, while Damascus and Aleppo saw a brief classical revival which
manifested itself in astonishingly accurate renditions ot classical
20
93 Castles of commerce. Caravansaiai at Tercan, eastern Anatolia, early i.uli century Ik- plan is th.it of a
I
madrasa with two iwans (hays) m its living accommodation, hut it has additional lateral halls, which served as
stahles. Such buildings, usually financed by the state, punctuated the major overland routes .it intervals
o\\\ day's journey.
tion m the entire Near East to rival that of the Saljuqs of Rum in the
thirteenth century. This was partly due to the geographical position
of their territories, which made them open to ideas from east, west
and south; but a consistent commitment to architecture by the ruling
elite made it possible for local schools to flourish mightily, so that
even minor Anatolian towns can often boast major monuments in
this period - most of them constructed in finely dressed stone.
The consistent state involvement in architecture is seen to best
advantage in the network o\~ kluiuswhich
or caravansarais criss- 93
crossed the country. Many of them have fortifications on a scale
better befitting a castle than a stopover tor the caravan trade. he\ I
travellers lie behind the arcades. On the axis of the entrance there
may be .1 lofty three-aisled extension oi ecclesi.istu.il aspect. I his
94 (kft) The click of castanets.
Dancer on a gilded glass (wine?)
bowl with the title of the Atabeg
Zangi (reigned 1127-46). Cliches
of Islamic (and Byzantine) images
of dancers include the raised right
foot indicating a dance step, the
three-quarter depiction of the
head, the frontal torso, and the
tree. Dancers, like musicians, were
regarded as children of Venus and
thus under the influence of that
planet.
\22
thought-world rather than an Islamic one. especially m the images of
lions, eagles and bulls. L3ut elements from the ancient Near East
isolar images, fish motifs, the lion/bull combat) and the East Asian
animal calendar also appear, as do the astrological and planetary
images so popular throughout the Middle East in this period Glazed
and plain brick ornament of Iranian type, often executed by Iranians,
was also popular; in fact glazed tilework, perhaps developed with the
help of Iranian craftsmen fleeing from the Mongols, reaches a level of
design and technique unequalled in Iran for another century or so.
Figural tiles - mma\ lustre and above all underglaze-painted in blue 95
and white - were used lavishly in the Saljuq royal palaces at Konya,
Qubadiye and Qubadabad.
Iraqi architecture of this period is uneven in quality, though its
decoration - whether in carved stucco, terracotta or polychrome
inlaid marble - is often splendid. In the area of Mosul there flour-
ished, from the later twelfth century onwards, a school of figural
carving which decorated khans (Sinjar), palaces (Sinjar and Mosul).
c
mausolea (Mosul), bridges (Jazirat ibn Umar) and city gates .it Mosul
and 'Amadiya. Sometimes the themes .ire ceremonial .it Sinjar, for 96
example, tiers of the ruler's mamluks, each bearing an emblem of
office, flank a throne niche - but animal themes dominate, including
griffins, lions, serpents and dragons, .ill of which seem to have served
an apotropaic function, as on the appropriately named Halisman Gate
at Baghdad. Similar designs, augmented by heraldic and astrological
motifs th.it often refer in punning fashion to the ruler himself, appear
1 2
96 The sultan's slaves. Royal niche from
(left)
Central Asia.
The thirteenth century witnessed the first golden age of Islamic
book most of it produced m Syria and Iraq, where the
painting,
major centres were Mosul and Baghdad. The reasons for this sudden
flowering are obscure. That it soon spread very widely - to Iran.
Egypt, even Spam - is beyond doubt. To be sure, earlier Islamic
painting on paper exists, but the rubbish-heaps ofFustat have yielded
only individual sheets with illustrations ofmosdy indifferent quality,
while high-grade illumination was confined to Qur'ans. itcrar\ 1
written during an eclipse, which was perhaps thought to nuke its recipes tor snakebite more
effi< a. ious.
In popular belief, eclipses happened when the monster Jawzahr swallowed the sun or moon; hence the
personification of the moon (of Babylonian origin) is within the serpents' stomachs. Note the echoes of
Buddhist iconography. 2 1 \ 1 4
vN*4Vr"*i
i
Mark ol nw nership rontispiei e if I
abound
the Fixed Stars' was produced .it Baghdad in [009. No claim can
therefore In- entertained tor the chronological primacy ol thirteenth
century painting. But it docs seem likely th.it hook Illustration was
onU sparsely practised in earlier centuries in tin- [slami< world, .mil
th.it this .it least m
part due to the severely practical and didactic
was
function to which was confined. The notion th.it illustrations to
it .i
Sunt- few ol the extant illustrated manuscripts are dated, and fai
fewei still .m- provenanced, the detailed history ol tins school oi
painting has occasioned lively debate. he m rem scholarly nuistMi I <
mis favours Iraq .is the prin< ipal ( entre ol production, with ateliers .it
cK-c idedly low key. Byzantine influent es .in- dominant both in the
choice ot texts, the- subject in.ntei oi whuh is largely botanical and
127
pharmaceutical, and in the didactic and diagrammatic style favoured
for the illustrations. In this tradition, which continued that of the
world, the picture was the handmaiden of the text, although
classical
in some cases - such as the very popular Automata manuscripts, o\
which fifteen copies are known - the pictures were needed to make
sense of the text. There was no question of giving them an elaborate
background or frame - indeed, the plain colour of the paper serves as
the background - or of allotting a full page to An illustration.
One important exception to this rule, however, must be noted. In
accordance with classical and Byzantine precedent, the frontispiece
used a full-page painting to honour either the author or the patron
of the manuscript - or even both. This practice had classical roots,
themselves reworked in the Byzantine evangelist portraits which may
have been the immediate source of the Islamic version. Hence the
omission of the author's muse: hence, too, the gold background and
the white highlights on the drapery. The Islamic contribution is .it
first limited to details of costume and architecture. By degrees the
[28
facial types, for example, with their slant eyes and heavy jowls, are
familiar from Saljuq lustre pottery, while other figures are best paral-
leled in mina'i work.
Alongside the practical treatises, which maintained their popular-
ity throughout the thirteenth century and even later to some extent,
and which gave Arab painting such a potentially wide range, con-
temporary taste also favoured works of literature or belles-lettres whose
entertainment value was paramount. Two works in particular enjoyed
widespread popularity: the Maqamat ('Assemblies') ot al-Hariri (d.
1 120) of which more than a dozen illustrated thirteenth-century ver-
sions survive, and the collection of animal fables known as Kalila wa
Dimna ('Kalila and Dimna'). The text of the Maqamat consists of fifty
episodes m the career of a con-man, one Abu Zaid, whose trickeries
depend on his surpassing mastery ot the Arabic language. Al- Hariri
was a wordsmith who fashioned each maqama so as to exploit the full
resources ot the language. Virtuoso linguistic display is thus the
keynote ot the text, which is peppered with quotations, allusions,
puns and obscure vocabulary. It is essentially a thesaurus oi curious
and recondite terms in which action, narrative and drama are of dis-
tinctly secondary importance, and so it gave minimum encourage-
ment to the artist. In a sense, text and image are at cross purposes.
But the picaresque framework presented illustrators with the chance
to produce some remarkably varied settings, often with a strongly
realistic flavour but occasionally of a fantastic nature too, such as the
sky is rarely indicated. The scene shifts from the slave market to a
village, from a Bedouin encampment to formal parades or pilgrims
1 .:<;
indiloquence rewarded.
This is of die
die message
Maqamat, whether the speaker
performs in a secular context or
in .1 religious one (as here, m a
Baghdadi manuscript of
Here, however, the usual
oratorical posturing; of the
disreputable hero. Aim Zaid,
atypicalry serve piety rather
than self-interesl Spotlighted
on a hill, he harangues an
audience of pilgrims, which (in
30
102 Literacy begins early. This
Maqamat image (possibly
Damascus; the tablet held by
the boy in front states that the
manuscript was executed in
1222—3) shows Abu Zaid in the
guise of a schoolteacher. He
holds a split cane, the
traditional instrument of
correction. Undeterred, his
motley class crowds around
him. with most of the boys
holding a tabula ansata (the
form of which replicates the
writing slate of classical times)
covered with Kufic writing, not
the cursive script one would
expect. The teacher's authority-
is suggested by his greater size,
1 1
\
+***i*GC&eO!Sl
4lfcSv9y
103 Popular culture. Egyptian river boat of painted leather. Mamluk Egypt, 1 sth century.
Prop tor a shadow play; the styie recalls MaqanuA
Hie articulated figures were
painting?.
backlit against a white wall. The contemporary historian Ibn Khaldun noted of the lurks
that they place their archers 'into three lines, one placed behind the other h I
13-
works existed. Such bourgeois patronage would contrast sharply
with the courtly milieu in which almost all the host Persian painting
was to be produced (see pp. 205-12).
In no area of the visual arts is the flux of cultures represented 111
thejazira and neighbouring areas in the twelfth-thirteenth centuries
more apparent than in coinage. Here a decisive break was made with
the long-established Muslim tradition that coins should bear inscrip-
tions only, and not images. The Artuqid and Zangid rulers minted
literally drawn from
scores ot different figural types bewildering a
105 /eic washing the hands; made for the libertine Avvubid
de vivre. Brass basin, inlaid with silver, used for
sultan al-Malik al-'Adil; datable [238-40 and signed by Ahmad al-Dhaki al-Mausili. The upper images,
reading left to right, depict a striding falconer, dancing monkeys, acrobatic dancers (one a nude female.
unique in Islamic metalwork); man killing lion; below, man spearing winged quadruped, two moufflons
affronted, bull attacked by winged lion; man fighting bear. H. 19 cm (7.5 in), diam. 4-. 2 cm (18.6 in).
1 ;s
Bowls, vases, ewers and candlesticks predominated in Mosul metal-
work. The coming of the Mongols enfeebled and eventually killed
the industry in its home city: but local craftsmen took their skills
elsewhere, notably to Damascus and Cairo, to such effect that it is
sometimes hard to distinguish between authentic Mosul production
and that of these other centres.
One short-lived specialization associated especially with Damascus
is represented by a group of eighteen surviving inlaid brasses of
106 extremely elaborate workmanship depicting New Testament narra-
tive scenes alongside the standard cycle of princely amusements. This
suggests less the activity of Crusader patrons though th.it is also pos-
sible) than a new readiness to make such decoration reflect the con-
temporary culture m .ill its diversity - a culture in which native
Christians had acclimatized themselves and m which refugees from
the East were .inning m ever greater numbers. Such mixtures of
Muslim and Christian images are also known in Armenia and Sicily,
areas where Muslim and Christian lived in close proximity. Certainly
many Latin Christians developed, like the Normans of Sicily before
them, a taste tor the luxuries of local life; as a certain lonelier
remarked. 'We who are occidentals have now become orientals'. It
1
[
36
106 Pluralism. Brass hanging canteen inlaid with silver and black organic material. The
form derives from pilgrim flasks; its design features units of three. Muslim ornament and
inscriptions alternate with Christian themes: the central Madonna and Child, and the
Nativity, Presentation and Entry into Jerusalem in the outer /one. Their iconography
reflects Christian Syriac manuscript illustration. Diam. 36.9 cm
( 1
4 s in).
.
'
I
CHAPTER SIX
The Mamluks
Court life revolved around the sovereign, who like his officers -
had begun his career as the military slave of some powerful amir.
Fresh supplies or such slaves were procured at regular intervals,
mostly from the Eurasian steppe via the great markets .it the Black
Sea ports. The majority ol these slaves were ethnic lurks. hus for I
takeover of the entire Near East. Beginning with the first major
c
defeat inflicted on the Mongols by an Islamic army - at Ain Jalut
(Goliath's Spring) in 1260 - they maintained a steady and successful
defence for more than half a century against repeated Mongol incur-
sions in Syriaand the Hijaz. At the same time they flushed out the
Crusaders and the Armenians of Cilicia from their remaining strong-
holds and thereby established a grip on the Levant which was not to
be broken until the Ottoman conquest in 1517. Thus they were able
to present themselves to the rest of the Muslim world as the succes-
sorsof S.iladin and the upholders of Islamic orthodoxy. In the process,
they confirmed and extended the Egyptian dominance of the Near
139
East begun in the Fatimid period. In the field of art and architecture,
this entrenched primacy of Egypt was Mich as to inhibit the develop-
ment of separate, individual styles in the Levant, and to eclipse Iraq.
Indeed, when the Mongol invasions created a widespread refugee
problem, Cairo was the obvious haven for the displaced craftsmen
from Iraq and Iran. Hence, it seems, the sudden flowering of metal-
work in Egypt and the introduction of glazed tilework, high drums
and ribbed domes into Cairene architecture. Only in the far west o\
the Islamic world, sundered from Egypt by thousands of miles of sea
and sand, did an Arab art independent of Egypt continue to flourish.
The key to Mamluk art is the city ot Cairo. This was quite simply
the greatest Islamic metropolis of the Middle Ages, and reduced to
provincial status even such renowned cities as Damascus. Jerusalem
and Aleppo. It had inherited not only the prestige o\ HA^hddd. but
also - because it now housed the 'Abbasid caliph, even though he
was no more than a puppet - the religio-pohtical authority that was
inseparably linked to the institution of the caliphate. In that respect
Mamluk Cairo was able to play the central role tor orthodox
Muslims which had been denied to it as the capital ot' the Shfite
Fatimids. Cairo was better placed geographically than was Baghdad
to be the pivot of the Arab world, but by the same token it was o\~
course further removed from the Iranian sphere and the lands still
further east. Nevertheless, its favoured location meant that its hori-
zons opened on to the Mediterranean and thus the Christian cultures
to the north, as well as on to the \KcA Sea and so the trade with India
and South-East \sia Mamluk trading interests embraced the Italian
city-states, notably Florence; southern Russia and the Eurasian
steppe, the source ot the slaves on which the M.unluk elite
depended; and the trade spues and other luxuries with India and
in
points east. For all these products Cairo was the natural mart. This
far-flung international trade helped to make Cairo the most cos-
mopolitan Muslim city of its tune. As such it provided the perfect
setting tor the tales of the Thousand and One Nights, a text which
took shape in the Mamluk period, although its milieu purports to be
thatof early 'Abbasid Baghdad. It says much tor the glamour of late
medieval Cairo that it could take on the mantle of the most pres-
tigious o\~ Islamic cities.
That glamour was in large measure created and sustained by the
public pomp and circumstance which distinguished the Mamluk
court. An anonymous Venetian artist working in the late fifteenth
century captured the pageantry ot a Mamluk procession in a painting
140
(now in the Louvre) entitled The Reception of the Ambassadors. [07
Gorgeous turbans, heraldic blazons, festive hangings and stately
steeds all play their part in a carefully stage-managed spectacle. That
same theatricality permeates Mamluk architecture, which of course
provided the setting for so much of public life. The emphasis on
facades is especially telling in this respect. Paradoxically, the sheer
quantity of surviving Mamluk buildings seems to haw deterred
scholars (with the exception ot Meinecke) from tackling the archi-
tecture of this period as a whole. Individual monuments have
attracted close study, but a few detailed monographs are a poor
exchange for a full general survey. The last two centuries of Mamluk 1 m
rule in particular - in other words, most of the period in question -
have been especially neglected. This means that no general picture
has yet emerged of how Mamluk architecture changed in the course
of almost three centuries.
One major factor in these changes was the sheer density of urban
development in medieval Cairo. Given that space was at a premium
(and this was equally true in, say, Jerusalem), architects not only had
to think in terms of gap sites, with all the shifts and compromises
which that entailed, but also were almost forced to develop their
buildings vertically rather than horizontally. The canyons of modern
Manhattan were foreshadowed in the great thoroughfares of
medieval Cairo, especially in Bain al-Qasrain, effectively an extensive
open-air gallery where the buildings ot one royal patron after
another vied for space. The resultant emphasis on facades often con-
flictswith the basic need for a qibia orientation. Solutions to this
problem became a deliberate aim pursued with increasing sophistica-
tion in a wide range of buildings; and often the aim is to ensure not
that the building should proclaim its Mecca orientation from afar but
rather that the facade should blend smoothly into context, leaving
accurate qibla orientation for the interior alone, safely out of sight.
The same emphasis on outward appearance dictates that minarets
are subtly designed so as to yield their best only at root level and
above. Open loggias or belvederes break out atsecond-storey level.
In dome chambers, bulks-eye windows - single, double or in groups
- lighten the zone below the cupola; powerfully sculptural roll
mouldings accentuate the chamfer th.it marks the extern. /one ot il
1
\\
fefcjjll
military men Small wonder that their domes resembh
helmets. The larger doi (
liro, fittingly
symbolizes his wealth and status. Its interlocking networks ofstellai and arabesque design
synchronize to perfect* in three dimensioi
* w-H
sameness on the architectural forms themselves, the architects had
plenty of room for manoeuvre in the choice, the type and the
placing of ornament. Certain architectural features in particular
:
became the focus for decoration. F lat lintels with shallow relieving
arches above proved consistently popular, with the individual stones
or voussoirs of either lintel or arch, and occasionally both, taking
ever more complex and baroque forms. Eventually these interlocking
voussoirs were executed in marble of different colours. The motif of
the radiating shell niche, originally Fatimid device, was definitively
a
removed from its earlier preferred context of the mihrab, though the
keel arch in use for some time. Instead, during the Bahri
continued
period (1250— 1382) the shell motif was widely employed all over the
exterior of a building and now developed into a multi-framed
flattened muqarnas composition.
Fenestration takes on a new importance. Mamluk architects
favoured long narrow windows with gridded screens to provide
external articulation and also to reduce and modulate the play of
light within. Windows animated, for example, the base of a dome
and the zone of transition. In a single building - such as the itinerary
khanqah of Baibars al-Gashankir - they can vary continuously
small domed treasuries in some mosques, as Mosque at llama. Syria, originally a church
here in the Great
(8th— 14th centuries). This example - probably Umayyad - employs re-used Byzantine columns. The
square minaret derives from local pre-IsLmiic Christian bell-towers.
l I l {left) The sultan's turrets.
Funerary madrasa of Salar and Sanjai
m al-Jauli,
complex,
Cairo, 1303-4.
a charitable
served to keep wealth in the family;
The funerary
endowment,
in both scale and shape. Some o( their tonus - such .is the double
Lancet window with crowning oculus - may evolve from contem-
.1
and thus animate otherwise dc.u\ space. This contrast between a plain
expanse and some form of articulation is favoured device of
.1
U4
ll
Ml 'III]
In the Burji period (1382-15 17), however, it became common
practice to employ the wall as a neutral surface for panels of elaborate
ornament like pictures in a gallery. Since much of the colour in
Mamluk interiors was provided by polychrome marble inlay and not
principally by more perishable materials, its effect can be measured to
115 this day. Integral to the overall impact was the use of ablaq (literally
'piebald'): marble used in bands of contrasting colours, for example
horizontally along a wall or vertically in the sorhts or undersides of an
arch. It was handled with consummate virtuosity in mihrabs to
produce explosive radiating designs, and was ideally suited to parade
the complexities of interlocking voussoirs. Fresco, mosaic, enamel
and stained glass widened still further the range of colour and texture.
Mamluk architectural decoration is distinguished not merely by its
strong sense of colour but also by its pervasive sculptural quality This
finds expression, for example, in multiple mouldings with intricate
and profuse detailing, but most of all in the enthusiastic application
of honeycomb muqarnas vaulting to surfaces suitable and not so suit-
able: portal domes, niche hoods, squinches, mihrabs, and tier upon
tier of cornices on minarets. Whereas m other Islamic traditions, tor
called City of the Dead in Cairo, flouts the Prophet's insistence on modest burial.
148
could nevertheless benefit his descendants as well as serving the
wider public. Above all, though, the building of such monuments
was expected of a member of the Mamluk elite once he had reached
a certain position. By so doing he joined the club. And he was also
playing his part in ensuring that the dominance of the Mamluk elite
was well understood by the average citizen.
Hence, perhaps, the emphasis in Mamluk architecture on those
individual elements of the design that have the most direct impact:
domes, portals and minarets. Again and again it is these elements that
dictate the entire aspect o\\\ building, as if the rest of the monument
were of merely secondary importance. This may help to explain the
modular nature of so much Mamluk architecture and why the more
interesting monuments are those specifically designed for an unusual,
often prestigious site or purpose, or those m which the architect has
had to grapple with an unfavourable setting - say site - or has
a gap
tried to accommodate in one structure the divergent axes o\~ the
street and the qibla.
[Q
helps to utter the words in Arabic, so as to transmit at least some
c
flavour of their grandiloquence: \zz li-maulana al- sultan al-Malik al-
c e
Nasir, al- alim, al- amil, al-mujahid, al-murabit, al-muthaghir, Nasir al-
Dunya wa'l-Din ('Glory to our Lord the Sultan, the victorious king,
the learned, the diligent, the holy warrior, the warrior on the fron-
tier, the guardian of the frontiers, the protector of the world and of
the faith'). Such inscriptions are of course intended not merely to
117 inform. They boast. They assert ownership. They advertise power,
and often - if the object they decorate has a religious purpose - piety
as well. And they naturally function as ornament too. Not surpris-
ingly, such inscriptions were widely copied - in Nasrid Spain, in
Central Asia, southern Iran and even Sultanate India.
Rank was expressed in Mamluk times not only by inscriptions - as
had long been standard practice in the Islamic world - but also by a
new device: the blazon. Like the distinctively-styled official Mamluk
epigraphy, blazon functioned as a logo of possession and
the
identification, and was almost as pervasive. Indeed, within half a
century of the appearance of the first such blazon in Egypt, its stan-
dard form - a circular medallion with a thick horizontal strip at the
centre — had already been adapted to carry epigraphic messages. The
commonest of these was 'Glory to our Lord the Sultan', but it soon
became common practice to tit into this same format an abbreviated
version of the sultan's titles or a reference to him by name. Thus was
developed the epigraphic blazon, perhaps the single most defining
characteristic of Mamluk art
The blazon, then, tunc tioned as a kind ot livery and was encoun-
tered very widely m the Mamluk domains, and even beyond. Thus
the Mamluk amir Qarasunqur. who suffered political disgrace and
had to seek asylum in Iran, nevertheless saw to it that his mausoleum
in Maragha bore the emblem of his long-defunct rank as polo-
master. Not all of the symbols employed have been fully explained,
but there is general agreement on the meaning ot most ot' them —
not, as it happens, because ot detailed explanations in literary
sources, but because a given blazon is often accompanied by an
inscription identifying the official in question. The remarkably rich
and detailed historical sources covering the Mamluk period make it
possible to put together quite a full biography of many high officials,
and both to trace and to date the various promotions of their careers.
Coins are a very useful check to such sources, since they are strictly
contemporary documents, and many of them bear blazons.
Considerations ot ready legibility, easy reproduction and symbolic
150
expressiveness ensured that the designs of these blazons were kept
simple. It is instructive to note that these blazons postdate the first
European coats of arms, which the Muslims may well have encoun-
tered as early as the First Crusade (109s onwards). By the early
twelfth century European powers were using .is emblems the lion,
the fleur-de-lys and the eagle. Certain similarities of design, such as
the round or shield-shaped cartouche which enclosed the emblem
proper and made it a blazon, and the division of the field into separ-
ate segments, seem to support such a connection, as does the use o\'
certain animals, for example the lion that was the personal totem oi
Sultan Baibars, or the double-headed eagle associated with Nasir al-
Din Muhammad. Similarly, a rosette was used for two centuries as
the dynastic emblem of the Rasulids in the Yemen. A high-stemmed
cup indicated the butler, a napkin the jamdar or master of the
wardrobe, paired polo sticks the polo-master, a bow the bunduqdar or
bowman, a sword the silahdar or sword-bearer, a fesse (a plain three-
fielded shield) the courier, a crescent or horseshoe the stable-master,
a ewer the quartermaster, a round table the royal taster and a pen-
box the secretary. Other devices included the mace, the banner and
the drum, all connoting specific offices.
These logos are almost exclusively the preserve of the nobility; the
sultan himself used an inscribed roundel or shield as his emblem.
However, neat as these definitions seem, they should not be taken .it
face value, for the evidence of Mamluk copper coins and ceramics
demonstrates beyond question how indiscriminately these images
were employed - whether as emblems of authority (e.g. the eagle
with wings displayed), as specific blazons, or as mere decorative
motifs. The random way in which they are combined points to the
same conclusion. A similar debasement can be traced in this period
in the use of titles, so much so that the lengthier and more high-
sounding the title is, the lowlier the rank of the person who claims
it. What is new in these devices is that blazons were used as emblems
and identification tags of official rank - the office rather than the
man. As such it was appropriate for that blazon to be used for every-
body and everything within the household of the amir in question.
Hence the sheer ubiquity of blazons in Mamluk art - and their effect
was no doubt intensified by the importance allotted to colour in
their design (indeed, the Arabic term for blazon is rank, meaning
'colour'). Sometimes the enclosing shield is subdivided and holds
Several emblems, thus functioning as a composite blazon. Sometimes
such blazons were used collectively by all tin- slaves or mamluks ot .1
I si
sultan. These various distinctions all reveal a society obsessively con-
cerned with rank and status.
Aside from architecture the major art form in the Mamluk period
was unquestionably metalwork. Many hundreds of pieces are known;
probably the social system of the Mamluk military elite, which
favoured a complete service of objects as part of the appropriate
ambience of an amir, offered a powerful impetus for their produc-
tion, and ensured a steady demand. Hence, no doubt, the predomi-
nance of pieces bearing lengthy official titulatures. The sudden
efflorescence of elaborately executed metalwork m a region which
appears earlier to have lagged well behind the best work of the age,
as exemplified principally by the schools of Herat and Mosul, sug-
i s:
the market. Here thin-walled single-metal wares prevailed, then-
vegetal or geometric engraved ornament of somewhat restricted type
setting off the dominant inscription band. Sometimes this ornament
adopted Far Eastern motifs like the lotus or the peony, a reminder
that the Mamluk domains provided a ready haven tor refugees from
the East. But these were little more than cosmetic changes; they did
not herald a thorough sinicization of Mamluk decorative vocabulary
The best Mamluk metalwork is ot course an entirely different
matter and is a worthy continuation of" the Mosul school. Such
pieces as the incense-burner ot Muhammad b. Qala'un, the pen-box
of Mahmud b. Sunqur, the mirror made for Amir Altunbugha, and [19
above all the three works signed by or attributed to the craftsman
Muhammad b. al-Zain - notably the Baptistere de St Louis - invite 11.x
•
posih I he ruler as cosmocrator.
Bronze mirror with gold and silver inlay
made by Muhammad al-Waziri for 'Ala'
al-Din AJtunbugha (d. J42), viceroy of 1
I ss
Yet other pieces employ a well-worn visual vocabulary of solar,
lunar, astral, planetary and astrological images of talismanic intent.
The lavish use ot gold and silver inlay not only renders such pieces
more precious but is also singularly appropriate for such themes. It is
characteristic of these more ambitious pieces that they operate on
several different levels both visually and intellectually, with for
example both Luge and small inscriptions on the same piece, or
major and minor themes.
The Mamluk metalworking industry by no means followed a con-
sistent development. On the contrary, it had its full share of ups and
downs. One may cite the sudden fall in the production ot brasses
between c. 13S0 and c. 1450, or conversely the lavish output under
Sultan Qa'itbay (1468—96). Economic factors may have played a
156
particular speciality was dark blue or purple glass with trailing designs
in brilliant white.
Easily the largest body of late medieval Islamic textiles are those
from Mainluk Egypt. This need not necessarily reflect the actual rate
of production - for example, the historian Abu'1-Fida mentions that
c
Abu Sa id, the Mongol ruler of Iran, sent the Mamluk sultan a) Nasir
Muhammad seven hundred precious textiles in 1323, which argues a
linen. Egypt. 14th century. Its decorative repertoire of epigraphy, whirling rosettes and stars is all derived
from more prestigious metakvork.
pers with royal titles have survived), marked the beginning of spring
and of autumn.
The range of patterns and motifs was very wide, but certain types
recur with such frequency that they can be taken as a trademark of
the period - for example, ogival or otherwise curvilinear lattice
designs, sometimes made up of inscriptions, multicoloured sequences
of narrow horizontal bands or vertical stripes containing inscriptions,
floral motifs, or roundels with animals and repeated tear-shaped blos-
137 found on metal animal sculpture such as the Pisa Griffin exemplify
this. Here, then, is further evidence tor the primacy of the textile
production can be documented only for the very end of the period
and may have been introduced by refugees from the Qaraqoyyunlu
court in Iran after i4/>~. Their colouring of crimson, lime green and
pale blue is unmistakable, as are their designs, usually dominated by a
123 central radiating stellar form within an octagon, with further
octagons wheeling around the periphery. The kinship of such
compositions with the astral character o\ the frontispieces to Mamluk
Qur'ans or mosque doors leaps to the eye. The binders are usually
taken up by linked circular or oval cartouches, a disposition familiar
in Iranian Qur'ans. Two of the known Mamluk carpets bear blazons,
but none are inscribed, a minor curiosity given the dominance of
epigraphy in Mamluk art generally. Their manufacture continued
long after theOttoman conquest.
Mamluk pottery has remarkably little in common with its Fatimid
predecessors. I ustrebecomes much rarer, though there was a strong
demand tor it in western Europe until production ceased around
I, the dominant intense red palette and the radiating solar and stellar designs
which find parallels in
Mamluk marble fl< ns and stoi md also Buddhist mandalas ch
carpets generally
porcelain, as in the many Burji Mamluk hexagonal tiles also made in
Syria. Frequently the wares are divided into radiating segments, while
vertically striped or multitoil designs are also common. Creatures
borrowed from the Chinese repertory, such as geese and ducks, also
make their appearance, and Yuan celadons were widely copied in the
Bahri period. The impact of Chinese Ming ceramics waxed ever
stronger in the later Mamluk period. A popular category of glazed
yellow and brown sgraffito wares, presumably mimicking the more
122 prestigious metalwork of the time, was mass-produced for the amiral
market and displayed blazons and inscriptions giving official titles.
These seem to have been made m sets. The Fatimid penchant for
signing ceramics continued apace; some thirty signatures have been
found on Mamluk wares. >amascus, it seems, bade fair to rival Cairo
I
tocrati< leisure.
Frontispiece to the Maqamat of al-Hariri,
1337 Produced tor one N.isir al-Din
Taranta'i, probably in Egypt, its
[63
Yet side by side with this uninspired, run-of-the-mill work was
produced the most consistently superlative sequence of illuminated
Qur'ans in the history of Islamic art. This contrast speaks volumes
about the nature ot patronage m the Mamluk period. The manu-
scripts containing secular paintings are for the most part anonymous.
The Qur'ans, on the other hand, very frequently bear the names o\
26 sultans and high amirs. Like so much of Mamluk art, then, this
patronage had a public dimension - for such Qur'ans were com-
monly donated to mosques where they could be displayed. Indeed,
such was their size - often more than a metre in height - that they
could only be read when displayed on a lectern. It was customary,
moreover, for a patron to endow a religious foundation with an
appropriately splendid Qur'an, and given the building boom in
Mamluk times this ensured a steady demand for such luxury copies
of the sacred text. Like so much Mamluk architecture, they served to
proclaim the patron's piety. Some sultans gamed still further renown
by copying out the Qur'an m their own hand. While most Qur'ans
were transcribed m a single volume or m two-volume sets, it was
common practice at this time tor the text of the grandest Qur'ans to
'
fit
mxm
Anndi. Cairo, \,~2. Subtly
distorted axes ensure that this
portion of an apparently infinite
pattern fits harmoniously into the
available space. The overall effect
recalls contemporary enamelled
glassware.
16<
crafts and techniques. Their great frontispieces and finispieces, for
example, are less carpet pages than great doors which swing open to
reveal the sacred text and which solemnly close the book. Their
design is often essentially identical to that of mosque doors in metal-
work or inlaid wood. But the predominant theme of these pages is
almost always a geometric framework of centrifugal designs which
explode with astonishing energy from the central figure. It is hard
not to read such designs as references to the heavenly bodies, espe-
cially in view of the prevalence of gold and lapis lazuli, and the sacred
nature of the text. That text itself frequently employs a stately thulth
the endless and ruthless jockeying for power m court life - extend to
the production and embellishment of Qur'ans. And this same emula-
tion may itself account for the co-existence of several different styles
of illumination.
166
( 11 API ER SEVEN
the rest of the Islamic world by the extensive deserts of Libya and
western Egypt, its maritime communications with the East frequendy
threatened by hostile Christian powers, the Maghrib was compelled
as early as the eighth century to turn its focus inwards. This process
was sealed after 1050 with the invasion of the Banu Hilal and other
nomadic Bedouin tribes who, travelling westwards from Egypt.
overran the eastern Maghrib like locusts. Their flocks devastated
good agricultural land, bringing in their wake economic ruin and
permanently destroying the ecological balance of the whole terri-
tory. Sedentary lite contracted; towns and villages, deprived of then-
agricultural hinterland, decayed. The break between eastern and
western Islam proved irreparable. Not surprisingly, this physical isola
tion entailed a gradual but destructive intellectual and cultural isola-
tion. In most fields of Islamic learning, Maghribi scholars were either
unproductive or lagged far behind their colleagues to the east. It is
true that many of them travelled eastwards in search of knowledge;
but this was one-way traffic. By the later Middle Ages, an occasional
luminary like the philosopher-historian Ibn Khaldun stands out by
hisvery rarity.
For some three centuries Muslim Spam, whose history begins
with the Arab invasion in 711, constituted an honourable exception
to this trend. Yet the gradual erosion of its territory as a result of
unremitting pressure from the Christians to the north put an increas-
ingly forseeable term to this intellectual flowering. Even so. certain
cities of Muslim Spam, notably Cordoba and Toledo, were important
centres of scholarship in the secular sciences, such as medicine,
astronomy and mathematics. In Toledo, after the Christian recon-
cjuest and under the rule of Alfonso VI (from mSs) and some of his
successors, these works were translated into 1atm and thence made
their way throughout Europe. Thus Muslim Spam served as the
conduit for mtern.ition.il scholarship to travel tmin east to west.
THE MUSLIM WEST
But for good reason the Muslims of Spam could not match the
self-confidence of their co-religionists to the east. They lacked the
landsand the wealth, and - less tangibly - the security that came
from being surrounded by a vast and successful community of the
faithful. It is no accident that Spam is more richly endowed in
medieval Islamic castles and fortified settlements - from cities to
villages - than any territory of comparable size in the Muslim world.
For most of its existence - an existence eked out to the threshold of
the modern age, for Granada tell in 1492, the year that Columbus
discovered America - Muslim Spain had a beleaguered mentality,
especially after the tall Umayyad caliphate of Cordoba in 1031
of the
mk\ the consequent proliferation of some forty minor dynasties (the
so-called Even at the height ot its power it was still only a
taifas).
massacre of his ruling house by the Abbasids in 750 had. after many
adventures, made his way to Spam, where he had set about recreating
the lost glories of Umayyad Syria in an alien kind. Hence, tor
example, the deliberate rejection of that imperial 'Abbasid art whose
various manifestations infiltrated the rest of the Islamic world, surfac-
ing as far west .is Oairawan in Tunisia. Conceivably this rejection
brought in its tram a corresponding reluctance to develop such major
c
Abbasid art forms as pottery, metalwork and the arts of the book
1 6q
fields which (illuminated Qur'ans apart) are represented in only mar-
ginal form in the Muslim West. Or one could attribute this reluc-
tance to the fact that the Umayyads of Syria did not seriously practise
these arts. Yet another possibility would be to see the key factor as
religious, specifically the dominance of the ultra-conservative Maliki
madhhab, a school of Islamic law whose strong puritanical streak
made it hostile to the arts m general. None of these explanations is
entirely satisfactory, though the fact that they can allbe entertained
might suggest that all these factors played their part. But the absence
of several key art forms practised enthusiastically by Muslims further
east had the effect of concentrating attention on those fields of artis-
tic endeavour that did enjoy popularity, such as textiles and ivories.
170
The high-water mark of western Islamic art is synonymous with
Cordoba, already .\n ancient city when it was selected as the
Umayyad capital in 756. Andalusia was quickly colonized by Syrian
refugeeswho brought their dialect, their tribal rivalries, their place
names and even their plants with them. It was therefore natural that
the memory o\ the Umayyad architecture of Syria should also be
kept alive. This memory expressed itself in various ways. Tradition
asserts that the Great Mosque of Cordoba, like its predecessor 111
Damascus, was built on the site ot\\ Christian church bought and
then demolished by the Muslims. For centuries, the model of the
Damascus mosque was copied more faithfully in the Maghrib than
anywhere else in the Muslim world. It was the Muslim West and no
other area that adopted as canonical the lofty square minaret tradi-
tionally associated with Syria. The Cordoba mosque used a vocabu-
lary of horseshoe-shaped arches and two-tiered arcades first found at
Damascus, and there too Byzantine craftsmen were called in to
execute mosaic decoration.
128 The Great Mosque. Cordoba. The minaret, like the Giralda in Seville, be.irs an
christian vandals.
elaborate Christian Baroque superstructure. But it was the intrusive chapel inserted into the heart of the
structure in 1523 (tor triumphalist motives?) that really disfigured the mosque Gothic vertuahtv versus
Islamic horizontally - and called down the wrath of the Emperor Charles V upon the local clergy.
1
2v. 130, [31 Royal precinct
Great Mosque. Cordoba: maqsura,
96] % White columns and arches,
like the .>><> oil lamps, would only
1--
m mosque architecture. They
repeatedly employed the vanishing
point to suggest concentration of ornament to exalt the
infinity, and a
area around the mihrab. Yet all these visual effects were, so to speak,
incidental to a major structural innovation called forth by the need to
roof a vast area even though only short columns were available. Extra
height was imperative and was secured by building broad block-like
piers resting on these columns and braced by strainer arches. These
arches were illusionistically lightened by the use of alternating red and
white voussoirs. but the contrast between airy, freely circulating space
in the lower elevation and a relatively dense thicket above was unmis-
takable. In the area around the mihrab, as rebuilt from 96] onwards,
the notion of a forest - an analogy already suggested by the files o\
living trees planted in the courtyard, which would have merged
smoothly with the sanctuary arcades - is intensified. A roval enclo-
sure defined b\ a network ot interlacing multifoil arches with
arabesque decoration creates a blooming petrified garden in which
honorific and paradisal undertones mingle - and from which the
congregation was excluded. A remarkable sequence of ribbed
at large
domes ot gre.it and complexity technologically far beyond
variety
anything known in the rest ot Europe at this time) provides a fitting
culmination for these splendours, and indeed intensifies their impact
by a nexus of interrelated solar and celestial references. his .uv.i of I
the mosque abutted dircctlv on the royal palace and provided a fitting
environment for a monarchy which had only recendy 928 claimed
the numinous title of caliph. The princes o( ( ordoha thus challenged
c
belongs with the minor arts rather than with architecture. Indeed,
the striking absence o\ major buildings at Madmat al-Zahra tells its
own story. Main of the standard hallmarks of royal pomp .ire duly
there -the ceremonial triple-arched portal, the lavish use of water,
the use of axial emphasis to exalt the monarch - but the vital dimen-
sion of scale was missing. Madinat al-Zahra was large enough in all
conscience, but it was apparently innocent of any integrated overall
plan. Its buildings ramble, and none of them is of substantial size.
The will to power expressed so unmistakably in the architecture of
Samarra is just not there. Here if anywhere m the Islamic world was
a pleasure capital.
And this is entirely appropriate, for Cordobaprime had no
in its
bountifully supplied with hot and cold running water, its streets were
lit at night, its royal library - if one may trust the chroniclers - had
400.000 volumes at a time when the major libraries m western
Europe scarcely reached a thousand. In this metropolis, moreover,
Muslim, Christian and Jew lived together with a degree of harmony
rare in the Middle Ages, while Berbers, negroes and Slavs formed
the caliphal bodyguard. Cordoba owed much of its sophistication to
this multicultural and multi-confessional environment.
scripts from Iraq. Both schools also share a love for the antithetical
placing of figures in the interests of dramatic storytelling. Yet both
the courtly atmosphere of the Spanish manuscript - so at variance
with the robust, rapacious, street-wise world of the Maqamat paint-
ings - and its ambience of gardens, watcrw heels, polylobed arches,
square towers and luxury pavilions faithfully evoke the spirit oi
medieval Andalusia, the land of the lute and the lyric, rather than
Iraq. The prominence given to women here, which reflects their
roles as scribes, musicians, librarians and poets 111 Muslim Spam, is
also foreign to the male-dominated society pictured in the Maqamat.
i-s
^.'yi J, j j
: i
-j* :
u^= ^>}i ;a^»«*l$c<$>
132 Courtly love. The storj of Bayad and Ri\ s ;th century ["his type of romance originates
. 1
in the Udhri poetry of ancient Arabia: idealized, melancholic and unfulfilled. Here the machinating go-
between tries to inject some backbone into the lovelorn youth.
origin, even though this was many centuries out of date. The letters
are usually in gold and are set within ornamental panels. his was I ,1
176
words so widely spaced that there is room for no more than a dozen
of them; equally, there are very closely written Qur'ans with over
twenty lines per page. Extreme elongation (mashq) is used here, ax in
Qur'ans produced elsewhere in the Muslim world, for visual, rhvth
line and perhaps spiritual effect. Little progress has been made with
the identification of the individual schools in this tradition. One
major centre for this art. however, was Valencia in the later twelfth
and early thirteenth centuries, where the craftsmen specialized in
full-page square polygonal designs of dynamic, indeed explosive,
character, cunningly interspersed with inscriptions. These composi-
tions, placed at the beginning of a volume and mirrored in the
binding itself, may have had apotropaic intent.
In the minor arts, the glory of the Cordoban caliphate is its ivory
carving. The intense it short-lived concentration on working this
costlv material finds a parallel in the rock crystals made for the eon-
temporary Fatimid court in Egypt. As befits the nature of ivory, the
objects themselves are small, principally caskets, cosmetic cases, i.u- n>
pyxides and the like, which held perfumes, unguents or
Their jewels.
inscriptions mention high-ranking personages of the court such as
the princess Subh, the prince al-Mughira or the chief o\ police.
Ziyad b. Arlah. Recent research has revealed that main such items
were intended as presents to ladies who had given birth to an heir-
apparent, and thus their splendour had a major politic. dimension. ll
the
,;l i»t huntei itta< Iced by
•
l.
hove) Worn by St Thomas-a-
Becket? Made in 16 in Almena.
1 1
136 lopes, and birds galore - strutting peacocks, eagles and ducks -
formed the repertoire tor such silks. Their rarity or other-worldliness
made them apt ideological symbols of majesty. Many themes,
however, expressed the theme of royal power more explicitly,
whether by inscriptions which gave royal titles or by symbols such as
the lion-strangjer or the eagle seizing its prey Some of these themes
137 turn up 111 the stone sculptures of the Cordoban caliphate, for
example in the troughs now atjativa, Granada and Marrakesh. Others
turn up in metalwork. The bronze griffin in Pisa, triumphantly dis-
played for centuries on the facade of the towns cathedral, was proba-
bly captured as booty m one ot several campaigns against the Muslims
around the turn of the eleventh century. At 1.07 m (3.5 ft) in height, it
is the largest piece of animal sculpture in Islamic metalwork, and
represents a formidable technical achievement. Net its hybrid form
and overall patterning, both markedly anti-naturalistic, betray the
residual unease which Muslim artists felt tor representational sculp-
ture. It may originally have guarded, perhaps as one ot" a pair, the
entrance to a palace or throne room. Its back bears textile patterning
which, like the style of its epigraphy, suggests a Spanish source.
[] ten oiumt.-nt.il
connections, [bledo,
Mosque >>t Bab Mardum,
I -.r. uted in
( Ihristian c hurch, it
type of nine-
illustrates a
Spanish character.
139 Islamic rococo. Aljaferia,
Zaragoza; southern portico, after
ioso. This palace of the Banu Hud
dynasty, completed in ioSo. now
autonomous Aragonese
s the
parliament. Note the tiny columns,
stripped of structural function.
marooned in a thicket of interlace
ornament. Partly mathematical
theorem, partly geometry as
contemplation, this is made
deliberately hard to read because
only a small section ot a much larger
design is shown.
The authority- and prestige of the art of Cordoba was such that it
imposed itself on the various lesser Muslim principalities of Iberia,
and continued to do so long after the tall of the Cordoban caliphate,
when the whole country became split into numerous warring states.
Thus the mosque of Bab Mardum at Toledo, dated 999, is in some [38
respects a miniaturized version of the Great Mosque at Cordoba,
complete with a facade of interlaced arches (presumably a toned-
down version ot the sanctuary facade at Cordoba) and a set of nine
patterned ribbed vaults, each one different. Interlaced arches are
again a leitmotif at the palace of the Banu Hud at Zaragoza, known
as Aljaferia (10S0), but they are now earned to dizzy heights ot 39
complexity, especially in the area of the audience hall and the
oratory. The latter building, a kind of pocket Venus in architectural
and decorative terms, is a lineal descendant of the mihrab ba\ at
Cordoba. As for the palace itself, which acquires extra importance
because it documents the art of a period from which very tew
significant remains survive in Spam, and thus provides a link between
Madinat al-Zahra and the AJhambra, it demonstrates yet again how
thoroughly Islamic Spam was m the thrall of Umayyad Syria. he I
IM
140 Islamic baroque. Marrakoh. Qubbal al-Harudivvm. between \l<><> and 1142, inte-
riorof dome. The heritage ofCoidoban vaulting (cf. 1//. 130) in enriched by burgeoning
ornament and a new lightness and aspiration derived from the open -plan design.
gateway quite clearly derives from the desert residences of the eighth
century. Numerous other Spanish Muslim castles echoed this form;
but they did so principally with military intent, where. is in North
Africa (as at Ashir or Raqqada the association with palatial architec-
ture persisted. More generally, the architectural vocabulary of
Andalusia - horseshoe arches, roll mouldings, rib vaults, interlacing
arcades - infiltrated the Christian architecture of the north and even
crossed the Pyrenees, leaving its mark on the Romanesque churches
of south-western France in particular, as .it L.e Puy, where even the
cathedral door bears debased Kuflcizing inscriptions.
The political vacuum left by the demise of the Cordoban caliphate
was soon filled, and from an unexpected quarter. )eep in the newly
I
141 The Islamic counter-offensive. Rabat. Mosque of Hassan, tower; 1199. Unfinished, but probably
planned to reach 85 m (279 ft) including its lantern. This gigantic size was a symbolic response to the
advancing Christian reamquista of Spain. The exterior is of stone; the interior, with its succession of six
vaulted chambers, is of brick.
#> :-
mT
S
m
s
Hi
dedicated to the ideals of jihad (holy war), which they waged from
fortifiedcamps (ribats) along the frontier. Hence their dynasty bore
the name Almoravid (al-murabitun - the men ot the ribat). Their
brand of ferocious piety appealed to the Berbers of North Africa,
whose overwhelming support enabled them to storm into Spain and,
for a space, recover most of the long-lost Muslim territory in the
peninsula. Yet it is precisely their puritanical fervour which helps to
explain why they produced so little in the visual arts. Their religious
foundations in Spam have vanished completely, and the seriousness
of that loss can be gauged by the sparse surviving evidence of their
work elsewhere in the Maghrib, comprising principally the Great
Mosques of Algiers (1097 onwards) and Fez (mainly 113s) and a
140 kiosk (presumably a fountain) once apparently part of the Great
Mosque of Marrakesh.
The last two monuments m particular testify to the remarkable
vigour and imagination with which Almoravid architects trans-
formed the time-honoured motifs ot interlaced arch and rib vault
which they had inherited from Andalusia. Whereas in Spam itself the
heritage of Cordoba was dissipated m increasingly finicky A\id small-
scale ornament in which spatial values played a diminishing role (as
instanced by the Aljaferia palace at Zaragoza), the buildings in Fez
and Marrakesh. instinct with a formidable energy, are triumphantly
three-dimensional. This dynamic manipulation of space combined
themes earlier kept apart - ornamental arch tonus and decorative
vaults - to produce a distinctively Maghribi version of the muqamas.
The hallmark of these niHi]artLi> systems - m contrast to contempo-
rary Iraqi and Syrian versions of such themes - is that the exterior
yields no hint of the internal configuration. At Fez, moreover - as in
the almost contemporary Cappella Palatina at Palermo and the QaTa
184
14- The long shadow of Spain.
Tlemcen, Great Mosque, mihrab,
mntlhir and dome, 1135—6. Dwarf
arcades; cusped, interlaced and
borseshoe arches; ribbed dome; and
two-tone masonry all underline the
defining role of the Cordoba mosque
m Maghribi religious architecture;
the patron. 'Ah b. Yusufb. Tashfin,
brought craftsmen from Andalusia to
work in Tlemcen. However, cheap
painted stucco now replaces
expensive glass mosaics.
little more than niches, exude a comparable austerity. All the more
is
1
143 Dynastic mosque. In Tmnial. the Almohad capital, the self-appointed 'caliph 'Aba" al-Mu'mm built .1
bijou version of the Cordoba mosque in 1 1 $3. It measures just 4* X 43 m (157.5 141
central nave (wider than all the others) with the transverse aisle abut-
ting the qibla wall. The vaults o\~ this aisle run parallel to the qibla
wall, not perpendicular to it like those elsewhere in the sanctuary.
The area constituting the T is singled out from the rest of the
mosque by a sudden quickening of the decorative tempo, evident in
applied ornament, arch profiles and vaulting.
186
I
& '
<r 'v.
« /|S
V-. 'is •
The demise of the Almohads left the way open for the creation of
The later medieval history of Muslim Spam, and of its art, is rather
different. The Christian victory at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa
1
;v
&V5&C
14'- afterlife of Samarran ornament. Marble capital from the unfinished Marinid
Hie
palace al-Mansuriya, Algeria; early 14th century Such capitals of expensive stone echo
at
the bevelled style (cf. ill. 27) and Almohad modes in then lavish carving and whimsical
curvilinearity This recalls the Maghribi fascination with exotic arch tonus.
survive. The wealth of the realm rested p.utK on its agriculture and
|8<;
147 (left) Symbol ofjihad. 'In God I find
refuge from Satan' proclaims this
Almohad banner. 1212-50. The
inscriptions contain Qur'an 61:10-12,
with its promises of Paradise to the
faithful in holy war. The iconography
features a central talismanic star and
other celestial motifs, much like
contemporary Qur'anic frontispieces.
190
patterns,crenellations, and Arabic inscriptions with mottoes like
'Power belongs to God' and 'Glory to our Lord the Sultan', as well
as more light-hearted messages, like 'I am made for pleasure, for
pleasure am [\ The wide distribution of these luxury textiles can be
deduced from the frequency of their appearance in medieval
Spanish and Portuguese paintings of Christian content. To the very
end. then. Islamic textiles maintained their ancient associations with
wealth and authority.
Spanish lustreware had similar associations. It was made, often for 1 ifl
101
amphora-like containers more than 1.20 in (4 ft) high, decorated in
lustre or lustre and blue, and furnished with decorative handles.
Some bear apotropaic motifs Mich as the khams or sacred hand, sug-
gesting that their contents (wine? oil? perfumed water?) required
149 protection. For the potter, their size alone posed a daunting technical
challenge; the firing of lustrewares was a tricky operation at the best
of times, and a kiln capacious enough
to hold pieces this big would
not generate constant heat. Hence the traces of uneven firing which
they bear. Well do some of them bear the single word 'power' (.//-
mulk - also the title or" a Qur'anic sura or chapter) repeated like a
mantra in a closed circuit around their bodies. Other vases are
inscribed with wishes • : health, good fortune, prosperity,
pleasure, or with the motto "Power belongs God'. C V they may to
apostrophize themselves in flattering popular convention in
terms, a
later Moorish art. There is a certain irons and pathos in the tact that
these, by tar the largest and most spectacular examples of all Islamic
luxury wares, were produced in a tiny principality situated on the
outer fringes of the Muslim world and doomed to rapid extinction.
!
he .trust's hand has embroidered
me like 1 r»>K- of silk' Wing-handled
''
M 135 en
f
Much the same can be said of the Alhambra itself, the only large-
scale medieval Islamic palace to survive, admittedly much repaired
over the centuries. It is not so much a palace as a torn tied royal city
set athwart a mountainous outcrop dominating Granada, with the
River Darro below and remote vistas of the Sierra Nevada beyond.
The complex originally contained six palaces, of which five remain,
plus numerous subsidiary buildings and gardens. Like much of
Nasrid art it is delicate, even over-refined, and of fastidiously choice
execution. The literary sources speak of Moorish landscape archi-
tects; this is their handiwork. The Alhambra brings the forces of
ment. To the east lay the Hall of the Ambassadors, a private audience
chamber whose lacy insubstantial architecture is paradoxically
encased in a huge bastion, its unadorned walls an unmistakable meta-
phor of brute strength. The ceiling within represents m schematic
form the seven heavens oi the Islamic cosmos, above which is the
throne of God Himself, whose protection thus extended to the ruler.
God's earthly deputy, enthroned below, (lose by this hall were the
private quarters of the sultan, plus four apartments tor the tour wives
permitted by Islamic law; each apartment was two-storey, with suites
for summer and winter. Hut the largest and most scenic feature ot the
Comares pal. ice is the Court of the Myrdes, focusing on a sheet of
[01
'
s If-advertiscment
'Incomparable is this
194
/
£1L
151 'It Zamrak of this muqarnas vault, the Dome of the I\\n
surpasses the stars in the heavens' wrote Ihn
Sisters in theAlhambra; c. 1380. The 23 stanzas of his poem inscribed here evoke a rotating heavenly dome
which mirrors the changing constellations and the eternal cycle of day and night. They also touch on other
interrelated themes - fertility, gardens, money, victory, service, textiles, jewels and divine protection
thereby revealing contemporary attitudes to the building.
i«;s
( HAPIKR EIGHT
06
Central Asia) were its sub-states. The Pax Mongolica imposed on
[9
its size and complexity, its free-standing kiosks and its technical
innovations in muqamas vaulting, is still exceptional in its time; it
took some eighty years before the arts of Iran had recovered from the
destruction wrought by the Mongol invasions.
That they did recover was in large part due to the greatest of the
Ilkhanid rulers, Ghazan Khan (ruled 295-1304). He established his
1
have survived, perhaps because Rashid al-I )in ordered multiple illus-
200
the desire ot the later Dkhanids to identify themselves with then-
adopted culture. Craftsmen from many areas of the [lkhanid domains
were conscripted to contribute to this \ast project, which invoked a
tuge precinct with numerous subsidiary buildings, and they dis-
seminated the latest fashions and techniques on their return home.
A veritable building boom, at its height between [300 and 1
rfarcrical Iranian mosque. Friday Mosque, Varamin, [322 6 Generously proportioned (according
to the 2:5 ratio familiar since 'Abbasid tunes, and based on a grid of equilateral triangles), this traditional
4-nrjM structure stresses the longitudinal axis by a deep portal and a mighty dome at opposite ends
in d
157 'There is no God but He. the Mighty, the Wise (Quran 3:6) proclaims the text on these tour huge
executed lustre tiles. Kashan. c 1300. Each tile 57 \ 4-
flawlessly cm (22.4 x is.s in).
202
;r) The fashion for the Far Fast. Pottery
bowl with lobed sides. Sultanabad type, early
14th century. The roundel depicts two Mongols
of high rank. The panels feature a running fox,
arabesques and foliage of Chinese inspiration.
scrawl all along its outer edge. Floral or animal motifs are the staple
decoration of these tiles. Some Qur'anic inscriptions on these tiles,
in defiance ot orthodox Islamic practice, have a background in
which birds feature among arabesque scrolls. In the larger rectangular
tiles m which living creatures dominate the design, an effective
combination of relief and lustre paintingwas devised.
While many other wares ot Saljuq type continued to be made
under the Ilkhanids, two major new types of pottery appear.
Lajvardina is a 'simplified successor of the mina'i technique. The
courtly scenes of the earlier ware are replaced by geometric and epi-
graphic themes and by Far Eastern mythical creatures. Gold over-
painting set against a deep, royal blue glaze makes lajvardina ware one
of the most spectacular ever produced in Persia. The other new
Ilkhanid ware is dowdy by comparison. Traditionally associated with
the Sultanabad region, it is heavily potted and makes frequent use of
a grey with thick outlines, while another type displays black
slip
204
160 Women m authority. Detail
of a candlestick made tor the
Inju ruler of Fars, Abu Ishaq
(reigned (341-56). This, one
of four decorative roundels with
enthronement scenes derived
from contemporary manuscript
illustrations, presumably depicts
hiN queen, who wears .1 version
of the baqtaq, the headdress worn
bv married Mongol women; her
presence on two of the tour
roundels corresponds to the
conspicuous honour paid to royal
women in Mongol iconography
the Ilkhanid period goes to the art of the book. Ilkhanid senbes and
illuminators, especially those of Mosul and Baghdad, rivalled the best
Mamluk work and may indeed have
the foundations for it.
laid
Characteristic of this school is of very large sheets (up to
the tise
India; and while the Arab world can boast slightly earlier work, it
cannot match the continuity of the Persian tradition. he origins of I
polymath al-Biruni discusses all the calendrical systems known to him, often with an
Islamic slant. But the Zoroastrian storv of the evil spirit Ahrmian tempting Misha and
Mishyana. the first man and woman, reflects Genesis iconography Perhaps Habriz, 1307.
the help of painted pottery, and a tew wall paintings from Samanid
painting practised in Iraq see pp. i_s -32). This probably reflects
contemporary Persian work, to judge by the painted Persian pottery
161 of the time, just as the paintings of al-Biruni's al-Athar al-Baqiya
('Chronology of Ancient Nations'), dated 1307, echo the style of the
Baghdad school. From the eleventh to the fourteenth century, both
Iran and Iraq were frequently part of the same political unit, so these
close links are to be expected; and indeed, both Tabriz and Mosul
have been suggested as the provenance tor this manuscript. Its
emphasis on calendrical systems, which caters to the same interests as
Hulegu Khan's great observatory in Maragha (125S), testifies to the
Mongol interest 111 science, also manifest in illustrated bestiaries and
:o6
eligious pragmatism. The images ofRashid al-Din's World History are multi-confes-
sional; f . 1 5 b illustrates Qur\m
2:26] (cf. The Valley of the )ry Bones, Ezekiel 37:1-14),
I
which tells how Cod causes man to die and be resurrected, along with his donkey and
.1
1 century later. Note the Chinese conventions tor tree and stream. Tabriz, I] 14.
Chinese phoenix.
Arab equivalents. The clue lies in the artists' partiality for drama.
They invest essentially undramatic subjects with a portentous power
wholly at variance with the stirt". woodenly articulated animals o\
Arab bestiaries. Some of the painters obey the formulae o\
Mesopotamian painting tor details of plants, landscape, drapery and
facial features. Other miniatures are infused with a new Chinese
164 'They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, they departed *
I he Mongols at
mingle with Persian and Arab strains. The large oblong format
usually employed for these paintings allowed the artists ample scope
for scenes expressing the savage lust o\~ battle as well as for solemn
tableaux of enthroned monarchs. Their ferocious battle scenes, full of [64
authentic Mongol military detail, mirror the invasions that had trau-
matized the Persian psyche a century earlier and whose memory was
dearly still green. Conversely, their scenes from the Old and New-
Testaments, the Buddha cycle and - for the first time in Islamic art
the life ot Muhammad reflect the Mongol curiosity about religion.
One manuscript, in London, is prefaced by dozens o\~ stereotyped
royal portraits that are pastiches of Chinese models even to details of
dress and pose. The same obedience to formula governs the many
court scenes in a contemporary codex o\~ the Diwan ('Collected
Poems') of Mu'izzi. But whether the scenes depicted are inventive or
merely routine, the hybrid style associated with the atelier ofRashid
al-Din is instantly recognizable. So united are the tones and so domi-
nant the role of line that many paintings resemble tinted drawings.
Some impressive court scenes were produced 111 this style, and it
lingered for several decades. By 1330, the fashion for illustrated
Shahnamas bulked large in southern Iran, tinder the Inju dynasty. lere \
national sentiment was fostered, perhaps because the area was not
tinder direct Mongol rule. The dating and provenance of the so-called
"small' Shahnamas pose a different set of problems, linn data have 165
proved hard to establish and ii^ood cases have been made for attributing
these manuscripts to Baghdad and Tabriz; even Anatolia is a possibil
iry. At all events it is a Shahnama th.it is the undisputed masterpiec e ot
the List years of Mongol rule. This is the incomplete Great Mongol
Shahnama, whose scale may reflect the growing commitment ot the
Mongols to the land th.it they were governing. It is presumably a royal
manuscript made tor the last Ilkhamd ruler. Abu Sa'id l}l6
^&&^A6WMJJ* %&^k »&&U^ ^ter&i ctet^->ioi>
x$»j> .
'/
ft
16s (above) Pre-nuptial festivil '•' ins riding an elephant celebrate, according to the caption, 'the
physical union ofZal with Rudabah*. 'Small' Shaimama, provenance uncertain, 1300 Firdausi's c. I
the event in Kabulistan (modern Afghanistan), where there was indeed an [th-century elephant park
1
too" (opposite above) The resurgence of Iranian myths. In the (ireat Mongol Shahnama (Tabriz, c. 1 -
taleof Bahrain (mr. legendary lover and hunter, in reinterpreted as a moral evolution from irresponsible
playboy to just ruler. When, at his lover's request, his arrow pins together a gazelles head, ear and hind leg,
she reproaches him for his demonic spirit h\k\ he tramples her to death.
pposite below) The M ry of death. The bier of Iskandar. from the (ireat Mongol Shahnatm
The unrestrained expression of grief flouts Muslim norms but mirrors Mongol practice and European art.
The lavish appointments match literary accounts of the mausoleum of the Ukhan ( iharan.
Fifty-eigfit of its original two hundred or so illustrations are known.
In certain painting? ambition and execution do not fully coincide; this
is is notable especially tor the dense design and spatial
a style in flux. It
from China and western Europe alike, alive with contemporary allu-
sions, and of an emotional power never recaptured in later versions o\
this text, it expresses at every turn millennial Iranian ideas of royal
captive Iran had made captive its conqueror. The Great Mongol
\<- Shahnama is thus an appropriate envoi to the whole period, ushering
in the dissolution o\ the Mongol state and the re-establishment of
native Iranian centres of power in much of the couir
After the collaps entral authority in i ; j6, Iran disin-
tegrated into several independent political entities, each with Us own
geographical centre of gravity. Of these the most important were the
Jala'irids who ruled western Iraq and Iran and the Muzarfarids who
controlled central and southern Irai Both devoted their m
patronage to architecture and to painting l.ila'ind architecture is best
[68 represented bv the madnsa and khan of Amir Mirjan in Baghdad,
both built in the Lite the style ofintri >>tt.i
book painting tin- Jala irids took over the mande <>r Mongol
In
imperial pan Timenting both with new messages tor
familiar texts and with new relationships between text and mi.
The later fourteenth century saw the incubation of the rimurid
'classical* style which lominate Persian painting for over two
centuries. The ids built energetically in Isfahan where
several maus* I minarets datable i
The last two decades ol the fourteenth centur) say ilu^ rist
Genghis Khan. Hmui the Lame, whose target than lite mentor)
'Tamburlaine') galvanized tlu imagination ol Renaissance Europe,
N
tion ol riirco Mongol tribes from Centra) \m.» and beyond, launch
ing them on a series ol victorious campaigns that lasted until lus
death in 1405 rhese frenetu conquests proved transitory; theit
memory was theii heritage rhe Iranian world* India, Anatolia, Syri%t
.ill fell to him, with horrendous destruction and loss ol lite evi
1 ;
other Central Asian cities like Kish and Yasi. This empire tell apart
on his death as the standard Turkish practice of dividing the patri-
mony among the various sons asserted itself.
None of his successors had his military genius, but they applied
themselves with equal fervour to the arts oi peace, and rapidly
acquired shown by the pocket antholo-
a taste for Persian culture, as
gies of classic Persian poetic texts which they ordered for their per-
sonal use. Samarqand under Ulugh Beg became renowned as a
scientific centre; the gigantic quadrant ot his observatory still sur-
vives and the astronomical tables he drew up were m use at the
University o\ Oxford as as K>r>s.late Shahrukh
and his son
Baisunqur, ruling at devoted themselves to literature and
Herat,
painting respectively; the 1420s saw an ambitious attempt to com-
1
169 Here lies 'the Scourge of God*. Gur-i Amir, the tomb ofTimur, Samarqand. from 1404. The high
drum, stilted and fluted melon dome and glazed bricks spelling out sacred messages (such as 'God is
Eternal") and the names of Allah and Muhammad all serve to transform the familiar schema of the domed
square. By degrees this became a dynastic mausoleum.
irruption ot Timur and his hordes into Iran at the end of the four-
teenth century, the desolation ot the Mongol conquest repeated
itself.Craftsmen were once again transported, but this time to
Transoxiana. where the signatures ot men from Isfahan and Tabriz
have survived in architecture and metalwork.
Imperial Timurid architecture reflects political realities m that its
the use ot' colour enhances but does not overwhelm. This delicate
balance was apt to be lost in subsequent centuries. The equilibrium
between structure and decoration meant that brick, the basic build-
ing material, was available to serve as a toil, both in colour and in
texture, to the applied ornament. The designs themselves, tor
example medallions and arabesques, can often be matched in other
media and many ma\ well have originated in the royal ateliers, to be
circulated later tor use in bookbindings, carpets, textiles, manuscript
illumination, potter) and woodwork as well as architectural orna-
ment. Hence, perhaps, the tendency tor general decorative schemes
-applied on an architectural facade, say, or a vault to be subdivided
into individual and seemingly unrelated panels si) that the overall
144 effect is that ot a picture gallery with paintings ot varying size hung
at different levels. Arabic and Persian poetry, felicitously described as
'orient pearls at random strung', suggests itself as an intriguing
parallel.Sometimes the decorative scheme is strongly sculptural, as in
the use of glazed medallions standing proud from a glazed surface, or
the multiple levels of Timurid vaults. More common, however, is a
contrast ot texture, for example glazed terracotta juxtaposed with
smooth glazed tiles, or carved stucco set against painted plaster, or
contrasts of marble and glazed tilework, wood and ivory. Yet the use
ot snow-white muqamas domes or bottle-green dados reveals
21(5
Timurid craftsmen experimenting with the potential of a single
colour to dominate an interior.
Colossal size is some of the most chanu
the defining feature of
istic - the Rigistan and Gur-j Amir in
imperial Timurid buildings
Samarqand and Timurs own palace at Shahr-i Sabz, whose iwan
apparently soared to 40 m (131 ft). Indeed, the portal now takes on
major significance as the cynosure of a facade, often dwarfing the
actual building behind it. as at Anau. At the shrine of Gazur Gah
near Herat, it may symbolically suggest entry to the hereafter.
Flanking minarets placed behind the tomb at the far end o\~ the
building make some of these iwans illusionistically still more lofty
Many such portals function as huge screens or hoardings inscribed
with religious or political messages, but others are proudly salient
and of spatially adventurous design. Perimeter walls, too. take on a
new importance which is reflected in the overall brick and glazed
ornament which they These are buildings meant to be experi-
bear.
enced round, not designed with a single viewpoint 111 mind.
in the
The popularity of ribbed domes, high drums and multiple minarets [69
(as in the Bibi Khanum mosque 111 Samarqand and the madrasas o\~
Herat) again reveals Timurid architects to haw been fully alert to the
scenic dimension of their buildings.
Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century drawings found 111 Istanbul and
Tashkent contain, among much other material, detailed notations for
the layout of ground plans and the construction of muqarnas vaults.
Their use of gridded paper and modular units provides independent
documentary evidence for what could be deduced from the monu-
ments themselves — that a mastery of geometrical concepts and of
proportional relationships was needed to control these vast spaces and
to order them into harmonious, symmetrical designs. It is size above
all empowers such factors as axiahty. rhythm, repetition.
that
anticipation and echo to yield their full effect. Thus in the \-iwan
courtyard madrasa ofUlugh Beg in Samarqand (141 7). the compo-
nent parts are all interdependent and logically related to each other,
while at - a necropolis largely intended, it seems.
the Shah-i Zinda 171, [72
for Timurid princesses - the individual mausolea are not sited hap-
hazardly but operate m concert, forming a processional way towards
the tomb of the eponymous saint. A long monumental staircase
of expectancy and ensures th.it from the outset
creates a suitable air
pilgrims are channelled towards the tomb along the desired route. It
is textbook case of the capacity of Timurid architects to think big
,1
and to exploit space to the full. The whole site seems to have been
deliberately designed as an open-air gallery displaying the latest dec-
orative techniques. Perhaps there was a certain competitive edge too.
It is no major Timurid artists such as Qawwam al-Din
surprise" that
Shirazi were figures of consequence at court.
A fascination with the expressive potential of vaulting can be
sensed in the more experimental Timurid buildings. Gone now is
the Saljuq and Ilkhamd preoccupation with the tripartite elevation of
a dome chamber - base, transition zone, dome - and in its place
there reigns a much more fluid transition from one plane to the next.
Typically a network of small vaults, often of rhomboidal form, cloaks
the upper reaches o\\\ building (with simpler, sturdier vaults behind
them doing the actual work); these give way eventually to the dome
itself, which rises serenely above the apparent contusion below. The
m
170 (opposite) The holy man as
frrinnniiin*
Mir) City of the i.k\\d.
General view of the complex of
Shah-i Zinda, Samarqand. The
desire to develop an expressive
skvlme explains the emphasis
on hill-top sites and
exaggeratedly high drums.
tubular candlesticks with a succession of bold annular mouldings, and
173 a pair of massive bronze cauldrons, now in St Petersburg and Herat
respectively, both made in the 1390s. The closest analogies for these
impressive vessels, which are virtually undecorated apart from their
inscriptions, are in the metalwork ofDaghestan in the Caucasus. In
most Timurid metalwork. the Saljuq and Mongol motif of a figural
scene within a cartouche seems to have been definitively superseded
by closely knit floral designs. A new style heavily dependent on
manuscript illumination is found on Khurasani inlaid metalwork in
the later fifteenth century, while the same province generated
simultaneously a style ot~ engraved metalwork that leads without a
break into the Safavid period. Persian poetry is a staple feature o\
the decoration o\ much Timurid metalwork; it often has Sufi over-
tones. The inlaid brass jugs that were a speciality o\ Herat shortly
before 1500 illustrate these features.
Recent research has demonstrated that the talk' of surviving
Timurid ceramics is not nearly .is meagre as it was once thought to
be. The vogue for chinoiserie continued unabated. Indeed, side In-
side with such traditional techniques as lustre, the quality of which
was appreciably lower than in earlier centuries, the Persian potter
173 Amassing credit tor the hereafter. Bronze basin intended to serve water to pilgrim*
of the Sufi shaikh Ahmad Yasavi. Inscriptions on the basin state that
visiting the shrine
Timur ordered it in 1399 for this shrine; they also quote the particularly relevant Sura
9:19 and the Prophetic hadith 'He who builds place for drinking for hol\ purpos
.1
matter to match their reported output with the fragments that now
survive in Istanbul and Berlin. But there is no doubt that whole series .1
of key decisions had been made by the time that the Mathnavis (poems
m rhyming couplets) ofKhwaju Kirmani was painted for Sultan Ahmad
fala'ir at Baghdad in 1396 by a certain Junaid, the first Persian painter oi
the new age whose signature survives on his work. Hence the sheer
assurance and the dazzling virtuosity of this masterpiece. The size of the
book has decreased; paintings are much fewer 111 number: text is some-
times whittled down to a brief two-line panel placed at will in the
picture space: and the full-page illustration has now come to stay. \
tion of paint, the purity of colour, the balancing of hues, the effects ot
crescendo and diminuendo in the composition and in the distribution
of colour, and the pinpoint accuracy of the smallest detail. Moreover,
while the paintings are often physically no smaller than the greatest
Dkhanid paintings, they contain \er\ much more. I his is truK mini
ature painting. Everything is calculated; these an- images that demand a
gre.it deal of the viewer, and they <\" not yield up then sc< rets lighdy.
s*Cf} !ls> >JP^Si ijrjlfisjl *j£f\3 >/ u
r s
m
<.>-
174 A minor tor princes. Dimna visited in prison by Kalila. from Kalila wo Dimna, a collection of
animal tables with moral and political applications. Herat.
1429 (f. 6a). The calculated technical
5
perfection so characteristic of Baisunqur's atelier led to a certain stiffness
in the treatment of figures
and landscape, though new accommodations are forged between
written and painted surface.
175 Hunting: the quintessciui.il royal pastime. This double frontispiece of'.. 1470 may depict the then ruler
of western Iran. Uzun Hasan. It shows a grand battue, or mass hunt, in which the game is driven tor many
days until trapped m the constricted killing fields. Plunging vistas and the semi-circle of spectators draw thi-
eve to the frenzied slaughter at the heart oi the painting. Leering grotesques people the to*, ks
60m c. 1390 to c. 1420 included Baghdad and Shiraz, the Litter espe-
cially under the rule of lskandar Sultan, but this style unquestionably
reached its peak in the work of the academy founded .it Herat by the
celebrated bibliophile Prince Baisunqur b. Shahrukh (1397-1433),
who in the intervals of the dissipation that plunged him into an early
grave found time to oversee the production oi fastidiously choice
illustrated copies of the gre.it classics of Persian literature. Some fort)
artists were active m his atelier, including not only painters but also
painters - such as Qasim b.'Ali. Aqa Mirak and. above all, Bihzad -
begin to attract the notice of" chroniclers. Yet these .ire perhaps not
the competing geniuses of" Renaissance Italy but might rather be seen
as colleagues and courtiers in a royal atelier, pooling their talents,
developing an increasingly accomplished and seamless house style
and maybe even working together on a picture. Often, therefore,
Western scholars bent on attributing this or that painting to a given
Ij6 The ruler rebuked. In this scene
from Sa'di's Bustan, copied in Hor.u
in [488 for Sultan Husain Baiqara,
the prince, who has lost his way
while hunting, comes across his own
horsemaster and. not recognizing
him, strings his bow to shoot. His
unthinking aggression disrupts the
peaceful, ordered scene. I'he
digging, cutting wood and ploughing. Often these humble scenes are
.1metaphor for the spiritual realities ot the Sufi path hus form and I
turies after the fall of the Dkhanids m [336, apart from the meteoric
career ofTimur (see pp. 213 14 Iran had lacked cohesiveness or rel-
.
177 The Masjid-i Shah (now Masjid-i Imam), Isfahan, largely 1612-30. This spectacular hlue-uled mosque
epitomizes one era. one style and one man - Shah 'Abbas, the greatest Safavid ruler. Though its portal ter-
minates the long axis of the great mmdan or piazza, the rest of the mosque is set at an angle from it so as to
be correctly oriented towards the qibla. Thus sacred and secular geometry diverge.
iVi ^ 1
% ...
s
^
from Sunnism created a new religious establishment. It was for such
teachers of religious law (mujtahids) to exercise their personal judg-
ment (ijtihad) until the ultimate return of the Mahdi, the Hidden
(and twelfth) Imam. In later Safavid times their power at court grew
significantly. The regime was thus thoroughly theocratic. By making
Shi'ism the official religion the Safavids forged an ideology that not
only strengthened the state but also helped to create a new sense of
national identity and so enabled Iran to escape being absorbed into
the empires of the neighbouring superpowers - although its borders
were frequently contested and the shah had to fight a war on two
fronts. It was the Safavids who made Iran (with the old Shi'ite
centres ot Iraq) the spiritual bastion of the Shi'a against the
onslaughts of orthodox Sunni Islam, and the repository o\ Persian
cultural traditions and self-awareness. They largely lVrsiamzed a
country whose Turkish. Arab and Kurdish elements had hitherto
been stronger, and to some extent they ruptured the cultural as well
as religious ties that had earlier bound Iran to the Islamic common-
1
wealth. At long last Shfism had round a 'national home.
Yet for the indigenous Iranian population Twelver Shi'ism was at
first alien, and powerful Opposition manifested itself", especially in the
east of the country In much the same way the rule of the Ottomans
in Anatolia, the Near East and North Africa, and perhaps even of the
Uzbeks m Central Asia and the Mughals m the Indian subcontinent,
can be interpreted as an imposition of religious conformity which
coincided with a hardening of political, national and even religious
boundaries. This. then, was the age of the Islamic superpowers; and,
significantly, all ot them shared the same Turco-Pcrsian rather than
Arab culture. bus Islam, like Europe, emancipated itself from its
1
wide. Isnu il. the first Safavid shah, bore the title of Persian Emperor
(Padishah-i Iran) with its implicit notion of an Iranian state stretching
from Afghanistan as far as the Euphrates, and from the Oxus to the
Persian Gulf.
The long reign o\~ [sma'iTs son Tahmasp helped to establish Iran's
role vis-a-vis neighbours, to tone down religious extremism and
its
to control the power of the clergy. Hut it fell to Tahmasp 's grandson,
Shah "Abbas ruled [587- [629
1 to set the country on the road to
.
22s
and a centralized administration, and therein- to lay the foundations
of the modern Iranian state in its political, religious and geographical
aspects. And that state he regarded in some sense as his personal
property, which he governed (and milked) through the hierarchical
administrative apparatus of his court, headed by the Grand Vizier
and the Intendant (nazir), the latter functioning in effect as treasurer.
It is under the Safavids that one can trace more clearly than ever
before the stirrings of a national sentiment that would eventually
become, centuries later, a fully-fledged nationalism, and tor which
the territorial integrity established by the Safavids was a necessar)
precondition.
The Safavids continued the attempts of the Ilkhanids to foster
closer diplomatic ties with the European powers, as evidenced by the
frequent exchange of embassies with the various courts of Europe in
order to cement alliances against the Ottomans. Similarly, they were
alert to the political and economic implications of the opening of the
sea route to the Far East in [496, which diverted Ottoman pressure
away from Iran to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean; the Dutch,
the English and the Portuguese were permitted to establish trading
posts on the Persian Gulf, where Indian merchants also settled. For
the Iranians, this meant revenue from customs dues, while for the
European powers such posts were essential if they were to control the
increasingly lucrative East India trade. The inevitable clash of inter-
ests, however, resulted in frequent hostilities, especially with the
Portuguese. Attempts were also made to avoid Ottoman customs
dues by relocating the silk and spice routes to the north across
Russia. Much Safavid silk reached Europe, especially the labsburg I
domains and Scandinavia, in this way (see p. 250). Indeed, some tex-
tiles and carpets were made specifically for the West, and bear (not
178 'Isfahan is half the world' runs the Persian proverb. This enormous open rectangle the iinuJdii was
the nerve centre of a capital to which visitors flocked from Fast and West
179 An Islamic invention. Portal arch. Masjid-i Imam. Isfahan. The muqamas or honeycomb vault has many
functions in Islamic architecture: it articulates a curved space, dissolves surfaces, bridges contrasting spaces,
and creates a frame for related but discrete motifs .see 1// 50). I Erectly over the door is the Shah's name.
and novel sehemes of town planning 111 [slamic history. This resulted
178 in the famous maidan, which, with its measurements of 512 x [59 m
(i6(So x 523 ft), is perhaps the largest piazza in the world; the Chahar
Bagh esplanade and royal quarter linking the maidan with the river
(the Zayandarud); and the huge covered bazaar. It may be no coin-
cidence that a mere two decades earlier the Mughal emperor Akbar
had built a sumptuous new capital from scratch at Fathpur Sikri.
The Masjid-i Imam, the Masjid-i Shaikh Lutfallah and the inter-
dependent complex ofmadrasa, khan and bazaar built by Shah Sultan
Husain are the finest public buildings of the time.
Yet it would be a mistake to regard any of them as fundamentally
original buildings. The Lutfallah mosque (1602-19) and the Masjid-i
230
>£*
Shah (1612—30), each repeat a familiar schema - the domed square
chamber and the+4-iwan plan respectively. Their exceptional size and
179 splendid decoration make it easy to overlook their essential conser-
vatism. In the Masjid-i Shah (now renamed the Masjid-i Imam) this
huge scale allows the incorporation of dome chambers behind the
subsidiary iwans, a rectangular pool which serves as the focal point of
the courtyard, ample facilities for ablution, a winter prayer hall and
madrasas flanking the main prayer chamber. Yet visually all is sub-
ordinated to the sheer bulk of the portal and qibla iwan and the prin-
cipal dome chamber. As tor the Lutfallah mosque, the structural
complexities of earlier domed squares have been toned down
dramatically, leaving a vast and minimally articulated inner space
which is organized mainly by its ornament - for example, the bright
blue cable mouldings which define the pendentives or the two-
dimensional honeycomb ornament of the inner surface of the dome.
Exterior and interior alike accord a major role to plain unglazed
brick, which serves as a background to sparingly applied glazed tile-
work in floral and geometric patterns; the interplay between these
two accents seems illusionistically to confer a glazed sheen on the
plain brick. The facades of both mosques open on to the great
maidan, which was the centre of the new city, and both have bent
entrances, so that the mosques themselves are correctly orientated
but do not compromise the regularity of the facades defining the
square. Those facades are kept low so that the major buildings which
punctuate them stand proud of their surroundings. Here, as in so
much Safavid architecture, one may detect an innate sense of theatre
and a delight m the grand scale.
The high officials of the Safavid court, often in response to direct
pressure from the shah, built widely m Isfahan, including several
mosques (e.g. the Masjid-i Hakim . group these do not
but as a
^3±
1
1S0 The hub of commerce. Caravansarai built by Shah Sultan Husain with adjoining madrasa and bazaar;
Isfahan. 1706-15. Spacious and austerely practical, it could accommodate hundreds of animals and theii
loads, while the two-storied arcades held living chambers.
Pul-i Khwaju featuring not only sluice gates but also pavilions tor the
royal party which served as vantage points from which to watch regat-
tas and other water sports, linked Isfahan with some of its suburbs.
In secular architecture network of
the khans, or caravansarais
erected across the country by Shah 'Abbas I deserves special note.
Most of them follow a \-iwan plan, with the space in the corners
serving for stables while the entrance and domed vestibule define the
major axis. Features common to many caravansarais include a single
massive portal, with an entrance high enough to admit a loaded
camel; kitchens in the corners; and adjoining enclosures for tether-
ing animals. Caravansarais in the open country were often built at
intervals of journev - about 2$ km (16 miles) - along the
a day's
major trade routes. Those in the towns (often very numerous;
so Isfahan, for example, had nearly two thousand in the seventeenth
century) served not only to house and teed travellers, but also as
warehouses and centres tor a particular trade or group of merchants.
However. Safavid art has tended in modern scholarship to be
c
181 A Sasanian tradition revived. The Allahvardi Khan bridge, Isfahan, stretches 300 in (984 ft) Designed
to carry traffic and regulate flooding with its massive buttresses; u also has pleasure pavilions.
S indarwood and ivory sarcophagus of the dreaded Shah Isma'il I. founder of the Shi'ite Safavid state
'on seeing him. outsiders would prefer to turn to stone' at the shrine of Shaikh Sari, Ardabil, .. sj
i
i
236
the Safavids continued and consolidated a process which can alread)
be detected under the Timurids, wherein most art of top flight
quality in the principal media was produced in the immediate orbit
of the court. In practice this spelled the disappearance of.provincial
ateliersof the first rank, though it did not exclude occasional lavish
patronage on the part ot a provincial governor, tor example at
Mashhad or Kirman.
The Safavid capture of Herat in so~ meant that the lmund i I
library and its craftsmen, including Bihzad, tell into Safavid hands
and were eventually transported to the new capital ot Iabn/. under
the patronage ot Shah Isma'il I. His successor. Shah Tahmasp, himself ivj
a painter, even expanded the royal atelier. Early Safavid painting
1
s
3 a ) Opener of Doors!' is .111
IXTT
-V
^
±£*
iSj Pastoral idyll. Everyday rustic occupations rendered bv Muhammadi, 1578, in minimalist .1 aesthetic
employing the unusual technique of tinted drawing and the play of light and dark accents
and 1543) st> much detail iscrammed into the composition that its
fastidious precision tails to make its full effect. Similarly, the colour
range may be so kaleidoscopic that the very richness confuses th
A dream world -
nothing random about it. This sea-change brought artists out of the
court and into the public market, a process which accelerated the
break with tradition.il anonymity and the rise o\ the artist - for
example Sadiqi Beg or Siyavush - as a personality.
It is hard to account for the radical change in taste and style in
seventeenth-century painting. Technically it is easy enough to point
to the fashion both tor single-leaf paintings and for tinted drawings
in the later sixteenth century; but while presaging the divorce of
240
and apparently unofficial deregulation of the traditional codes of
practice governing book painting took place. It is not clear whether
this was market-led - precipitated perhaps b\ a tennm.il turn for the
worse in official patronage for illustrated books or whether the
pressure for change came from the painters themselves, or .it least
from a tew strong-willed radicals among them. Hut the results are
perfectly plain to see. They govern execution, subject matter,
output, patronage and expense. As with all such revolutions m taste,
the pace ot change was uneven, with some able painters stubbornly
hanging on to traditional ways. Hut the logic of the new style was
inexorable. It brooked no rivals. Hook painting as it had been under
stood tor the previous thousand years was now finished, tor the most
part relegated to the bazaar.
For centuries, paintings had served to illustrate and explain the
great classics of Persian poetry. Now. that increasingly elaborate,
refined symbiosis had been shattered, and Persian painting lost its t.ip
root. And once the tradition had been broken it could not simply be
reinstated. Hence some ot the best Iranian paintings ot" the later
Safavid period and thereafter that are produced in the context of
still
ioned to match the new subject matter. Hitherto the Persian painter
had come to terms with the world around him by miniaturizing it.
by viewing it .is it were from the wrong end o( a telescope, and then
Decomposing selected elements of what he saw 111 his minds
Now he holds a distorting mirror 10 reality Sometimes he ma\
187 The past as myth. Nizami, Khamsa, Tabriz. 1539-43. In this icon of imperial majesty
drawing on pre-Islamic Persian legend. Khusrau and his consort Shirin spend the evening
listening to stories told by her maids. The scene evokes Scheherezade and the 1,001 nights.
[88 A taste nf Ecstasy- Using techniques recalling marbled paper, this hallucinatory image ol a mystical
journey evokes the swirling rhythms of a cosmic dance. It celebrates the unity of being (wahdai al-wujud), a
concept elaborated by Ibn al-'Arabi and variously described .is monism or pantheism. Thus created tonus
dissolve into each other. The composition suggests infinity, for the frame cannot confine it.
capture the exaltation and ecstasy of a mystical vision. More often, [88
tar from keeping his own and forcing us to keep ours, he
distance,
thrusts his discoveries right under our noses. More than a hint of the
fairground freak can be sensed in some of the images served up by
seventeenth-century painters. Studies of single figures dominate, and
they are decidedly unheroic. Seedy dervishes, Sufi shaikhs, bagpipers,
grooms, beggars, ageing painters, ne'er-do-wells, merchants - a
whole gamut of portraits of the middle and lower reaches oi society
(for the grandees of the court are not depicted) meets the eye. Their
likenesses are seized with formidable accuracy and speed, a notable
achievement for an art form that, minor exceptions apart, had tor
centuries disdained portraiture. Yet despite the searching realism of
some of these portraits, perhaps a juster term would often be carica-
tures - for, while serious portrait studies oi profound psychological
insight. o\ intimacy and tenderness, are not lacking, the main body
of this material has an altogether minister tone, and is frequently
downright coarse. Satire and knockabout humour are the driving
forces behind most of the images. Hence the unsparing focus on
drunken, pot-bellied holy men, or on dervishes built like storks,
smoking pipes of opium and wearing fur h.its tilted at rakish angles.
1fence too the unHattenngK exaggerated length of nose or chin.
No-one could gainsay the bite and individuality of these mainly
Some of
low-life character studies. Yet they are only half the story.
the self-same an altogether different genre
artists lent their talents to
intimately related to the scale o\~ their output. The same coldly
efficient, mannered, economically linear style is employed through-
out. Once again, and here in the most unexpected context, the
Islamic capacity to geometricize forms finds expression. The very
large quantity of these pin-ups to survive has done much to skew
modern understanding of Safavid art. and it should caution against
evaluating them very highly. It proves, of course, that they were
extremely popular - but no more. Indeed, close inspection suggests
that they were produced almost mechanically. Colouring is flat and
simplified, laid on in broad washes. Expressions are of a uniform sim-
pering blandness. The background setting for the figures is as exigu-
ous as it well could be. a clear indication that it was regarded as being
of no importance. And the virtuoso mastery of line cannot disguise
that the lines themselves are remarkably few. Here, then, was a way
to make a lot of money with minimum effort. The attraction is on
the surface: what you see is what you buy. The conservative nature
of public taste in this genre explains why it is difficult to tell the
work of the various masters apart; but that same similarity reveals
also how much each of them subordinated his own individuality to
T
the dictates of fashion. Many such leaves were inscribed with the
244
f
^_: - j
•
^^P
1 N
f 1.
. wir*
-
'.7i slv humour. Inscribed 'He [is God]. Portrait ofNashmi the Archer Completed on ruesday, j
his cadaverous race and one stocking .it half-mast, h.ts dearly fallen on evil times.
name of the artist, the place and date of execution and the identity of
What of the patrons who bought these leaves, and the prices they
paid tor them- An anecdote about Sadiqi Beg reveals him using two
of his drawings in part payment for poem written and rented in Ins
.1
honour, and asserting that each work could be sold to merchants foi
3 tumans (worth £7 in English seventeenth-centurymoney — a very
considerable sum). It appears from this story that there was a market
for his work as far afield as India - and indeed many Persian special-
ists in the various arts of the book found a good living both at the
Ottoman and the Mughal courts.
Carpet fragments of thirteenth-century date from Saljuq Anatolia,
and even earlier survivals from Islamic Egypt, show that this art was
well developed in some parts of the medieval Muslim world, and
literary sources amply corroborate this, mentioning dozens of carpet
types and production centres of which no tangible evidence survives.
Persian paintings of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, with their
close focus on detail, flesh out this picture and reveal the remarkable
range of contemporary carpet types. But the Safavid period is the
earliest from which a critical mass of physical evidence has survived -
enough to allow the history of this art form in Iran from 500 to 1
191 A woven Paradise. The larger Ardabil carpet (1539-40), of superlative technical quality, is saturated
with the imagery of heavenly light. At its dead centre is a pond with floating lotus blossoms - perhaps the
Qur'anic Pool of Kauthar.The carpet bears verse- by the poet Hafiz and a signature: 'Except for thy haven
there is no refuge for me in this world;/Other than here, there is no place for my head. /Work of a servant
of the court, Maqsud of Kashan. 946'.
i
I
&>4
H ,/:•<
more than in any other art form, carpet design manipulates multiple
levelsof pattern, .sometimes five at a time, using colour as the princi-
pal means of distinguishing the different schemes. The designs are
often predicated on constantly shifting viewpoints, which add
further complexities and lend the ensemble extra dynamism. As with
many panels of tilework, moreover, the design is deliberately not
complete but is only a portion of an unimaginably large but thor-
oughly disciplined composition. Hence the viewer receives intima-
tions of infinity, even eternity all the more affecting because they are
not explicit.
Various major categories of design may be distinguished, though
they continually overlap - for example, borders comprising car-
touches with animal scenes enrich otherwise abstract designs. Garden
carpets perpetuate a type known as far back as the Sasanian period,
when the rug known as 'The Springtime ot Khusrau' was a national
treasure. This was divided into tour plots, each representing one of
the seasons and depicting appropriate flora, all executed in gold and
silver thread and precious jewels. Safavid garden carpets seem to
reflect simultaneously a side view and a bird's-eye view, though dras-
tically schematized, ot water-channels stocked with fish, flower-beds,
terracing, pavilions, ponds and fountains. The poems inscribed on
them compare them to roses and tulips. Sometimes peacocks and
lesser birds, lions, leopards, hares and deer can be glimpsed in the
foliage: their colours as in Safavid tilework) may bear no relation to
nature. The other-worldly associations ot the garden theme are
always subliminally present. A second category
of hunting consists
scenes conceived as a sequence ofloosely linked vignettes, with the
border sometimes depicting an alfresco royal reception, lutanists and
even angels (major examples survive in museums in Boston and
Milan, the latter dated [522—23). The so-called animal rugs, in
which creatures of various species frolic or attack each other, can be
classified alongside the hunting rugs. A third type can be described
rather inadequately as a medallion carpet because its centrepiece is
usually a huge circular or oval medallion with numerous smaller
medallions orbiting around it. The Ardabil carpets are the most dis-
tinguished examples of this variety, and display the extra refinement
of a mosque lamp hanging from the inner circle of smaller satellite
medallions - all silhouetted against a ground ot deep indigo which
makes the carpet like a window on Milky Way. Placed on the
to the
floor directly beneath the dome, evoked that dome and thus the
it
248
Paradise as described in Islamic tradition; other carpets depict angels
or houris. Quite another type is the vase carpet, in which vases
o(
various sizes form the leitmotif of the composition. A last major
category is represented by the floral rugs, in which multiple
flowering sprays of various sizes, linked by thin tendrils, spill across
the field.
These carpets, though essentially conn mi. were actually made in
numerous manufactories throughout the Safavid realm, though opin
ions differ over allocating types of rugs to specific places, labia/.
Qazvin, Kashan, Isfahan. Herat and Kirman were all major centres.
though it was common for a single centre to produce several different
types of rug. The finer carpets represented a considerable investment
in time and money, and it is therefore not surprising that they bear
quite full inscriptions; the London Ardabil carpet is signed by one
Maqsud Kashani, who styles himself Servant of the court", and bears
the date [539—40. A carpet 111 the Najaf shrine was donated, s.ivs the
inscription, "by the dog of this shrine, 'Abbas' (Shah 'Abbas I). he I
itself; for all their splendour and majestic scale, they were an intrusion.
Architecture, painting and carpets may fairly claim to represent the
principal achievements of the Safavids in the visual arts, but this was
a productive period in many other media too. Textiles were pro-
duced in various materials - printed cotton, silk, shorn velvet,
reversible brocades in gold and silver thread, and embroidery - not
only in Isfahan but also in Yazd and Kashan. Similarly, textile fac-
tories were established by royal command all over the realm, from
Shirvan to Isfahan, Yazd, Kashan, Mashhad and Rinnan, each with
orders to 'weave in its own manner'. Here too much of the produc-
c
tion was for export, and notable painters like Rida'-yi Abbasi were
co-opted to provide designs. Velvets, brocades and block-printed
cottons were made in huge quantities. 'They last forever', as Chardin
said. Hence they survive in great quantity, and they too were
exported — an entire room in Rosenborg Castle in Denmark was
hung with them. Their designs bear once again the unmistakable
imprint of book painting, with themes like dallying lovers, winsome
pages, picnics, horsemen leading prisoners of Turkish stock, hunts-
men on mounted, animal combats, Moral patterns and the
foot or
familiar episodes of Nizami and Firdausi. The absence o\^ serious
themes of religious or political iconography is noticeable. Reds and
yellows are especially favoured colours. While some of these textiles
were intended as hangings and tent decoration, most were garments
naturally intended for the wealthy, and advertised the luxury o\
the Iranian court. They attracted admiring notice when worn by
Iranian ambassadors abroad, and were often sent as gifts to European
potentates.
The last decades of the sixteenth century saw a vigorous revival of
the pottery industry in Iran, which despite occasional fine - even
dated - pieces had been m the doldrums. Safavid potters developed
new types of Chinese-inspired blue-and-white wares, due perhaps to
the influence of the three hundred Chinese potters and their families
settled m Iran by Shah 'Abbas I. and indeed some of the vases made
in Kirman and depicting swirling dragons are passable pastiche of
.1
250
11
m
V
m
:
^3fi
.^v
sk£j^s^£=s= "" wi
brassy sheen which, combined with an emphasis on underglaze blue,
results in pieces, inferior to earlier lustre in aesthetic quality. The
decoration is Polychrome ware was pro-
restricted to vegetal motifs.
duced in great quantities in Kirman. Figural designs on such Safavid
pottery as eschews chinoisene echo the mannered style of the
c
painter Rida'-yi Abbasi, whose idiom in fact dominates all later
Safavid figural art; they also recall, more generally. Safavid carpets
and textiles. Later Kubachi ware has a much wider and brighter
193 colour range and often has a central medallion enclosing an engaging
portrait bust executed with rapid strokes in typical late Safavid style.
The Safavid pictorial manner lingered long after the tall of the
dynasty and. in an enfeebled state, remained the staple of Qaiar
potters. This staleness, combined with the widespread popularity of
cheap European ceramics from the eighteenth century onwards,
brought about the final demise ot fine wares in Iran, though
Mashhad and Kirman. the major centres ot Safavid production
(neither city being noted for its pottery m earlier times) continued to
194 produce blue-and-w hue ware with black outlines into the nine-
teenth century. Only in architectural tilework did the Safavid tradi-
tion continue withundiminished vigour after the fall of the dynasty
with new colour schemes favouring yellow and pink, an unprece-
dented emphasis on relief and themes of European origin.
.
Ait thexB-«M
In metalwork, the engraved technique developed in Khurasan in
the fifteenth century retained its popularity well into Safavid times,
and indeed that province, now supplemented by Azerbaijan, contin-
ued to be a major centre for this medium. It is curious that Safavid
metalwork has been so long neglected even though it produced
significant innovations in form, design and technique. They include
a type of tall octagonal torch-holder on a circular plinth, a new type
of ewer of Chinese inspiration, and the almost total disappearance of
Arabic inscriptions in favour of those containing Persian poetry,
c
254
( II API I \t I I \
The Ottomans
lands it had a< quired that even the long dec line- ot the eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries saw only minor losses of territory. Even
when Turkey began to be described as 'the sick man of Europe',
later,
2s6
of the infidel so far as Europeans were concerned, and their pomp
and ceremony was recorded with a sense of awe In European an
sadors and travellers.
Ottoman art is in a category of its own within the wider world of
Islamic art. It certainly has us own distinctive character in the
major
media such as architecture, ceramics, book painting and
and textiles,
its products hear witness to the massive financial resources of the
most powerful empire of its time. Net the remarkable uniformity o(
much of the Ottoman visual arts gives one pause. On the technical
side, much that was produced attained the highest standard of excel
the basis both of the relatively static nature of much Ottoman art and
of its high technical quality, that government control had a consistent
and decisive impact on the art of the period. On the credit side, this
kept very large numbers of artists occupied and ensured that their
work met the most exacting standards. Hut there was a price to \\\\.
most evidently in architecture, where the existence ot centrally pro
duced blueprints is well documented, but plainly in other fields too
- in a word, standardization. Top-flight artists paradoxically had less
freedom of manoeuvre than less able ones; they were palace emplo\
ees rather than subject either to their own preferences or to t he-
Byzantine origin.
258
than before. And the domed square tends to invade areas from which
it was formerly excluded, and swamp them. Thus high courtyard
facades give way to shallow arcades covered by a succession o(
domes, becoming effectively a sequence of domed square units; the
same is true ofhypostyle halls.
This consistency does haw its drawbacks. It can lead to a certain
inflexibility, a tendency to apply a rote solution, devised at the
drawing board, irrespective of the peculiarities of the site. he I
196 mosque design were accomplished in the capital — first Iznik, then
197 Bursa, finally Istanbul - which naturally conferred on them a metro-
politan glamour. And the extremely large size of so many of the
imperial Ottoman mosques, with their courtyards, made them
perhaps unexpectedly useful models for quite different building types
such as caravansarais. madrasas and elements of kulliyes, foundations
centring on a mosque but comprising multiple buildings. Indeed, the
core forms of Ottoman architecture, domes and courtyards, are basi-
cally interchangeable; a domed square with a vaulted two-bay porch
can as easily be a mausoleum as a mosque. But it is the dome that
dominates. Hence the various illusionistic devices adopted to
magnify the size ot the dome - such as the low roorline of the
adjoining cloister, porch or sanctuary, or the siting o\" the climactic
dome at the highest point ot a sloping site.
197 Calligraphy writ large. Interior of Ulu Cami, Bursa, [396 9. Huge calligraphic panels used as wall
decoration are an Ottoman speciality, as is mirror writing. Here the central panel reads 'The Guide' (<//-
hadi), one of the 99 names of God. Note the multi-domed interior.
Theconcentration of major mosques in Istanbul can be explained
in terms as part of a sustained attempt to transform the
political
visual aspect of the ancient Christian city of Constantinople au<\ to
give it a new Islamic identity as Istanbul. In the rough!) contempo
rary Safavid and Mughal empires, too. the capitals Isfahan,
Delhi - were given massive face-lifts by means oi ambitious building
programmes, and the resultant architecture had an unmistakably
scenic purpose. Hut the well-nigh obsessional focus on huge
mosques which characterizes Istanbul tor the century or so after the
conquest of the city - it is even recorded that a detailed model ot the
Suleymaniye was on a show in a public procession held in 582 is 1
Ill
the creation of a government department, a kind o( Ministry of
the challenge posed by Haghia Sophia, and they were in some sense
m its shadow.
Yet for .ill the indisputable similarities between I laghia Sophia and
the great Ottoman mosques from the- Lmh (ami i
\
onwards
ie apogee of Ottoman powei Interioi <>t Sul '• the dome, \n!
199 The challenge. Haghia Sophia. Constantinople, founded 537. Following a common
Interior of
Muslim practice, Mehmed II commemorated
his capture of the city by turning its great church into a
mosque. The 15th-century historian Tursun Beg specifically notes that this same sultan 'built a Great
Mosque based on the design of Haghia Sophia, which not only encompassed all the arts of Haghia Sophia,
but moreover incorporated modern features constituting a fresh new idiom unequalled in beauty'.
;
«.
*:
200 Triumph - in Europe. Selimiye mosque, fdirnc. 1569-75. This, the masterpiece ofSinan, the greatest
Ottoman architect, has the firstMuslim dome whose diameter equals that of Haghia Sophia.
266
201 The end of the toad. Complex of Sultan Ahmed (the Blue Mosque), Istanbul,
I
609 i
17 Nm.m's stu
dents worked in Ins idiom but could not match his vision; this mosque is noted tor its 21, ... l/mk tiles
202 Welfare institution. Complex of Bayezid II. Edirne, begun 14N4. It included a hospi-
tal with attached medical college and a separate section for the insane; the Islamic
tunes. Despite its huge si/c. much of it h.is an intimate, domestic atmosphere. It borrows from the
Byzantine imperial palace the notion m~ city within
.1 city,
.1 ["he informal layout gives little him of the
extreme luxury of its interiors.
It is ironic th.it the most famous and populai <>i .ill Ottoman art
intrinsically high aesthetic and technical quality, but also to the fact
that very great numbers of tiles and individual
these wares, both
pieces, survive, often in excellent condition.Moreover, if a compari-
son is made, saw with the Iranian world between 1000 and 1200 - a
period which saw at least a score of different types of glazed wares
being produced - the difference clearly lies in the way that Ottoman
potters concentrated their efforts m a single direction. Here the
dominating influence o\\\ government-sponsored and government-
financed industry can be recognized immediately. Iznik pottery was
an official enterprise whose gigantic output required much bureau-
cratic supervision and financial control. Production quotas were
enforced, salaries were pegged at levels judged appropriate to the
particular skills of the workmen, designs created by the palace studio
in Istanbul were sent to the potters' workshops for transfer on to
pottery and tiles. The wares - a royal monopoly - were exported
throughout Europe, and although the heyday of Iznik was the six-
teenth century, the style, and its various provincial derivatives in
Syria and elsewhere, lasted at least another century. As in the case of
public architecture, this strong government interest tended to
standardize production and to reduce variety while maximizing
205 Divine illumination. Mihrab of mosque of the vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, built by Sinan in 1 571
The white marble, the hanging lamp, candles, sunburst inscriptions and battery of windows above the
mihrab all harp on the theme of light. Indeed, the Sufis developed around the Light Verse (Qur'an 24:35),
traditionally associated with mihrabs, an intricate language for describing mystical experience.
output. And while Iznik became the main centre for high-quality
glazed pottery, ot-her provincial production centres declined or were,
indeed, completely eclipsed. But of course the concentration of
ceramic production in a single centre was nothing new in Islamic art.
Recent research has pinpointed the evolution ot the characteristic
Iznik motifs and compositions and has developed a basic chronology.
Although some pieces bear double- or triple-decker Qur'anic
inscriptions, representations of ships, birds and snakes, as well as geo-
metric or chinoisene designs, the favoured subject-matter for Iznik
wares, especially tiles, was floral motifs and the distinctive feathery
204 saz scrolls. Carnations, hyacinths, tulips and other flowers recur in
endless combinations. Set 111 apses m a qibla wall, they turn a mihrab
into a paradise garden. The palette is limited and extremely dis-
tinctive:white, light and dark blue, purple and a vivid tomato or
oxblood red. Most ot these tones are used tor foreground and back-
ground alike. The best Iznik ware owes its reputation to the purity
and strength of these colours, and the decline of the industry can be
detected in the gradual tailing ofl ot colour rather than design.
The of the book in Ottoman times drew their initial inspira-
arts
tion predominantly from those of Iran under the Timurids and their
rivals, the Turcoman Aqqoyunlu, m the later fifteenth century. In
some of the associated specialities - for example, in most Qur'anic
illumination and in the illustration of verse romances - they did not
progress significandy beyond this heritage. But for the most part they
struck out on their own. In the field ot book painting, for instance,
entire cycles ot" religious images were devised, almost for the first
time in Islamic art. This involved the creation ot literally hundreds ot
new images. The Anbiyaname Hook of the Prophets') of 155N is an
early attempt at this genre, but pride ot place naturally goes to the
274
208 Thirst for learning. Back
doublure ot Commentaries on the
Maqasid of al-Taftazani, made
for Prince Bayezid. Amasya,
1477. Several Ottoman sultans
were bibliophiles; itwas a
tradition tor members of the
elite to have libraries, and
respect for knowledge found
expression in luxuriously
appointed manuscripts with
fine bindings. Ottoman scholars
wrote copiously if not
originally on many topics,
especially historiography and
the religious sciences.
276
these elements. Perhaps, like the Fatih mosque in [stanbu
unprecedented scale by Ottoman standards, and the earliest Ushak
rugs, whose complexity represents a quantum leap forward in
Turkish carpet design, the suceess of this ateltei owed something to
the euphoria generated by the tall of( Constantinople, Some ninety
manuscripts dedicated to Mehmed II survive, .1 record total an
Islamic rulers, and this remarkable number provides context tor the
.1
thanks to the holdings of the Topkapi Sarav. Even entire tents have
survived. The sultan's silk robes were used only once and then stored
in the treasury, and a wardrobe-master was
charged with specifically
this task. Official protocol changes of* apparel,
dictated frequent
thereby ensuring that these clothes did not wear out. so that the
principal threat to their survival lay in the conditions of
Naturally, museum standards of conservation did not prevail, but the
range of clothing still preserved is gratitvingh tull though very
clearly not all items were stored to begin with, and the collection
would require frequent sifting. Over ^.S"<» textiles remain.
1,000 of them kaftans. These were woven not just tor rovil use but
also,following an ancient Islamic custom, for distribution
foreign dignitaries and potentates or is means of honouring high .1
209 A tented palace. Ottoman tent. 17th century. Textile architecture, with its immemorial nomadic asso-
ciations, played a vital role in Ottoman lite, as can be gauged from its frequent appearance m contemporary
painting. The fictive arches here themselves evoke textiles - m this ease, prayer rugs.
EL*
-
: Portable mosque. Silk
prayer doth, i~th century It
specify how much craftsmen were paid in cash and kind, and even
the costs of the materials they used rhese were not
.ire recorded,
independent craftsmen or even self-constituted teams operating a
COttage industry: artists serving these gigantU State enterprises were
in effect civil servants. And of course the\ had to conform ( leark
there was house Style to he followed, and while it developed
.1
i.e. ( Chinese) or 'reed pen or 'red flower' style with its serrated
./
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Glossary
amir commander, prince mmmm in institution tor the stud) oi the ortl
arabesque geometricized vegetal omamenl s. hih es
atabeg guardian of a prince; often .1 governor Maghrib tin Muslim
b. son of (Arabic 'ibn*, 'bin'] in. lulling I uiiisia
Medina in <>zz. the date which marks the beginning ol the individual . elk or small ar. lies
hypostyle having a roof supported by multiple columns a Muslim 1 person who follows the n
standard type ofmosque MM 1 book ot writii P
ibn see b. ttttfhhi ursive style oi \rabi< script; 1 scnbal hand
Ilkhan a Mongol mler. subordinate to the Great Mongol masta Kq
Khan loops P
imam spiritual leader, prayer leader, descendant ol phhtaq loft) irch framii fa*** monumental
Muhammad's son-in-law leader oi the Shi ite ommunit\
. 1 portal
Islam submitting oneself to the will oi Allah .j.i.li uall) m matters ot 1 i\ il law
Isma Seveners member- of a Shi'ite group who
ilis or /.j-r
lied nh.il
llll.ld uUtm
khamsa prim S»\«iurs Isma ills
(cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet as the first tiraz inscribed fabrics made in state workshop and often
legitimate caliph presented by the ruler to those he wished to honour
simurgh mythical bird like a phoenix tughra monogram ot the sultan (Turkish)
squinch an arch spanning the corners of a square chamber Twelvers the most numerous branch of Shi'ites in modern
and acting as a support for the dome tinier they believe that the legitimate succession of imams
Sufi Islamic mystic ended with the twelfth imam Muhammad al-Mahdi
sultan ruler, king ulama those who possess knowledge': scholars of Islamic
Sunni orthodox Muslim (see Shi'a) theology and law clerics; the learned class
:
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1
' RMN 105,
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284
Index
illustrations Ardabil 2
Alexandria \<>. ($3, 157 175, 1 80, 196, 199 216, 229
Algeria 61, 169, [84, >
s ~- 2 1 2, 22 1 , 22 I Kiln
papei -•<. 191 I >haki al Mausili, Al
Algiers 184, i8t Baibars 144- 151 castanets \n.
Alhambra vases 1 «v 1 - — - '4^ Baibars al-Gashankir 14 ( au< asiu
Ah J7.6I, 77 •
Bain al Qasrain 14 1
1 eladon $3, 8;
Abneri 1
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Barquq 14''. 1
5
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122, 125, 132, I3 8 -40, Hakim, al- 71, 84; mosque 105-6, 200-1, 81, 155; Khurasan 49-51,94, 135,
148, ISO, 157, 159-60, 72-3, 77, 53* Masjid-i Imam (Shah) 204, 216, 220, 254
162, 167, 176-7, 196-7, Hahma Khatun 1 1 226. 230, 177, 179 khutba 2 1
246, 258 Hama 143, 110 Iskandar Sultan 214. 223 Khwanzmshahs 90, 108, 97
Erzurum 116-7, 88 Hamadan 100, 103, 108 Ismail I, Shah 235, 237, 182 Kirman 92, 212, 233, 237,
Euphrates 36, 38, 228 hammam 72, 200, 268 Isma'U II, Shah 228. 240 249-50, 252
Europe 137, 144, IS*. '57- Haram al-Sharif 148 Isma'ihs 61-2, 73, 77-8, 87, Konya 91, 1 14, 118, 123
160, 174-5, r 90, 197-8, Hariri, al- 129, 162, 273 1 12 Kose Dagh 14 1
208, 212-3, 22 9, 241, 244, Harran 46 Istanbul 100. 21-. 221 Kubachi 221. 252-3, ioj
250, 252, 255-7, 263, 266, Harun al-Rashid 39, 51 255, 260-1, 263-70. 2-4. Kut'.i 12, 41, 57, 59, 2
269-70, 273-4 Hedwig glass 84-5, 62 277-80, 198-9, 201. Kufic 20, 37, 50, 53, 55,
ewer 17, 18, 47, 83-4, helmets 142, 190 203, 205, 20-; see ol<o 59-60, 67, 69, 91, 101-3,
135-6, 151,218,253-4 Herachus 21, 134 Constantinople 131, 135, 165, 176-7,22,
Herat 94- >>2. 214. 217-8, Italy 66. S4, 90. 132, 140, 43
Fars 204-5 220, 222-5. 2 37. 249. 2 157. 179. 198, 210. 224. Kurds i 12. 22N
Fatima 61 hieroglyphu S Bo 229, 2-4
Fatimids 61-5, 67-8, 71-2, Hijaz 24, 58, 72. 1
39 ivory 17. 46. 50, 57. 65, lacquer 241 . 246
74, 76-85, 89, 98, in, Hira 53. 38 28, 146. 1-0. 177-8. 190,
1 lamps 18, 64, 78, 137, 146,
113, 140, 143, 162, 177 holy war ^4. >•';. 111: see 2 16. ^ ;N-r,. 281 .
4J, / ,•-/-_> 149, 152. 156, 172, 190,
Fez, 76, 184, 187, 144-5 also jihad ium 91. 105, 108-9, 16, 1 24S, 270, 279, 120, 210
Firdausi 90, 98, 162, 210, Hulegu Khan 206 120-1, 125. 201. 21-. 232. 1 .ishk.ir-i Bazar 46. 108,
224, 250 Hunemame 2-4. 206 234, 258 206
fire altar 19, 21 Hungary 256. 273 I/mk 255-S. 260. !<•< leather 132, 152, 223, 280
Firuzabad 40 hunting ji-2, 15, 46-749, -:. 1 jo. 204-3 light symbolism 52, 57,
folk art 56, 90, 187 56. 90, 110. 114. 135, 77-8, 146, [56, 172. 19s.
fountains 32, 68, 179, 184, 137, I 53-4. 162. 1
ft '
46 246
188, 194-5, 2 48, 264 223. ::v 250, 278, 1
$5, Jala'irids 212. 221 lustreware 50, 52-4, 60, 63,
Fudain 17-18 135, 175 |.im 1 68, 79-83, 90, 92, 95, 97,
Fustat 12, 61-2, 64,72, 81, hypostyle 120, 2 Jativa v 99. 114. 123. 129, 134,
125 |aus iq il Khaqani 4'' 1 60, 189-92, 202-3, 220,
Ibn 'Abb.:s 95 jawzabi Bi, 1 1<< 250, 252, J6-7, 58-60, 65,
Garjistan 108 Ibn al-'Arabi 243 |j/ir,i 64, 1102, 114. 133 -,\ 148-9, 157
Genghis Khan 196-7, 213 Ibn al-Bawwab $7 9 Jericho \i
Georgia 115, 226, 229 Ibn Bibi 113. 114 Jerusalem 1 2. Madinat al-Zahr.i 64, 82,
Gevas 118, 8g Ibn Khaldun 1 32. 167, 177 144. 148, 199. *56. 272 174-v l8l
Ghazali, al- 87 Ibr.ilnm Suit. in 224 jewels :n. 66, 177-8, 190. madrasa 87, 108, 16-7, 1
Ghazan Khan 198, 200, 201 Qkhanids 196-201, 204-5, 195. -44. -;• I20-I, 124, 144. 166.
Ghaznavids 8, 86-8, 90, 2cx;. 212. j 14. 216, 2 1 v Jews 24. 43, B2, 175, 197-8 187-9, 201, 212-3, 217,
108, 206 221. 226. 229, 273 jihad 4s. 111--:. S4. 19c 1 2 19, 230, 2}2-i, 260, 268
Ghiyath al-DinJami 246 illumination 90- 96, 1 . Jordan 1 B, 50. 33 Maghrib 8, 44, 61, 74, 83,
Ghur 107 99-101. 103. [25, 164-6, ni-i he 1 167, 170, 176-7, 184-9,
Ghunds 90, 108 170, 176. 202. 205. 212. Junaid 221
glass 50, 54, 79, 83-4, 122, 216. 220. 223. 246, 270. magic 54, 99, 124, 156, 274,
136-7, 149, 156-7, 40-I, 4-. \2t K.rb 1
99, /
73
159-60, 165-6, 94, 120 Inal 14S. 1 [6 Kabuhstan 210 M.luli 228
Gothic art 171, 201 incense burners 4-. <;s. h;. Kaiqubad 114. 120 M.iluliv.i,
tl- 61 64, 72 ,
Granada 169, 180, 181, 67 Kahla urn Duma 129. 131. maidan 226, 230, 232-3, 178
189-91, 193, 268, 150-1 India 11. 1-. 34, 40. 50-1, [62-3, 222. 224, 1-4 Malaga 180, 191 -2
Great Khan 196-7 90, 107, 131. 140. 1
50, K.irb.il.i 61 M.dik .il-Adil, al- 135
Greece 21, 38, 80, 82, 133, 159. 20s. 213-4. -- -
k.ishan 92. 94. V s . 202, 246. Malik al-Nasir Muhammad,
212, 255, 264, 279 246. 256, 258-9, 261 249-51; lustreware 202-3, al- 154, 157
Gunbad-i Qabus 101, 105, Inju 205. 209 Mahksh.ih 87, 92
78 Iraq 13-14. 19. 21. 25, 40-1. 1 1 mamluk 123, 138, 151, 1 56
Gur-i Amir 214, 217, 236, 44- v 4-. SO, 56. S9> 68, Klhim>j 239. 242 Mamluks 26, 122, 132, 138-
i6g 83, 86, 89, 100, khan 29. 121. 123. 144, 170, 44, 146, 148-53, 155-7,
Gurgan 99 111-3. 1 16. 122-5. '2~. 212. 230, 234 159-64, 166, 197, 199,
Guyushi, al- 76-7 132, 135. 140. 1S2. 162. Khan Mirjan 213, 168 204-5, 25C)
175, 184, I96, 206. 2 12. khanqjlt 113. 143. 146. 1
4H, Manises 1 89, 191
hadith 51, 220 226-7, 256, 258, 273 219 Mansur, al- 178
Hafiz 246, 254 Isfahan 89, 200- 1 , 212. 214. Khargird 108, 218 Mansunya, al- 189, 146
Hafsids 187 216, 226, 229-30. 232-4. Kharraqan 92, 107, 82 maps 65, 273
hajj 34, 94 236, 240, 246, 249-50. Khirbat al-Mafjar 17, 31-2, Maqamat 129-32, 162, 175,
Hakam II, al- 178 261, 268; Friday Mosque 36. 17-18 212, 273, 101-2, 124-5
286
Maqnzi. .il- 63, 68, 83 1 J7, [96 •>. 1 1 .212. audit)
146 214. 210. 22.
Maqsud Kashani 24(1, -49 moon 77, S 1 , .;j, 1 :(, 1 ; ;_ Nurida 1 1 ;
Marinids s ~\ is f>. nJ
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Mairakeao 180, 18a, 185, Mshatta 1 taomam B, mi il I >m Mi
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s-. Great Mosque 1 B4 19-20 •
256, -'
Muhammad b. Qala'un Parthia 14, 51
Mehmed II .: s s . :m. 2^4. 153, is-; pugrin 1
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Mesopotamia 14. 34. 4f>. uniforms f>v. 116, 1 in. i 2s. IJJ
1 10-1. ii^. 128, 1
143. '46. 148. |S t- 195. pishtaq 101, 103 Qusaii •\1111
K 1111 i.l.in 62
if>2-3. 166, 169, 1 122, I2v. 1 is. it >$, 189, K.ii|i|.i
1
87, lOO, 2<> 4 . 216, 21 B, 142. 1
$3, 162, i-s. 17X. IVs Rashid il I
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Saljuq 39, 60, 62-3, 70-1, Solomon 22. 24-5. 32, 195. tilework 101. 105, [08, 1 14. wall paintings 1 1. 28. 30,
86-92, 94-5, 97. 99-103, [97.204 * 1 16-7, 122-3. UO. U s -
32. 35-6,47. 67-72. U6.
105-6, 108-15, 129, 170, Spain B, 1-. 3 s -40- 4<'>-
54. 162. 187-8, 190, 193. 201. 199. 201. 206. 2 12-3. 233.
201, 204, 206, 218, 220, 59, 61. 63, 69. >>2. 125. 212. 214. 216--. 226. 232. 246. 26s. It. 31, 48-Sl
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246 150, 157, 160. 167, 236. 246. 24^. 2S2. 265. women 32, 4-. 62. 68, i
Saljuqs of Rum 1 1 1 , 11 3-4, 169-70. 1-2. 1-4--. 77, 79. 97- 102. 105. 1
1-.
1 16, 1 18, 120-3, 2 55 1-'/ 18-93 Timur 213-4. 216--. 220. 130. 134-5. 162. [75, 1—
Samanids 39, 50, 54, 92, sphinx 68, B5, 99, 180 224. 226. 255 193. 205, 240, 244. 278,
108, 125, 131, 206 stan ---v 1
59, 190. 195, Timund B, 205. 212. 214. 4. 19,31-2, 45, -0-1. -4.
Samarqand 54-5, 76, 92. 202. 2 1 S: stellar designs 216-v 220-1. 224-j 94, goj, 105-6, 125, 1
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108, 213-4, 217, 219 142. 146. 1 60- 246, 2-2-3 ito-i. 166-7, '.s'e-~. igi
Samarra 39-40, 42-3, 45~7. steel 253-4. 2 No. ig> Tinmal j woodblock prints -1-2. 52
San'a' 48 Sufi, al- 58, 100. 125 Toledo ft-. No- 1. 138 1 1
235-6, 42, 182
Sanjar 87, 97, 108 SufisDl s_ . 9". I 13. -02. Tomb of the Samamds 101. World History 207-9, 214.
Sanskrit 131 225-6, 243. -53-4- 256, 162, 164
Sasanians 14, 18-21, 34-6. 270: see also uiysticimi tomb towers 91-2. 101. wrestling 46, 79, [78
38, 45, 47-50, 56, 58, 60. Sulaiman 13. 24 writing. Islamic 40-1. 43,
70, 87, 125, 133, 197. Suleyman the Magnificent tombstones 62, 76-7, 122 4". 75-6, 1 1-. 1 19. 12-.
199, 205, 234, 248 263. 27 ropkapi Sara. 133, [69, [73.179. '
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Shah Sultan Husain 230, 12-. [32, 139, I<4. 1"2. I urkmctmt.ir /.ingids 1 1 1 -2. [33
232-3, 180 169-72, 1-6. i-v 181, Tursun 1 Zanjan 94
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Shah-i Zinda 217. 219. ; i- [84, iv~. Zaragoi
2 Syria* 21 . 124. 1
37 Lighur : Zavara, I nd.is Mosque 105
Shahnama 70, 90. 98, r 14. Ukhaidir 4 1 . 24 /.iw.inids 187
197, 209-10, 224. 23-. Tabriz [62, [98 iilatita 1 i
] /iggur.its 46
239-40. 1, 165, 166-7, lAfi 206--. 209, 216. jj . Uhigh Beg 214. 217 Ziryab $9
186 'Umax 21 I Zryaratgah 1
Shahrukh 214. 224 Tahm.ivp. Shall 22<' Umayyad 12-14. 16- 1
7, 19. zodiac 68, 90, S4 1
82, 87. 89, 92, 103, 111. Takht-i Sulaiman i<;~ L'/un \ \
4 6. 69, 71
Sinjar 123-4. 96 •
288
•^ WORLD OF ART
Islamic Art and Architecture
On the cover:
ISBN 0-500-20305-9
Detail from a late
Topkapi Sara\
Museum. Istanbul.
Printed m Slovenia
$I6.9S 9 780500"203057'