Leonen

EN BANC
G.R. No. 237428 REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES,

REPRESENTED BY SOLICITOR GENERAL JOSE C. CALIDA,
Petitioner, v. MARIA LOURDES P.A. SERENO, Respondent.
Promulgated:
7
x ------------------------------------------------------------------------ x
May 11, 201
DISSENTING OPINION
LEONEN,J.:
I dissent.
This Petition should have been dismissed outright and not given due
course. It does not deserve space in judicial deliberation within our
constitutional democratic space. Even if the Chief Justice has failed our
expectations, quo warranto, as a process to oust an impeachable officer and a
sitting member of the Supreme Court, is a legal abomination. It creates a
precedent that gravely diminishes judicial independence and threatens the
ability of this Court to assert the fundamental rights of our people. We render
this Court subservient to an aggressive Solicitor General. We render those
who present dissenting op'inions unnecessarily vulnerable to powerful
interests.
Granting this Petition installs doctrine that further empowers the

privileged, the powerful, and the status quo.
A better reading of the Constitution requires us to read words and

phrases in the context of the entire legal document. Thus, the general grant of
original jurisdiction for quo warranto actions to this Court in Article VIII,
Section 5(1)1 should be read in the context of the provisions of Article XI,
Sections 22 and 3,3 as well as the principles of judicial independence and
CONST., art. VIII, sec. 5 provides:

Section 5. The Supreme Court shall have the following powers:
(I) Exercise original jurisdiction over cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls,
and over petitions for certiorari, prohibition, mandamus, quo warranto, and habeas corpus.
CONST., art. XI, sec. 2 provides:
Section 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme Court, the Members of
the Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman may be removed from office, on impeachment
for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other
high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. All other public officers and employees may be removed from
office as provided by law, but not by impeachment.
CONST., art XI, sec. 3 provides:
Section 3. (I) The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power to initiate all cases of
Dissenting Opinion 2 G.R. No. 237428
integrity inherent in a constitutional order implied in Article VIII, Sections 1,
3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 134 of the Constitution.

impeachment.
(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of the House of Representatives
or by any citizen upon a resolution of endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in
!
the Order of Business within ten session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session
days therea fter. The Co mm ittee , after hear ing , and by a majority vote of all its Members , shall submit
its report to the House within sixty session days from such referral, together with the corresponding
resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House within ten session days
from receipt thereof.
(3) A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be necessary either to affirm a
favorable resolution with the Articles of Impeachment of the Committee, or override its contrary
reso lut io n. The vote of each Member shall be recorded .
(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by at least one-third of all the
Members of the House, the same shall constitute the Articles of Impeachment, and trial by the Senate
shall forthwith proceed.
(5) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official more than once within a
period of one year.
(6) The Senate shall have the sole power to try and decide all cases of impeachment. When sitting for
that purpose, the Sena tors shall be on oath or affirm a tio n. When the President of the Philippines is on
trial, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court shall preside, but shall not vote. No person shall be
convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the Member s of the Senate.
(7) Jud g ment in case s of impeachment shall not extend further than removal from office and
disquali tication to hold any office under the Republic of the Philippines, but the party convicted shall
nevertheless be liable and subject to prosecution, tr ial, and punishment according to law.
(8) The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively carry out the purpose of this
section.
C0 NST., ar t. Vl ll, secs . 1, 3 , 4 , 7, 8, 9, 10, I I , l2and 13provide:
Section 1. The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may
be established by law. Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally dem a nd able and enforceable, and to determine whether
or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part
of any branch or instrumentality of the Government.
Section 3. The Judiciary shall enjoy fiscal auto no my. Appropriations for the Judiciary may not be
reduced by the legislature below the amount appropriated for the previous year and, after approval, shall
be automatically and regularly released.
Section 4. (\) The Supreme Court shall be composed of a Chief Justice and fourteen Associate
Just ices . It may sit en bane or in its discretion, in divisions of three, five, or seven Members. Any
vacancy shall be filled within ninety da ys from the occurrence thereof .
(2) All cases involving the constitutionality of a treaty, international or executive agreeme nt , or law,
which shall be heard by the Supreme Court en bane, and all other cases which under the Rules of Court
are required to be heard en bane, including those involving the constitutionality, application, or operation
of presidential decrees , proclamat io ns , orders, instructions, ordin ances , and other regulations, shall be
decided with the conc urrence of a major ity of the Members who actually took part in the deliberations
on the issues in the case and voted thereon .
(3) Cases or matters heard by a division shall be decided or resolved with the concurrence of a majority
of the Members who actually took part in the deliberations on the issues in the case and voted thereon,
and in no case, without the concurrence of at least three of such Members. When the required number
is not obtained, the case shall be decided en bane: Provided, that no doctrine or principle of law laid
down by the court in a decision rendered en bane or in division may be modified or reversed except by
the court sitting en bane .
Section 7. ( 1) No person shall be appointed Member of the Supreme Court or any lower collegiate
court unless he is a natural-born citizen of the Philippines. A Member of the Supreme Court must be at
least forty years of age, and must have been for fifteen years or more a judge of a lower court or engaged
in the practice of law in the Phili ppines .
(2) The Congress shall prescribe the qualifications of judges of lower co urts , but no person may be
appointed judge thereof unless he is a citizen of the Philippines and a member of the Philippine Bar.
(3) A Member of the Judiciary must be a person of proven competence, integrity, probity, and
independence.
Section 8. (I) A .Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the supervision of the Supreme
Court composed of the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice , and a representative
of the Congress as ex officio Members, a representative of the Integr ated Bar, a professor of law, a retired
Member of the Supreme Court, and a representative of the private sector.
(2) The regular Members of the Council shall be appointed by the President for a term of four years with
the consent of the Commission on Appo in tments . Of the Members first appo in ted , the representative of
The solution to address the problems relating to a Chief Justice is for

this Court to call her out or for her to be tried using the impeachment process
if any of her actions amounts to the grave offenses enumerated in the
Constitution.
She also has the alternative to have the grace and humility to resign
from her office to protect the institution from a leadership which may not have
succeeded to address the divisiveness and the weaknesses within.
Granting a Petition for Quo Warranto against the Chief Justice-an

impeachable officer-is not the right way to address her inability to gain the
respect of the branch of government that she was entrusted to lead. This is
clear from a deliberate, impartial, conscious, and contextual reading of the
entirety of the text of the Constitution. This is the unclouded conclusion if
this Court appreciates the true value of judicial independence.
Granting the Quo Warranto Petition as the majority proposes, is

tantamount to empowering the Solicitor General, a repeat litigant representing
the current political administration, far more than any other constitutional
officer. The Solicitor General will be granted the competence to what amounts
to a reconsideration of the determination of the Judicial and Bar Council and
the President as to the qualifications of any appointed judge or justice.
I
the Integrated Bar shall serve for four years, the professor of law for three years, the retired Justice for
two years, and the representative of the private sector for one year.
(3) The Clerk of the Supreme Court shall be the Secretary ex officio of the Council and shall keep a
record of its proceedings.
(4) The regular Members of the Council shall receive such emoluments as may be determined by the
Supreme Court. The Supreme Court shall provide in its annual budget the appropriations for the Council.
(S) The Council shall have the principal function of recommending appointees to the Judiciary. It may
exercise such other functions and duties as the Supreme Court may assign to it.
Section 9. The Members of the Supreme Court and judges oflower courts shall be appointed by the
President from a list of at least three nominees prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council for every
vacancy . Such appointments need no confirmation. For the lower courts, the President shall issue the
appointments within ninety days from the submission of the list.
Section I 0. The salary of the Chief Justice and of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Cou rt, and
of judges of lower courts shall be fixed by law. During their continuance in oftice, their salary shall not
be decreased.
Section 11. The Members of the Supreme Court and judges of lower courts shall hold office during
good behavior until they reached the age of seventy years or become incapacitated to discharge the duties
of their office . The Supreme Court en bane shall have the power to discipline judges of lower courts, or
order their dismissal by a vote of a majority of the Members who actually took part in the deliberations
on the issues in the case and voted thereon.
Section 12. The Members of the Supreme Court and of other courts established by law shall not be
designated to any agency perfonning quasi-judicial or administrative functions.
Section 13. The conclusions of the Supreme Cou1t in any case submitted to it for decision en bane
or in division shall be reached in consultation before the case is assigned to a Member for the writing of
the opinion of the Court. A certification to this effect signed by the Chief Justice shall be issued and a
copy thereof attached to the record of the case and served upon the parties. Any Member who took no
part, or dissented, or abstained from a decision or resolution must state the reason therefor. The same
requirements shall be observed by all lower collegiate courts.
The majority attempts to make a distinction between the detennination

of the qualifications of an applicant to a judicial position and his or her acts
after his or her appointment. For acts in relation to the presentation of
qualifications, the majority argues that quo warranto may be a remedy. For
acts after his or her appointment, it is proposed that impeachment and
conviction may be the vehicle for an impeachable officer's removal.
Quo warranto is, therefore, presented as not exclusive of impeachment.

This is a distinction which cannot be found in the Constitution. It is likewise
contrary to its principles.
Tecson v. Commission on Elections 5 defined quo warranto proceedings

as "an action against a person who usurps, intrudes into, or unlawfully holds
or exercises a public office."
A petition for quo warranto under Rule 66 of the Rules of Court is

required to be brought under the name of the Republic of the Philippines
through a verified petition.6 It may be instituted by an individual claiming a
right to an office in his or her own name7 or by the Solicitor General or public
prosecutor.8 The relevant provisions of the Rules of Court state:
RULE 66
Quo Warranto
Section 2. When Solicitor General or Public Prosecutor Must Commence

Action. - The Solicitor General or a public prosecutor, when directed by the
President of the Philippines, or when upon complaint or otherwise he has
good reason to believe that any case specified in the preceding section can be
established by proof, must commence such action.
Section 3. When Solicitor General or Public Prosecutor May Commence

Action with Permission of Court. - The Solicitor General or a public
prosecutor may, with the permission of the court in which the action is to be
commenced, bring such an action at the request and upon the relation of
another person; but in such case the officer bringing it may first require an
indemnity for the expenses and costs of the action in an amount approved
by and to be deposited in the court by the person at whose request and upon
whose relation the same is brought.
Section 5. When An Individual May Commence Such An Action. - A

person claiming to be entitled to a public office or position usurped or
unlawfully held or exercised by another may bring an action therefor in his /
468 Phil. 421, 461-462 (2004) [Per J. Vitug, En Banc].

RULES OF COURT, Rule 66, sec. 1.
RULES OF COURT, Rule 66; sec. 3.
Dissenting Opinion 5 . G.R. No. 237428
own name. 9
Quo warranto, as used in this case, will amount to a "removal" of an

impeachable public officer. Thus, Article VIII, Section 5(1) should be read
alongside Article XI, Section 2 of the Constitution. The distinction relating to
when offenses were committed is not relevant for purposes of the process for
removal. Concededly, actions prior to the assumption of office may amount
to a crime. However, it is only upon the end of the tenure of the impeachable
officer or after her removal may she be held to account.
The Constitutional design is to balance the accountability of an

impeachable public officer with the necessity for a degree of immunity while
in service that will assure the independence inherent in a republican
government.
The gist of the present majority opm1on is that respondent may be

removed from her position as Chief Justice via quo warranto proceedings and
that this Court can take cognizance of the present petition for quo warranto
pursuant to Article VIII, Section 5( I), which provides:
Section 5. The Supreme Court shall have the following powers:
(1) Exercise original jurisdiction over cases affecting ambassadors, other

public ministers and consuls, and over petitions for certiorari, prohibition,
mandamus, quo warranto, and habeas corpus.10
Then it proceeds to a narrow version of verbal legis or plain reading of

Article XI, Section 2 to propose that there is possibly no other interpretation
other than the removal of the President, Vice President, Members of the
Supreme Court, Members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the
Ombudsman by impeachment is merely permissive.
I disagree.
II
It is true that Article XI, Section 2 of the Constitution uses the phrase
"may be removed," thus:
Section 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme

Court, the Members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the
Ombudsman may be removed from office, on impeachment for, and
conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft /
9
RULES OF COURT, Rule 66, secs. 2, 3, and 5.
IO CONST.,
ait . VIII, sec. 5( I).
and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. All other
public officers and employees may be removed from office as provided by
law, but not by impeachment. 11 (Emphasis supplied)
Fundamentally, when construing the meaning of the Constitution, it is

not only the literal meaning of words and phrases that should be taken into
consideration.
Since it is the Constitution that we are reading, the context of the words
and phrases (1) within the entire document, (2) in the light of the textual
history as seen in past Constitutions ratified by our people, (3) within the
meaning of precedents of this Court, and (4) in the light of contemporary
circumstances, which may not have been in the contemplation of those who
ratified the Constitution, as well as those who participated in the deliberation
and decision of those who voted precedents in the light of their written
opinions, must likewise be considered.
David v. Senate Electoral Tribunal, 12 thus, stated:
Reading a constitutional provision requires awareness of its relation

with the whole of the Constitution. A constitutional provision is but a
constituent of a greater whole. It is the framework of the Constitution that
animates each of its components through the dynamism of these
components' interrelations. What is called into operation is the entire
document, not simply a peripheral item. The Constitution should, therefore,
be appreciated and read as a singular, whole unit - ut magis valeat quam
pereat. Each provision must be understood and effected in a way that gives
life to all that the Constitution contains, from its foundational principles to
its finest fix ings.13
David also underscored that jurisprudence over the text under

consideration must also be taken into account, as judicial decisions that
interpret law and the Constitution become part of our legal system. 14
The Constitution is not just an ordinary legal document. It frames our

legal order. The changes in its phraseology reflect the historical adjustments
of the values of the sovereign. While admittedly, large portions of the
document are consistent with our colonial history, many of the words have
already been interpreted in the light of our own indigenous wisdom. Likewise,
many of the fundamental rights of individuals, groups, and identities find
resonance with normative fonnulations in the international sphere, which
provide this Court with persuasive guidance.
11
12
CONST., art. XI, sec. 2.
I
G.R. No. 221538, September 20, 2016, 803 SCRA435 [Per.I. Leonen, En Banc].
13
Id. at 478---479.
14
G.R. No. 221538, September 20, 2016, 803 SCRA435 [PerJ. Leonen, En Banc].
To focus on the dictionary meaning of the word "may" precludes the

importance of the entire document. It provides a myopic and unhistorical
view of the framework on which our legal order rests. It supplants sovereign
intent to the linguistic whims of those who craft dictionaries.
Of course, no judicial interpretation, which is not supported by any

textual anchor, should be allowed. Otherwise, we unreasonably endow
ourselves with a power not ours. Instead of interpreting, we create new norms.
This is a constitutional power not granted to this Court.
Definitely, the framers of the Constitution did not use the words
"SHALL be removed." Clearly, this would not have been possible because it
would have communicated the inference that removal through impeachment
and conviction was mandatory. Thus, the word "may" should mean that it
was an option to remove, in the sense that it was not mandatory to remove an
impeachable officer. After all, most should be expected to serve out their term
with "utmost responsibility, integrity, loyalty, and efficiency," acting "with
patriotism and justice" and leading "modest live s."15
Neither did the framers use the phrase "may ALSO be removed from
office ... " This would have clearly stated the intent that there were processes
other than impeachment and conviction that would remove a sitting Chief
Justice.
Admittedly, the framers also did not use the phrase "may ONLY be
removed from office ... " However, the absence of the word "only" should
not immediately lead to the conclusion that another process-like Quo
Warranto-was possible. The context of the provision should be taken into
consideration.
First, the process of removal through impeachment and conviction is

reserved only for some officials, notably:
(1) The President;

(2) The Vice President;
(3) Members of the Supreme Court;
(4) Members of the Constitutional Commissions; and
(5) The Ombudsman. 16
This list is exclusive. For all other public officers, the Constitution
allows a process that may be provided by law-not by impeachment.
I
15
CONST., art. XI, sec. I
16
The officers enumerated head significant Constitutional organs, hence,

the need to be independent of other Constitutional organs.
In the same manner, the President enjoys immunity from suit so that he
may be able to exercise his duties and functions without any hindrance or
distraction, thereby giving his office and the country the undivided attention
that they deserve. 17
A more complete picture will be seen if the process of removal of a

member of the Senate or the House of Representatives is taken into
consideration, thus, in Article VI:
Section 16....
(3) Each House may determine the rnles of its proceedings, punish its
members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds
of all its members, suspend or expel a member. A penalty of suspension,
when imposed, shall not exceed sixty days.18
This provision emphasizes the independence of Congress, which, under

the provisions of our Constitution, impeaches and convicts the officers
mentioned in Article XI, Section 2 of the Constitution.
Second, the process of removal is deliberately cumbersome. Article XI,

Section 3 provides:
Section 3. (1) The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power
to initiate all cases of impeachment.
(2) A verified complaint may be filed by any Member of the House of

Representatives or by any citizen upon a resolution of endorsement by any
Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order of Business within
ten session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session
days thereafter. The Committee, after hearing, and by a majority vote of all
its Members, shall submit its report to the House within sixty session days
from such referral, together with the corresponding resolution. The
resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House within ten
session days from receipt thereof.
(3) A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be
necessary either to affirm a favorable resolution with the Articles of
Impeachment of the Committee, or override its contrary resolution. The
vote of each Member shall be recorded.
(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by /
17
Soliven v. Makasiar, 249 Phil. 394 ( 1988) [Per Curiam, En Banc].
18
CONST., art. VI, sec. 16 (3).
at least one-third of all the Members of the House, the same shall constitute
the Articles of Impeachment, and trial by the Senate shall forthwith proceed.
(6) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official

more than once within a period of one year.
(7) The Senate shall have the sole power to try and decide aJl cases of
impeachment. When sitting for that purpose, the Senators shall be on oath
or affirmation. When the President of the Philippines is on trial, the Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court shall preside, but shall vote. No person shall
be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the Members of
the Senate.
(8) Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal
from office and disqualification to hold any office under the Republic of the
Philippines, but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject
to prosecution, trial, and punishment according to law.
(9) The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively

carry out the purpose of this section.19
Clearly, the power to remove an impeachable official, while involving

the interpretation of the Constitution, is not assigned to the Judiciary. It is an
exclusive function of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The House
acts as prosecutor while the Senate will act as the body to try the case; that is,
to receive evidence and vote for conviction or acquittal.
The votes needed are also specified. One-third of all the members of the
House of Representatives is required to impeach, and thus, to file the Articles
of Impeachment. Two-thirds of all the members of the Senate are required to
convict.
There are also required timetables in the impeachment process. This

includes a period of one (1) year after the last impeachment attempt before
any new impeachment charge is brought.
The purpose of the one (1)-year time bar for impeachment is intended
not only to avoid harassment suits against the impeachable officer, but also to
prevent the disruption of public service. If numerous impeachment
complaints are filed one after the other, impeachable officers would be unable
to do their official functions and duties. Important legislative work would be
delayed in order to be able to process the complaints. Gutierrez v. House of
Representatives20 explains:
The Court does not lose sight of the salutary reason of confining
only one impeachment proceeding in a year. Petitioner concededly cites
Justice Adolfo Azcuna's separate opinion that concurred with the Francisco
f
19
CONST., art. XI, secs. 3( I) to (8).
20
658 Phil. 322(2011) [Per J. Carpio Morales, En Banc ].
[v. House ofRepresentatives] ruling. Justice Azcuna stated that the purpose
of the one-year bar is two-fold: to prevent undue or too frequent harassment;
and 2) to allow the legislature to do its principal task [ofJ legislation, with
main reference to the records of the Constitutional Commission, that reads:
MR. ROMULO. Yes, the intention here really is to limit.

This is not only to protect public officials who, in this case,
are of the highest category from harassment but also to allow
the legislative body to do its work which is lawmaking.
Impeachment proceedings take a lot of time. And if we
allow multiple impeachment charges on the same individual
to take place, the legislature will do nothing else but that.
It becomes clear that the consideration behind the intended

limitation refers to the element of time, and not the number of complaints.
The impeachable officer should defend himself in only one impeachment
proceeding, so that he will not be precluded from performing his official
functions and duties. Similarly, Congress should run only one impeachment
proceeding so as not to leave it with little time to attend to its main work of
law-making. The doctrine laid down in Francisco that initiation means
filing and referral remains congruent to the rationale of the constitutional
provision.21 (Emphasis and underscoring in the original)
The numbers required from a collective body were clearly designed to

ensure that the removal of the impeachable public officers requires a modicum
of political will from the elected representatives in both Congressional
chambers. This, again, was a process to shield the heads of the Constitutional
departments, Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman with an
added layer of assurance against suits that could be maliciously filed by
disgruntled parties, and therefore, diminish the independence and resolve of
the impeachable officers.
The process of impeachment was designed as a measure of

accountability for public officials who are not otherwise burdened by the
pressures of maintaining electability. For this reason, the constitutional
provisions on impeachment are placed under Article XI, on the Accountability
of Public Officers, and not under Article VI on the Legislative Department, 22
emphasizing that the process is not merely a check and balance of government
branches but rather a process to hold the highest public officials accountable
to the people.
Third, the grounds for impeachment are weighty and serious, thus:
(1) Culpable violation of the Constitution;

(2) Treason;
21
Id. at 400-401 citing J. Azcuna, Separate Opinion in Francisco v. House of Representatives, 460 Phil.
830 (2003) [Per J. Carpio Morales, En Banc].
22
See also the Separate Opinion of Justice Azcuna in Francisco v. House of Representatives, 460 Phil. 830
(2003) [Per J. Carpio Morales, En Banc].
(3) Bribery;
(4) Graft and Corruption; and
(5) Betrayal of the Public Trust.23
Again, the list is exclusive. The process does not allow removal for any
other crime or misdemeanor. It is not left wholly to the discretion of the
members of Congress. The evidence must infer facts which amount to the
offenses mentioned.
In excluding other crimes, the intent to shield the impeachable officers

from malicious or bothersome suits is palpable. Clearly, mistakes will be
made by public officials. But, while in office, it is indisputable that some level
of immunity is given to the official.
Again, the rationale is plain. Difficult decisions will be made by the

President, members of the Supreme Court, members of the Constitutional
Commissions, and the Ombudsman. In their decisions, there will be powerful
perhaps even moneyed individuals who will be affected adversely. Certainly,
the ideal should be that all the impeachable officers will decide on the basis
of both principle and public good without fear of the detriment that will be
felt by the losing parties. Structurally, the Constitution should be read as
providing the incentive for them to do their duties. Thus, "may be removed"
should be read in the light of this principle. That is, that impeachment and
conviction is the only process. It simply signifies that there may be an attempt
to impeach and it may be successful if the Senate convicts.
Granting this petition as a circumvention of the constitutionally

mandated impeachment process will have the deleterious effect of allowing
untrammeled incursions into our judicial independence. Without the mantle
of judicial independence to protect us, the Judiciary will be substantially
diminished with the courts subject to pos.sible harassment during. th
performance of their duties.
III
Even assuming that this Court can take cognizance of the petition, an
action for quo warranto is limited in time regardless of who institutes the
action. It can only be instituted within one (1) year after the cause of action
arises.24
Rule 66, Section 11 of the Rules of Court is clear and leaves no room
f
23
24
Villegas v. De La Cruz, 122 Phil. 1102 (1965) [Per J. Bautista Angelo, En Banc]; Cristobal v. Melchor,
168 Phil. 328 (1977) [Per J. Munoz Palma, First Di vision].
for interpretation:
Section 11. Limitations. - Nothing contained in this Rule shall be

construed to authorize an action against a public officer or employee for
his ouster from office unless the same be commenced within one (I) year
after the cause of such ouste,: or the right of' the petitioner to hold such
office or position, arose; nor to authorize an action for damages in
accordance with the provisions of the next preceding section unless the
same be commenced within one (I) year after the entry of the judgment
establishing the petitioner's right to the office in question. 25 (Emphasis
supplied)
It is in the public's best interest that questions regarding title to public

office be resolved and laid to rest as soon as possible. This is the rationale
behind the one (1)-year prescriptive period. Public service demands stability
and consistency.
In the same manner, public officers cannot rest easy with the threat of
being unseated at any time looming over their heads. The right of civil
servants to occupy their seats must not be subjected to constant uncertainty.
A public officer cannot afford to be distracted from his or her duties. When
public officers cannot do their work effectively, it is not just the office that
deteriorates. The nature of the office is such that it is the public that is
inconvenienced and ultimately suffers.
It is, thus, imperative that a quo warranto petition be filed within the
one (1 )-year prescriptive period so as to establish immediately and with
finality any nagging questions regarding title to public office.
In Villegas v. De la Cruz,26 this Court stated that "it is not proper that
the title to a public office be subjected to continued uncertainty for the
people's interest requires that such right be determined as speedily as
possible."27
The public policy behind the prescriptive period for quo warranto
proceedings was emphasized in Unabia v. City Mayor28 :
[I]n actions of quo warranto involving right to an office, the action must be
instituted within the period of one year. This has been the law in the island
since 1901, the period having been originally fixed in section 216 of the
Code of Civil Procedure (Act No. 190). We find this provision to be an
expression of policy on the part of the State that persons claiming a right to
an office of which they are illegally dispossessed should immediately take
steps to recover said office and that if they do not do so within a period of
25
26
122 PhiI. 1102 ( 1965) [Per J. Bautista Angelo, En Banc].
27
Id.at1105.
28
99 Phil. 253 ( I 956) [Per J. Labrador, En Banc].
one year, they shall be considered as having lost their right thereto by
abandonment. There are weighty reasons of public policy and convenience
that demand the adoption of a similar period for persons claiming rights to
positions in the civil service. There must be stability in the service so that
public business may be unduly retarded,· delays in the statement of the right
to positions in the service must be discouraged.29 (Emphasis supplied)
Unabia also emphasized the importance of protecting public funds,

hence, the government cannot compensate an unqualified officer:
Further, the Government must be immediately informed or advised

if any person claims to be entitled to an office or a position in the civil
service as against another actually holding it, so that the Government may
not be faced with the predicament of having to pay two salaries, one, for the
person actually holding the office, although illegally, and another, for one
not actually rendering service although entitled to do so.30
The importance of protecting public funds and maintaining stability in

the government is reiterated in Pinullar v. President of Senate3 1 and De la
Cerna v. Osmena.32
In Pinullar:
While the court exhorts the institution of the corresponding action

for the redress of wrong or unlawful act committed either by a private
person or an official of the Government, and discourages lacl1es and
inaction, such relief must be sought for within a reasonable period;
otherwise any remedy to which he may be entitled would be denied him for
his apparent loss of interest, or waiver, or even acquiescence on his part
(Mesias vs. Jover, 97 Phil., 899; 51 Off. Gaz [12] 6171). The rationale of
this doctrine is given when this Court said:
"... , the Government must be immediately informed or

advised if any person claims to be entitled to an office or a
position in the civil service as against another actually
holding it, so that the Government may not be faced with the
predicament of having to pay two salaries, one, for the
person actually holding the office, although illegally, and
another, for one not actually rendering service although
entitled to do so ... "33
In De la Cerna:
In his petition for mandamus, dated May 5, 1956, as well as in his

amended petition , dated June 26, 1956, petitioner-appellant alleged that
Administrative Case No. 22 of the municipal board of the City of Cebu was
29
Id. at 257.
30
Id. at 257-258.
31
104 Phil. 131 (1958) [PerJ. Felix, En Banc].
32
I 05 Phil. 774 (I 959) [Per J. Montemayor, En Banc] .
JJ I 04 Phil. 13 I , 135 (1958) [Per J. Felix, En Banc).
still pending investigation and awaiting judgment or decision. On the other

hand, in their answer to his petition for mandamus, respondents therein
equally alleged that in said Administrative Case No. 22, petitioner-appellant
was found guilty of the charges and as a result the municipal board
dismissed him from the service. For lack of evidence, we are unable to
make a finding on this controverted point, not knowing which of the
conflicting allegations should be accepted. However, it is a fact that
appellant's position was duly abolished and that due to said abolitions, he
was separated from the service on October 10, 1953, and as already stated,
he filed this action for reinstatement and for the payment of back salaries,
only on May 10, 1956, after a period of almost three years.
Following the doctrine laid down in the case of Unabia vs. City
Mayor, supra, and other cases, where we held that "any person claiming
right to a position in the civil service should also be required to file his
petition for reinstatement within the period of one year, otherwise he is
thereby considered as having abandoned his office" , we find no error in the
two appealed orders, and, consequently, hereby affirm the same.34 (Citation
omitted)
An action for quo warranto should be promptly filed and persons who
claim a right to the office occupied by a supposed usurper should do so within
the provided period, lest they be deemed to have abandoned35 their right.
The majority refers to Article 1108(4) of the Civil Code to support their
stand that the prescriptive period for filing the quo warranto petition has not
yet prescribed and will never prescribe because prescription does not lie
against the State.
I cannot agree.
Article 1108(4) of the Civil Code provides:
Article 1108. Prescription, both acquisitive and extinctive, runs against:
(1) Minors and other incapacitated persons who have parents, guardians or
other legal representatives;
(2) Absentees who have administrators, either appointed by them before
their disappearance, or appointed by the courts;
(3) Persons living abroad, who have managers or administrators;
(4) .Juridical persons, except the State and its subdivisions.
Persons who are disqualified from administering their property have

a right to claim damages from their legal representatives whose negligence
has been the cause of prescription. 36 (Emphasis supplied)
3
105 Phil. 774, 776 ( 1959) [Per J. Montemayor, En Banc).
/
35
Castro v. Del Rosari o, 125 Phil. 611 (1967) [Per J. Makalintal, En Banc].
36
CIVIL CODE, art. 11 08.
However, Article 1108(4) refers to acqms1t1ve and extinctive

prescription as regards the acquisition or ownership of real rights, and not
prescription in general. Article 1108 can be found in Book III of the Civil
Code which relates to the different modes of acquiring ownership.
The ownership referred to in Book III of the Civil Code is ownership

of real property, personal property, and intellectual creations. It is
preposterous to include the position of Chief Justice within the coverage of
Book III of the Civil Code, since a public office is not a property right, hence,
no proprietary title can attach to it.37
Furthennore, a quick review of jurispr udence 38 shows that the phrase

"Prescription does not lie against the State" was limited to actions of reversion
to the public domain of lands which were fraudulently granted to private
individuals and not in all actions instituted by the State, as the majority has
mistakenly concluded.
Republic v. Court of Appeals 39 emphasized that the State's action to

recover its own property is imprescriptible:
And in so far as the timeliness of the action of the Government is

concerned, it is basic that prescription does not run against the State (Article
1108, Civil Code; Republic vs. Rodriguez, L-18967, January 31, 1966, 16
SCRA 53). The case law has also been:
"When the government is the real party in interest,

and is proceeding mainly to assert its own rights and recover
its own property, there can be no defense on the ground of
limitation or limitation" (Government of the U.S. vs. Judge
of First Instance of Pampanga, 49 Phil. 495, 500; Republic
vs. Grijaldo, L-20240, December 31, 1965, 15 SCRA 681).
"Public land fraudulently included in patents or

certificates of title may be recovered or reverted to the State
in accordance with Section 101 of the Public Land Act.
Prescription does not lie against the State in such cases/or
the Statute of Limitations does not run against the State. The
37
Civil Service Commission v. Javi er, 570 Phil. 89 (2008) [Per J. Austr ia-Martin ez, En Banc] citing
Montesclaros v. Commission on Election s, 433 Phil. 620 (2002) [Per J. Carpio, En Banc].
38
Republic of the Philippines v. Animas, 155 Phil. 470 (1974) [Per J. Esguerra, First Division]; Republic v.
Court of Appeals, 253 Phil 698 (1989) [Per J. Melencio-Herrera, Second Division]; Reyes v. Court o/
Appeals , 356 Phil 606 ( 1998) [Per J. Ma1i inez, Second Division]; Republic of the Philippines v. Court of
Appeals, 327 Phil 852 (1996) [Per J. Davide, Jr., Third Division]; Dela Cruz v. Court of Appeals, 349
Phil. 898 (1998) [Per J. Romero, Third Division]; East Asia Traders Inc . v. Republic of the Philippines.
477 Phil 848 (2004) (Per .I. Sand oval- G ut ie rrez, Second Divisi on) ; Pe/be/ Manufacturing Corporation
v. Court of Appeals , 529 Phil 192 (2006) [Per J. Puno, Second Division); Heirs of Parasac v. Republic
of the Philippines, 523 Phil 164 (2006) [Per J. Chico-Nazario, First Division]; Samahan ng Masang
Pilipino sa Makati. Inc. v. Bases Conversion Development Authority, 542 Phil 86 (2007) [Per J. Velasco,
Jr., Second Divi sion) ; land Bank of the Philippines v. Republic of the Philippine s, 567 Phil 427 (2008)
[Per J. Reyes, R.T., Third Division]; Yu Chang v. Republic. 659 Phil 176 (201 I) [Per J. Villarama, Jr.,
Third Division].
w 253 Phil. 698 (1989) [Per J. Melencio-Herrera, Second Divisi on].
right of reversion or reconveyance to the State is not barred

by prescription. "40 (Emphasis supplied)
If we were to follow the majority's argument of altogether excusing the

State from the limiting effects of time, then we would be encouraging and
giving our imprimatur to indolence and mediocrity within government
service. This must not be the case and we must always expect more from our
public officers, especially the Solicitor General who holds the honor of
representing the State.
IV
The history of impeachment enlightens us on the balance of values

which have been considered in the removal of the class of public officers
mentioned in Article XI, Section 2 of the Constitution.
Impeachment as a mode of removal of public officers was introduced

in this jurisdiction through the 1935 Constitution. It was carried over from
the American Constitution, which in turn, was carried over from English
practice.41 In 14th century England, impeachment was used by Parliament to
gain authority over the King's ministers who were thought to be above the
law. The proceeding was widely used until the 19 th century, when the doctrine
of ministerial responsibility was established and the Parliament, with a mere
vote of no confidence, could oust an erring officia l.42
While it was virtually obsolete in England, the United Constitution

adapted the proceeding as a "method of national inquest into the conduct of
public men." 43 The American Founding Fathers, however, were careful to
distinguish their proceeding from that of the English. 44 The English form of
impeachment applied to any private citizen or commoner for treason or high
crimes and to the high-born lords for any crime, and thus, was considered a
criminal proceed ing.45 The American form, however, narrowly restricted its
applicability to only "the chief of state, members of the cabinet and those in
the judiciary" and the impeachable offenses to "treason, bribery, or other high
crimes and misdemeanors." Hence, the proceeding was treated differently
from any other proceeding. 46
40
41
42
ld.at713.
See J. Vitug, Separate Opinion in Francisco v. House of'Representatives, 460 Phil. 830 (2003) [Per J.
Carpio Morales, En Banc].
I
Id. citing Michael Nelson, ed., THE PRESIDENCY A To Z, WASHINGTON D.C. CONGRESSIONAL
QUARTERLY ( 1998).
43 Id.
44
Id. citing Michael J. Gerhardt, The Constitutional limits to Impeachment and its Alternatives, 68 TEX.
L. REY. I (November 1989).
45
Id. citing Michael Nelson, ed., THE PRESIDENCY A TO Z, WASHINGTON 0.C. CONGRESSIONAL
QUARTERLY ( 1998).
46
Id. citing Michael J. Gerhardt, The Constitutional limits to Impeachment and its Alternatives, 68 TEX.
L. REY. I (November 1989).
This American form of impeachment was, thus, adopted by the framers

of our 1935 Constitution, which provided:
ARTICLE IX.-IMPEACHMENT
Section 1. The President, the Vice-President, the Justices of the Supreme

Court, and the Auditor General, shall be removed from office on
impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution,
treason, bribery, or other high crimes.
In its current iteration, the provision in the Constitution reads:
ARTICLE XI.
ACCOUNTABILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICERS

Court, the Members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the
conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft
law, but not by impeachment.
Section 3. (1) The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power
to initiate all cases of impeachment.
(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of

the House of Representatives or by any citizen upon a resolution of
endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order
of Business within ten session days, and referred to the proper Committee
within three session days thereafter. The Committee, after hearing, and by
a majority vote of all its members, shall submit its report to the House within
sixty session days from such referral, together with the corresponding
resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the
House within ten session days from receipt thereof.
(3) A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be
necessary either to affirm a favorable resolution with the Articles of
Impeachment of the Committee or override its contrary resolution. The vote
of each Member shall be recorded.
(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by

at least one-third of all the Members of the House, the same shall constitute
the Articles oflmpeachment, and trial by the Senate shall forthwith proceed.
(5) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official

more than once within a period of one year.
(6) The Senate shall have the sole power to try and decide all cases of
impeachment. When sitting for that purpose, the Senators shall be on oath
or affirmation. When the President of the Philippines is on trial, the Chief

Justice of the Supreme Court shall preside, but shall not vote. No person
shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the Members
of the Senate.
(7) Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal
from office and disqualification to hold any office under the Republic of the
Philippines, but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject
to prosecution, trial and punishment according to law.
(8) The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively

carry out the purpose of this section.
Impeachment is characterized as a sui generis proceeding that is both

legal and political in nature. It is legal in the sense that like criminal cases, it
requires basic evidentiary rules and due process. 47 As in administrative
proceedings, it results in the removal and disqualification of the offic ial.48 It
is political in the sense that it is used as "a constitutional measure designed to
protect the State from official delinquencies and malfeasance, the punishment
of the offender being merely incidenta l."49 While the proceeding itself is
nonpmiisan, the powers to initiate impeachment and to conduct trial are
exercised by Congress, a political body that may be susceptible to partisan
influence.50 The sanction also carries with it "the stigmatization of the
offender."51
Impeachment is designed for occasional use, not to be invoked lightly,

but reserved only for the most serious of offenses enumerated under the
Constitution:
[I]mpeachment is the heaviest piece of artillery in the congressional arsenal,

but because it is so heavy it is unfit for ordinary use. It is like a hundred
ton gun which needs complex machinery to bring it into position, an
enormous charge of powder to fire it, and a large mark to aim at.52
Due to its complex nature, "impeachment is the most difficult and

cumbersome mode of removing a public officer from office."53 Factors that
must be examined and considered include "the process required to initiate the
proceeding; the one-year limitation or bar for its initiation; the limited grounds
for impeachment; the defined instrumentality given the power to try
47
See J. Vitug, Separate Opinion in Francisco v. House of Representatives, 460 Phil. 830 (2003) [Per J.
48
Id. citing Akhil Reed Amar, On Impeaching Presidents, 28 HOFSTRA L. REV. 2 (Winter 1999).
49
J. Vitug, Separate Opinion in Francisco v. House c!f Representatives, 460 Phil. 830, 957 (2003) [Per J.
50
Id. citing UP Law Center Constitutional Revision Project, Manila (1970).
51
Id. citing Akhil Reed Amar, On Impeaching Presidents, 28 HOFSTRA L. REV. 2 (Winter 1999).
52
Lecture by United States Court of Appeals Chief Judge Irving R. Kaufman, Chilling Judicial
Independence, Benjamin N. Cardozo Memorial Lectures, delivered on November I, 1978, New York,
1002.
51
See Gonzales 111 v. Office of the President of'the Philippines, 75 Phil. 380(2014) [Per J. Brion, En Banc].
impeachment cases; and the number of votes required for a finding of guilt."54
Proceedings stall legislative work, are costly to prosecute, and result in the
divisiveness of the nation. 55 Thus, impeachment is limited "only to the officials
occupying the highest echelons of responsibility m our government."56
In recognition of the immense responsibility reposed upon the highest

officers of the land, the Constitution has decreed that they may only be
removed via impeachment providing them with a level of immunity while in
office but accountable after retirement, resignation, or removal.
This intention was reflected in the 1935 Constitution which provided:
ARTICLE IX.-IMPEACHMENT
Section 1. The President, the Vice-President, the Justices of the Supreme

Court, and the Auditor General, shall be removed from office on
impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution,
treason, bribery, or other high crimes.
Impeachment was also reproduced m the succeeding Constitutions,

with the 1975 Constitution providing:
Article XIII- Accountability of Public Officers
Section 2. The President, the Justices of the Supreme Court, and the
Members of the Constitutional Commissions shall be removed from office
on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the
Constitution, treason, bribery, other high crimes, or graft and corruption.
(Emphasis supplied)
And the 1987 Constitution stating:

CoU11, the Members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the
conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft
law, but not by impeachment. (Emphasis supplied)
An exception is provided for in the 20 IO Rules of the Presidential

Electoral Tribunal.57 Rule 16 provides: !
54 Id.
s5 Id.
56 Id.
57
A. M. No. I0-4-29-SC (20 I0).
Rule 16. Quo warranto. - A verified petition for quo warranto contesting
the election of the President or Vice-President on the ground of ineligibility
or disloyalty to the Republic of the Philippines may be filed by any
registered voter who has voted in the election concerned within ten days
after the proclamation of the winner.
To the majority, the existence of this rule does not preclude the
availability of a petition for quo warranto to remove impeachable officers. 58
This ignores that among the impeachable officers, the President and the Vice
President are the only ones elected by the public. The rest are appointed
officials.
Due to the highly politicized nature of an impeachment proceeding, it

may be more difficult to initiate proceedings against elective officials who are
members of the ruling political party in Congress. This was alluded to in the
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission where a delegate suggested
that the removal of the President should be by a nonpolitical judicial tribunal:
On impeachment,; Mr. Guingona stated that elective officials are

difficult to impeach, particularly the President, as he may be a member of
the ruling party in the Senate. He advanced the view of the 1971
Constitutional Revision Project by stating that impeachment cases should
be heard by a nonpolitical and highly qualified judicial tribunal, citing
instances to prove his point.59
Another point to consider would be the vast difference in the

qualifications required of each office. In order to be qualified to run as
President or Vice President, the candidates must possess the following
qualifications:
Section 2. No person may be elected President unless he is a natural-born

citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least
forty years of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines
for at least ten years immediately preceding such election.
Section 3. There shall be a Vice-President who shall have the same

qualifications and term of office and be elected with and in the same manner
as the President. He may be removed from office in the same manner as the
President.60
The Constitution does not provide any other qualifications. Thus, any
person who fulfills these minimum requirements will be considered a
candidate. Otherwise, former President Joseph E. Estrada, who was not a
college graduate, and former President Corazon C. Aquino, who had no
58
Maiority opinion, pp. 48-50.
59
1986 Constitutional Deliberations, Journal No. 40, Vol. I, July 26, 1986.
°
0
CONST., art. VII, secs. 2 and 3.
political experience,61 would not have even been allowed on the ballot.
Furthermore, the process of presenting a protest against the President

and Vice President is uniquely provided by the Constitution. Thus in Article
VII, Section 4, paragraph 7:
The Supreme Court, sitting en bane, shall be the sole judge of all
contests relating to the election, returns, qualifications of the President or
Vice-President, and may promulgate its rules for the purpose.
In contrast, Members of the Supreme Court and the Ombudsman must

not only possess the minimum requirements under the Constitution, but must
also undergo a rigorous vetting process by the Judicial and Bar Council.62
An applicant must submit an application to the Judicial and Bar Council

within 90 days from a vacancy. 63 The list of applicants who fulfill the
minimum requirements is published in two (2) newspapers of general
circulation. The publication is to inform and to give the public an opportunity
to raise any complaint or opposition against any of the listed cand idates.64 The
applications are then thoroughly examined by the Council,65 which looks into
the candidates' "educational preparation, relevant experience, work
performance and performance ratings." It also looks into "other relevant
accomplishments such as the completion of the Prejudicature Program of the
Philippine Judicial Academy," 66 background checks, 67 validated testimonies
of reputable officials and impartial organizations,68 comprehensive medical
examinations and psychological evalu ation,69 written evaluative
70 7 1
examinations, and public in terviews. The Council then deliberates and
72
conducts a final voting on nominations. A candidate must gamer at least
four (4) votes from the Council before he or she can even be included in the
short list.73
61
Veronica Palumbarit, Past PHL presidents: Many were lawyers, one a housewife, another a mechanic, /_
GMA NEWS ONLINE , December 1 7, 2015
<http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/spec ialr eports/548 l 56/past-phl-presidents-many-were
lawyers-one-a-housewife-another-a-mechanic/story/> (last accessed May 7, 2018).
62
See C ONST., art. VIII, sec. 9 and art. XI, sec. 9.
63
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule I, sec. I.
64
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule I, sec. 8.
65
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule 3, rule 4, and rule 5.
66
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule I, sec. I .
67
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule 4, sec. 2.
68
69
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule 6.
70
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule 7, sec. I.
71
72
The Revised Rules of the Judicial and Bar Council (2016), rule 8, sec. I .
73
Members of Constitutional Commissions, on the other hand, are

appointed with the consent of the Commission on Appointments. 74 Under
Article VII, Section 18 of the Constitution:
Section 18: There shall be a Commission on Appointments

consisting of the President of the Senate, as ex officio Chairman, twelve
Senators and twelve Members of the House of Representatives, elected by
each House on the basis of proportional representation from the political
parties and parties or organizations registered under the party-list system
represented therein. The Chairman of the Commission shall not vote,
except in case of a tie. The Commission shall act on all appointments
submitted to it within thirty session days of the Congress from their
submission. The Commission shall rule by a majority vote of all the
Members.
While the Commission on Appointments consists of members of

Congress, it is considered to be a constitutional body independent of
Congress. Pimentel v. Enrile75 explains:
The Commission on Appointments is a creature of the Constitution.

Although its membership is confined to members of Congress, said
Commission is independent of Congress. The powers of the Commission
do not come from Congress, but emanate directly from the Constitution.
Hence, it is not an agent of Congress. In fact, the functions of the
Commissioner are purely executive in nature.76
All nominations or appointments submitted for approval to the

Commission on Appointments must submit papers or documents containing a
family background and curriculum vitae. 77 In addition, the nominees or
appointees must submit the following papers and documents:
a) Disclosure, under oath, of kinship with any appointive or elective official

in the Government, including government-owned or controlled
corporations, occupying positions down to the directorship level, within the
fourth degree of consanguinity or affinity;
b) Copies of Income Tax Returns for the four (4) immediately preceding
fiscal years;
c) Verified statements of assets and liabilities for the four (4) immediately
preceding fiscal years, including those of his spouse, if the nominee or
appointee is in the government service; or verified statements of net worth
for the four (4) immediately preceding fiscal years, if the nominee or
appointee comes from the private sector;
d) Disclosure of business, financial, personal and professional connections

74
CONST., art. IX (B), sec. I (2); art. IX (C), sec. I (2); and art. IX (D), sec. I (2).
75
509 Phil. 567 (2005) [Per J. Carpio, En Banc].
76
Id. at 574.
77
2007 Rules of the Commission on Appointments, ch. IV, sec. 16.
and interest for the four (4) immediately preceding fiscal years, including
those of his spouse and unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age
living in his household;
e) Clearances under oath by the heads of the National Bureau of

Investigation, the Bureau of Internal Revenue, and such other concerned
Agencies, as may be required by the nature of the position he is nominated
or appointed to;
f) A medical certificate issued by a duly licensed physician containing

information about the nominee or appointee's physical and mental
conditions; and,
g) Statement, under oath, whether the nominee or appointee has any pending
criminal or administrative case against him.78
A public hearing is conducted 30 days after the referral to the

Commission.79 The Commission votes by viva voce unless a member requests
that the votes should be nominal.80
The Judicial and Bar Council has the sole constitutional mandate of
preparing a short list of nominees for the President. The Commission on
Appointments meanwhile has the sole constitutional mandate of acting upon
nominations and appointments submitted to it. The Commission on Elections,
however, exercises several functions, 81 its primary purpose being to ensure
"free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible elections."82 It is only expected
to assess whether a person running for office fulfills the minimum
requirements under the law.
Once a candidate has undergone the rigorous application process of the

Judicial and Bar Council, the candidate is considered qualified for the
position. To hold otherwise would be to render inutile the constitutional
mandates of the Judicial and Bar Council and the Commission on
Appointments. The removal of ari impeachable officer was meant to be
difficult and cumbersome since it will only be on the basis of impeachable
offenses committed while in office, not any disqualification prior to
appointment. The other constitutional organs such as the Judicial and Bar
Council as well as the President can otherwise read the Constitution and
discern its meaning.
Of the list of impeachable officers, only the Members of the Supreme

Court, the Ombudsm an,84 and a majority of the members of the Commission
83 f
78
2007 Rules of the Commission on Appointments, ch. V, sec. 24.
79
2007 Rules ofthe Commission on Appointments, ch. IV, sec. 16.
80
2007 Rules of the Commission on Appointments, ch. IV, sec. 23.
81
CONST., a rt. JX (C), sec. 2.
82
CONST., art. IX (C), sec. 2(4).
83
CONST., art. VIII, sec. 7( I).
84
on Elect ions85 are required to be lawyers. The members of the Commission

on Audit may either be certified public accountants or members of the Bar.86
Because of this, several disbarment attempts have been made on these
impeachable officials, all of which were eventually dismissed.
In Cuenca v. Fernan, 87 an administrative case for disbarment was filed

against then Justice Marcelo V. Fernan in relation to a case he had litigated
prior to becoming a Justice of the Supreme Com1. This Court stated in no
uncertain tenns that:
Members of the Supreme Court must, under Article VIII (7) (1) of the
Constitution, be members of the Philippine Bar and may be removed from
office only by impeachment. To grant a complaint for disbarment of a
Member of the Court during the Member's incumbency, would in effect be
to circumvent and hence to ran afoul of the constitutional mandate that
Members of the Court may be removed from office only by impeachment
for and conviction of certain offenses listed in Article XI (2) of the
Constitution. Precisely the same situation exists in respect of the
Ombudsman and his deputies, a majority of the members of the
Commission on Elections, and the members of the Commission on Audit
who are not certified public accountants, all of whom are constitutionally
required to be members of the Philippine Bar.88 (Citations omitted)
This Court again reiterated this principle in In re: Gonzalez,89 a case filed
by then Tanodbayan Raul M. Gonzales, requesting Justice Fernan to comment
on the letter of Mr. Cuenco questioning the dismissal of his disbarment
complaint against Justice Fernan. This Court stated:
It is important to underscore the rule of constitutional law here

involved. This principle may be succinctly formulated in the following
terms: A public officer who under the Constitution is required to be a
Member of the Philippine Bar as a qualification for the office held by him
and who may be removed from office only by impeachment, cannot be
charged with disbarment during the incumbency of such public officer.
Further, such public officer, during his incumbency, cannot be charged
criminally before the Sandiganbayan or any other court with any offense
which carries with it the penalty of removal from office, or any penalty
service of which would amount to removal from office.
This is not the first time the Court has had occasion to rule on this
matter. In Lecaroz v. Sandiganbayan, the Court said:
"The broad power of the New Constitution vests the
85
CONST., art. IX (C), sec. 1 (I).
86
CONST., art. IX (0), sec. I.
87
241 Phil. 816 (1988) [PerCuriam, En Banc].
88
Id. at 828.
89
243 Phil. 167 (1988) [PerCuriam, En Banc].
respondent court with jurisdiction over 'public officers and

employees, including those in government-owned or
controlled corporations.' There are exceptions, however,
like constitutional officers, particularly those declared to be
removed by impeachment. Section 2, Article XIII of the
1973 Constitution provides:
'Sec. 2. The President, the Members of the Supreme Court,

and the Members of the Constitutional Commissions shall
be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction
of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery,
other high crimes, or graft and corruption.'
Thus, the above provision proscribes removal from

office of the aforementioned constitutional officers by any
other method; otherwise, to allow a public officer who may
be removed solely by impeachment to be charged criminally
while holding his office with an offense that carries the
penalty of removal from office, would be violative of the
clear mandate of the fundamental law.
Chief Justice Enrique M. Fernando, in his

authoritative dissertation on the New Constitution, states
that 'judgment in cases of impeachment shall be limited to
removal from office and disqualification to hold any office
of honor, trust, or profit under the Republic of the
Philippines, but the party convicted shall nevertheless be
liable and subject to prosecution trial, and punishment, in
accordance with law. The above provision is a reproduction
of what was found in the 1935 Constitution. It is quite
apparent from the explicit character of the above provision
that the effect of impeachment is limited to the loss of
position and disqualification to hold any office of honor,
trust or profit under the Republic. It is equally manifest that
the party thus convicted may be proceeded against, tried and
thereafter punished in accordance with law. There can be no
clearer expression of the constitutional intent as to the scope
of the impeachment process (The Constitution of the
Philippines, pp. 465-466).' The clear implication is, the
party convicted in the impeachment proceeding shall
nevertheless be liable and subject to prosecution, trial and
punishment according to law; and that if the same does not
result in a conviction and the official is not thereby removed,
the filing of a criminal action 'in accordance with law' may
not prosper."
The provisions of the 1973 Constitution we referred to above in

Lecaroz v. Sandiganbayan are substantially reproduced in Article XI of the
1987 Constitution:
'Sec. 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of

the Supreme Court, the Members of the Constitutional
Commissions, and the Ombudsman may be removed from
office, on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable
violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and
corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. All
!
other public officers and employees may be removed from

Sec. 3 ...
(7) Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend

further than removal from office and disqualification to hold
any office under the Republic of the Philippines, but the
party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to
prosecution, trial and punishment according to law."
It is important to make clear that the Court is not here saying that its
Members or the other constitutional officers we referred to above are
entitled to immunity from liability for possibly criminal acts or for alleged
violation of the Canons of Judicial Ethics or other supposed misbehaviour.
What the Court is saying is that there is a fundamental procedural
requirement that must be observed before such liability may be determined
and enforced. A Member of the Supreme Court must first be removed from
office via the constitutional route of impeachment under Sections 2 and 3
of Article XI of the I 987 Constitution. Should the tenure of the Supreme
Court Justice be thus terminated by impeachment, he may then be held to
answer either criminally or administratively (by disbarment proceedings)
for any wrong or misbehaviour that may be proven against him in
appropriate proceedings.
The above rule rests on the fundamental principles of judicial

independence and separation of powers. The rule is important because
judicial independence is important. Without the protection of this rule,
Members of the Supreme Court would be vulnerable to all manner of
charges which might be brought against them by unsuccessful litigants or
their lawyers or by other parties who, for any number of reasons might seek
to affect the exercise of judicial authority by the Court.
It follows from the foregoing that a fiscal or other prosecuting officer

should forthwith and motu proprio dismiss any charges brought against a
Member of this Court. The remedy of a person with a legitimate grievance
is to file impeachment proceedings. 90
The same rule was applied in Jarque v. Desierto,91 a disbarment case

against former Ombudsman Aniano Desierto. In Office of the Ombudsman v.
Court of Appeals ,92 however, this Court clarified that when it stated
"[p ]recisely the same situation exists in respect of the Ombudsman and his
deput ies" 93 in Cuenca, it did not mean that a Deputy Ombudsman was an
impeachable officer:
In cross-referencing Sec. 2, which is an enumeration of impeachable

officers, with Sec. 8, which lists the qualifications of the Ombudsman and
his deputies, the intention was to indicate, by way of obiter dictum, that as
90
Id. at 169- 1 73, citing lecaroz v. Sandiganbayan, 213 Phil. 288 ( 1984) [Per J. Relova, En Banc].
91
A.C. No. 4509, December 5, 1995, as cited in O ffice of the Ombudrnwn v. Court o/Appea/s, 493 Phil.
63 (2005) [Per J. Chico-Nazario, Second Division].
92
493 Phil. 63 (2005) [Per J. Chico-Nazario, Second Division].
9
' Id. at 82.
with members of this Court, the officers so enumerated were also

· constitutionally required to be members of the bar.94
The principle applies to members of Constitutional Commissions that

are also members of the Bar. In Duque, Jr. v. Brilliantes, Jr.,95 a disbarment
case was filed against members of the Commission on Elections for the
allegedly erroneous resolutions that they issued. This Court held:
This Court, guided by its pronouncements in Jarque v. Ombudsman,

In Re First Jndorsement from Raul M Gonzales and Cuenca v. Hon.
Fernan, has laid down the rule that an impeachable officer who is a member
of the Bar cannot be disbarred without first being impeached. At the time
the present complaint was filed, respondents-commissioners were all
lawyers. As impeachable officers who are at the same time the members of
the Bar, respondents-commissioners must first be removed from office via
the constitutional route of impeachment before they may be held to answer
administratively for their supposed erroneous resolutions and actions.96
If an impeachable officer is required to be a member of the Bar,

disbarment would make the impeachable officer unqualified for the position
and would result in his or her removal from office. This Court prohibited what
would be a clear circumvention of the Constitution.
Thus, the rule is that impeachable officers are only removable by

impeachment and no other proceeding. Even the majority concedes this
poin t.97
This is not to say that this Court has never passed upon the issue on the
discipline of impeachable officers. In Espejo-Ty v. San Diego,98 a disbarment
case was filed against Lourdes P. San Diego, an Associate Justice of the Court
of Appeals in 1970 for misconduct as a bar examiner and for falsifying a
public document when she was still a trial court judge. At the time, the
Judiciary Act of 1948 provided that a Justice of the Court of Appeals may only
be removed from office through impeachmen t.99 This Court, in giving due
course to the complaint, stated that it exercises the power to remove any
unworthy member of the Bar, it is Congress alone that can remove from office
the impeachable officer:
94
95
Id.
A.C. No . 99 12 , September 21 , 2016
<http://sc .jud iciar y.gov.ph/pdf /we b/viewer. htm l? fi le =/jur is prudence /20 l6 /september 2016 /99 12. pdt>
I
[Per J. Peralta, Third Division]
96
DuqueJ,: v. Brillantes, Jr. , A.C. No. 9912, September 21, 2016 [Perl Peralta, Third Division].
97
Majority opinion , p. 116. The majority opinion's argument appears to be that while impeachable officer s
can only be removed by impeachment , an officer who is unqualified to be an impeachable officer may
be removed through other means.
98
150-A Phil. 757 (1972) [Per J. Zaldivar, En Banc] .
99
Republic Act No . 296 (1948), ch. Ill, sec. 24 provides:
Section 24. The Presiding Justice and the Associate Justices of the Court of Appeals shall not be removed
from office except on impeachment upon the grounds and in the manner provided for in Article IX of
the Cons titutio n.
And so, in the case now before this Court, the fact that the
respondent is a Justice of the Court of Appeals is no reason for this Court
not to exercise its disciplinary power over her as a member of the bar. The
provision of the second paragraph of Section 24 of the Judiciary Act of 1948
(R.A. No. 296), as amended, that the justices of the Court of Appeals shall
not be removed from office except on im peachment , is no reason for this
Court to abdicate its duty, and give up its inherent power, to oversee and
discipline all members of the bar, regardless of whether they are in the
private practice of the profession, or they hold office in any of the three
departments of our gove rnment , or they pursue any other calling. The
power of this Court to disbar an unworthy member of the legal profession
is distinct and apart from the power of any other authority to remove such
member of the legal profession from his judicial position or from any other
position that he holds in the government. Constitutional or statutory
proceedings for removal from office are wholly distinct and separate from
disciplinary proceedings involving members of a profession.
It is, therefore, Our considered view that the Supreme Court has
jurisdiction to entertain and decide complaints for disbarment against a
justice of the Court of Appeals. But while this Court may order the
disbarment of a justice of the Court of Appeals, it is Congress, and Congress
alone, in the exercise of its power of im peachment , that can remove from
office a justice of the Court of Appeals. 100
Espejo-Ty, however, has ceased to become good law with the

promulgation of Cuenca v. Fernan. 101 In any case, Espejo-Ty was an unusual
situation of disbarment against an impeachable officer who was under the
disciplinary supervision of this Court. The charges against San Diego were
eventually dismissed since this Court found no substantial evidence to support
the allegations. Thus, there was no opportunity to discover whether San
Diego's disbarment would have eventually led to her removal from the Court
of Appeals, despite this Court stating that only Congress had the power to
remove her.
VI
The propositions advanced by the majority threaten and undermine

judicial independence and stability.
Judicial accountability cannot be separated from the concept of judicial

independence. They are, in the words of Retired United States Supreme Court
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, "two sides of the same coin:"
True judicial accountability advances judicial independence and the f

paramount Rule of Law. "Acco untabili ty and independence are two sides
100
Esp e jo-Ty v. San Diego, 150-A Phil. 757, 779 (1972) [Per J. Zaldivar, En Banc].
101
24 I Phil. 8 I 6 ( I 988) [Per Cur iam, En Banc].
of the same coin: accountability ensures that judges perform their

constitutional role, and judicial independence protects judges from
pressures that would pull them out of that role." 102
Lower court judges who have failed to meet the ethical standards
imposed on the judiciary may face administrative10 3 and disciplinary sanction
from this Court. They may be admonished, reprimanded, suspended, or even
removed from service depending on the gravity of their offense. This Court
is specifically empowered under Article VIII, Section 11 of the Constitution,
to dismiss lower court judges "by a vote of a majority of the Members who
actually took part in the deliberations on the issues in the case and voted
thereon."
The same is not true with regard to the members of this Court. Article
XI, Section 2 of the Constitution states that the Members of the Supreme
Court, among others, may be removed from office through impeachment
proceed in gs.10 4 Liability of Members of the Supreme Court for the
commission of a crime or a violation of judicial ethics can only be imposed
after this process. 10 5 This rule is based on the principles of judicial
independence and the doctrine of separation of powers.
In re: Gonzalez106 teaches us that:
A public officer who under the Constitution is required to be a Member of

the Philippine Bar as a qualification for the office held by him and who may
be removed from office only by impeachment, cannot be charged with
disbarment during the incumbency of such public officer. Further, such
public officer, during his incumbency, cannot be charged criminally before
the Sandiganbayan or any other court with any offense which carries with
it the penalty ofremoval from office, or any penalty service of which would
amount to removal from office.
The above rule rests on the fundamental principles of judicial independence

and separation of powers. The rule is important because judicial
independence is important. Without the protection of this rule, Members of
the Supreme Court would be vulnerable to all manner of charges which
102
Sandra Day O'Connor, Judicial Accountability Must Safeguard, Not Threaten, Judicial Independence:
An Introduction, 86 D EN Y. U. L. REY. (2008).
103
Section 6. The Supreme Court shall have administrative supervision over all courts and the personnel
thereof.
104
CONST., art. XI, sec. 2 provides:
Section 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme Court, the Members of the
Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman may be removed from office, on impeachment for,
and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other
high crim es, or betrayal of public trust. All other public officers and employees may be removed from
105
In re: Gonzales, 243 Phil. 167, 172 (1988) [Per Curiam, En Banc] .
106
243 Phil. 167 (1988) [Per Curiam, En Banc).
might be brought against them by unsuccessful litigants or their lawyers or

by other parties who, for any number of reasons might seek to affect the
exercise of judicial authority by the Court.107
The independence of the Supreme Court and of the Judiciary in general

demands that the Members of this Court be removed from office only through
the process of impeachment and no other.
Irving R. Kaufman (Kaufman), Chief Judge of the United States Court

of Appeals, makes out a compelling case in arguing that a judicial mechanism
for the removal of judges weakens rather than promotes judicial
independence. He cautions that a "simpler process for judicial removal, even
one under the control of judges themselves, would eviscerate the
108
independence of the individuals on the bench."
Judges should be free to render unpopular decisions without fear that

the same may threaten his or her term of office. 109 Removal from office
through other lesser means may stifle the quality of judgments and judicial
conduct.
Alexander Hamilton, one of the framers of the United States

Constitution, shared a similar view. He proposed that the members of the
judiciary, in order to be truly independent and to be able to fully discharge
their functions, ought to be protected in terms of their tenure.11 0
In The Federalist Papers No. 78:
If, then, the courts of justice are to be considered as the bulwarks of a limited
Constitution against legislative encroachments, this consideration will
afford a strong argument for the permanent tenure of judicial offices, since
nothing will contribute so much as this to that independent spirit in the
judges which must be essential to the faithful performance of so arduous a
duty.
This independence of the judges is equally reqmsrte to guard the

Constitution and the rights of individuals from the effects of those ill
humors, which the arts of designing men, or the influence of particular
conjunctures, sometimes disseminate among the people themselves, and
which, though they speedily give place to better information, and more
deliberate reflection, have a tendency, in the meantime, to occasion
dangerous innovations in the government, and serious oppressions of the
107
108
minor party in the community. 111
Id. at 170-172.
f
Independence, Benjamin N. Cardozo Memorial Lectures, delivered, on November I, 1978, New York.
109 Id.
1
I() The Federalist Papers No. 78, <http://avalon.iaw.yale.edu/l 8th_century/fed78.asp> (last visited May 9,
2018).
Ill Id.
Another reason that he advanced for proposing permanency in tenure

was to ensure that only the best suited would occupy judicial office. The
judiciary should be shielded from the mediocre:
It has been frequently remarked, with great propriety, that a

voluminous code oflaws is one of the inconveniences necessarily connected
with the advantages of a free government. To avoid an arbitrary discretion
in the courts, it is indispensable that they should be bound down by strict
rules and precedents, which serve to define and point out their duty in every
particular case that comes before them; and it will readily be conceived from
the variety of controversies which grow out of the folly and wickedness of
mankind, that the records of those precedents must unavoidably swell to a
very considerable bulk, and must demand long and laborious study to
acquire a competent knowledge of them. Hence it is, that there can be but
few men in the society who will have sufficient skill in the laws to qualify
them for the stations of judges. And making the proper deductions for the
ordinary depravity of human nature, the number must be still smaller of
those who unite the requisite integrity with the requisite knowledge. These
considerations apprise us, that the government can have no great option
between fit character; and that a temporary duration in office, which would
naturally discourage such characters from quitting a lucrative line of
practice to accept a seat on the bench, would have a tendency to throw the
administration of justice into hands less able, and less well qualified, to
conduct it with utility and dignity. In the present circumstances of this
country, and in those in which it is likely to be for a long time to come, the
disadvantages on this score would be greater than they may at first sight
appear; but it must be confessed, that they are far inferior to those which
present themselves under the other aspects of the subject.112
VII
Courts are the sanctuaries of rights, and not the preserve of political
majorities. They are not representative organs. They do not exist to mirror
the outcomes of deliberations in forums where the representatives of the
majority of our people supposedly prevail. Rather, courts clarify the content
of governmental powers most especially in the context of our fundamental
rights. They are the sanctuaries for law. Courts are the soul of the
government.
The Judiciary is the final arbiter of conflicts between and among the
branches and different instrumentalities of the government. It has the duty to
determine the proper allocation of governmental power and to guarantee "that
no one branch or agency of the government transcends the Constitution, which
is the source of all authority."113 Moreover, the Judiciary acts as the guardian
of the fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed under the Bill of Rights.11 4
112 Id.
113
Angara v. Electoral Commission, 63 Phil. 139, 182 (1936) (Per J. Laurel, En Banc].
114
See Export Processing Zone Authority v. Dulay, 233 Phil. 3 13 (1987) [Per J. Gutierrez, Jr., En Banc].
In Angara v. Electoral Commission: 115
[T]he Constitution has blocked out with deft strokes and in bold lines,
allotment of power to the executive, the legislative and the judicial
departments of the government. The overlapping and interlacing of
functions and duties between the several depai1ments, however , sometimes
makes it hard to say just where the one leaves off and the other begins. In
times of social disquietude or political excitement, the great landmarks of
the Constitution are apt to be forgotten or ma rred, if not entirely obli terated.
In cases of conflict, the judicial department is the only constitutional organ
which can be called upon to determine the proper allocation of powers
between the several departments and among the integral or constituent units
thereof.
As any human production, our Constitution is of course lacking

perfection and perfectibility, but as much as it was within the power of our
people, acting through their delegates to so provide, that instrument which
is the expression of their sovereignty however limited, has established a
republican government intended to operate and function as a harmonious
whole, under a system of checks and balances, and subject to specific
limitations and restrictions provided in the said instrument. The
Constitution sets forth in no uncertain language the restrictions and
limitations upon governmental powers and agenc ies . If these restrictions
and limitations are transcended it would be inconceivable if the Constitution
had not provided for a mechanism by which to direct the course of
government along constitutional channels, for then the distribution of
powers would be mere verbiage, the bill of rights mere expressions of
sentime nt, and the principles of good government mere political apothegms .
Certainly, the limitations and restrictions embodied in our Constitution are
real as they should be in any living constitution. In the United States where
no express constitutional grant is found in their constitution, the possession
of this moderating power of the courts, not to speak of its historical origin
and development there , has been set at rest by popular acquiescence for a
period of more than one and a half centuries. In our case, this moderating
power is granted, if not expressly, by clear implication from section 2 of
article VIII of our Constitut ion.11 6
The Constitution specifically vests courts with the ability to "settle

actual controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable" and, more importantly, to determine whether either of the other
two (2) branches of the government gravely abused its discretion. 11 7
For courts to be able to discharge their functions, impartiality is

required. Impartiality demands freedom from coercion. This requires judicial
independence.
I
115
63Phil.139(1936)fPerJ.Laurel.EnBanc].
11
(' Id. at 1 57- 1 58.
117
CONST., art. Vlll, sec. I .
Judicial independence has been described as a "vital mechanism that

empowers judges to make decisions that may be unpopular but nonetheless
correct."11 8 The Philippine judiciary's historical underpinnings highlight this
concept. In Borromeo v. Mariano: 119
A history of the struggle for a fearless and an incorruptible judiciary

prepared to follow the law and to administer it regardless of consequences,
can be perused with ever-recurring benefit. Since the early days of the
Republic, the judicial system in the United States, with certain exceptions
which only served to demonstrate more fully the excellence of the whole,
has been viewed with pride, and confidently relied upon for justice by the
American people. The American people considered it necessary "that there
should be a judiciary endowed with substantial and independent powers and
secure against all corrupting or perverting influences; secure, also, against
the arbitrary authority of the administrative heads of the government." It
was such a conception of an independent judiciary which was instituted in
the Philippines by the American administration and which has since served
as one of the chief glories of the government and one of the most priceless
heritages of the Filipino people. 120 (Citations omitted)
There are two (2) aspects of judicial independence, namely: decisional

independence and institutional independence.
Decisional independence focuses on the autonomy of a judge and his

or her ability "to render decisions free from political or popular influence
based solely on the individual facts and applicable law."121
The second aspect of judicial independence refers to institutional

independence. As its name suggests, institutional independence puts more
emphasis on the entire judiciary as an institution rather than the magistrate as
an individual. It refers to the "collective independence of the judiciary as a
body"122 from the unlawful and wrongful interference of other government
branches. 123
Retired United States Supreme Court Justice O'Connor enumerates

measures by which individual judicial independence may be secured. The
first approach protects judges from possible retaliation that may be directed
against them while the second minimizes external pressure and political
influence:
118
Sandra Day O'Connor, Judicial Accountability Must Safeguard, Not Threaten, Judicial In dependence :
An Introduction, 86 DENY. U. L. REV. (2008).
f
119
41 Phil. 322 (1921) [Per J. Malcolm, En Banc].
120
Id. at 329-330.
121
Re: COA Opinion on Computation of Appraised Value of Properties Purchased by SC Justices, 692 Phil.
147, 156 (2012) [Per Curiam, En Banc] .
122
Id . at 157.
123
Sandra Day O'Connor, Judicial Accountability Must Safeguard, Not Threaten, Judicial Independence:
Judicial independence has both individual and institutional aspects.

As for the independence of individual judges, there are at least two avenues
for securing that independence: First, judges must be protected from the
threat of reprisals, so that fear does not direct their decision making.
Second, the method by which judges are selected, and the ethical principles
imposed upon them, must be constructed so as to minimize the risk of
corruption and outside influence. The first endeavor is to protect judicial
independence from outside threat. The second is to ensure that judicial
authority is not abused, and it is the core concern of the enterprise of judicial
accountability.124
Considering that the Judiciary is publicly perceived "as the authority of

what is proper and just," 125 and taking into account its vital role in protecting
fundamental freedoms, both decisional independence and institutional
independence must be preserved. 126 The Judiciary's independence becomes
more critical in light of the expanding critical issues it may possibly face.127
The 1987 Constitution sets up a framework that guarantees the

Judiciary's institutional independence.
The Constitution vests the power to promulgate rules regarding

pleading, practice, and procedure, and rules concerning admission to the Bar
exclusively on the Supreme Court. This is in stark contrast with the 1935 and
1973 Constitutions, which granted Congress the authority to "repeal, alter or
supplement" such rules. 128 The "power-sharing scheme" between the
Judiciary and the Legislature was explicitly deleted under the present
Constitution. 129
124
125
Id.
I
Francia v. Ahe/on, 739 PhiI. 299, 3 13 (2014) [Per J. Reyes, First Division].
126
Re: COA Opinion on Computation a/Appraised Value of Properties Purchased by SC Justices , 692 Phil.
147,156(2012) [Per Cur iam, En Banc] citing In re: Ma casaet, 583 Phil. 391 (2008) [Per J. Reyes , R.T.,
En Banc].
127
In dep endence, Benjamin N. Cardozo Memorial Lectures, delivered on November I , 19 78, New York.
128
1973 CONST., art. X, sec. 5(5) provides :
Section 5. The Supreme Court shall have the following powers :
5. Promulgate rules concerning pleading, practice, and procedure in all cou11s, the admission to the
practice of law, and the integration of the bar, wh ich, how ever, may be repealed, altered or supplemented
by the Batasang Pambansa. Such ru les shall provide a simplified and inexpensive procedure for the
speedy disposition of cases, shall be uniform for all courts of the same grade, and shall not d imini sh,
incre ase, or modify substantive rights.
1935 CONST. , art. VIII, sec. 13 provides:

Section 13. The Supreme Court shall have the power to promulgate rules concerning pleading, practice,
and procedure in all courts, and the admission to the practice of law. Said rules shall be uniform for all
courts of the same grade and shall not diminish, increase, or modify substantive rights . The existing
laws on pleading, practice, and procedure are hereby repealed as statutes, and are declared Rules of
Courts, subject to the power of the Supreme Court to alter and modify the same. The Congress shall
have the power to repea l, alter or supplement the rules concerning ple ad ing, pract ice, and procedure, and
th e admission to the practice of law in the Philippines.
129
Baguio Market Vendors Multi-Purp()se Cooperative v. Cahato-Cortes, 627 Phil. 543,549 (2010) [Per J.
Carpio , Second Division) citing In re: Cunanan, 94 Phi l. 534 (1954) [Per J. Diokno, Second Division].
The grant of fiscal autonomy to the Judici ary130 and the prohibition on
Congress from diminishing the scope of the Supreme Court's constitutionally
defined jurisdiction and from passing a law that would, in effect, undermine
the security of tenure of its Members131 are among the other constitutional
guarantees of judicial independence.
Another innovation of the present Constitution is the grant of

administrative supervision over lower courts and court personnel to this Court.
This is a power exclusive to and zealously guarded by this Court.
In Maceda v. Vasquez: 132
Article VIII, section 6 of the 1987 Constitution exclusively vests in

the Supreme Court administrative supervision over all courts and court
personnel, from the Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeals down to the
lowest municipal trial court clerk. By virtue of this power, it is only the
Supreme Court that can oversee the judges' and court personnel's
compliance with all laws, and take the proper administrative action against
them if they commit any violation thereof. No other branch of government
may intrude into this power, without running afoul of the doctrine of
separation of powers. 133
The selection and appointment process to the Judiciary is an appropriate

measure by which judicial independence may be advanced. 134
Aspiring members of the Judiciary are screened by an independent

constitutional body known as the Judicial and Bar Council. It is primarily
tasked to undertake the process of vetting candidates to vacant positions in the
Judiciary. 135
In Villanueva v. Judicial and Bar Council,136 this Court explained the
°
13
CONST., art. VIII, sec. 3 provides: I
Section 3. The Judiciary shall enjoy fiscal autonomy. Appropriations for the Judiciary may not be
reduced by the legislature below the amount appropriated for the previous year and, after approval, shall
be automatically and regularly released.
131
Section 2. The Congress shall have the power to define , prescribe, and apportion the jurisdiction of
various courts but may not deprive the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction over cases enumerated in Section
5 hereof.
No law shall be passed reorganizing the Judiciary when it undermines the security of tenu re of its
Members .
132
293 Phil. 503 (1993) [Per J. Nocon, En Banc].
133
Id. at 506.
134
Sandra Day O'Connor , Judicial Accountability Musi Safeguard, Not Threaten, Judicial Independence:
135
CONST., art. VIII, sec. 8(5) provides:
Section 8. (5) The Council shall have the principal function of recommending appointees to the
Judiciary. It may exercise such other functions and duties as the Supreme Court may assign to it.
136
G.R. No. 211833, April 7, 2015
<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/v ie wer.html?tile=/jur is prudence/20 l 5/april2015/211 833.pd t> [Per
J. Reyes, En Banc].
important role of the Judicial and Bar Council:
As an offspring of the 1987 Constitution, the JBC is mandated to

recommend appointees to the judiciary and only those nominated by the
.TBC in a list officially transmitted to the President may be appointed by the
latter as justice or judge in the judicia ry. Thus , the JBC is burdened with a
great responsibility that is imbued with public interest as it determines the
men and women who will sit on the judicial bench. While the 1987
Constitution has provided the qualifications of members of the judic ia ry,
this does not preclude the JBC from having its own set of rules and
procedures and providing policies to effectively ensure its mandate.
The functions of searching, screenin g, and selecting are necessary

and incidental to the JBC's principal function of choosing and
recommending nominees for vacancies in the judiciary for appointment by
the President. However, the Constitution did not lay down in precise terms
the process that the JBC shall follow in determining applic ants '
qualifications. In carrying out its main function, the JBC has the authority
to set the standards/criteria in choosing its nominees for every vacancy in
the judiciary, subject only to the minimum qualifications required by the
Constitution and law for every position. The search for these long[-]held
qualities necessarily requires a degree of flexibility in order to determine
who is most fit among the applicants. Thus, the .TBC has sufficient but not
unbridled license to act in performing its duties.
JBC's ultimate goal is to recommend nominees and not simply to fill

up judicial vacancies in order to promote an effective and efficient
administration of justice. Given this pragmatic situation, the JBC had to
establish a set of uniform criteria in order to ascertain whether an applicant
meets the minimum constitutional qualifications and possesses the qualities
expected of him and his office. 13 7
The previous Constitutions conferred the power to nominate and

appoint members of the Judiciary to the Executive and Legislative
branches. 1 38
Under the Malolos Constitution, the National Assembly, the President,

and the Secretaries of Government shared the power to select the head of the
Supreme Court:
TITLEX
OF THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT
Article 80. The President of the Supreme Court of Justice and the Solicitor
General shall be appointed by the National Assembly with the concurrence
of the President of the Republic and the Secretaries of Government, and
137
shall have absolute independence from the legislative and executive
Id. at 7- 8.
f
m J. Leanen, Dissenting Opinion in Umali v. Judicial and Bar C ouncil , G.R. No. 228628, July 25, 20 I 7
<http://s c.jud iciar y.gov.ph/pd f/web/viewer.h tm l?file =/juris prudence/20 1 7/july20 I 7/228628.pdf> [Per J.
Velasco, Jr., En Banc].
branches.
A similar appointment scheme was adopted in the 1935 Constitution:
ARTICLE VIII
Judicial Department
Section 5. The Members of the Supreme Court and all judges of inferior
courts shall be appointed by the President with the consent of the
Commission on Appointments.
The 1973 Constitution granted the President the exclusive power to

select and appoint members of the Judiciary:
ARTICLEX
The Judiciary
Section 4. The Members of the Supreme Court and judges of inferior courts
shall be appointed by the President.
At present, appointment to the Judiciary entails a two (2)-step process.

The Judicial and Bar Council submits to the President a list containing at least
three (3) nominees. The President then selects a candidate from the list and
appoints such candidate to the vacancy. 139
The Judicial and Bar Council's creation under the 1987 Constitution
was revolutionary as it was seen as a way to "insulate the process of judicial
appointments from partisan politics"140 and "de-politicize" the entire
Judiciary.141
In De Castro v. Judicial and Bar Council:142
[T]he intervention of the JBC eliminates the danger that appointments to the
Judiciary can be made for the purpose of buying votes in a coming
presidential election, or of satisfying partisan considerations. The
experience from the time of the establishment of the JBC shows that even
candidates for judicial positions at any level backed by people influential
with the President could not always be assured of being recommended for
139
CONST., ati. VIII, sec. 9 provides:
Section 9. The Members of the Supreme Court and judges of lower courts shall be appointed by the
J
President from a list of at least three nominees prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council for every
vacancy. Such appointments need no confirmation.
For the lower courts, the President shall issue the appointments within ninety days from the submission
of the list.
140
J. Leonen, Dissenting Opinion in Umali v. Judicial and Bar Council, G.R. No. 228628, July 25, 2017
<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/viewer.html?file=/jurisprudence/2017/july20 l 7/228628.pdf> 2 [Per
J. Velasco, Jr., En Banc].
141
De Castro v. Judicial and Bar Council, 629 Phil. 629,697 (2010) [Per J. Bersamin, En Banc].
142
629 Phil. 629(2010) [Per J. Bersamin, En Banc].
the consideration of the President, because they first had to undergo the
vetting of the .TBC and pass muster there. Indeed, the creation of the JBC
was precisely intended to de-politicize the Judiciary by doing away with the
intervention of the Commission on Appointments. This insulating process
was absent from the Aytona midnight appointment. 143 (Citations omitted,
emphasis in the original)
Aside from the goal of insulating the Judiciary from partisan politics,
the Judicial and Bar Council was envisioned to guarantee that only those who
are deserving and qualified may be considered for purposes of appointment.
Applicants undergo a rigorous process of screening and selection based on the
minimum standards required by the office or position to which they are
applying and the criteria set by the Judicial and Bar Council.
Aspiring members of the Judiciary must not only have the basic
qualifications under Article VIII, Sections 7( l) and (2) of the Constitution,
they must also be persons of "proven competence, integrity, probity, and
independence."144 The members of the 1986 Constitutional Commission
believed that neither the President nor the Commission on Appointments
would have the time to undertake this vetting process. Thus, the Judicial and
Bar Council was tasked to take on the meticulous process of studying the
qualifications of every candidate, "especially with respect to their probity and
sense of mo rali ty."I 45
Villanueva is instructive:
To ensure the fulfillment of these standards in every mem er of the

Judiciary, the .TBC has been tasked to screen aspiring judges an justices,
among others, making certain that the nominees submitted to the President are
all qualified and suitably best for appointment. In this way, the appointing
process itself is shielded from the possi ility of extending judicial
appointment to the undeserving and mediocre nd, more importantly, to the
ineligible or disqualified. 146 (Citation omitted
In Villanueva, the Judicial and Bar Council's policy of equiring first

level courts to have five (5) years of service as judges before th y may qualify
as applicants to second-level courts was challenged for being u constitutional.
In dismissing the petition, this Court described the rigorous screening and
selection procedure adopted by the Judicial and Bar Council s necessary to
ensure that only the best suited applicants are considered fo appointment.
144
143
145
Id.
CONST., art. VIII, sec. 7(3). 1
J.. Leanen, Dissenting Opinion in Jarde/eza v. Sereno, G.R. No. 213181, August 19, 2014
I
<http ://sc.judi ciary.gov.ph/pdf/w eb/viewer.ht rn l?tile=/jurisprudence/20 I4/august2 14/213181.pdt>
[Per J. Mend oza, En Banc] citing I RECORDS, CONSTITUTIONA COMMISSION,
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES, JOURNAL No. 29 (Monday, July 14, 1986).
I4
c, G.R. No. 21 I 833, April 7, 2015
<http://sc.judi ciary.gov.ph/pdf/w eb/v iewer.htm l?tile=/j urisprudence/20 I 5/april2015/21 I 833.pdt> 8-9
[Per J. Reyes. En Banc] citing Jardeleza v. Sereno, 741 Phil. 460 (2014) [Per J . Mendoza, En Banc].
The assailed policy required by the Judicial and Bar Council was declared
constitutional. It was a reasonable requirement that would demonstrate an
applicant's competence:
Consideration of experience by JBC as one factor in choosing

recommended appointees does not constitute a violation of the equal
protection clause. The JBC does not discriminate when it employs number
of years of service to screen and differentiate applicants from the
competition. The number of years of service provides a relevant basis to
determine proven competence which may be measured by experience,
among other factors. The difference in treatment between lower court
judges who have served at least five years and those who have served less
than five years, on the other hand, was rationalized by JBC as follows:
Formulating policies which streamline the selection process

falls squarely under the purview of the JBC. No other
constitutional body is bestowed with the mandate and
competency to set criteria for applicants that refer to the
more general categories of probity, integrity and
independence.
The assailed criterion or consideration for promotion to a

second-level court, which is five years['] experience as
judge of a first-level court, is a direct adherence to the
qualities prescribed by the Constitution. Placing a premium
on many years of judicial experience, the JBC is merely
applying one of the stringent constitutional standards
requiring that a member of the judiciary be of "proven
competence." In determining competence, the JBC
considers, among other qualifications, experience and
performance.
Based on the JBC's collective judgment, those who have

been judges of first-level courts for five (5) years are better
qualified for promotion to second-level courts. It deems
length of experience as a judge as indicative of conversance
with the law and court procedure. Five years is considered
as a sufficient span of time for one to acquire professional
skills for the next level court, declog the dockets, put in place
improved procedures and an efficient case management
system, adjust to the work environment, and gain extensive
experience in the judicial process.
A five-year stint in the Judiciary can also provide evidence

of the integrity, probity, and independence of judges
seeking promotion. To merit JBC's nomination for their
promotion, they must have had a "record of, and reputation
for, honesty, integrity, incorruptibility, irreproachable
conduct, and fidelity to sound moral and ethical standards."
Likewise, their decisions must be reflective of the soundness
of their judgment, courage, rectitude, cold neutrality and
strength of character.
Hence, for the purpose of determining whether judges are

worthy of promotion to the next level comi, it would be
I
premature or difficult to assess their merit if they have had

less than one year of service on the bench. (Citations omitted
and emphasis in the original)
At any rate, five years of service as a lower court judge is not the only factor
that determines the selection of candidates for RTC judge to be appointed
by the President. Persons with this qualification are neither automatically
selected nor do they automatically become nominees. The applicants are
chosen based on an array of factors and are evaluated based on their
individual merits. Thus, it cannot be said that the questioned policy was
arbitrary, capricious, or made without any basis. 147
Ethical standards imposed on members of the Judiciary strengthen and

promote judicial independence both in its individual and institutional aspects.
The New Code of Judicial Conduct for the Philippine Judici ary148
indirectly secures the institutional independence of the entire Judiciary by
ensuring that individual judges remain independent in the exercise of their
functions. Upon appointment and during their tenure , judges are expected to
comply with and adhere to high ethical standards. Members of the Judiciary
are "visible representation[s] of the law." 149
Canon 1 directs judges in general to "uphold and exemplify judicial

independence in both its individual and institutional aspects." More
specifically, Canon 1, Section 1 mandates judges to exercise their functions
"free from any extraneous influence, inducement, pressure, threat or
interference, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason."
Judges are made aware that personal or even professional relationships

may undermine their independence. Canon 1, Sections 2, 4, and 5 direct
magistrates not to allow personal ties or affiliations to influence their
judgment, whether directly or indirectly:
CANON 1
Independence
Section 2. In performing judicial duties , Judges shall be independent from

judicial colleagues in respect of decisions which the judge is obliged to
make independently.
Section 4. Judges shall not allow family, social, or other relationships to

influence judicial conduct or judgment. The prestige of judicial office shall
not be used or lent to advance the private interests of others, nor convey or
permit others to convey the impression that they are in a special position to
I
147
Id. at 9-l 0.
148
A.M. No . 03-05-01-SC (2004).
14'> Fid el v. C araos. 442 Phil. 236, 242 (2002) [Per J. Yna res-Santiago , First Divisio n].
influence the judge.
Section 5. Judges shall not only be free from inappropriate connections

with, and influence by, the executive and , legislative branches of
government, but must also appear to be free therefrom to a reasonable
observer.
Conversations with family members and other individuals regarding

pending cases are deemed highly improper. 150 Associating with lawyers of
litigants, though not wrong per se, may raise suspicion as to a judge's
independence and integrity. Members of the Judiciary are enjoined from
fraternizing with lawyers and litigants as such action may awaken the public's
suspicion that a judge's personal relations would affect judicial conduct. For
instance, a judge's act of having lunch with a lawyer who has a pending case
before him was considered a ground for administrative sanction.151
It has been consistently held that "the conduct of a judge must be free
of a whiff of im pro priety." 152 Acts that appear to be legal and not wrong per
se may not necessarily be ethical.
Another mechanism against unfit members of the Judiciary, with

respect to collegiate courts, is collective judicial decision making. Kaufman
points out that "[n]o opinion, whether idiosyncratic or exquisitely sculpted
from crystalline premises, can become law without the agreement of at least
half of the author's colleagues." 153
There is another aspect of decisional independence. That is, the

independence of a justice vis-a-vis another justice and even against the
Court's majority.
Judicial independence transcends the doctrine of separation of powers.

It is true that an independent judiciary demands the least amount of
interference from the other two (2) branches save for certain instances. It is
meant to be that way by Constitutional design. However, such a simplistic
view severely glosses over what should be considered a more essential
attribute of judicial independence:
The heart of judicial independence, it must be understood, is judicial

individualism. The judiciary, after all, is not a disembodied abstraction. It
is composed of individual men and women who work primarily on their
own. This is true of trial courts, and no less in higher reaches. The Supreme
150
151
See Re: Conrado M Vasquez, Jr. 586 Phil. 321 (2008) [Per Curiam, En Banc].
J
See Pertierra v. Lerma, 457 Phil. 796 (2003) [Per J. Quisumbing, Second Division].
152
See Castillo v. Cafanog. 276 Phil. 70 (1991) [Per Curiam, En Banc); Dela Cruz v. Bersamira, A.M. No.
RTJ-00-1567, July 24, 2000 [Per J. Ynares-Santiago, First Division); Sison-Barias v. Rubia, 736 Phil. 81
(2014) [Per Curiam, En Banc].
153
Independence, Benjamin N. Cardozo Memorial Lectures, delivered on November I, 1978, New York.
Court, Justice Powell commented, is "perhaps one of the last citadels of

jealously preserved individualism. For the most part, we function as nine
small, independent law firms." The mental processes of the judges, then ,
are those of individuals and not of cogs in a vast machine. 154
The New Code of Judicial Conduct for the Philippine Judiciary guards
the Judiciary not only against possible influence and interference from
litigants, parties, and personal affiliations, but also from influence that may
possibly be exerted by judicial colleagues. Thus, Canon 1, Section 1 requires
judges "to be independent from judicial colleagues in respect of decisions
which the judge is obliged to make independently."
Independence from colleagues with respect to judicial conduct should

be encouraged rather than suppressed, and all opportunities that would nurture
it should be taken.
The personal standards of judges and their "individual sense of justice,"

for one, is essential for the development of law:
For the law to progress it must occasionally adopt views that were
previously in dis favor, and the intellectual foundations are often laid by the
opinions of dissenting judges. A dissent, said Hughes, "is an appeal to the
brooding spirit of the law, to the intelligence of a future day."155
Kaufman warns against the often overlooked but seemingly apparent

peer pressure among and between members of a court:
I have spoken of informal peer pressure as the most effective means

of ridding the bench of its disabled members . But it is clear that the
effectiveness of such pressure-as well as its fairness and the sound
discretion as to when it should be applied--does not depend on a formal
mechanism pitting judge against judge. It is based, rather on the prevalence
within the judiciary of an atmosphere of good faith and collegiality. This
sense of judicial community, itself so vital to the proper functioning of our
courts, would be gravely endangered if judges were compelled to accept the
formal power to discipline their collea gues, thus bypassing impeachment. 156
Allowing a judicial mechanism for investigating judicial colleagues

suppresses candor and undermines the spirit and practice of collegiality that
has been so entrenched in the Supreme Court. Such a mechanism for exacting
accountability threatens and effectively erodes the principle of independence
that the Constitution has protected. rt may even stifle free speech.
154 Id.
1ss I d.
I
1 5 b Id.
Kaufman observes:
Sometimes, of course, ideological disagreements combine with personal

incompatibilities to disrupt the working relationship. These rifts are
unfortunate but tolerable. The other judges muffle the flames, and the
consequences are rarely more severe than a few heated dissents and a mild
increase in the number of cases heard en bane. But add a judicial
mechanism for investigating judges and the problem would be magnified.
A judge might see across the table not merely a working partner but a
potential adversary. The dialogue would continue, of course. In most cases
no change would be detectable. But there would be an inevitable loss of
ji·ankness (f each participant feared that candor might one day build a case
against him.
A judge who feels threatened by the perception that other judges are
looking over his shoulder, not to decide whether to reverse him but to
consider the possibility of discipline, will perform his work with a timidity
and awkwardness damaging to the decision process. Judicial
independence, like free expression, is most crucial and most vulnerable in
periods of intolerance, when the only hope of protection lies in clear rules
setting for the bright lines that cannot be traversed. The press and the
judiciary are two very different institutions, but they share one significant
characteristic: both contribute to our democracy not because they are
responsible to any branch of government, but precisely because, except in
the most extreme cases, they are not accountable at all and so are able to
check the irresponsibility of those in power. Even in the most robust of
health, the judiciary lives vulnerably. It must have "breathing space." We
must shelter it against the dangers of a fatal chill. 157 (Emphasis supplied)
The Supreme Court is a collegial body. As the final arbiter of the

interpretation of laws and the Constitution, it will accommodate all points of
view. Every legal provision given, the state of facts suggested by judicial
notice or the evidence should be independently interpreted and evaluated by
every member of the Court·. Deliberations should be arrived at rationally
within all possible points of view considered. Dissents shape the majority
opinion and jurisprudence is enriched for so long as each member is kept
independent of the others.
Courts also allow even a lone dissent. By tradition, every dissent is

given its space to lay, alongside the majority's majority opinion, its reasons
for taking the other view. No space should be allowed for the dissent to be
stifled by any member of the Court or by its majority in any form or manner.
VIII
Petitioner claims that respondent's failure to submit copies of her /

1s1 Id.
Statements of Assets and Liabilities to the Judicial and Bar Council ultimately
meant that she failed "to pass the test of integrity." 15 8
I cannot agree to this blanket finding, which is based simply on the non
existence of the Statements of Assets and Liabilities.
The qualifications to become a Member of the Supreme Court can be

found in A1ticle VIII, Section 7 of the Constitution:
Section 7. (1) No person shall be appointed Member of the Supreme

Court or any lower collegiate court unless he is a natural-born citizen of the
Philippines. A Member of the Supreme Court must be at least forty years
of age, and must have been for fifteen years or more a judge of a lower court
or engaged in the practice of law in the Philippines.
(2) The Congress shall prescribe the qualifications of judges oflower courts,
but no person may be appointed judge thereof unless he is a citizen of the
Philippines and a member of the Philippine Bar.
(3) A Member of the Judiciary must be a person of proven competence,

integrity, probity and independence.
The responsibility of ensuring that Members of the Supreme Court, as

well as members of all the other courts exercising judicial functions, meet the
qualifications required under the law falls upon the Judicial and Bar Council.
The Judicial and Bar Council was created under the 1987 Constitution,
and it was intended to be a fully independent constitutional body functioning
as a check on the President's power of appointment. Article VIII, Section 8
of the Constitution provides:
Section 8. (1) A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under

the supervision of the Supreme Court composed of the Chief Justice as ex
officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice, and a representative of the
Congress as ex officio Members, a representative of the Integrated Bar, a
professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a
representative of the private sector.
(2) The regular members of the Council shall be appointed by the President
for a term of four years with the consent of the Commission on
Appointments. Of the Members first appointed, the representative of the
Integrated Bar shal I serve for four years, the professor of law for three years,
the retired Justice for two years, and the representative of the private sector
for one year.
(3) The Clerk of the Supreme Court shall be the Secretary ex officio of the
Council and shall keep a record of its proceedings.
158
Pet it ion. p. 2.
(4) The regular Members of the Council shall receive such emoluments as
may be determined by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court shall
provide in its annual budget the appropriations for the Council.
(5) The Council shall have the principal function of recommending

appointees to the Judiciary. It may exercise such other functions and duties
as the Supreme Court may assign to it.
Chavez v. Judicial and Bar Counci/ 1 59 explains that the Judicial and Bar
Council was created to rid the process of appointments to the Judiciary of
political pressure and partisan activities.160 The Judicial and Bar Council is a
separate constitutional organ with the same autonomy as the House of
Representative Electoral Tribunal and the Senate Electoral Tribunal. Angara
v. The Electoral Commission161 emphasizes that the Electoral Commission is
"a constitutional creation, invested with the necessary authority in the
performance and execution of the limited and specific function assigned to it
by the Constitution." 162 The grant of power to the Electoral Commission is
intended to be "complete and unimpaired." 163
The Judicial and Bar Council is tasked to screen applicants for judiciary
positions, recommend appointees to the Judiciary, "and only those nominated
by the Judicial and Bar Council in a list officially transmitted to the President
may be appointed by the latter as justice or judge in the judiciary."164 In
carrying out its main function, the Judicial and Bar Council is given the
authority to set standards or criteria in choosing its nominees for every
vacancy in the Judiciary, 165 as well as the discretion to determine how to best
perform its constitutional mandate. 166
The Constitution provides the qualifications of the members of the

Judiciary, but it also gives the Judicial and Bar Council the latitude to
promulgate its own set of rules and procedures to effectively ensure its
mandate to recommend only applicants of "proven competence, integrity,
probity and independence." 167 The internal rules of the Judicial and Bar
Council are necessary and incidental to the function conferred to it by the
Constitution.
Rule 4 of JBC-009, the internal rules in place at the time respondent

applied for the position of Chief Justice, provides the framework on how the
Judicial and Bar Council will determine if an applicant is a person of integrity:
159
160
691 Phil 173 (2012) [Per J. Mendoza, En Banc].
I
Id. at 188.
161
63 Phil. 139 (1936) [Per J. Laurel, En Banc].
162 Id. at 175,
16, Id.
164
Villanueva v. Judicial and Bar Council, 757 Phil. 548 (2015) [Per J. Reyes, En Banc].
165
Id. at 549.
166
Id. at 556.
167
CONST. a1t. VIII, sec. 7(3).
Section 1. Evidence of Integrity - The council shall take every possible

step to verify the applicants records and of reputation for honesty, integrity,
incorruptibility, irreproachable conduct and fidelity to sound moral and
ethical standards. For this purpose, the applicant shall submit to the council
certifications or testimonials thereof from reputable government officials
and non-governmental organizations, and clearances from the courts,
National Bureau of Investigation, police, and from such other agencies as
the council may require.
Section 2. Background Check - The Council may order a discrete

background check on the integrity, reputation and character of the applicant,
and receive feedback thereon from the public, which it shall check or verify
to validate the means thereof.
Section 3. Testimonies of Parties - The Council may receive written

opposition to an applicant on ground of his moral fitness and its discretion,
the Council may receive the testimony of the oppositor at a hearing
conducted for the purpose, with due notice to the applicant who shall be
allowed to be cross-examine the opposite and to offer countervailing
evidence.
Section 4. Anonymous Complaints - Anonymous complaints against an

applicant shall not be given due course, unless there appears on its face
probable cause sufficient to engender belief that the allegations may be true.
In the latter case the Council may either direct a discrete investigation or
require the applicant to comment thereon in writing or during the interview.
Section 5. Disqualification - The following are disqualified from being

nominated for appointment to any judicial post or as Ombudsman or Deputy
Ombudsman:
1. Those with pending criminal or regular administrative cases;

2. Those with pending criminal cases in foreign courts or tribunals;
and
3. Those who have been convicted in any criminal case; or in
administrative case where the penalty imposed is at least a fine
of more than Pl 0,000.00, unless he has been granted judicial
clemency.
Section 6. Other instances of disqualification - Incumbent judges,

ofiicials or personnel of the Judiciary who are facing administrative
complaints under informal preliminary investigation by the Office of the
Court Administrator may likewise be disqualified from being nominated if,
in the determination of the Council, the charges are serious or grave as to
affect the fitness of the applicant for nomination.
For purposes of this Section and of the preceding Section 5 in so far

as pending regular administrative cases are concerned, the Secretary of the
Council shall, from time to time, furnish the Office of the Court of
Administrator the name of an applicant upon receipt of the
application/recommendation and completion of the required papers; and
within ten days from the receipt thereof the Court Administrator shall report
in writing to the Council whether or not the applicant if facing a regular
administrative case or an lPI case and the status thereof. In regard to the f
IPI case, The Court Administrator shall attach to his report copies of the
complaint and the comment of the respondent.
Petitioner is mistaken in its assertion that respondent's non-submission

of her complete Statements of Assets and Liabilities is fatal to her application
as Chief Justice. JBC-009 shows that the determination of integrity is so much
more nuanced than merely submitting documents like Statements of Assets
and Liabilities or clearances from government agencies.
The Judicial and Bar Council, in its sound discretion, is empowered to

conduct background checks to ascertain an applicant's integrity and general
fitness for the position. It is likewise authorized to conduct a hearing to give
an applicant the opportunity to refute the testimony of an oppositor. Even an
anonymous complaint, which is generally not given due course, can be acted
upon by the Judicial and Bar Council by making it the subject of a discrete
investigation or requiring the applicant to comment on the anonymous
complaint.
It is true that in some cases, courts can put themselves in the shoes of
representative branches to see how policy questions were weighed. But, this
is only to provide them with context-not to supplant decisions. Furthermore,
this is only valid to understand the milieu under which a power granted as a
fundamental right guaranteed is present and must be understood. It is to
sharpen the issues and the context of the ratio decidendi that will emerge.
It is true that the submission of a Statement of Assets and Liabilities

may be implied from Article XI, Section 17168 of the Constitution, thus:
Section 17. A public officer or employee shall, upon assumption of

office and as often thereafter as may be required by law, submit a declaration
under oath of his assets, liabilities, and net worth. In the case of the
President, the Vice-Pres ident, the Members of the Cabinet, the Congress,
the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Commissions and other
constitutional dffices, and officers of the armed forces with general or flag
rank, the declaration shall be disclosed to the public in the manner provided
by law.
This finds its implementation in Section 8 of Republic Act No. 6713, or

the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and
Employees, and Section 7 of Republic Act No. 3019, or the Anti-Graft and
Corrupt Practices Act.
168
CONST., art. I I, sec . 17 provides:
Section 17. A public officer or employee shall, upon assumption of office and as often thereafter as may
I
be required by law, submit a declaration under oath of his assets , liabilities, and net worth. In the case
of the President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Ca bine t, the Congress, the Supreme Court, the
Constitutional Commissions and other constitutional oftices, and ofticers of the armed forces with
general or flag rank, the declaration shall be disclosed to the public in the manner provided by law.
A closer reading of the prov1s1on, however, reveals that the

constitutional requirement is for the submission of a Statement of Assets and
Liabilities upon assumption of office. On the other hand, Republic Act No.
6713169 and Republic Act No. 3019170 statutorily require government
employees to submit their Statements of Assets and Liabilities on an annual
basis.
Concededly, the Statement of Assets and Liabilities plays a critical

function in eliminating corruption in the government and ensuring that public
servants remain truthful and faithful in discharging their duties towards the
public. As practiced however, the Judicial and Bar Council did not always
require the submission of Statements of Assets and Liabilities as part of the
documentary requirements for applicants or recommendees to the Judiciary.
It was only in the year 2009 that the Judicial and Bar Council first
required candidates to the Judiciary to submit Statements of Assets and
Liabilities as part of the documentary requirements. Even then, only
candidates from the private sector, who were applying for a position in the
appellate courts, were required to submit their Statements of Assets and
Liabil ities.171
In the January 20, 2010 announc ement172 for the opening of the position
of Chief Justice following the retirement on May 17, 2010 of Chief Justice
Reynato S. Puno, the Judicial and Bar Council required applicants or
recommendees to submit six (6) copies of each of the following documents:
Application or recommendation letter
16
'! Navarro v. O.ffrce of the Ombudsman, G.R. No. 210128. August 17, 2016 [Per J. Mendoza, Second
Division) summarized the contents of Section 8, Republic Act No. 6713 as:
I
"[T]hat it is the duty of public officials and employees to accomplish and submit declarations under oath
of their assets, liabilities, net worth, and financial and business interests, including those of their spouses
and of unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age living in their households. The sworn
statement is embodied in a proforma document with specific blanks to be filled out with the necessary
data or information. Insofar as the details for real properties are concerned, the information required to
be disclosed are limited to the following: I) kind, 2) location, 3) year acquired, 4) mode of acquisition,
5) assessed valu e, 6) current fair market value, and 7) acquisition cost."
170
Republic Act No. 3019, sec.7 provides:
Section 7. Statement of assets and liabilities. Every public officer, within thirty days after the approval
of this Act or after assuming office, and within the month of January of every other year thereafter, as
well as upon the expiration of his term of office, or upon his resignation or separation from office, shall
prepare and file with the office of the corresponding Department Head, or in the case of a Head of
Department or chief of an independent office, with the Office of the President, or in the case of members
of the Congress and the officials and employees thereof, with the Office of the Secretary of the
corresponding House, a true detailed and sworn statement of assets and liabilities, including a statement
of the amounts and sources of his income, the amounts of his personal and family expenses and the
amount of income taxes paid for the next preceding calendar year: Provided, That public officers
assuming office less than two months before the end of the calendar year, may file their statements in
the following months of January.
171
Ad Cautelam Manifestation/ Submission, Annex 21, p. 15.
172
Published in Philippine Daily Inquirer, p. A14.
Personal Data Sheet (JBC Form 1 downloadable from the JBC Website ... )
Proof of Filipino Citizenship
ID Picture (2x2)
Cert. of Good Standing or latest Official Receipt from the IBP National
Treasurer
ITR for the past two (2) years
2010 Clearances from NBI, Ombudsman, IBP, Office of the Bar Confidant
and employer
Transcript of School Records
2010 Police Clearance from place of residence
Certificate of Admission to the Bar (with Bar Rating)
On June 24, 2010, with Chief Justice Renato C. Corona's appointment

as Chief Justice, the Judicial and Bar Council put out an announcement 173 for
applications or recommendations for the vacant position of Associate Justice
of the Supreme Court. New applicants or recommendees were directed to
submit the following documents:
Six (6) copies of the following:
Application or Recommendation Letter

Notarized Personal Data Sheet (JBC Form 1 downloadable from the JBC
website ... with recent ID Picture (2x2)
Transcript of School Records
Certificate of Admission to the Bar (with Bar Rating)
One (1) copy of the following:
ITR for the past two (2) years

2010 Clearances from NBI, Ombudsman, IBP, Office of the Bar Confidant
and employer
Proofs of age and Filipino citizenship
2010 Police Clearance from place of residence
Results of Medical examination and sworn medical certificate with
impressions on such results
Cert. of Good Standing or latest Official Receipt from the IBP National
Treasurer
The January 20, 2010 and June 24, 2010 announcements for vacancies
in the Supreme Court, the first of which pertained to the position of Chief
Justice, did not require the applicants and recommendees to submit their
Statement of Assets and Liabilities. Despite the constitutional requirement
that a member of the Judiciary should be of "proven competence, integrity,
probity and independence," the Judicial and Bar Council, until recently, has
not consistently required the submission of Statements of Assets and
Liabilities for applicants to the Judiciary.
It was only starting January 7, 2013 onwards that applicants in /

gove1nment service were required to submit their Statements of Assets and
173
Published in Philippine Daily Inquirer, p. B4.
Liabilities for the past two (2) years, while applicants in private practice were
required to submit their Statement of Assets and Liabilities for the preceding
year. Likewise, it was only during the vacancy left by Chief Justice Corona's
impeachment that the Judicial and Bar Council required the submission of all
previous Statements of Assets and Liabilities for applicants in government
service.17 4
Clearly, the Judicial and Bar Council recognized that the Statement of
Assets and Liabilities is merely a tool in determining if an applicant possesses
integrity and is not the actual measure of integrity.
The Judicial and Bar Council's own internal rules recognize that
integrity is a collection of attributes that tend to show "the quality of a person's
character,"175 and as such, the Judicial and Bar Council in its discretion has
prescribed the submission of select documents and formulated other processes
which may allow it to best determine if a candidate possesses the required
integrity for the position.
Jardeleza v. S ereno176 summarized it best when it stated:
As disclosed by the guidelines and lists of recognized evidence of

qualification laid down in JBC-009, "integrity" is closely related to, or if
not, approximately equated to an applicant's good reputation for honesty,
incorruptibility, irreproachable conduct, and fidelity to sound moral and
ethical standards. That is why proof of an applicant's reputation may be
shown in certifications or testimonials from reputable government officials
and non-governmental organizations and clearances from the courts,
National Bureau of Investigation, and the police, among others. In fact, the
JBC may even conduct a discreet background check and receive feedback
from the public on the integrity, reputation and character of the applicant,
the merits of which shall be verified and checked. As a qualification, the
term is taken to refer to a virtue, such that, "integrity is the quality of
person's character." 177
This Court in Office of the Ombudsman v. Racho 178 stressed that the
failure to disclose assets or the misdeclaration of assets in a Statement of
Assets and Liabilities does not automatically translate to dishonesty. Rather,
what the Statement of Assets and Liabilities law aims to guard against are
accumulated wealth of public servants that are grossly disproportionate to
their income or other sources of income, and which cannot be properly
accounted for or explained:

f
174
Ad Cautelam Manifestation/ Submission, Annex 21, pp. 15-16.
175
Jardeleza v. Sereno, 741 Phil. 460 (2014) [Per J. Mendoza, En Banc].
176
741 Phil. 460 (2014) [Per J. Mendoza, En Banc].
177 Id.
178
656 Phil. 148 (2011) [Per .I. Mendoza, Second Division1.
In this case, the discrepancies in the statement of Racho's assets are not the
results of mere carelessness. On the contrary, there is substantial evidence
pointing to a conclusion that Racho is guilty of dishonesty because of his
unmistak ble intent to cover up the true source of his questioned bank
deposits,.
It should be emphasized, however, that mere misdeclaration of the

Statement of Assets and Liabilities does not automatically amount to
dishonesty. Only when the accumulated wealth becomes manifestly
disproportionate to the employee's income or other sources of income and
the public officer/employee fails to properly account or explain his other
sources of income, does he become susceptible to dishonesty because when
a public officer takes an oath or office, he or she binds himself or herself to
faithfully ' perform the duties of the office and use reasonable skill and
diligence, and to act primarily for the benefit.179
It is within the discretion of the Judicial and Bar Council to decide that
the mere failure to file a Statement of Assets and Liabilities or misdeclaration
or omission of assets in a Statement of Assets and Liabilities, without any
evidence of disproportionate or unexplained wealth, cannot be said to be
reflective of one's lack of integrity. I find no transgression of the Constitution
when the Judicial and Bar Council does so.
IX
The Judicial and Bar Council, in the proper exercise of its constitutional
mandate, considered respondent's application and after finding that she
substantially complied with the requirements and possessed all of the
qualifications and none of the disqualifications for the position of Chief
Justice, included her in the shortlist for the consideration of the President.
That process is not being assailed in this quo warranto proceeding.
The validity of respondent's appointment was likewise recognized by

the House of Representatives when it went through the process of considering
the Complaint filed against her and announced the Articles of Impeachment.
Under the guise of this Court's power of supervision over the Judicial
and Bar Council, the majority wants to supplant their own finding of
respondent's lack of integrity over that of the Judicial and Bar Council's
determination of respondent as a person of proven integrity.
The Judicial and Bar Council is under the supervision of the Supreme
180
Court and may exercise such other functions and duties as the Supreme
Court may assign to it.181 This Court's supervision over the Judicial and Bar
I
179
Id. at 164.
°
18
CONST. art. VIII, sec. 8(1 ).
181
CONST. art VIII, sec. 8(5).
Council is further manifested by its composition, wherein the Chief Justice is

its ex-officio Chair,182 exercising overall administrative authority in the
execution of the Council's mandate ,183 and wherein the Clerk of Court is its
Secretary ex-officio. 184 The emoluments of the members of the Council and
its budget are determined and provided by this Court.185
Drilon v. Lim,186 in differentiating between control and superv1s10n,

emphasized that supervision is the authority to ensure that the rules are
followed, but without the power to lay down rules nor the discretion to modify
or replace them. If the rules are not observed, the power of supervision
involves the authority to order the work done or re-done. Supervising officials
may not prescribe the manner by which an act is to be done. They have no
judgment on that matter except to see that the rules are followed.
The Court goes beyond its constitutional role when its actions amount
to control and not merely supervision. The varied composition of the Judicial
and Bar Council is testament to its uniqueness with members that come not
only from the Judiciary, but from the Executive and Legislative branches , the
academe, and the private sector. While the Court possesses the power of
control and supervision over members of the Judiciary and the legal
profession, it does not have the same authority over the Secretary of Justice,
a representative of Congress or a member of the private sector.187
This Court's power of supervision over the Judicial and Bar Council
cannot be read as authority to interfere with the Judicial and Bar Council's
discretion in performing its constitutional mandate . At most, this Court's
supervision is administrative in nature. 18 8
Justice Arturo Brion in his separate opinion in De Castro v. Judicial and

Bar Counci/189 expounded on the fully independent character of the Judicial
and Bar Council:
This aspect of the power of the Court - its power of supervision - is

partic ularly relevant in this case since the JBC was created "under the
sup ervisio n of the Supreme Court," with the " principa l fu nc tio n of
recommending appointees to the Jud ici a ry." In the same manner that the
Court cannot dictate on the lower courts on how they should decide cases
except through the appeal and review process provided by the Rules of
182
183
18
C ONS T. art VII I, sec. 8( I) .
A.M. No. 03-11- l 6-SC , Sec. 4( a). A Resolution Strengthening the Role and Capacity of the Judi cial and
Ba,· Council and Establishing the O ff ic es Therein.
C ONST. art VIII, sec. 8(3 ).
I
1 85
CONS T. art VIII, sec. 8(4).
186
Drilon v. Lim, 305 Phil. 146 (199 4) [ Pe r J. Cruz, En Banc].
187
J. Leonen, Co ncurrin g Opinion in Aguinaldo v. Aq uino Ill, G.R . No. 224302 (Novembe r 29, 2016) [Per
J. Leonardo- De Castro, En Banc] .
188
J. Leon en, Diss ent ing Opinion in Jardeleza v. Sereno, 741 Phil. 460 (201 4) [Per .I. Mendoza, En Banc].
1 89
629 Phil. 629 (20 I 0) fPer J. Bersamin, En Banc] .
Court, so also cannot the Court intervene in the JBC 's authority to
discharge its principaljimction. In this sense, the JBC is fully independent
as shown by A.M. No. 03-11-16-SC or Resolution Strengthening the Role
and Capacity of the Judicial and Bar Council and Establishing the Offices
Therein. In both cases, however and unless otherwise defined by the Court
(as in A.M. No. 03-11-16-SC), the Court can supervise by ensuring the
legality and correctness of these entities' exercise of their powers as to
means and manner, and interpreting/or them the constitutional provisions,
laws and regulations qffecting the means and manner of the exercise oft heir
powers as the Supreme Court is the final authority on the interpretation of
these instruments....190 (Emphasis supplied)
The dissent in Jardeleza v. Sereno191 then stressed that this Court should
observe restraint in reviewing the Judicial and Bar Council's vetting process
so as not to unnecessarily interfere with the nomination and appointment of
its own Members:
By constitutional design, this court should wisely resist temptations

to participate, directly or indirectly, in the nomination and appointment
process of any of its members. In reality, nomination to this court carries
with it the political and personal pressures from the supporters of strong
contenders. This court is wisely shaded from these stresses. We know that
the quality of the rule of law is reduced when any member of this court
succumbs to pressure.
The separation of powers inherent in our Constitution is a rational

check against abuse and the monopolization of all legal powers. We should
not nullify any act of any constitutional organ unless there is grave abuse of
discretion. The breach of a constitutional provision should be clearly shown
and the necessity for the declaration of nullity should be compelling. Any
doubt should trigger judicial restraint, not intervention. Doubts should be
resolved in deference to the wisdom and prerogative of co-equal
constitutional organs. 192
The Concurring Opinion in Villanueva v. Judicial and Bar Council1 93

and Separate Opinion in Aguinaldo v. Aquino 1 94 emphasized that while this
Court has the power of supervision over the Judicial and Bar Council, such
power must only be exercised in cases when the Council commits grave abuse
of discretion.
This expanded power of review, even of independent constitutional

bodies, is expressly granted to this Court by the second paragraph of Article
VIII, Section I of the Constitution:
190
Justice Brion, Separate Opinion in De Castro v. Judicial and Bar Council, 629 Phil. 629, 736 (20 I 0) [Per
J. Bersamin, En Banc]. ·
I
191
741 Phil. 460 (2014) [Per J. Mendoza, En Banc].
192
J. Leonen, Dissenting Opinion in Jardeleza v. Sereno, 741 Phil. 460 (2014) [Per J. Mendoza, En Banc]
193
757 Phil. 534 (2015) [Per J. Reyes, En Banc].
194
G.R. No. 224302, November 29, 2016
<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/viewer.html?file=/jurisprudence/20I6/november2016/224302.pdt>
[Per J. Leonardo-De Castro, En Banc] .
Section 1. The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in
such lower courts as may be established by law.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse
of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any
branch or instrumentality of the Government.
The Separate Opinion in Aguinaldo, in particular, states:
This Court exercises the powers of supervision only through judicial

review over the Judicial and Bar Council and only when there is grave abuse
of discretion.
Nothing in the Constitution diminishes the fully independent

character of the Judicial and Bar Council. It is a separate constitutional
organ with the same autonomy as the House of Representative Electoral
Tribunal and the Senate Electoral Tribunal. Angara v. Electoral
Commission emphasizes that the Electoral Commission is "a constitutional
creation, invested with the necessary authority in the performance and
execution of the limited and specific function assigned to it by the
Constitution." The grant of power to the Electoral Commission is intended
to be "complete and unimpaired." The rules it promulgates cannot be
subject to the review and approval of the legislature because doing so would
render ineffective the grant of power to the Electoral Commission[.]19 5
(Citations omitted)
Nonetheless, the independent character of the Judicial and Bar Council

as a constitutional body does not remove it from the Court's jurisdiction when
its assailed acts involve grave abuse of discretion.
Judicial review is the mechanism provided by the Constitution to

settle actual controversies and to determine whether there has been grave
abuse of discretion on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the
Government. The expanded power of judicial review gives the court the
authority to strike down acts of all government instrumentalities that are
contrary to the Constitution. Angara v. Electoral Commission points out
that judicial review is not an assertion of the superiority of the judiciary over
other departments, rather, it is the judiciary's promotion of the superiority
of the Constitution:
The Constitution is a definition of the powers of

government. Who is to determine the nature, scope and
extent of such powers? The Constitution itself has provided
for the instrumentality of the judiciary as the rational way.
And when the judiciary mediates to allocate constitutional
195
J. Leonen, Separate Opinion in Aguinaldo v. Aquino, G.R. No. 224302, November 29, 2016 [Per J.
Leonardo-De Castro, En Banc]
p
<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/viewer.htm l?file=/jurisprudence/20I6/november2016/224302 Ieon
en.pdf> 3---4. -
boundaries, it does not assert any superiority over the other

departments; it does not in reality nullify or invalidate an act
of the legislature, but only asserts the solemn and sacred
obligation assigned to it by the Constitution to determine
conflicting claims of authority under the Constitution and to
establish for the parties in an actual controversy the rights
which that instrument secures and guarantees to them . This
is in truth all that is involved in what is termed "judicial
supremacy" which properly is the power of judicial review
under the Constitution .196
In order to come within the scope of judicial review, the Constitution

requires not merely abuse of discretion but grave abuse of discretion. The
constitutional transgression must be nothing less than "arbitrary, capricious
and whimsical."197 The extent of this Court's review of the nomination and
appointment process must not be given such an expansive interpretation that
it not only undermines the independence of the Judicial and Bar Council, but
even undermines the President's constitutional power of appointment.
There must also be a time period within which to question any

perceived grave abuse of the Judicial and Bar Council's discretion. In this
particular instance, the act complained of was allegedly committed by the
Council six (6) years ago. The appointee whose qualifications are now being
questioned was appointed by the President of the previous administration six
(6) years ago.
Allowing an agent of the current administration to now question the

previous administration's appointee would set a dangerous precedent. The
current administration can just as easily undo all judicial appointments made
by a previous administration. This will not inspire public trust and confidence
in our institutions. The security of tenure of magistrates insulate them from
the changing political winds. Removing that security renders members of the
Judiciary vulnerable to currying favor with whichever political entity is in
power, if only to guarantee that they remain in office until retirement. The
immeasurable repercussions of this will corrode the foundations of our
institution, to the ultimate detriment of the people.
The independence of the Judiciary should be specially guarded. This is
196
J. Leonen, Separate Opinion in Aguina ldo v. Aquino, G.R. No. 224302, November 29, 2016 [Per J.
Leonardo-De Castro, En Banc] citing Angara v. Electoral Commission, 63 Phil. 139 (1936) [Per J.
Laurel, En Banc] and CONST., art. VIII , sec. I.
197
See Ganaden, et al. v. Court of Appeal s, et al., G.R. Nos. 170500 and 170510- 11 , June I, 2011 , 650
SCRA 117 [Per J. Yillarama, Jr., Third Division] and Ysidoro v. Hon. De Castro, G.R. Nos. 171513 and
190963, February 6, 20 I 2, 665 SCRA I [Per J. Brion, Second Divis ion].
the duty not only of the Court but likewise by the legal profession which
includes the Solicitor General.
The Executive and Legislative departments are constitutional

departments, but they are also political. The Constitutional Commissions and
the Ombudsman have fixed terms, and therefore, are subject to the choices of
a political administration. On the other hand, the justices of the Supreme
Court serve under good behavior and are to serve until the age of 70 years old.
Political departments respond to majorities. That is in their nature since

they act with the next elections in mind . Congress specifically makes policy
choices through the concurrence of the majority in the House of
Representatives and the Senate. The minorities may provide their dissenting
voices on record but they are recorded for posterity and not for winning policy.
On the other hand, the Supreme Court is not political in that way. By
providing for a term until the age of 70, the Constitution ensures that the vision
of each member of the Court is for the longer term, and therefore, that
decisions are made, not merely to address pragmatic needs, but long term
principles as well. The Court is expected to be the last resort even in
determining whether a political majority has transgressed its constitutional
power or a fundamental right of the minority.
In doing so, the Court may be counter-majoritarian but pro-Constitution

or pro-principle. Certainly, when it declares a law or an executive act as null
and void because it is unconstitutional, it will arouse discomfort with those
who are in political power. This Court, thus, protects not only the majority of
the political present but the majority of the sovereign that ratified the
Constitution.
Thus, even the majority of this Court must be shielded against the
majority's power to remove. Their removal should also be done only through
impeachment and conviction.
It cannot be denied that there are dire consequences in granting this Quo
Warranto Petition.
First, the Solicitor General, who is not even a constitutional officer, is

given awesome powers.
Second, since quo warranto is within the concurrent original

jurisdiction of the Regional Trial Court, the Court of Appeals, and the
f
Supreme Court, we will be ushering in the phenomena of a trial court judge
ousting a colleague from another branch or another judicial region or a Court
of Appeals division ousting another justice belonging to another division or

working in another region. The logical consequence is to diminish the concept
of professional collegiality and independence also among lower courts.
Third, this Decision would inexorably empower appellate court judges

to exercise discipline and control over lower courts through acting on Petitions
for Quo Warranto against other lower court judges. This will take away this
Court's sole constitutional domain to discipline lower court judges
Fourth, there will be no security of tenure for justices of this Court who
will consistently dissent against the majority.
Fifth, this precedent opens the way to reviewing actions of the Judicial
Bar Council and the President. It is an illicit motion for reconsideration
against an appointment, even long after the exercise of judicial power.
Sixth, we have effectively included another requirement for the

selection of judges and justices even though we are not constitutionally
mandated to do so. Through the majority opinion, we now require the
submission of all the Statements of Assets and Liabilities of a candidate.
XI
This dissent, however, should not be read as a shield for the respondent
to be accountable for her actions.
The Constitution is not a document that ensures that there be no

dialogical interaction between its various organs. Certainly, there will be
tension between the Supreme Court and the various political branches. This
is not a flaw in the design of a democratic and republican state. Rather, it
reveals the necessary inherent contradiction between those who are elected to
represent the contemporary majority and the court that represents the concept
that there are foundational principles which not even a present contemporary
majority can ignore. Democracies do not do away with discomfort.
Discomfort in a true democratic setting is an assurance that there are
contending voices to be resolved through the constitutional process.
Unfortunately, in her efforts to save her tenure of public office she held
as a priviiege, this nuance relating to this Court's role in the constitutional
democracy may have been lost on the respondent. She may have created too
much of a political narrative which elided her own accountability and
backgrounded her responsibilities as a member of this Court.
Ideally, a justice must be slow to make public statements, always careful I

that the facts before her may not be the entire reality. The conclusion that the
initial effort to hold her to account for her acts was an attack on the entire
judiciary itself should have been a judgment that should have been carefully
weighed.
It was unfortunate that this seemed to have created the impression that
she rallied those in political movements with their own agenda, tolerating
attacks on her colleagues in social and traditional media. She may have
broken the expectations we have had on parties to cases by speaking sub
Judice on the merits of the Quo Warranto Petition and her predictions on its
outcome. She may not have met the reasonable expectation of a magistrate
and a Chief Justice that, whatever the reasons and even at the cost of her own
personal d isco mfo rt, she-as the leader of this Court-should not be the first
to cause public shame and humiliation of her colleagues and the institution
she represents.
The claim that the present actions against her was because of her
constant position against the administration is belied by her voting record in
this Court.
In Lagman v. Medialdea,198 respondent did not dissent on the

constitutionality of the extension of the President's declaration of martial law.
She only opined that it was valid within the limited area of Lanao del Sur,
Maguindanao, and Sulu .
In Padilla v. Congress,19 9 respondent voted with the majority and

concurred in the main opinion that a joint congressional session was
unnecessary to affirm the President's declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao.
In Baguilat v. Alvarez,200 respondent again voted with the majority and

concurred in the main opinion that this Court cannot interfere in the manner
by which the House of Representatives chooses its minority lea der , despite
the absence of a genuine minority.
In SPARK v. Quezon City,20 1 respondent likewise voted with the
198
G.R. No. 231658, Jul y 4, 2017
<http:// sc.j udic iary.gov .ph/ pdf /web/vie wer.htm l?fi le =/jur is prudence /20 1 7/ju ly20 I 7/231 6 58.pdt> [Per J .
De l Castillo, En Banc].
99
! G. R. No. 23 16 71 , Ju ly 25, 201 7
<http://sc ,jud ici ary.go v.ph/pdf/ web /vie wer.html? fi le =/juris prudence /20 I7/j u ly20 1 7/231671 . pd t> [ Pe r J .
Leo nardo- De C astro).
200
G. R. No. 227757, Ju ly 25, 2017
<http: //sc.jud ici ary.gov . ph/ pd f/web/vie wer.htm l?file=/ju ris pr udenc e/ 20 1 7/july 20 l 7/227757.pd t> [Per J .
Pe r las-Berna be, En Banc].
101
G. R. No . 225442, Au gust 8, 2017
<ht tp:// sc.j udici ary.gov .ph/pd f/web /vie wer. htm l?fi le =/juris pr udenc e/ 20 17/august20 I 7/225442.pd t>
[Per J . Perlas-Bernabe, En Banc].
majority and concurred in the main opm1on, which upheld the curfew
ordinance in Quezon City on the ground that the ordinance, as crafted, did not
violate the constitutional rights of minors.
Her view of the expanded powers of the President is further cemented

by her vote in two (2) landmark cases. In Gonzalez v. Executive Secretary,202
she was one of the dissenters who opined that the Office of the President had
the power to remove a Deputy Ombudsman. Then, in Saguisag v. Ochoa, she
delivered the main opinion of this Court holding that an executive issuance or
the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) may have the same
binding effect as a treaty ratified by the Senate.203
If true, the claim that the present status quo caused her difficulties due
to her positions is, therefore, puzzling.
XII
More troubling was the inaccuracies in the announcements made by her

team of the agreements of the Court En Banc to suit her personal agenda.
On February 27, 2018, during the regular En Banc session, respondent

agreed to go on an indefinite leave.
Respondent's letter of even date to Atty. Anna-Li Papa Gombio, the En

Banc Deputy Clerk of Court, supports what was agreed upon during the En
Banc session:
Dear Atty. Gornbio,
On the matter of my leave, please take note that due to the demands
of the Senate trial where I intend to fully set out my defenses to the baseless
charges, I will take an indefinite leave, until I shall have completed my
preparation for the Senate trial, a portion of which will be charged against
my wellness leave under A.M. No. 07-11-02-SC (Re: Wellness Program of
all Justices for 2018), originally from March 12 to 23, 2018, to March 1 to
15, 2018. I will be submitting the requisite forms to the Clerk of Court.
Thank you. (Emphasis supplied)
Strangely, the letter was not addressed to her colleagues. Neither were
they given the courtesy of being furnished copies of her letter. /
202
725 Phil. 380 (2014) [Per J. Brion, En Banc].
201
G.R. No. .212426, January 12, 2016
<htt p://sc.judi ciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/view er.html? file= /juris prudence/20 l 6/july201 6/21 2426.pdf> [Per
C.J. Sereno , En Banc].
However, that same day, respondent's spokesperson announced a

different version of events to the media by declaring that respondent will go
on a wellness leave instead of an indefinite leave. This appeared to be an
attempt to spin the events and sanitize the tum of events with the
spokesperson' s declaration that the wellness leave had long been scheduled
and that respondent was only availing of her wellness leave a few weeks ahead
of schedule.
Respondent is well aware that wellness leaves of Members of the

Supreme Court are subject to the approval of the En Banc, hence, her follow
up letter the following day to the En Banc asking for approval of her wellness
leave:
Dear Colleagues:
On the matter of my leave, I would respectfully need to advance my

wellness leave to March 1 to 15, 2018 (originally March 12 to 26, 2018), to
avail of the exemption from raffle under Section 6(c), Rule 7 of the Internal
Rules of the Supreme Court. Thereafter, I shall take an indefinite vacation
leave (of at least 15 days) to prepare for my Senate defense and to be exempt
for raffle. Please note that under said rule:
(c) Members who are on wellness leave or who are on vacation or

sick leave, for at least fifteen (15) continuous calendar days, shall be exempt
from raffle....
Thank you.
Her follow-up letter highlighted the inaccuracies over what was agreed
upon during the February 27, 2018 En Banc session. Her camp's propensity to
spin facts into a story that would closely hew to their narrative of respondent
as the righteous and steadfast defender of the Judiciary should have been kept
in check. There is a difference between sober advocacy and reckless media
spm.
Confusion was by then rampant as to whether or not respondent was

going on an indefinite leave or merely a rescheduled wellness leave, as her
camp insisted. Speculations were also rife that some Members of the Supreme
Court had forced respondent to go on indefinite leave and that respondent's
indefinite leave was a prelude to her resignation as Chief Justice.
On March 1, 2018, the En Banc, with the exception of Associate Justice

Alfredo Caguioa, who was then on official leave, took the unprecedented
move of authorizing Atty. Theodore 0. Te of the Public Information Office to
release the following statement to clarify the confusion caused by respondent: J
I have been requested to read this Press Statement by thirteen (13)

Justices of the Supreme Court.
After extended deliberations last Tuesday February 27, 2018,

thirteen (13) of the Justices present arrived at a consensus that the Chief
Justice should take an indefinite leave. Several reasons were mentioned by
the various justices. After consulting with the two most senior justices, the
Chief Justice herself announced that she was taking an indefinite leave, with
the amendment that she start the leave on Thursday, March 1, 2018. The
Chief Justice did not request the rescheduling of her wellness leave.
The Court En Banc regrets the confusion that the announcements

and media releases of the spokespersons of the Chief Justice have caused,
which seriously damaged the integrity of the Judiciary in general and the
Supreme Court in particular. In the ordinary course of events, the Court
expected the Chief Justice to cause the announcement only of what was
really agreed upon without any modification or embellishment. This matter
shall be dealt with in a separate proceeding.
In view of the foregoing, the Court En Banc considers Chief Justice

Maria Lourdes P.A. Sereno to be on an indefinite leave starting March 1,
2018. Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio shall be the Acting Chief
Justice.
The Clerk of Court and the Office of the Court Administrator will be
informed and ordered to inform all courts and offices accordingly.
The Court's statement reveals what really happened during the En Banc
session and confirms that contrary to her team's pronouncements to the media
that it was her choice to go on leave, respondent was in truth asked by her
peers to go on an indefinite leave. There was no reason for the En Banc to
reveal such a delicate and sensitive matter which occurred within its
chambers, but respondent's inaccurate statement meant that the En Banc had
no choice but to correct her in order to preserve the Court's integrity.
In response to the En Banc's press release, respondent released a letter

explanation which read:
The Chief Justice understands the sense of the thirteen (13) justices
that they expected me, in the normal course of events, to cause the
announcement of my indefinite leave. I had agreed to go on an indefinite
leave, but I am also bound by the appropriate administrative rules. The rules
do not contain any provision on "indefinite leave." I had to qualify my leave
according to the provisions of Rule 7, Section 6(c) of the Internal Rules of
the Supreme Court which reads "(c) Members who are on wellness leave or
who are on vacation or sick leave, for at least fifteen (15) continuous
calendar days shall be exempt from raffle. xxx" and the Resolution dated
January 23, 2018 (A.M. No. 07-11-02-SC) on the matter of my approved
wellness leave. I requested yesterday in writing the rescheduling of my
wellness leave in view of my restudy of the rules. It is unfortunate that my
plan of making use of any already approved wellness leave in relation to an /J
indefinite leave was inaccurately conveyed for which I apologize. ,,.-'\:;_
I have not resigned and I will not resign. This indefinite leave is not
a resignation. I will devote my time to the preparation of my Senate defense
and work on the cases in my docket.
This explanation does not inspire belief. It was obviously meant to

harmonize her first and second letters and lessen the impact of the
. .
maccurac1es.
While the Court's internal or administrative rules may not contain a

provision on indefinite leaves, it does not mean that it is not recognized. There
was no need to denominate or qualify the indefinite leave as a wellness leave
or any one of the recognized leaves that Members of the Supreme Court are
entitled to. The intention to go on an indefinite leave was already understood,
and to insinuate that categorizing the indefinite leave as a wellness leave was
merely in compliance with administrative rules is certainly not the truth.
Besides, during the deliberations of February 27, 2018, respondent

indeed attempted to convince her colleagues to characterize her leave as a
wellness leave. She, together with all the other Justices present, knows that it
was not accepted.
Strangely, she appeared at the Court's steps on May 8, 2018 purportedly

to end her leave, knowing fully well that it was part of a collegial decision
with her peers. She was well aware that the Court was on an intensive decision
writing break for the whole month, and hence, there was no special reason for
her to report back without the approval of the Court. Her reporting for work
did not appear to have any urgent motive except her desire to preside over the
special session of the en bane where the main agenda was the deliberation of
this case.
The respondent knows fully well that she is a party to her case. For her
to report to control the bureaucracy of the Court-such as the Clerk of Court
and its process servers-when her case is for decision, and for her to put
herself in a position to be engaged in ex parte communication with the sitting
justices who will decide her case, border on the contumacious. At the very
least, this appears to violate Canon 13 of the Code of Professional
Responsibility, thus:
Canon l 3 - A lawyer shall rely upon the merits of his cause and
refrain from any impropriety which tends to influence, or gives the
appearance of influencing the Court.
Disappointments arising from losing one's motions and pleadings are /

understandable. Criticism of the Court that decides will always be
forthcoming. But for a party to do everything in her power to undermine the

Court for fear of an adverse result may breach not only judicial courtesy but
also our professional responsibilities as a lawyer.
XIII
This Court has its faults, and I have on many occasions written
impassioned dissents against my esteemed colleagues. But, there have always
been just, legal, and right ways to do the right thing. As a Member of this
Court, it should be reason that prevails. We should maintain the highest levels
of ethics and professional courtesy even as we remain authentic to our
convictions as to the right way of reading the law. Despite our most solid
belief that we are right, we should still have the humility to be open to the
possibility that others may not see it our way. As mature magistrates, we
should be aware that many of the reforms we envision will take time.
False narratives designed to simplify and demonize an entire institution

and the attribution of false motives is not the mark of responsible citizenship.
Certainly, it is not what this country expects from any justice. Courts are
sanctuaries of all rights. There are many cases pending in this Court where
those who have much less grandeur than the respondent seek succor. Every
judicial institution, every Justice of this Court, will have weaknesses as well
as strengths. We should address the weaknesses tirelessly but with respect.
We should likewise acknowledge the strengths which we intend to preserve.
No court is perfect. All courts need refonn.
It is reasonable to expect that the Chief Justice should have the broadest
equanimity, to have an open mind, and to show leadership by being the first
to defend her Court against underserved, speculative, callous, ad hominem,
and irrelevant attacks on their personal reputation. She should be at the
forefront to defend the Court against unfounded speculation and attacks.
Unfortunately, in her campaign for victory in this case, her speeches may have
goaded the public to do so and without remorse.
To succeed in discrediting the entire institution for some of its

controversial decisions may contribute to weakening the legitimacy of its other
opinions to grant succor to those oppressed and to those who suffer injustice.
This is not the end for those who fight for judicial independence. This
is not the end for those who articulate a vision of social justice against the
unjustness of the politically dominant. There are still many among us in the
Judiciary.
J
Disse nting Opinion 64 G.R. No. 237428
Those who choose to make personal sacrifices leave the most important
lesson that can etch into our history that can be emulated by present and future
Justices of this Court: having a soul where the genuine humility of servant
leadership truly resides .
Today, perhaps, a torch may just have been passed so that those who are
left may shine more brightly. Perhaps, an old torch will be finally rekindled:
one which will light the way for a more vigilant citizenry that is sober,
analytical, and organized enough to demand decency and a true passion for
justice from all of government.
It is with all conviction that I vote to dismiss this Quo Warranto Petition.
In my view, it should not even have been given due course. I am convinced
that the majority opinion will weaken the role of the Judiciary to deliver social
justice and assert our fundamental rights.
I grieve the doctrine of this case. It should be overturned in the near

future.
I dissent.
ACCORDINGLY , I vote to DISMISS the Petition.

Leonen

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Leonen

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EN BANC

G.R. No. 237428 REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES,

Granting this Petition installs doctrine that further empowers the

A better reading of the Constitution requires us to read words and

CONST., art. VIII, sec. 5 provides:

integrity inherent in a constitutional order implied in Article VIII, Sections 1,

3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 134 of the Constitution.

The solution to address the problems relating to a Chief Justice is for

Granting a Petition for Quo Warranto against the Chief Justice-an

Granting the Quo Warranto Petition as the majority proposes, is

The majority attempts to make a distinction between the detennination

Quo warranto is, therefore, presented as not exclusive of impeachment.

Tecson v. Commission on Elections 5 defined quo warranto proceedings

A petition for quo warranto under Rule 66 of the Rules of Court is

Section 2. When Solicitor General or Public Prosecutor Must Commence

Section 3. When Solicitor General or Public Prosecutor May Commence

Section 5. When An Individual May Commence Such An Action. - A

468 Phil. 421, 461-462 (2004) [Per J. Vitug, En Banc].

Quo warranto, as used in this case, will amount to a "removal" of an

The Constitutional design is to balance the accountability of an

The gist of the present majority opm1on is that respondent may be

Section 5. The Supreme Court shall have the following powers:

(1) Exercise original jurisdiction over cases affecting ambassadors, other

Then it proceeds to a narrow version of verbal legis or plain reading of

Section 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme

Fundamentally, when construing the meaning of the Constitution, it is

David v. Senate Electoral Tribunal, 12 thus, stated:

Reading a constitutional provision requires awareness of its relation

David also underscored that jurisprudence over the text under

The Constitution is not just an ordinary legal document. It frames our

To focus on the dictionary meaning of the word "may" precludes the

Of course, no judicial interpretation, which is not supported by any

First, the process of removal through impeachment and conviction is

(1) The President;

The officers enumerated head significant Constitutional organs, hence,

A more complete picture will be seen if the process of removal of a

This provision emphasizes the independence of Congress, which, under

Second, the process of removal is deliberately cumbersome. Article XI,

(2) A verified complaint may be filed by any Member of the House of

(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by /

(6) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official

(9) The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively

Clearly, the power to remove an impeachable official, while involving

There are also required timetables in the impeachment process. This

MR. ROMULO. Yes, the intention here really is to limit.

It becomes clear that the consideration behind the intended

The numbers required from a collective body were clearly designed to

The process of impeachment was designed as a measure of

(1) Culpable violation of the Constitution;

In excluding other crimes, the intent to shield the impeachable officers

Again, the rationale is plain. Difficult decisions will be made by the

Granting this petition as a circumvention of the constitutionally

Section 11. Limitations. - Nothing contained in this Rule shall be

It is in the public's best interest that questions regarding title to public

Unabia also emphasized the importance of protecting public funds,

Further, the Government must be immediately informed or advised

The importance of protecting public funds and maintaining stability in

While the court exhorts the institution of the corresponding action

"... , the Government must be immediately informed or

In his petition for mandamus, dated May 5, 1956, as well as in his

still pending investigation and awaiting judgment or decision. On the other

Article 1108(4) of the Civil Code provides:

Article 1108. Prescription, both acquisitive and extinctive, runs against:

Persons who are disqualified from administering their property have

However, Article 1108(4) refers to acqms1t1ve and extinctive

The ownership referred to in Book III of the Civil Code is ownership

Furthennore, a quick review of jurispr udence 38 shows that the phrase

Republic v. Court of Appeals 39 emphasized that the State's action to

And in so far as the timeliness of the action of the Government is

"When the government is the real party in interest,

"Public land fraudulently included in patents or

right of reversion or reconveyance to the State is not barred

If we were to follow the majority's argument of altogether excusing the

The history of impeachment enlightens us on the balance of values

Impeachment as a mode of removal of public officers was introduced

While it was virtually obsolete in England, the United Constitution