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http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028993355
THE
SECRET OF PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
BY
LORD ARUNDELL OF WARDOUR,

AUTHOR OF
" TRADITION,rniNOIPALLT WITH REPERENCB TO MYTHOLOGY AND THE tiAW OF
NATIONS ;" " THE SCIENTIFIC VALUE OF TRADITION ;" " THE NATURE
MYTH UNTENABLE FROM THE SCRIPTURAL POINT OF YIBW."
LONDON: BURNS AND OATES.

[ÂU rights reserved.']
1885.
LONDON •/ !
KOBSON AND SONS, PEINTERSJ eAnOKAS BOAD, N.W.

PREFACE.
The following pages were written for the Month, but in
the course of writing extended themselves beyond the

limits of a magazine article ; the third chapter more
particularly becoming too elaborate in form for suitable
publication in a periodical. I have, therefore, preferred

to publish them separately. As, however, it would have
involved too much trouble to have rewritten and recast
the articles, I have printed them in their original form,
as addressed to the readers of the Month.

The subject, at least, is a curious and interesting
one ; and Mr. Donnelly's work, which was the occasion of
the articles being written, contains much curious specula-
tion, and is written in a style calculated to give zest to
the inquiry. It has had a wide circulation.

I cannot expect the same circulation for this little
volume, more especially as the theory it offers is not of
the same romantic and popular character ; but I hope it
may contribute something towards the solution of an

interesting and difficult question.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
I. Plato's Atlantis : Mr. Donnelly's Theory . . i
II. Conjecture as to the probable Basis op Plato's

Atlantis 22
III. Further Conjectures—Diluvian Traditions . -33

IV. Eeoent Testimonies 57
V. Alternative Theories . .' . . . -75
Appendix A : The " Periplus " of Hanno . . .85

Appendix B : Plato's Atlantis 89
Appendix C : Theory as to the Prominence of the
Bull in Tradition 100
PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
CHAPTER I.
Plato's atlantis —mb. Donnelly's theory.

A BOOK which is now (1883) in its seventh edition seems
to claim some reply from the point of view of Tradition.
It is entitled Atlantis':the Antediluvian World* and,
in announces that the Deluge, in which we have
fact,
hitherto believed and have called universal, at any rate to

the extent of the destruction of all mankind,t did not
really occur, but that the subsidence of the island or con-
tinent of Atlantis at some indefinite period was attended
by very similar circumstances, and that it is the tradition
of this catastrophe which has somehow spread through all
countries, which has created the impression of a universal
deluge ;other words, that there was a deluge, but a
in
deluge as revealed according to Plato, and not according
to Moses.
The evidence which Mr. Donnelly has accumulated, both
as to the diluvian tradition and also as to the common
* Atlantis : the Antediluvian World. By Ignatius Donnelly. 7th edi-

tion. (SampBon Low ) London, 1883.
t This chapter was written previously to the controversy on the Deluge
in the pages of the Tablet in the year 1884. I am not, however, aware
that anything transpired in that controversy which would require me to
retract or modify any statement in the present paper. If so, I shall be
obliged to any one who will put his finger on it.
B
:
2 Plato's atlantis.
origin, at any rate, of the civilised nations " on both sides

of the Atlantic," is by no means inconsiderable and it ;
will be seen that, in so far as he fails to sustain his spe-

cial theory of the submerged Atlantis, his convictions,
facts, and testimonies must pass to the account or lapse
to the inheritance of what I have regarded as the tradition
of the human race.
As it is always safer and fairer to present the theory
of an author in his own words so far as may be possible,
I will give the principal heads under which Mr. Donnelly
summarises the purpose of his work. I shall have occa-
sion, at any rate indirectly, to refer to the omitted headings
in the course of this discussion :
"1. That there once existed in the Atlantic Ocean, opposite

the mouth of the Mediterranean Sea, a large island, which was
the remnant of an Atlantic continent, and known to the ancient
world as Atlantis. 2. That the description of this island given by
Plato is hot, as has been long supposed, fable, but veritable history.
3. That Atlantis was the region where man first rose from a state
of barbarism to civilisation. 4. That it became in the course of
ages a, populous and mighty nation, from whose overflowings the
shores of the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi, the Amazon, the Paci-
fic coast of South America, the west, coast of Europe and Africa, the
Baltic, the Black Sea, and the Caspian were populated by civilised
nations. 5. That it was the true antedUuvian world —
the Garden
of Eden, the Garden of the Hesperides, the Elysian Fields, the Gar-
den of Alcinous, the Mesomphalos, the Olympos, the Asgard of the
traditions of ancient nations representing a universal memory of
;
a great land where early mankind dwelt for ages in peace and
happiness. ... 12. That Atlantis perished in a teri'ible convulsion
of nature, in which the whole island sank into the ocean, and nearly
all its inhabitants. 13. That a few persons escaped in ships and
on rafts, and carried to the nations east and west the tidings of
the appalling catastrophe, which has survived to our own time in
the Flood and Deluge legends of the different nations of the old
and the new worlds."
In this theory there are two distinct propositions

(1) that an island or continent of Atlantis existed, and
PLATO S ATLANTIS. 3
sank in the ocean ; (2) and that this submersion was the
origin of the various diluvian legends which are found in
all parts of the world.
The legend of Atlantis can hardly be asserted even by
Mr. Donnelly to be the tradition of the human race, for he
himself terms it " a novel proposition."
" The fact that the story of Atlantis was for thousands of years
regarded as a fable proves nothiag. There is an' unbelief which
grows out of ignorance as well as a scepticism which is born of
intelligence. .For a, thousand years it was believed that the
. .
legends of the buried cities of gpmpeii and Herculaneum w ere

myths. There was a time wheii the expedition sent out by
.
Necho to circumnavigate Africa was doubted, because the explorers

stated that, after they had progressed a certain distance, the sun
was north of them. This circumstance, which then aroused sus-
picion, now proves to us that the Egyptian navigators had really
passed the equator, -and anticipated by dlOO years Vasquez da
Gama in his disco vei^ of the Cape of Good Hope "
(p. 3).
"v
On the other hand, although it does not appear that
Mr. Donnelly himself believes in the inspiration of Genesis,
yet the fact that it has been so believed by many millions
in many parts of the world during a long continuance of
years must stand for something as against a theory.
As it is my wish to confine my argument to the limits
of historical tradition, I should have been willing to have
accepted Mr. Donnelly's first proposition, viz. that Atlantis
existed and subsided, at any rate pro curgumento, if his-
torical investigation had not destroyed the prima facie
evidence which seemed to compel or invite the inquiry.
This, however, is a point which the reader must decide.
Apart, however, from the must
historical evidence, I
remark Mr. Donnelly's theory is opposed, from their
that.
several points of view, by Mr. Wallace, Mr. Darwin,
and Professor Geikie {vide Wallace's Island Life, chap,
vi. 11).
Mr. Wallace's argument is not, it is true, addressed to
.
4 PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
the same set of facts as are adduced in Mr. Donnelly's

chaps. V. vi.— " The Testimony of the Sea," " The Testi-
mony of the Flora and Fauna." This, however, is a matter
which Mr. Donnelly must settle with Mr. Wallace. The
date of Mr. Donnelly's first edition is not stated.
Mr. Donnelly's second proposition is, of course, depen-
dent on the first but I will continue the analysis of his
;
evidence. If' the existence of Atlantis could have been
considered probable, we might have believed it to have

been the scene of the earthly paradise, the location and
domicile of man in the antediluvian world, and the direc-
tion to which alike the sad reminiscences and bright hopes
of mankind reverted.
I will now proceed to discuss the principal evidence
which Mr. Donnelly adduces. There is one testimony at
p. 95 which seems in some sort to faypur the suggestion
I have just made " The traditions of the early Christian
:
ages touching the Deluge pointed to the quarter of the

world in which Atlantis was situated." This, however,
isonly based on the theory of the good monk Cosmas, who
believed that the world was flat. " There was a quaint
old monk named Cosmos [Cosmas] who, about a thousand
years" ago, Topographia Christiana,
published a book,
accompanied by a map [an engraving of which is given],
in which he gives his view of the world as it was then
understood* It was a body surrounded by water, and
resting on nothing. ... It will be observed that while he
locates Paradise in the East, he places the scene of the
Deluge in the West, and he supposes that Noah came
from the Scene of the Deluge to Europe." In Dr. Smith's
Greek and Eoman biography it is, however, said on the
contrary " The object of this treatise is to show, in
:
opposition to the universal opinion of astronomers, that

the earth is not spherical, but an extended surface
* Italics throughout are mine, unless the contrary stated.
PLATO.S ATLANTIS. 5-
Weapons of every kind are employed against the prevailing

theory," &c. And although he quotes inter alia the
authority of the Fathers, it will hardly be disputed .that
the prevailing Christian opinion, commencing with
Gen. xi. 2, "
And when they removed from the East " to
the plain of Sennaar, has located the descent from the
Ark in the mountains of Armenia.
" We
have already seen that Berosus relates how in his time
portions of theArk were removed and used as amulets. Josephus
says that remains of the Ark were to he seen in his day upon
Ararat. Nicolas of Damascus reports the sa,me. St. Epiphanius
writes, The wood of the Ark of Noah is shown to this day in the
'
KardKan [Koord] country'" [Adv. Hteres. lib. i. Legends of Old ;
Testament Characters, S. Baring-Gould, i. 165).
So much, at any rate, as to the prevailing opinion.

Cosmas, before he had become a monk, had been a great
navigator, but his explorations had been in the Indian
Ocean.
Mr. Donnelly is necessarily limited to the data found in
the fragment of Plato. Plato commences with this state-
ment :
"The tale, which was of great length, began as follows. I

have before remarked, in speaking of the allotments of the gods,
that they distributed the whole earth into portions differing in
extent, and made themselves temples and sacrifices. And Poseidon,
receiving for his lot the island of Atlantis, begat children by a
mortal woman. . He also begat and brought up five pairs of
. .
male children the eldest, who was king, he named Atlas, and
: . . .
from him the whole island and the ocean received the name of
Atlantis" (p. 13).
Now, recommend Mr. Donnelly to a

as to Poseidon, I
short but able treatise : a Link between Semite,
Poseidon
Hamite, and Aryan. By R. Brown (Longmans, 1872)
in which the worship is traced "from its starting-point in
Chaldsea, through Phoenicia, Philistia, Libya, and Greece;"
and Mr. Brown finally identifies him with the patriarch
6 Plato's atlantis.
Noah, as handed down in Libyan mythology, following in

this the lines of tradition.*
And looking to the diffusion of this worship of Poseidon
in Africa, including Egypt, Carthage, Ethiopia, Mauri-
tania,and throughout the Phoenician colonisation, we
seem to understand Plato's statement that Atlantis once
"had an extent greater than Libya and Asia." "For
many centuries," says Lenormant, " the Pelasgi of the
Archipelago, Greece, and Italy, the Philistines of Crete,
the Sicilians, the Sardinians, the Libyans, the Maxyans
of Africa, in spite of the distance of sea separating them,
united in a close confederation, maintaining a constant
intercourse, and thus explaining the Libyan element,
hitherto inexplicable, in the most ancient religious tradi-
tions of Greece, the worship of the Athenian Tritonis
and of the Libyan Poseidon."
Atlantis takes its name from Atlas " the king." We —
hear of Atlas first in Hesiod, as son of Japetus ; his
brother was Mencetius ("Mnesius," Plato; "Menu," Le-
normant), and, according to ApoUodorus, his mother's
name was Asia. In the Homeric poems he knows all
the depths of the sea he bears the long columns which

;
tear asunder or carry all around earth and heaven in :
either case the meaning of keeping asunder is implied.

Atlas is also described as the leader of the Titans in their
* Mr. Brown's argument would have been much enforced if he had
noticed the following jjaeeage in the Journal of the Atiatic Society, xv.
p. 231, by Colonel Bawlinsoo, C.B. "I read the two names the cunei-
: —
form writing cannot be transfeiTed to your columua doubtfully as Sisi- —
ron add Naha (Noah) That the god in question represents the Greek
Neptune is, at any rate, almost certain he was worshipped on the sea-
;
shore, and ships of gold were dedicated to him. His ordinary title . . .
and the latter word is explained in the vocabnlary as that is, . . .
'apzn,' which may be allied to Poo- in PoseiSiojj, as it is also joined with

'
'
'nun,' a fish. His other epithets are Bur marrat,' king of the
. . .
' '
sea,' and . probably 'god of the ship or ark.' Other titles I can-
. .
not explain but they seem to be all connected with traditions of the
;
biblical Noah."
PLATO S ATLANTIS. 7
contest with Zeus ; others represent Atlas as a powerful

king, who possessed great knowledge of the course of the
stars (Smith's Dictionary).
In the Targums, Nimrod is thus made to address his
subjects " Come, let us build a great city. ... In the
:
midst of our city let us build a high tower. Yea, . . .
let us go further let us prop up the heaven on all sides

; .
from the top of the toiver, that it may not again fall and
inundate us. Then let us climb up to heaven and break
it up with axes.
.
." (Baring-Gould, Old Testament
. .
Characters, i. 166).
We may be allowed to conjecture, then, that either
Atlas is the tradition of Nimrod, or Nimrod of Atlas.
Will Mr. Donnelly maintain the latter in face of the his-
torical evidence of Nimrod in the Bible, and in the cunei-
form tablets ?* Among other sons of Poseidon who bear
* In the Month, January 1884, I diseuesed the evidence as to the
historical existence ofNimrod with reference to the cuneiform tablets.
It has strack me since that the direct evidence, so far as I knovr, has.
never been collated with the indirect evidence, as, for instance, as to
the existence of Chus, the father of Nimrod. Now, for this there is
the textimony not only of Asia, hat of Africa. As regards the latter,
there is the testimony of Josephus, recording the Gentile evidence of his
day, and the independent recent evidence of the Egyptian monuments.
Josephus says [Ant. i. vi. 2) " Some indeed of its names (despeut of
:
Ham) are utterly vanished yet . time has not hurt at all the
; . . . . .
name of Chus ;' for the Ethiopians, over whom he reigned, are even at
'
this day, both by themselves and by all men in Asia, called Ghusites.
The memory also of," &c. That this testimony of Josephus is corrobo-
rated by .the most recent evidence will be apparent from the following
references to Brugsch's Egypt (i. 284) "We have substituted for the :
Egyptian appellations Ta-Ehout and Kush, the better koonn names

Nubia and Ethiopia;" (ii. 76) "the land of Kush;" and upon the
Assyrian conquest of Egypt, B.C. 1000, we find the name Nimrod re-
appearing (ii. 206) " for Takeloth, Usarkon, Nemaroth represent in the
:
Egyptian form writing the names Tiglath, Sargon, and Nimrod, so well
known in Assyria." As regards Asia, the tradition had been fully recog-
nised {vide J. of Asiatic Soc, v. xv. pp. 230-33) " In Susiana. the chief :
seat of the Gush, we have the Scythio " Soythio or Hamitic," [p. 232]
inscriptions of Susa and Elymais, and the Scythic names of Eissia, Cos-
sica, Shus Afar, &e., not forgetting the tradition of the Ethiopian Mem-
non and the Ethiopian Cepheus. Along the line to India the Ethiopians
8 PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
resemblance to Atlas and Nimrod are Orion, " the giant

hunter" ("Nimrod is called in the LXX. the giant
hunter,"), and " the colossal youths 6tos and Ephialtes,
who at nine years old attempted to scale heaven by piling
up mountains which, says Homer, they would have
;
accomplished had not Apollo slain them. Mr. . . .
Grladstone remarks that the efforts of the two youths

recall the traditions of the Tower of Babel " (Juv. Mun.
251 Brown's Poseidon, 84).
;
Mr. Donnelly's best point is his suggestion that Atlan-

tis is identical with Aztlan in Central America :
Upon that part of the African continent nearest to the site of

"
Atlantis we find a chain of mountains known from the most

ancient times as the Atlas mountains. Whence the name Atlas,
if it be not from the name of the great king of Atlantis ? . . .
Look at it An Atlas mountain on the shore of Africa an Atlan

! ;
town on the shore of America the Atlantis living along the north-
;
west coast of Africa; an Aztec people from Aztlan in Central

America an ocean rolling between the two worlds called the
;
Atlantic a mythological deity called Atlas holding the world on

;
his 'shoulders ; and an immemorial tradition of an island of Atlantis.

Can all these things be result of accident ? " (p. 172.)
We
shall presently have to consider the question how
far the " immemorial tradition " is the offspring of the
invention of Plato. Before abandoning the present ground,
let me remark that one form of the legend of Atlas makes
him King of Mauritania, where are also located the
mountains of Atlas and the Atlantis. Atlas was fabled
to have been turned into a mountain by Perseus, who was
refused hospitality by Atlas, because he had been informed
of Southern Persia were known to Homer, Herodotus, and Strabo. . . .
The Brahni division of the Belfts rejoined their Cushite brethren in

Mekran by crossing from Arabia, and still speak a Scythic dialect;
while the names of Kooch and Belooch for Kus and Beb^s remain to the
—
present day." Colonel Rawlinson, C.B. (now Sir Henry Rawlinson,
K.C.BO-
Plato's Atlantis. 9
by an oracle of Themis that he should be dethroned by

one of the descendants of Jupiter. This reads very much
like the tradition that the descendants of
Japhet were to
dwell in the tsnts of Canaan and the belief of Atlas
;
having been subdued by Perseus the Grecian hero— the

friend of Athene— may account for that part of the speech
put into the mouths of the Egyptian priests by Plato :
" Many great and wonderful deeds are recorded of your

State in our histories but one of them exceeds all the
;
and valour for these histories tell of a

rest in greatness ;
mighty power which was aggressing wantonly against the

whole of Europe and Asia, and to which your city put an
end. This power came forth out of the Atlantic Ocean,"
&c. However, I shall give later on an alternative sug-
gestion.
The inadvertent reader needs to be very much on his
guard in reading Mr. Donnelly. Each subsequent chapter
absolutely assumes the conclusions of the previous chap-
ter. Thus, ch. vii., " The Irish Colonies from Atlantis,"
which naturally excites our interest, commences, "We
have seen that beyond question Spain and France owed a
great part of their population to Atlantis ;" but if we
revert " The Iberian Colonies of Atlantis,"
to ch. iv.,
with the exception of the statement, which I shall pre-
sently discuss, that the Turdetani are said by Strabo to
have had writings 6000 years old, there is nothing what-
ever tending to support his contention. There is, indeed,
the assertion that the Basque language has analogies
with the Algonquin and other American languages ; and
there is a similar argument in another very learned
chapter in respect to the affinity between the Maya and
Phoenician. I remember reading in the Month that
the devil is said to have spent two years in the Basque
country endeavouring to learn the language, but at the
end of that time abandoned it, as he had only mastered
: ;
10 PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
one word, which was written like " Nabuchodonosor " and
pronounced " Sennacherib." Allowing, however, Mr.
Donnelly to have seen farther into the millstone than any
one else, this correspondence of language would tend to
prove the common origin of mankind, the original unity
of tongue, and the migration from a common centre in
Mesopotamia equally with emigration from Atlantis
unless, indeed, the reader is prepared to believe that the
"Mayas" America are descended from " Maia," the
of
daughter of Atlas The Iberians having been thus
!
demonstrated to be " Atlauteans," it suffices to show in

the chapter on Ireland that the early invasions came from
Iberia. " Spain in that day was the land of the Iberians,
the Basques, that is to say of the Atlanteans " (p. 409).
Again we read (p. 286)
" We find the barbarians of the coast of the Mediterranean re-
garding the civiliseA people of Atlantis with awe and wonder. Their
'
physical strength was extraordinary, the earth shaking sometimes

under their tread. Whatever they did was done speedily. They
moved through space almost without the loss of a moment of time.'
This probably alluded to the rapid motion of their sailing vessels.
'They were wise, and communicated their wisdom to men.' That
is to say, they civilised the people they came in contact with."
Other quotations follow, all with reference to Murray's

Mythology.
We should naturally expect that these quotations from
Murray had some reference to Atlantis. Not at all. Mr.
Murray is only speaking of the Olympians. But Mr.
Donnelly having satisfied himself that Olympos is identical
with Atlantis (he even contends that the letters of the
words are interchangeable and the names identical), hence-
forward everything that is recorded of Olympos is con-
vertibly to be spoken of Atlantis.
From one point of view, Atlantis and Olympos, Asârd
and Atlantis, are part of a common tradition, a question
which I shall presently discuss. When, however, Mr.
PLATO'S ATLANTIS. 11
Donnelly recognises resemblances, they must at once be

regarded as conclusive, e.g. that Olympos is a tradition of
Atlantis. In short, Mr. Donnelly appears uniformly to
argue according to the formula " Csesar and Pompey very
much alike, especially Pompey."
It seems unnecessary Mr. Donnelly sees the
to say that
name Except when he clutches
of Atlantis everywhere.
at evidence in this wây he appears perfectly able to weigh
facts and evidence and it must be acknowledged that
; .
there is a seeming confirmation of his theory in the my-

thological and classical location of the Garden of the
Hesperides in the Islands of the West. I have already
(p. 2) quoted Mr. Donnelly on this head. His confirma-
tion of the theory, however, again disappears when we
remember that the Garden of the Hesperides was only one
of the reminiscences of Eden. It is true that from his
point of view Eden is only a reminiscence of Atlantis ; but
apart from the argument which I shaH proceed to put
Eden in the East having been the prominent belief of
mankind —the onus probandi lies on his side of showing
that all those traditions, Meru, Olympos, Elysium, Asgard,
Midgard, centred in Atlantis. So far from this being the
case, the salient features of the tradition which are common
to the other legends are barely discernible in the descrip-
tion of Plato, e.g. instead of a garden we have only a fertile
plain. With the exception Garden of the Hesperides
of the
all these other traditions place the Garden of Paradise in
the East,* or the supposed centre of the world.
In all these legends (we shall agree so far) we find the
embodiment of early tradition in a garden or a plain, a
palace on or in connection with a mountain. There is,
* Moreover, the Bible and the Babylonian tradition placed paradise
and the "father of countries" in the East [vide M. Lenormant, M.

Oppert, and L'Abbfi Vigoaroux, La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes,
i. 196).
however, one feature common to them all which, at first
sight, favours Mr. Donnelly's theory, and which, perhaps,

—
has confirmed him in it they are all surrounded by water.
This he naturally contends means the island of Atlantis,
But when we consider that whenever the Ancients repre-
sented the world they represented it surrounded by water
— it is so represented in Homer and in the map which
Mr. Donnelly gives of the old monk Cosmas that one ;
form the legend takes is that of Midgard, the middle of

the earth, the " mesomphalos," which " was equally dis-
tant on all sides from the sea ;" and when we consider
that according to the experience of mankind in their
explorations in three directions, in the Atlantic and round
the African coast to the Chinese seas, all was water —the
north being, sealed to them, as it- is to us —I think Mr.
Donnelly has only to enlarge his view, and he will fall back
into the tradition of mankind.
At p. 326, Mr.* Donnelly says " Thus the nations on :
the west of the Atlantic look to the east for their place of
origin ; while on the east of the Atlantic they look to the
west : thus
all the lines of tradition con.verge upon
Atlantis." But precisely the same may be said if we
start mankind from the plain of Sennaar.
And if we start mankind from the plain of Sennaar on
the lines of the biblical narrative, is it unnatural to expect
that they should embody their traditions of paradise, the
Tower of Babel, and the Deluge in the conception, gro-
tesque no doubt, of a garden on a mountain surrounded
by water ? "In all the legends of India the original seat
of mankind is placed on Mount Meru, the residence of the
gods, a column uniting heaven to earth " (Lenormant, Frag.
Cosmog. de jB erase, p. 300). In the Scandinavian legend,
" the centrical fortress which the gods constructed from the
eyebrows of Ymen, and which towered from the midst of
the earth equally distant on all sides from the sea, is cer-
Plato's atlantis. 13
tainly the Meru of the Hindoos and Indo-Scythae. ... It

was the peculiar residence of the hero-god iniimediately
after the Deluge and it is at once described with all the
;
characteristics of a paradise, and is represented as a

fortress which might secure the deities against any further
attacks of the giants " (S. Faber, O.P.I., i. 220). " Ac-
cording to this creed" (the mythology of the Eddas)
" ^sir and Odin had their abode in Asgard, a lofty hill
in the centre of the habitable earth in the midst of Mid-
—
gard that middle earth which we hear of in early Eng-
lish poetry, the abode of gods and men. Round that earth,
which was fenced in against the attacks of ancient and
inveterate foes by a natural fortification of hills, flowed
the great sea in a ring, and beyond that sea was Utgard,
the outlying world, the abode of frost and giants and
monsters, those old natural powers who had been dis-
possessed by Odin and the ^sir when the new order of
the universe arose " (G..Webbe Dasent, Tales from the
Norse, Ivii.). Lenormant (301-2) says that the Iranian tra-
dition corresponds. Hierapolis, Delos, and Ecbatana were
constructed with reference to this tradition, and I consider
that I have proved that the ancient state of Meroe, in the
island of Meroe, near Mount Gibbainy —in the country
of the Soudan (vide Scientific Value of Fradition, pp.
161 to —
179) was organised with reference to this tra-
dition. The tradition of paradise in connection with the
Deluge and the Tower of Babel is also seen in the hanging
gardens (the paradisiacal the Pyramids in
mountain),
stages,and the tower of Borsippa, near Babylon (vide Lenor-
mant, id. 318 etseq.). There is special mention (p. 320)
of a bas-relief in the palace of Assur-bani-pal, of which
a fragment has been published in Eawlinson's Five
Great Monarchies, i. 888, " where a royal paradise adjoins
a palace planted with large trees placed on the summit
of an eminence, and watered by a single stream of
;
water, which divided itself into several channels on the

side of the mountain, like the stream of paradise, the
spring of Arvanda or Ardava-cura of the Iranian Hara
Berazuiti, and the Ganga of the Indian Meru " (Lenormant,
321). Compare this with Plato's description of Atlantis :
" On the side towards the sea, and in the centre of the whole
island, there was a plain which is said to have been the fairest of all
plains, and very fertile. Near the plain again, and also in the centre
of the island, at a distance of about fifty stadia, there was a moun-
tain not very high on any side. In this mountain there dwelt one of
the earth-born primeval men of that country whose name was Eve-
nor .and Lucippe, and they had an only daughter named Chito.
. .
Poseidon fell in love with her

. and breaking the ground
. . .
enclosed the hill in which she dwelt aU round, making alternate

zones of sea and land, larger and smaller, encircling one another
there were two of land and three of water, which he turned as with a
lathe out of the centre of the island, equidistant every way, so that no
man could get to the island, for ships' voyages were not yet heard of.
He himself as he was a god, found no difficulty in making special
arrangements for the centre island, bringing two streams of water
under the earth, which he caused to ascend as springs, one of
warm water and the other of cold, and making every variety of food
to spring up abundantly in the earth. He also bega,t and brought
up five pairs of male children, dividing the island of Atlantis into
ten portions " (Donnelly's Atlantis, p. 13).
I have given these extracts in juxtaposition at some

length, as it will thus be possible to decide whether those
including Atlantis are all common traditions of the one
historic narrative which embraces and completes them all,
or whether they all developed out of the slender reminis-
cences recorded of Atlantis.
I assume that Mr. Donnelly will intrench himself in the
position, as it seems to me the only position that remains
to him, viz. that
" Plato states that the

Egyptians told Solon that the destruction
of Atlantis occurred nine thousand years before that date, to wit,
about nine thousand six hundred years before tlie Christian era.
This looks like an extraordinarily long period of time, but it must be
remembered that geologists claim that the remains of man found in

the caves of Europe date back five hundred thojisand years " (p. 29).
So tremendous a position can only be taken by a pro-

cess of sapping and mining, as I confine myself to the
historical facts, and do not profess to have at command
such heavy artillery as will discharge 500,000 years in a
single explosion.
Considering that all chronologies and histories upon
analysis seem to terminate about 3000 B.C. — or, if they in-
clude the antediluvian world, to about 6000 e.g. ; that if
the migration of the nations is retraced they are found to

converge upon the central district lying between Persia and
the Mediterranean, Armenia to Ethiopia ;* that, according
to Mr. Proctor, the constellations known by similar names
to variously dispersed nations can astronomically be shown
to have been so named within the latitudes indicated above
and about the year 2200 B.C., there is a background of pro-
bability for traditions tracing back to that period and, as ;
aga,inst Mr. Donnelly, the argument might almost be stated

mathematically. Given the amount of scepticism which
will attach to the transmission of traditions of such calibre
as the garden of paradise, the universal Deluge, the dis-
persion during 3000 years, how much will exist as to the
preservation of the slight reminiscences of Atlantis, as
above, during 9000 years ?
As regards the reminiscences of Atlantis, either the
tradition of this palace, mountain, and canals was pre-
*For one instance, take what Colonel Bawlinson [sup. p. 232) esys
of the migration of the Seyths or Hamites " They must have spread
:
themselTes at the same time over Syria and Asia Minor, tending out
colonies from one country to Mauritania, Sicily, and Iberia, from the
other. ... It is well known to tthnographers that the passage of the
Scythe is to be traced along all these lines, either by direct historical
tradition, or by the cognate dialects spoken by their descendants at the
present day. . . . And if we were to be thus guided by the mere inter-
section of linguistic paths, and independently of all reference to the
scriptural record, we should BtUl be led to fix on the plains of Shinar as
the focus from which the various lines hadjaiiiuted."
16 PLATO'S ATLAll»TIS.
served before or after the subsidence of Atlantis. If before,

how explain the fact that this tradition so curiously runs
into the lines of' the diluvian tradition ? They must,
then, have been traditional of an event which happened
ex hypothesi at later date;, or if after, how explain that
what would then be the direct tradition of the Deluge,
or submersion, was thus transmitted only in an indirect,
disguised, and legendary form and, on the other hand,
;
that an apparently direct record of it, as in Genesis,

should^ in fact, be only the tradition at secondhand of a
tradition in indirect form ?
The biblical record, the cuneiform narrative, the In-
dian legend, &c., all profess to give the tradition in direct
form. How is it that they all tell of a universal deluge,
in —
which one family sometimes one man survived, and —
that in all the prominent cause of the destruction was
unintermittent andjprotracted rain ? In the case of
Atlantis the cause was subsidence, or else the geological
argument must be abandoned. Moreover, if the intelli-
gence of the calamity, which was ultimately to take the
form of the diluvian tradition, was to be extended piece-
meal over the whole human race even in 9000 years, it
could scarcely have been through one man or one family,
but through many and it would seem none of the records
;
or traditions tell of the event in the manner it is sup-

posed to have happened, either according to the geological
evidence, or according to the revelation of Plato.
^ In Tradition and elsewhere I have endeavoured to
collate, though very imperfectly, the various traditions
of the patriarch Noah in Chronos, Poseidon, Saturn,
Hoa, &c. Chronos no doubt was the father of Poseidon,
and so on yet fundamentally, whilst accreting other
;
traditions, as of Shem, Cham, and Japhet, they all de-

scribed a primeval legislator, who inaugurated or appeared
in connection with a new order of things ; j all came out of
or had relations with, without being identified with, the

ocean ;and although all are associated with the recollec-
tion of a primeval paradise, a golden age, a period of
happiness and prosperity which was lost to mankind, they
are almost all associated in some way with a catastrophe
or with calamity. |
They all plant the vine or the olive,
so that ithas been said " that all nations have given the
> honour of the discovery of agriculture to their first
sovereigns." Now it happens, for the purposes of his argu-
ment, 'to be convenient to Mr. Donnelly to recognise this
in part, and to apply it in this way. According to the
requirements of his theory, the intelligence of the sub-
mersion of Atlantis was conveyed by the survivors to the
various nations. He skilfully seizes hold of the tradition
to which I have just referred, in order to despatch the
various legendary heroes, no longer as representatives of
the patriarch Noah, but, so to speak, on their own account
to the various nations as the survivors of the catastrophe,
and as the civilisers and legislators of the countries to
which they came. Thus Hoa, or Hea, is despatched by
him to Assyria (p. 83) " He it was who was said to
:
have brought civilisation and letters to the ancestors of

the Assyrians. He clearly represented an ancient mari-
he came from the ocean, and was
time civilised nation ;
associated withsome land and people that had been <
destroyed by rain and inundations." In like manner

Saturn is sent to Latium,; but although the tradition is
connected also with Kronos and Poseidon, and although
it is said (p. 82) that " Chronos and Saturn- were the
same," yet Kronos and Poseidon are not so distributed,

they stand at the commence-
for the obvious reason that
ment of the civilisation of Atlantis ! But this affords a
measure for testing the theory." Chronos and Saturn
If
are the same," Chronos cannot both be the father of
Poseidon, who is gravely regarded by Mr. Donnelly as the
: "
actual founder of the kingdom and dynasty of Atlantis,

and same time the survivor after its subsidence
at the
(which happened after the lapse of " many generations ")
who brought civilisation to Latium.
The tradition of Saturn in Latium, I admit, fits in
very well with Mr. Donnelly's theory, better even than he
seems aware. I should like, however, to know where Mr.
Donnelly finds mention "of 'a great Saturnian continent'
in the Atlantic Ocean"? Mr. Donnelly is not lavish of
references, and, until he gives one in this instance, I can
only surmise that a free Transatlantic translation of
it is
the " Saturnia regna " of Virgil.

It may Mr. Donnelly believes, that " Chronos
be, as
and Saturn are the same," and yet that they represent 'the
tradition at difi'erent stages and dates, and in Latium at
the later date.
Sanchoniathon {(vpud Eusebius) says " that Chronos
and II are the same," and Lenormant says the same of
Chronos and the Chaldean Ilu. Here we have the tradi-
tion at its earliest stage, and
worth while giving
it will be
an extract from M. Lenormant,
shows close resem- as it
blance with the tradition of Chronos, through Poseidon, in

Plato's Atlantis
" Ilu, the supreme mysterious god whom the Greeks have con-
'
stantly likened to their Kronos. . . . The part which tradition, as
recorded by Berosus, makes him play in the deluge is not perhaps
without reference to one of his ideographic names ; ... for the
—
complete group certainly reads Ilu for example, in the name of
—
Babylon Bab Uu the sign ... of which the primitive hieroglyph
;
which we possess in some monuments represents a land intersected

(coupee) by canals, is explained in the syllabaries by the root . . .
which in Hebrew signifies '

to cleanse,' and in Assyrian
inun- '
to
'
date.' It is thus the god of inundation, the god of the deluge
'
(viz. Oppert, Expedit. en Mesopotamie, ii. 67 ; Lenormant, Frag,
de Berose, 288).
We have seen Poseidorf in Atlantis encircling his hill

with alternate zones of sea and land, and in the descrip-

tion of his palace the canals which he constructed are
twice referred to. If these are commo%diluyian traditions
of Kronos and Poseidon,^ it must follow that in Plato's
account of Atlantis we may have diluvian traditions hefore
the alleged period of its subsidence, quod est impossibile.
Ergo, I should infer, a conclusion at which I shall arrive
mors definitely by another route, that Atlantis was, in the
main, only general tradition taking form and embodiment
in the mind of Plato.
I have still to notice the single fact upon which rests
the foundation of chaps, iv. vii., that the Iberians, Gauls,
and Celtic-Irish were Atlantes ; viz. that Strabo tells ua
that " the Turdetani had written books containing memo-
rials of ancient times, and also poems and laws set in
verse, for which .they claim an antiquity of six thousand
years." Unfortunately, if we are to argue on Mr. Donnelly's
lines, and if the submersion of Atlantis took place 9000 B.C.,
writings extending back only six thousand years do not
help us at all. It is singular, hpwever, that this figure
should have been named by Strabo as dating anno mundi
—6000 would be very nearly the correct date in his time.
Mr. W. Palmer in his synchronism, " within five years
four months and seven days," Hebrew and LXX.,
of the
with Joaephus and the Egyptian Chronicle, makes the
commencement of the world circa B.C. 6360. I may add
that, so long ,as Mr. W. Palmer's system remains unre-
futed, we may be entitled, at any rate, to prefer his con-
clusions to the assertions of the Egyptian priests confuted
by the testimony of their own monuments.
In Plato's description .of Atlantis prominence is natur-
ally given to the horse, as is appropriate in any mytho-
logical legend which commences with Poseidon. Mr.
Brown {Poseidon, p. 64) and also Mr. Gladstone {Juventus
Mundi) are much exercised by this " remarkable conhec-
tion of Poseidon with the horse." I am now only con-

cerned with the fact.
It is one of M^Donnelly's contentions, in proof of the

existence of Atlantis, that the horse, which, upon the evo-
lutionist theory,he declares must have been first domes-
ticated in America, could not have passed from America
to Europe without the existence o.f "continuous land com-
munication between the two continents." .
Now, let us approach the question from the opposite

direction. According to the biblical indications, and the
tradition that mankind overspread the earth from the
plains of Mesopotamia, we should expect to trace the pos-
session and use of the horse, in the countries intermediate
between the Tigris and Atlantic from East to West.
If, however, Atlantis existed, and was the original seat
of civilisation and the point from which it spread to other

countries, and if it is part of the statement that the horse
existed on the island, then reversely we should expect to
trace the progress of its use from West to East.
M. Lenormant, it need scarcely be added, without any
advertence to this question, has shown in his Premieres
Civilisations (p. 300),
" That the horse not only does not appear in any monument of
the old empire, but is equally absent from those of the period called
the middle empire, which extends from the first Egyptian revival
under the eleventh dynasty until the invasion of the shepherds. . . .
On the contrary, when the monuments recommence after a some-

what lengthened interruption under the eighteenth dynasty, the
horse is seen as an animal in habitualuse in Egypt."
On the other hand, the philological argument, the

only one to which we can have recourse, would seem to
show that the horse was well Known in the East during
the period it was absent from Egypt:
" The horse was one of the domestic species wliich
the Aryans
possessed in the earliest times, and the use of which was General
among their tribes before they were dispersed, some in Europe, thS
others in Persia and India "
(p. 318).
The evidence which we possess as to the migration of t"he

horse appears to me decisive.
There is one other statement which I should like to
have discussed, the only remaining one which has a look
of corroboration of Mr. Donnelly's theory —
i.e. "apart from
his diluvian traditions, which would drift us too far in

their current. This chapter, however, has already run to
too great length, and the statement will perhaps be more
appropriately reserved for consideration in a subsequent
chapter, in which I think I shall be able to disclose the
secret of Atlantis.
:
CHAPTEE II.
CONJECTURE AS TO THE PEOBABLE BASIS OF PLATO'S

ATLANTIS.
In my last chapter I reserved an argument of Mr. Donnelly's

for further consideration, and as it is based on one of the
facts upon which he apparently obtains foothold —one of
the islets or peaks, so to speak, of the submerged Atlantis
—I will give it in extract
" There was an ancient among the Persians that the

tradition
Phoenicians inigrated from the shores of the Erythean Sea, and
this has been supposed to mean the Persian Gulf but there was
;
a very old city of Erythia in utter ruin at the time of Strabo,

which was buUt in some ancient age long before the founding of
Gades, near the site of that town on the Atlantic coast of Spain.
May not this town of Erythia have given its name to the adjacent
sesi? and this may have been the starting-point of the Phoenicians
in their European migrations. It would even appear that there was
an island of Erythia " (Donnellj's Atlantis, ip. 310).
It will be perceived that this conjecture rests entirely

on the statement of Strabo. In the first place, between
Strabo's time and the commencement of Phoenician enter-
prise (B.C. 1200,Lenormant) there was full lapse of time
have been founded, matured, and, the monarch-
for a city to
ical stage having elapsed, to have passed through the
inevitable stages of aristocracy, democracy, despotism,
revolution, and decay, and so in Strabo's time to have
been entitled to the description of an ancient city.
But Strabo (the sole authority cited) himself says,
according to Lenormant, without reference to this ques-
tion :
" We must especially bear in mind the information preserved by

Strabo (xvi. 766) with reference to the country first occupied by the
Canaanites in the Persian Oulf, information which substantially
agrees with that which Herodotus (i. i. v. 89 cf. Justin, xviii. 3)
;
had collected from the mouths of the Phoenicians themselves, that the
two most ancient sanctuaries of their race were situated in the
islands of Tylos and Aradus (two of the existing Bahrien islands),
which reproduced later on in the new country of the Phoenicians
in the Mediterranean the islElndi||||f Tyre and Aradus " (Fragmens
Oosmogoniques,^. 221).*
Even if Strabo had not said it, another line of tradition
would show that the Phoenicians sprang from the Erythean

Sea, between, the Ked Sea and the Persian Gulf; but as
this will afford evidence in another direction also, it will
be convenient to reserve it. The evidence which has now
accumula,ted will justify our reverting to Plato's fragment
with a view to discover, if possible, what its real import
may be.
Plato's Atlantis, so far as I know, has never been com-
pared and confronted with document, the authenticity of
a'
which is recognised by Heeren and Lenormant (it will be

found in extenso in F. Lenormant, Mem. d'Hist. Ancienne,
ii. 414, and also in Heeren, Hist. Researches, Afric.
Nations, p. 478), viz. " the voyage of Hanno, which he
has posted up avtdristzv in the temple of Kronos." The
voyage of Hanno took place circa b.c. 500, and Plato was
born circa B.C. 430. This document, which has come down
to us in the form of a Greek translation, may reasonably
* M. Lenormant says this still more explioitly and emphatically {Hist.
Am:, ii. p. 241), as if in anticipation of some such theory as that of Mr.

DonneUy'B. He says ." The Phoenician tradition, gathered at Tyre itself
:
by Herodotus, . . accepted equally by the judioions Trogus Pompeius

.
the tradition of South Arabia, which Strabo has reported in fine, that
;
which was current in the first centuries of the Christian era, when the
original Syro-Chaldaio ms. of the book L' Agriculture Nabutienne was
' '
written, all three agree in declaring that the Chanaanites had primitively
dwelt near the Chueites. their brethren in origin, upon the shores of the
Erythean Sea or Persian Gulf." Further evidence is adduced, but this
wiU perhaps suffice.
Z4 •
PLATO'S ATLANTIS. •
be presumed to have been accessible to Plato during his

residence either in Sicily or in Cyrene.
It is my contention (1) that thisdocument forms, so to
speak, the backbone of the Atlantis. I think that I shall

be able to show that Plato does not state any fact respect-
ing Atlantis which has not been taken from this document
except (2) —
for 1 think the êptions are sufficiently im-
portant to justify a second êrtion respecting it —unless
what Plato drew from the well of general or family tradi-
tion. Over the whole there is the glamour of Plato's style
and imagination. Eeserving what is preliminary, the
account of Atlantis commences thus :*
" The tale, which was of great length, began as follows : I have
before remarked, in speaking of the allotments of the gods, that they
distributed the whole earth into portions. And Poseidon, re-
. . .
ceiving for his lot the island of Atlantis, begat children by a mortal
woman, and settled them in a part of the island which I will proceed
to describe. On the side towards the sea, and in- the centre of tlie
whole island, there was a plain which is said to have been the
fairest of all plains, and very fertile. Near the plain again, also
in the centre of the island, at a distance of about fifty stadja, there
was a. mountain not very high on any side. In this mountain
there dwelt one of the earth-born primeval men of that country
whose name was Evenor, and he had a wife jiamed Luoippe, and
"
they had an only daughter who was called Cleito (Oritias : Pro-
fessor Jowett's Dialogues of Plato, ii. 603).
This allotment of the earth corresponds to the tradi-

tion of Pheroneus, "the father of mankind" (Clemens
Alex. i. 380), to whom the distribution of mankind was
attributed, " idem nationes distribuit" (Hyginus, 143), and
whom Plato calls " the first."
Hanno sailed about 500 B.C. with sixty vessels and
thirty thousand colonists.
Assuming that Atlantis was idealised from the narra-
* In Appendix A B I give in extenso the description. of

and Appendix
Atlantis in Plato's Critias (Jowett's tran?,), and the translation of the
Periplus of Hanno from Heeren's Hist. Researches.
Plato's Atlantis. 25
tive ofHanno, Atlantis would be coextensive with the

Carthaginian empire, including the Canary and Fortunate
Islands. Poseidon, son of Kronos, was the tutelary god
of the Carthaginians, as witness Hamilcar's elaborate
sacrifice to him in the war with Gelon [Juventus Mundi,
p. 249) ;. and Lenormant terms him " the Libyan Posei-
"
don
The occupation of- Atlantis by Poseidon, and " his
begetting children by a mortal woman," and " settling
them " in a part of the island,
may be conjecturally sup-
posed to be the Carthaginian colonisation of the islands
mentioned in Hanno's narrative and of the mainland
beyond the mountains of Atlas; and this seems exactly
confirmed when we read in Heeren (p. 40), " The colonists
which Hanno carried out consisted, as we are expressly
informed, of Liby-Phoeniciaus, and were not chosen from
among the citizens of Carthage, but taken from the
country inhabitants."
This corresponds sufficiently. It will be noticed that
Plato, after the passage about Poseidon (as above), gives a
description of a plain, and Hanno's account commences
thus :
" When we had passed the Pillars of Hercules on
©ur voyage, and had sailed beyond them for two -days, we
founded the first city, which we named ' Thymiaterium.'
Below it lay an extensive plain." The passage in Plato
about Poseidon refers to the foundation of his first city.
As regards the derivation of " Thymiaterium," it is diffi-
cult to get beyond what old Bochart wrote, " QviîKT^giov,
'
id est Thuribulum quorsum ?" Thymiaterium, Lenormant
tells us, is the modern " Mamoura
" Mamora. Now, —
the description of Mamora very well corresponds with
Plato's descriptions. " It is situated upon a hill, near the
mouth of the river Sjiboe, the waters of which, gradually

widening "in their course, fall icto the Atlantic at this
place and form a harbour' for small vessels." " The fer-
tile pastures, the extensive waters and plantations, which

we passed on our way hither have already been remarked."
" We travelled among trees of various kinds, so agreeably
arranged that the place had more the appearance of a
park than of an uncultivated country. We crossed plains
which were rich with verdure, and we had a view of lakes
which extended many miles in length."* McCuUoch
(Geog. Diet.) says, " Morocco (the ancient Mauritania) has
a large extent of comparatively level land. Some of the
plains and valleys are of great extent and extraordinary
fertility ;" " the soil is now, as in antiquity, proverbial for
its fertility;" "the grass often attaining a height unequalled
except in the prairies of America." " On the north-

western side of the Atlas range the climate is healthy and
genial." QviJUiccrrigioi/ is only the Greek rendering of the
Libyan-Phoenician name, and perhaps a fanciful render-
it was so called because
ing. Bochart'st conjecture is that
" situated in a plain," which corresponds to the fact ;
and Plato describes the plain in which Poseidon (Nep-

tune) " settled, his children " "as the fairest of all plains,
and very fertile."
Plato "then proceeds abruptly to inform us that " Posei-
don next, as he was a god, found no difficulty in making
special arrangements for the centre island, bringing the
streams of water under the earth, which he caused to
ascend as springs, one of warm water and the other of
cold and making every variety of food to spring up
;
abundantly on the earth." Here Plato a little anticipated

—
Hanno's narrative apparently for the purpose of intro-
ducing the earliest Athenian legend concerning Poseidon,
for he is made to perform at Atlantis the same feat with
* Lempri^re's Tour to Morocco (Pinkerton),

xv.
+ Bochart's conjective is founded on a Hebrew eqnivalent but this;
may hold, as the Phoenician iBôlassed by the philologistB ob a Shemitib

tongue. Concerning the extension of the Shemitic race, vide Origin of
the Nations of tVestern Europe, by J. Pym Yeatman.
'
which he is credited at Athens. " In his reign (Ceerops)

Poseidon called forth with his trident a well on the Acro-
polis " (Smith's Mythological Dictionary).*
Hanno goes on to say ihat after passing the plain they
proceeded firstto the west, where, " in a place thickly
covered with trees," they " erected a temple to Neptune "
(Poseidon), and then to the east, " where we found a lake
lying not far from the sea," which would correspond to
" the lakes which extended many miles in length
{supra, p. 26). came upon a country where
If they
sea and land, land and lakes, alternated, it might
have suggested to Plato's imagination "the alternate
zones of sea and land." Plato says, "And we are further
told that Poseidon, when he broke up the ground, ....
made alternate zones of sea and land, larger and smaller;'
encircling one another."
It is next stated in Plato that Poseidon proceeded
" to beget five pairs of male children, dividing the island
of Atlantis into ten portions." " The eldest, who was the
king, he named and from him the whole island and
Atlas,
the ocean received the name of Atlantic." The name of
Atlas is here imported and transferred to the island by
Plato from the traditions of Atlas on the mainland.
Then follows a long account of the settlement of the
five pairs of male children, which might be allowed to
pass and form the foundation for the theory of Atlantis, if,
in corresponding sequence, Hanno had not added, " having
passed the lake about a day's sail, we founded cities. .
."
Five cities are named, the number corresponding with the

five pairs of children of Poseidon.
Plato then descants upon the wealth and possessions
of Atlas ; but before his eloquence has expended itself, he
abruptly and incongruously says, as if .in recollection of
some- fact, " Moreover, there were a great number of
* Compare supra, p. 14.
:
elephants in the island, and there was provision for

animals of every kind, hoth for those that live in lakes
and marshes and rivers, and also for those which live in
mountains and on plains. ." In curious juxtaposition
. .
with this I may place Hanno's statement just before his

mention of the five cities: "We proceeded until we
arrived at a lake lying not far from the sea, and filled
with abundance of large reeds. Here elephants and a

great number of other wild animals were feeding."
The coincidence of the mention in both narratives,
equally abruptly and unexpectedly, and in almost identi-
cal words, of elephants and other animals is noticeable,
but there is another coincidence equally remarkable.
Plato (p. 406) says :
" The island in which the palace
(the palace of Poseidon) was situated had a diameter of
five stadia." The Atlantis island, or continent, thus
shrinks to these dimensions. No
doubt there is mention
of a central island, which implies others; but the above
gives us a measure of the localities indicated, which corre-
spond very closely with the islands mentioned in Hanno's
exploration.
Hanno " Thence we proceeded towards the east,,
says :
the course of a day. Here we found in the recess of a

certain bay a small island, containing a circle of five
stadia." "There we and called it Cerne."
settled a colony,
But would appear to have been their
this small island
head-quarters, for it is added, " We then came to a lake
. .this lake had three islands larger-than Cerne, whence,
.
returning back, we came again to Cerne."

If Hanno's narrative lies at the foundation of Plato'p
fragment of Atlantis, it is natural that what ie central in
the one should be central in the others, and, accordingly,
that what was the. head-quarters in the one should figure
as the palace of Poseidon in the other.
There is a slight resemblance in the way in which the
two narratives proceed. " Enougb of the royal palace.

Crossing the water harbours, which were three in num-
ber" (Plato). Hanno, after the mention of Cerne, which
corresponds to the palace " We then came to a lake,^_
:
which we reached by sailing up a large river. This lake

had three islands."
Several pages follow in Plato in description of the
city
— " the nature and arrangement of the rest of the
country," and " th§ relations of their governments one
to another " —
to which nothing in the short narrative of
Hanno corresponds, and for which the explanation must he
sought elsewhere. {Vide infra, ch. v. p. 77.)
At the conclusion, however, of the two narratives there
are descriptions which are very similar, and leave the im-
pression of one having been suggested to the imagination
by the perusal of the other.
Hanno says " Towards the last day we approached
:
some, large mountains covered with trees, the wood of .
which was sweet-scented and variegated. Having sailed by

these mountains for two days, we came to an immense
opening of the sea, on each side of which, towards the
continent, was a plain, from which we saw by night' fire
arising at intervals in all directions, more or less;" and
further on, " When we had landed we could discover
nothing in the daytime except trees but in the night we
;
saw many fires burning, and heard the sound of pipes,

cymbals, drums, and confused shouts. We were then
afraid, and our divjners ordered us to abandon the island."
Plato describes Atlantis thus: "The whole country
was described as being very lofty and precipitous on the
side of the sea, but the country immediately about and
surrounding the city was a level plain. . . . The surround-
ing mountains," " for their number, size, and beauty,"
"exceeded all that are now to be seen anywhere, having
in them" . . . "woods of various sorts abundant for every
kind of work." " Also wha.teYer fragrant things there are

in the earth, whether roots or herbage or woods, grew and
thrived in that land." After an account of their laws and
customs, he describes their sacrifices of bulls to Poseidon
—how they burnt the limbs of the bull, and took the rest
of the victim to the^re, after having made a purification
of the column all round, and then poured a libation on the
fire, ; and when darkness came on, and the fire about the
sacrifice was cool (but not extinct), " all of them put on
most beautiful azure robes, and, sitting on the ground at
_ night near the embers of the sacrifice, on which they had
sworn, and extinguishing all the fires about the temple,
they received and gave judgment ."
. —
a scene which,
. .
if accompanied, as we may imagine, with " sound of pipes,

cymbals, confused shouts," &c., would bring to the mind
much the same scene which affrighted the mariners and
diviners of Hanno's fleet.
Hanno's short narrative, or, at any rate, the Greek
translation of it which has come down to us, omitting
some final words about a savage people "whose bodies

were hairy " —
conjectured by Lenormant and others to be
gorillas, that word having been wrongly substituted for
the " gorgones or gorgades of the original ms." may be —
said to end with a description of a volcanic region :
" Sailing quickly away thence, we passed a country burning with

fires and perfumes ; and streams of
fire supplied from it fell into
the sea. The country was impassable on account of the heat. We
sailed quickly thence, being much terrified and passing on for four
;
days, we discovered at night a country full oT fire. In the middle

was a than the rest, which seemed to touch the
lofty fire, larger
stars. When day came, we discovered it to be a large hill, called
the chariot of the gods."
Plato's fragment —and it is a circumstance to be noted

that both are fragmentary — terminates with the following
passage, which, apart from the argument, may be accept-
able :
\
" For many generations, as long as the divine nature lasted

in
them, they were obedient to the laws, and well aflfec'tioned towards
the gods who were their kinsmen for they possessed true and in
;
every way great spirits, practising gentleness and wisdom in the

various chances of Ufe, and in their intercourse with one another.
. . But when this divine portion began to fade away in them, then
.
they, being unable to bear thMr fortune, became unseemly, and to

him who had an eye to see they had lost the fairest of their pre-
cious gifts but to those who had no eye to see the true happiness
;
they still appeared glorious and blessed at the very time when
they were filled with unrighteous avarice and power. Zeus, the
god of^ gods, who rules with law, and is able to see into such
things, perceiving tjjat an honourable race was in a most wretched
state, and waiting to inflict punishment on them, that they might
be chastened and improve, colleoted all the gods into his most holy
habitation, which, being placed in the centre of the world, sees all
that partake of generation. And when he had called them together,
he spake as follows :"
There is nothing more, perhaps for the reason suggested

forHanno's narrative or the Greek translation extends no
'
farther.
The catastrophe which was left thus vaguely impend-
ing had to be interpreted in the light of the previous
statement (p. 599) that "Atlantis was sunk by an earth-
quake." Thus one narrative ends somewhat abruptly with
the description of a volcano, and the other with a prognos-
tication of a volcanic subsidence. If it were worth while,
I might show a further coincidence in the approximation
of the term used by Hanno, "the chariot of the gods,"
with the expression of Plato, "collecting
all the gods into
his most holy habitation."*

As I have said, there is nothing more but if I have ;
succeeded in demonstrating that what is known as the

*
Comp. also supra, p. 12, as to the centre of the world remark the ;
Btriking resemUance to this deBcription in the Chaldean account of the

Deluge discovered by Mr. George Smith (eol. iii. 5-7)
:
" The gods
passed the tempest and sought refuge they ascended to the heaven of
;
Assn ;" (17, 18) The gods, in seats seated iu lamentation, covered
'-'
their lips for the coming evil."

Periplus of Hanno is the foundation of Plato's Atlantis,

the discovery, ifI may so term it, will at any rate supply
the reason why the Critias (Atlantis) was never completed,
which has remained a difficulty even to Professor Jowett.
" The Critias [Atlantis] is a fragment wMch breaks off in the
middle of a sentence. . . . Why the Critias [Atlantis'] was never
completed, whether from accident or advancing age, or from a
"
sense of the artistic difficulty of the design, cannot be determined
(Professor Jowett's Introduction to Plato's Dialogues, ii. 595).
In speaking of the Atlantis as a fiction I by no, means

intend that it was a fabrication intended to deceive his
,,
contemporaries. It rather seems to me as if Plato was
! indulging with them in a common and customary gratifi-
i cation of the imagination, and that this is almost ac-
'
knowledged in the following preliminary conversation :
" Consider, then, Socrates, if this narrative is suited to

the purpose, or whether we should seek for some other
1 instead." Socrates" And what other, Critias, can we
:
I find that will be better than this, which is natural and

suitable to the festival of the goddess, and has the advan-
'
tage of being a fact, and not a fiction ?" (True in so far as

it was founded on Hanno.) How or where shall we find
'.'
"
others if we abandon this ? There are none to hS had
{Timceus, 27 Jowett).
: In other words, "I have brought
an interesting document from foreign parts, and if you
approve I will interweave it with our traditions."
CHAPTER III.
FURTHER CONJECTURES —DILUVIAN TRADITIONS. .
In the last chapter I ventured to contend that the Periplus

of Hanno was the main foundation for Plato's myth of
Atlantis. Even, however, if this is conceded, something
more will be required to dispel this " mirage " which has
so long hung in the retrospect of human events.
Just as the "mirage" has led many in the past to
their doom in the desert and in the ocean, so is it now
apparently alluring them to abysses in the region of
•
speculation.
" The fiction," says Professor Jowett, " has exercised great
influence over the imagination of later ages. Without regard
. . .
to the description of Plaito, and without a suspicion that the whole

narrative is a fabrication, interpreters have looked for the spot in
every part of the globe, America, Palestine, Arabia FeKx, Ceylon,
Sardinia, Sweden. The story has had also an effect on the early _
navigators of the sixteenth century " (ii.

p. 590).
If Plato had spoken with full and exact knowledge of

what was known in his days as to the extent of the explora-
tion beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and had deliberately
asserted his .opinion as to the existence of " a lost conti-
nent," his opinion would have had great weight. But all
that he says is that in consequence " of the 'subsidence of

the Island" " the sea in those parts is impassable and im-
penetrable, because there is such a quantity of shallow
mud in the way."
The manner in which he thus alludes to the Mare di
Sargasso looks as if he had heard something of the explora-
—
84 Plato's Atlantis.
tion, but his saying this and no more would also convey
the impression that he had heard of it traditionally, at any
rate not very directly. I notice that Sir J. Lubbock
(Prehistoric Times, p. 39) suggests that the existence of
this sea of seaweed itself originated the idea of the sunken
island. He says, "May not the belief in the 'Atlantis'
be as probably owing to^he 'gulf- weed,' which would so
naturally suggest the idea of sunken land, as to any of the
other causes which are usually assigned for it?" And if
this "gulf-weed" 'formed an impassable and impenetrable

barrier to exploration in the Atlantic, it must have been
a constant subject of speculation with the Phoenician
mariners.
Although the conception of Atlantis arose as a myth in
the mind of Plato, there •
is every indication that a great
deal of floating tradition was used in its fabrication, and
this "residuum" will remain after the dispersal of the
"mirage."
There is one statement which strangely falls in with
the lines of tradition, and which can scarcely escape observa-
tion when attention is directed to Plato's narrative, viz.
that when he was ten years old, at a particular feast
the Apaturia or " registration of youth " he was told the—
history of the Deluge. For whether it was a true or false
story of the Deluge, whether it was the universal Deluge,
or only the deluge which destroyed the island or " conti-
nent " of Atlantis, the fact remains as regards this dis-
cussion that was either the Deluge "which Moses and
it
the Hebrews and the Chaldeans and general tradition

record, or it was the subsidence of Atlantis which, accord-
ing to Mr. Donnelly, lies at the foundation of all these
traditions.
Before proceeding in the inquiry it may be well to have
Plato's words before us :
" I will tell you an old-world story which I heard from an aged
man ; he said, at that time nearly ninety years

for Critias was, as
of age, and I was about ten years old. Now the day was that
"
day of the Apaturia which is called the registration of youth.
He had previously referred to it as an ancient tradition "he —. .
told us an ancient tradition" (Jowett's Dialogues of Plato: Timcms,

p. 5i7).
These words taken in connection with the general tra-

dition are very remarkable, but their full significance will
not be appreciated until it is seen how closely the tradition
in Ancient Greece resembles the diluvian traditions in
America and Africa. It is not, however, my intention to
recapitulate here the evidence which I have collected in
chap. xi. of Tradition, and which; so far as I know, has
not been rebutted, but to supplement it.
As, however, it may be rash to assume that the. reader

has read, or retains in his recollection, the curious cere-
mony commemorative of the Deluge which Catlin witnessed
among the Mandan Indians in 1832, -it will be necessary
to give a few details. Mr. Catlin's account is attested by
J. Kipp (agent to the Missouri Fur Company), J. Craw-
ford Clark, and Abraham Bogard, who accompanied
him and in a subsequent account, published in 1867
;
by Messrs. Triibner, a letter of the Prince of Neuwied is

printed, fully corroborating Mr. Catlin's statements from
what he heard during a winter's residence among the
Mandans, although, he did not actually witness the cere-
mony; and in Tradition, p. 272, I pointed out that the
ceremony among the Mandan Indians had been mentioned
and briefly described in Ceremonies Religieuses a century
before Catlin's visit to them.
That the Prince of Neuwied did not witness it is
accounted for by the circumstance that it is only per-
formed once a year, and in the spring.
" I resolved to await its approach,"' says Mr. Catlin, " and on
inquiry found it would commence as soon as the willow leaves
'
were full grown under the bank of the river.' I asked him why the
—
36 PLATO S ATLANTIS'.
willow had anything to do with it, when he again replied, The twig
'
which the hird hrought into the Big canoe was a willow bough,
and had full-grown leaves on it.' It wiU here be for the reader
to appreciate the surprise with which I met such a
remark from
the lips of a wild man eighteen hundred miles from the nea,rest
civilisation." The ceremony in question, the 0-kee-pa, Mr. Catlin,
says, " though in many respects apparently so unlike it, was strictly
a religious eeremony [the italics are Mr. Catlin's] with abstinence,

,
with sacrifices, and with prayer, whilst there were three other distinct
and ostensible objects for which it was held. 1st. As an annual
celebration of the event of the '
subsiding of the waters '
of the
Deluge, of which they had a distinct tradition, and which in their
language they called Mee-ne-ro-Jca-M-sha (the settling down of the
waters). 2nd. For the purpose of dancing what they called the
BuU dance, to the strict performance of wljich they attributed the
coming of buffaloes to supply them with food during the ensuing
year. 3rd. For the purpose of conducting the young men who had
arrived at the age of manhood during the past year through an
ordeal of privation and bodily torture, which, while it was supposed
to harden their muscles and prepare them for extreme endurance,

enabled their chiefs, who- were spectators of the scene, to decide
upon their comparative bodily strength and ability to endure priva-
tions and sufferings that often fall to the lot of Indian warriors, and
that they might decide who amongst the young men was the best
able to lead a war-party to an extreme exigency." 0-kee-pa of the
Mandans, by G. Catlin (Triibner & Co., 1867), p, 9.
Two facts, then, are in evidence : (1) that when

Plato was ten years old, at a feast called. the "Apaturia"
or the "registration of youth," he heard a discourse
delivered which collected various diluvian traditions ; and
(2) that under strangely different circumstances of time
and place Catlin came upon a curious ceremony professedly
commemorative of a universal deluge, in which again a
principal feature or interlude was a ceremony which might
be exactly described as a registration of youth'.
If, moreover. Several other points of resemblance can
be shown between the Greek and Mandan festivals, this

discovery will go far to preclude any theory which would
account for the American tradition through local conditions'
and modes of thought, and will further justify us in inter-
PLATO'S ATLANTIS. .
37
preting the one by the other, and regarding them as

divergent lines of primitive tradition.*
In the latter ages of Greece the festivals were innumer-
able, more especially, as Xenophon tells us, among the
Athenians ; but allthat trace back to the remote past will
be found upon analysis to be reducible to one or two
primitive traditions.
Aristotle says, with a certain tone of authority which
conveys the impression that he had, in some way been
behind the scenes, and knew the facts, that " the ancient
sacrifices and festivals appear to have taken place after
the ingathering of the crops, as first-fruits." A/ yoig
aâiui &votut kcci amohai (paii/ovrui yivsffdat îra, rag
Tuv xceg'^SJv (jiyx,o(/jihoLg oHov axuût. — Aristotelis Ethica
Nicomachea, viii. 11 (9). This view seems also to find
expression in Virgil, Eclogue v. 90, where the rustics are
made to invoke the primitive deities, Bacchus and Ceres
(comp. also infra, p. 40), to whom " vota quot annis
Agricolae facient."
The later festivals were, as I have said, numerous ; but
setting aside such as had only a local or historical origin,
and confining the analysis to those which were professedly
the most ancient, we come upon .many features which con-
firm the statement of Aristotle —
which accords with what
we should have conjectured to be likely upon the scriptural
indications in Genesis. + The more ancient festivals were
* Since I have written this chapter I have come upon the following
passage in M. A. Reville's Les Religions des Peuples non-civilises, i. 263 :
" We find among the Bedskins an institution which is very similar to

the one we have seen in force in Africa, more especially among the
Caffre-Hottentot groups, namely, a sort of religious aud moral initiation
of youth at the age at which the young man claims admission into the
rank of warriors. These formalities are often very severe. Among the
Dacotas, the Mandans," &c.
f There is a still greater correspondence with the Hebrew festival of
the ingathering of the harvest on the fifteenth day of the seventh month
"And you shall take to you on the first day the fruits of the fairest
trees . . . and the willowi of the brook" (Leviticns zxiii. 39, 40).
held in honour of Jupiter, Apollo, Minerva, Bacchus

(Dionysus), Neptune (Poseidon), Ceres, and Diana. I
come to this conclusion upon the examination of the {circa)
319 festivals, the record of which Bishop Potter collects in

his chapter on "Grecian Festivals," in his Archceologia
GrcBca. He is also of "it apparently on

opinion, basing
the passage already quoted, " that originally, as Aristotle
reports, there were few or no festivals among the Ancients
except those after harvest or vintage." If Apollo repre-
sented the Messianic tradition, we may see a special reason
for the observance of his festival in the earliest times,and
yet without anything speciallycommemorative of the
Deluge. As I have discussed this question in the Month,
April 1877, I omit further reference to it here; but in
the other festivals above mentioned as primitive there will
be found something which connects them with the dilu-
vian tradition.
Jupiter ("Dyaus pater^Zeus pater ^Jupiter," vide
Max Miillerand Tradition, p. 169),. again, like Apollo,
might have been expected to have had a festival apart yet ;
at any rate the culture secondarily became associated with

the tradition, for in the curious annual festival the Hydro-
phoria, to which we shall again have to refer, the Athenians
with great pomp carried vessels of water, which they poured
into a gulf or opening in the temple of Jupiter ". et dans
;
cette occasion ils se rappaloient le triste souvenir que leur

ancetres avoient ete submerges " (Boulanger, UAntiq.
devoile par ses Usages, i. 38). He adds they threw into
the same chasm cakes of meal and honey (Pausanias,
i. 18).
This may be compared with the following incident in
the 0-kee-pa of the Mandans. The mysterious individual
who opens the ceremony calls at each wigwam, and,
" relating the destruction of all the human family by the
Flood, excepting himself, who had been saved in his big
PLATO'S ATLANTIS. • 39
canoe, and now dwelt in the west," demands " gome

edged tool to be given to the water as a sacrifice." " On
the last day of the ceremony, at sundown, in the pres-
ence of the chiefs and all the tribes," the tools were
thrown '.'
into deep water from the top of the rocks, and
• thus made a sacrifice to the water."
Zeus or Jupiter is more directly connected with the
Deluge, as the flood of Deucalion occurred because " êus"
determined to destroy the human race by a great flood"
(Murray's Myth., p. 42). I have not met with any refuta-
tion of the arguments identifying the deluge of Deucalion
with the universal Deluge {ride Tradition, p. 222 to p.
235). The same ceremony is described by Lucian at"
Hierapolis in Syria, where there was the same custom
of pouring water into the cleft of the temple. Brett, in
The Indian Tribes of Guiana, gives a legend very similar
to that of Deucalion. Grote {Hist. Greece, i. 133) says,
" In this-, as in other parts of Greece, the idea of the
Deukalionian deluge was blended with the religious im-
commemorated by their most
pressions of the people, and
sacred ceremonies." Boulanger (i. 39) says, "It was,
according to the legend, by the opening of this chasm that
the waters which covered Attica had disappeared and it ;
was alleged that Deucalion had erected an altar near this

place, and tradition attributed to Deucalion and his grati-
tude towards the gods the first foundation .of the temple
of Jupiter Olympius, '
aupres duquel se faisoienf ces cere-
monies lugubres.'
Assuming a simple primitive festival which formed the
"nucleus" round which the various diluvian traditions
collected, the prominence of the festivals of Ceres and
Diana would be respectively accounted for by the general
tradition having passed through a people who'were either
husbandmen or hunters in their origin or in their pre-
dominant constituent. A pastoral people would have re-
+
mained more scattered and isolated, and their tradition

would require special consideration.
If, therefore, we find that iron was thrown into the
water as a token of sacrifice in one instance, and meal

in another, it would be only what we should expect in the
case of tribes having different avocations, but A common
tradition.
Jn Athens there was a feast called 'AXam "in the
month of Posidon, in honour of Ceres and Bacchus, by
whose blessing the husbandmen received the recompense
of their toil and labour; and, therefore, their oblations
consisted of nothing but the fruits of the earth. Others
'say this festival was instituted aa a commemoration of the
primitive Greeks, who lived Iv rccTg oKuai, i.e. in vine-
yards and cornfields."* This festival recalls the primitive
and
simplicity of the ancient festivals noted by Aristotle,
at the same time indicates a fusion with the diluvian
traditions in its connections with Posidon and Bacchus.
There was another festival (p. 400) named from "the
gathering of the fruits," held, according to Menander, in
honour of Ceres and Bacchus, and at which, according to
Eustathius, " there was also a solemn procession in honour
of Neptune." We are elsewhere told that the festival
6ia[/jOf6§iuwas kept universally throughout Greece, except
by the Eretrians (p. 404). This festival was held in honour
of Ceres, as the law-giver,. " because she was the first wô
taught mankind the use of laws ;" which may mean that
the festival went back to the time when law commenced
or recommenced —
to Noah and the Deluge.
There was one sacrifice in the Aloa festival which has
* Bishop Potter, i. p. 361.
I " On pent nne application de la rggle d'aprds laqnelle on

voir ioi
tronve I'origine deB coutumes lee plna bizarres, quand on pent les com-
parer ohez les penplea dlverB, entourSes et comme flanqnSes de oontnmeB
nôeBsbireB moins frSqaemment obsurvables, variant d'un peiê i I'antre,
maiB pivotant antonr d'ane idSe toujonrB la mîue " (Les Religions del
Peujalei non-civilisgs, par A. Beville, 1883, i. p. 337).
PLATO S ATLANTIS. 41
a close resemblance to a festival among the Minatarces

— village community adjoining the Mandans —-the
^the
Thalusia — " a sacrifice offered by the husbandmen after

harvest, v^sg rrjg xocgTopogiug, i.e. in gratitude to the gods,
by whose blessingthey enjoyed the fruits of the ground.
The whole festival was called Aloa. Hence comes . . .
OaXvaiog agrog, sometimes called ©d^yfjXog, which was

the first bread made of the new corn " (Bishop Potter, i.
p. 400).
Compare CatHn, North American Indians, i. p. 189
" At the usual season and the time when, from outward appear-
ance of the stalks and ears of the corn, it is supposed to be nearly
readyfor use, several of the old women who are the owners of fields or
patches of corn .are delegated by the medicine-men to look
' '
at the cornfields every morning at sunrise, and bring into the

council-house several ears of corn, the husks of which the women are
not allowed to break open, or even to peep through When from
repeated examination they come to the decision that it will do, they
despatch runners or criers announcing to every part of the village or
tribe that the Great Spirit has been kind to them, and they must
aU meet the next day to return thanks for his goodness."
•
A feast and dance follow. I will note further that

just as there was a festival in honour of Ceres when the
new corn* was was there (Bishop Potter, p. 416) in
ripe, so
honour of Bacchus when the new wine was first tasted
and another (p. 427), the Protrugeia, in honoijr of Neptune
and Bacchus in connection with the new wine. It will
be remembered that the Mandan diluvian commemoration
took place as soon as the wiZZow leaves were full grown ;
and at Athens (p. 393) there was a festival of elenophoria,

" from iXii/cii, vessels made of bulrushes, with ears of
willow, in which certain mysterious things were carried
upon this day." The festival of Mysia (Potter, p. 415),
"in honour of Ceres, continued seven days, upon the
* The Hebrews (Leviticus xxiii. 10) were commanded " to bring sheaves
of eart, the first-fruits of your harvest, to the priebts."
third of which, all the shut out of the

men and •dogs being
temple, the women remained within. ." In . .
the Mandan festival, "orders were given by the chiefs

that the women and children should all be silent and
retire within their wigwams, and their dogs all to be
muzzled during the whole of that day, which belonged to
the Great Spirit" (Catlin, p. 11).
"In the middle of the last dance on the fourth day
[in the Mandan ceremony, Catlin, p. 22], a sudden
alarm throughout the group announced the arrival of a
strange character from the West. This strange and
. . .
frightful character, whom they called the evil spirit,

darted through the crowd when the buffalo-dance was pro-
ceeding. His body was painted jet black. ." He is . .
confronted by the conductor of ceremonies and his medi-

cine pipe, who, "looking him full in the face, held him
motionless under its charm until the women and children
had withdrawn from his reach." After a while the women
gradually advanced and gathered around him. " In this
distressing dilemma he was approached by an old matron,,
who came up slyly behind him with both hands full of'
yellow dirt, which, by reaching round him, she suddenly
dashed in his face, changing his colour and at ; . . .
length another snatched his wand from his hand and

broke it across her knee. His powej- was thus gone,
. . .
.... and bolting through the crowd he made his way

to the prairies." In (this we seem to see trace of the
primitive tradition that the woman should crush the head,
of the serpent. This tradition,* which may be almost said
to find direct expression in the antagonism of the serpent
Python to Latona, and his and death
final discomfiture
at the hands of her son Apollo immediately upon his
birth, may perhaps also be seen in the prominence given
to women in some of the Grecian festivals ostensibly, no —
* Vide supplemental evidence, infra, p. 70.
PIATO'S ATLANTIS. 43
doubt, in commemoration of some local victory ; e.g.

(Potter, 404) " There was a mysterious sacrifice
: called
diorma, or apodiorma, because all men were excluded,
because in a dangerous war the women's prayers were so
prevalent with the gods that their enemies w^re defeated
and put to flight as far as Chalcis ;" and in the utristika
at Argos (p. -436), " where the chief ceremony was that
the men and women exchanged habits, in memory of the
generous achievement of Talasilla,-who, having enlisted
a suflBcient number of women, made a vigorous defence
against the whole Spartan army." It should have been
mentioned that after the defeat of the evil spirit by the
woman Mandau ceremony, " the whole government
in the
of the Mandans was then in the hands of one woman she —
who had disarmed the' evil spirit; that all must . . .
repair to their wigwams that the chiefs on that

; . . .
night were oM i«o«iew, and had nothing to say. "In . . .
the Atow(Tioc ag-xâiOTBgoi (Potter, p. 383), as distin-

guished from the iiSMTSga, celebrated in the temple of
Bacchus, " the chief persons who ofiBciated were fourteen
women, appointed by the Baff/XsOb, who was one of the
Archous. . . . They were called the Venerable. . .
."
The Apaturia, it will be remembered, was the feast of

the "registration. of youth," at which Plato tells us he was
told the legend of the subsidence of Atlantis; which, as I
contend, was only a form of the tradition of the uni-
versal Deluge.Now, the term "Apaturia," which signifies
"deceit" (Smith, Myth. Diet.), has no explanation in
anything that occurred or is recorded of the Grecian
festival.
There are, however, two legends in explanation. In
the one it is connected with a surname of Aphrodite; who
enticed the giants into a cavern to their destruction by
Heracles. The legend, no doubt, is susceptible of another
interpretation ; but in its main feature it is the destruction
of the spirits of evil through the " artifice of a woman,"*

In the other it is told that the festival was first instituted
at Athens in memory of the stratagem by which Melan-
thius, the Athenian king, overcame Xanthus, the King of
BcBotia, in single combat.
' As they were, just going to
begin the fight, " Melanthius, thinking or pretending that
he saw at Xanthus's back a person habited in a black goat-
skin, cried out that the articles were violated ; upon this,
Xanthus, looking back) was treacherously slain by Melan-
thius " (Bishop Potter, i. 369). This brings to recollec-
tion the scene we have just witnessed, in which the Man-

dan maiden discomfiJ,ed the evil «pirit painted black by
stealthily approaching him from behind.
The resemblance might be deemed insufficient and
inconclusive, if it were not for the delation of the legend to
the festival of the " registration of youth ;" for this juxta-
position will be found also in the Mandan ceremony.
When the heroine after her victory is conducted to the
"medicine (or mystery) lodge," she orders the bull-dance
to be stopped, the four tortoise drums (concerning which
presently) to be carried in, the bufialo and human skulls
to be hung on the four posts, and she then invites the
chiefs to enter the medicine-lodge "to witness the volun-
tary tortures of the young men now to commence " (see
above, p. 36).
The Apaturia, it is true, did not, at any rate in the
time of Plato, present the horrible features of the Mandan
ceremony but in other Grecian festivals there are evi-
;
dences of scenes quite as revolting as those which Catlin

witnessed, and enacted apparently upon the same motives
* In the first instance it is the alarm of the
woman in the Mandan
ceremony which brings about the intervention of the man with the medi-
cine or mystery pipe, who curbs the evil one, as in the legend Aphro-
dite decoys the giants to the caverns in which Heracles (who, according
to an interpretation of certain legends as Hercnles might be called " the
first or only man," like the mystery man) is concealed.
and idefts. One idea seems common to them all — to pro-

vide a certain registration of youth ; at Athens perhaps
only a civil registration engrafted on a primitive festival,
and at Sparta and among the Mandans a registration and
test of fortitude and endurance.
The Mandan (Catlin, p. 28 The Spartan {Arohao, Ormca,

top. 31). i. p. 379).
The Mandans were sus- At Sparta took the form of

it
pended by splints inserted in the flagellation of youths before

the flesh until life was appa- the altar of Diana Orthia, and
rently extinct. " No one was lest the youths " should faint
allowed to ofifer them aid whilst under correction, or do anything
they lay in this condition. They unworthy of Laoonian education,
were here enjoying their inesti- their parents were usually pre-
mable privilege of voluntarily sent, to exhort them to bear
entrusting their lives to the whatever was inflicted upoii'
keeping of the Great Spirit. them with patience and con-
. . . The young men seemed to stancy. And so great was the
take no care or notice of the bravery and resolution of the
wounds thus made. During . . . boys, that though they were
the whole time of this cruel part lashed till the blood gushed
of the ceremonies the chiefs and out, and sometimes to death,*
other dignitaries of the tribes yet a cry or groan was seldom
were looking on to decide who or never heard to proceed from
amongst the young men were any of them. Those of them
the hardiest, who could hang the that died by this means were
longest by his torn flesh without buried with garlands on their
fainting, that they might
. . . heads in token of joy or victory,
decide whom to appoint to lead and had the honour of a public
a war-party, or to place at the funeral. . . . By some it is said
most important posts in time of to have been one of Lycurgus'
war." If death ensued, " they institutions to accustom the
youth to endure pain. _. ."
all. seemed to speak of this as . .
an enviable fate rather than as By some it is traced to the

a misfortune for the Great
; introduction of the worship of
Spirit had so willed it for some Diana Taurica, and in mitiga-
especial purpose, and no doubt tion of the oracle which com-
for the yo'-ing man's benefit." manded that human blo,od should
be shed upon her altar.
Note in connection with the worship of Diana Taurica

that the Mandan custom was preceded by "the bull-
dance " and followed by " the feast o'f the buffaloes," and
that the grand operator in the tortures sat with " a dried
buffalo skull before him." In Sicily (p. 431) there was a
. festival in which the youths beat each other with sea-
onions ; the victor was rewarded with a bulb. I have made
a suggestion as to the significance of the bull in connec-
tion with the diluvian Nature Myth Theory,
tradition, in
pp. 7-10, which I now Appendix C. The

reprint in
Lacedaemonians detested the worship of Diana Taurica,
but- feared the anger of the goddess. To the faithful
observance of their custom the Mandans looked for their
annual supply of buffaloes. There was a festival of Pan
in Arcadia, when the boys used to beat his statue with
sea-onions, more especially when they missed their prey
in hunting.
There is something in the Mandan ceremony that
reminds us of the Dionysia, although they would appear
'
to have been a water-drinking people when Catlin visited

them at any rate, there is no mention of intoxicating
;
drinks. The immorality of the closing scene in the cere-

mony, however, recalls the Bacchanalian orgies, and more-
over the central object in their village, which they called
"the big canoe," and round which the dances took place,
was shaped like a hogshead cask (compare infra, p. 72).
Assuming the fact that Bacchus- represents the later
traditions of the patriarch Noah, or possibly the tradition
of Cham, embodying traditions of the episode recorded in
the Bible, the substitution of wine-sacks for vrater-sacks
in the following narratives would correspond to the con-
fusion of tradition we have just seen in the combination
of the wine-butt and the canoe.*
* The late Colooel George Macdonell, C.B., related
that certain
Jesuit miBsionaries went in search of an Indian tribe whom Sir Jojjn
Mandan (Catlin). Archao. Grama, i. p. 372.
"There were also four articles "'AffxuA/a. A festival cele-

of veneration, and importance brated by the Athenian hus-
lying on the ground, which were bandmen in honour of Bacchus,
sacks containing each some three to whom they sacrificed a he-
or four gallons of water. They goat because that animal de-
seemed to "be objects of great stroys the vines. . . . Out of
superstitious regard. . . . The the victim's skin it was cus-
sacks of water had the appear- tomary to make a sack, wliich,
ance of great antiquity, and the being fiUed with wine and oil,
Mandans pretended that the water they endeavoured to. leap upon it
had been contained in them ever with one foot, and he that first
'. During
since the Deluge. . . fixed himself upon it was de-
each and every one of these clared victor, and received the
bull-dances the four old men sack as a reward. The festival
who were beating on the sacks was so called from leaping on
of water were chanting forth their the sack (or bottle)." This must
supplications to the Great Spirit .be considered in connection with
for a continuation of his favours the conjoint festivals of Neptune
in sending them buffaloes to sup- and Bacchus, e.g. the TrpoTpvyiTa,
ply them with food for the ensuing from " new wine."
year. . .
." The young men at Rome were
invested with the toga virilis at
the Uberalia, a festival in honour
of Bacchus (Dollinger, Jew and
Gentile, a. 51).
Boss in hie voyage towards the North Pole had described as without any
creed of any kind. The Jeeuits found that they had no worship except
that at midday they assembled in a circle, and then the oldest man called
out three times "Ye-ho-wah," which they regarded as an invocation of
Jehovah. His informant was the Rev. G. Glover, S.J., at Eome.
I find a very similar account in Stanley Faber's Pagan Idolatry, ii.
p. 309, who quotes from The History df the American Indians, by James
Adair, a trader with the Indians, and resident in the country for forty
years. Mr. Adair gives an account of an Indian tribe who had carried
about with them an ark in which they kept various holy vessels. " This
ark the priests were wont to bear in solemn processions. They never
placed it on the ground when stones were to hand, they rested it upon
;
them when not, upon logs of wood. ... No one presumed to touch it
;
except the chieftain and his attendants, and only on particular occasions."
The dfity of this ark they invoked by the name of Yo-he-wah, which
Mr. Adair supposes to be a slight variation of the Jehovah of the
Hebrews. Faber, however, after adducing supplementary evidence, con-
"
If Dionysus Bacchus) embodies a tradition of

(or
Noah, and if (Gen. ix. 3) the permission to eat flesh-meat
was first given to the patriarch, this is. an event which we
should expect to find transmitted in tradition, and we
seem to see it in the Aîdiiiia, and the d)^b(payioi,, festivals
held in honour of Bacchus as "the eater of. raw flesh"

(Archao. Gr<pca, 362-439).
The probability of such indirect tradition is increased
by the fact of direct tradition in the pages of Porphyry,
the opponent of Christianity (vide extract from Porphyry,
De Abstinentia, liv. ii., in L'Abbe Gainet's Hist.de I'Anc.
et Nou. Test, par les seuls temoignages profanes, i. 175).
The aim of Porphyry's work was to revive the system of

Pythagoras, and beyond it to bring men back to the man-
ners of primitive life. " Now," he says, " these men, les
habitants voisins des generations divines, eat nothing which
had life, in order to give themselves up more freely to the
exercise of the intellect, and to hold themselves aloof from
the depravation of manners." Porphyry quotes Dicear-
chuB to this effectj and adds, what has a special significance
with reference to the theory of primitive barbarism: "And
it is evident that this light and simple kind of food gave
birth to the proverb which circulated in the succeeding
ages, '
Then the acorn sufficed. . .
.'
We have seen at the commencement of this inquiry
clndes :
"I am inclined to believe that as Ho is Hu or Bacchus (comp.
Welsh Celtic legend of Hn, Paher.p. 304, and Chaldaic Hoa), so we have
no otHer than the Bacchic cry of Hevah or Evoe, and consequently that
the exclamation Yo-he-wah is in fact nothing more than Ho-Hevah,
•which is equivalent to Hues Evoe, or inversely Evoe Bacche." I must
leave the reader to decide between these conflicting views. St, Clemens
of Alexandria says, describing the orgies of the Bacchantes : " Coronati
serpentibuB et ululantes Evam. Evam illam per quam error est conse-
cutens et signum Bacohieorum orgionem est serpens mysteriis initiatus "
;
{Admon. ad Gintis, p. 9). I have discussed the evidence further in

chapter iv. ; and also, with reference to the Indian snake-dance, compai-e
page 71, infra.
that there was at Athens an annual ceremony directly

commemorative of the Deluge, which was called the Hydro-
phoria, from bearing water, which they poured into an
aperture in the temple, " in memory of those who perished
in the Deluge." This ceremony has this feature in com-
mon with the Syrian ceremony described by Lucian. It
is necessary to recall these facts in order to perceive the
full significance of the objects carried in the procession
. {vide Tradition, p. 248). It was celebrated on the 25th
Thargelion^Sth May (comp. Catlin above). Every citizen
contributed an ox and oZiwe-branches. " In the ceremonies
without the city there was an engine built in the form of a
ship on purpose for this solemnity ;" upon this the sacred
;"
garment of Minerva " was hung in the manner of a sail
" the whole conveyed to the temple of Ceres Eleusinia."
" This procession was led by old men, together, as some
say,- with old women, carrying olive-branches in their
hands." "After them .... sojourners, who carried little
boats as a token of their being foreigners, and were called

on that account boat-bearers ; then followed the women,
^. . who were named vt^m<l)oÔi, from bearing water-
. .
pots" (comp. the hydrophoria, as above).

I have excluded from the inquiry two things which, in
certain aspects, are common to all these ceremonies in
their later and degenerate forms — obscenity, and solar-
worship. Before proceeding to justify the exclusion of
the latter, I must conclude the evidence with one striking
resemblance or coincidence between the Mandan and Gre-
cian festivals, which perhaps ought, to have been mentioned
before. The opening of the Mandan ceremony is thus
graphically described by Catlin (p. 9) :
• •
" arrived for the holding of these ceremonies,

The season having
the leading medicine (mystery) man presented himself on top of a
wigwam one morning before sunrise, and haranguing the people,
told them that he discovered something very strange in the
'
E
:
weBtem horizon, and he believed that at the rising of the sun a

great white man would enter the village from the west and open the
medicine lodge.' In a few moments the tops of the wigwams and
other elevations were covered with men, women, and children on
a,ll
the look-out and at the moment the rays of the sun shed their first
;
light ... all eyes were directed to the prairie, where, at the dis-
tance of a mile or so from the village, a solitary human figure
was seen descending the prairie hills aj^d approaching the village
in a straight line until he reached the picket. . The head chief
. .
and the council of chiefs . soon made their appearance in a

. .
body at the picket, and recognised the visitor as an old acquaint-

ance whom they addressed as Nuh-mohk-miick-a-nah (the first or
'
'
only man). All ^hook hands with him, and invited him within the
picket. He then harangued them for a few minutes, reminding them
that every human being on the surface of the earth had been de-
stroyed by the water except himself, who had landed on a high moun-
tain in the west in his canoe, where he still resides, and from whence
he had come to open the medicine lodge, that the Mandans might
celebrate the subsiding of the waters (comp. hydrophoria Lucian's —
account of the ceremony at Hierapolis) and make the proper sacri-
fices to, the water, lest the same calamity should again happen to
them."
Let US listen if we do not seem to catch the-echoof this

in the account which Athenseus (lib. iii.) has given us of
the "Baton, the Sinopensian rhetorician, in
•îkdigicc :
his description of Thessaly and Hffimonia, declares that

the Saturnalia was a Grecian festival, and called by the
Thessalians Peloria." His words are these
" At a time when the Pelasgians were offering public sacrifices,

one Pelorus came in, and told one of them that the mountains of
Tempe in Heemonia were torn asunder by an earthquake, and the
lake which had previously covered the adjacent valley, making its
way through the breach and falliug into the stream of Peneus, had
left behind a vast but most pleasant and delightful plain. The Pelas-
gians hugged Pelorus for his news, and invited him to an entertain-
ment where he was treated with all sorts of daintilfe. ... In
memory of this, when the Pelasgians had seated themselves in
the newly discovered country, they instituted a festival wherein
they offered sacrifices to Jupiter, surnarced Pelor, and made
sumptuous entertainments, whereto they invited not only all the
foreigners among them (compare the Panathensea), but prisoners

also . . . and slaves, aU of whom they permitted to sit down, and
waited on them."
This latter feature connects it with other Grecian

festivals, and also with the Persian festival held in the
spring of every year, " when the husbandmen were admitted
without distinction to the table of the king and his
satraps " (Gibbon, ii. 8).
Considering the prominent part which Bacchus plays in
these ceremonies and in mythological tradition, it is curious
that he should only once be mentioned in Sir G. W. Cox's
Mythology of the Aryan Nations. Is it not a notable
instance of the part of Hamlet being omitted in the play
of Hamlet ? This casual reference to him will be found
(ii. p. 4), " Bacchos the son of Dionysos ;" and I may here
notice that Sir G. W. Cox's mythology does not accord

either with the discarded Lempriere, or with Dr. Smith's
Dictionary of Mythology, or with Murray's Manual,
even when they all agree, and Sir G. W. Cox gives few
classical references. However, it is not necessary here to
discuss whether or not " Bacchos is " the son of Diony-
''
sos," or whether he is Bacchus the Roman equivalent for

the Greek Dionysos.
I am not impeaching Sir G. W. Cox's extensive
acquaintance with classical literature, but I do protest
against the manner in which this school presents its theory
to the exclusion of every other view. I think we might
have expected some recognition of the theory originally
held that Bacchus or Dionysos embodied traditions of the
patriarchNoah or Cham or Nimrod (for either might have
formed a " nucleus " round which the traditions or niyths
might have collected); at any rate, we should have expected
some advertence to the facts.
The salient facts from the traditional point of view are
1. That although there are legends of a youthful
Bacchus,* and of his double birth (equally explicable on

solar theory and on the theory of the revival of life and
second birth after the Deluge, which legend, by the bye,
takes the form- of Adonis, who is also saved in an ark), yet
the circumstances and surroundings which the legends
reveal necessarily locate him in the primitive ages of the
world.
2. Neither is it a difficulty that there " were three
Bacchuses," for they are all resolvable into various forms
of the same legend, or myth, equally from the historical
or nature myth point of view. " Like the Theban wine-
god, Adonis is born only on the death of his mother ; and
the two myths are, in one version, so far the same that
Dionysos, like Adonis, is placed in a chest which, being
where the body of
cast into the sea, is carried to Brasiai,
his mother is buried" (Cox, Myth. ii. 9). "Adonis
"
stands to Dionysos in the relation of Helios to Phoibos
(Cox, ii. 113). The extinct mother may as well be the
former world destroyed as the night or -the winter.
3. Various legends connect Bacchus with the sea.
4. He is the first legislator.
5. Bacchus first discovered and planted the vine.

The Bacchus are recorded
principal traditions regarding
by Diodorus Siculus, and although Diodorus explicitly
states this, the statement is ignored in Cox, Murray, and
even in Smith and Lempriere. This is so important that
I must give the actual text. Writing at a period B.C. 8,
when tradition had become obscured, Diodorus inclines to
the naturalist views, which, by the bye, presuppose the ante-
cedence of the historical tradition or myth, inasmuch as
Diodorus Sic. teUs us (1. iv.) that Dionysus (like Janns) had two
*
foces, "that the ancient Dionysus always wore a long beard." In the
other aspect he is reprtseuted " as a spruce young man." Janus (bifrons)
is reireseuted "with a prow of a ship on the reverse of his medals"
and on the Sicilian coins at Eryx with "a dove encircled with a crown,
which seems to be of olive " (Bryant, Myth. ii..254).
they are critical attempts to explaiji them away, and do

not materially differ from the modern attempts; e.g.
Diodorus (i. 3) says, " And these are the opinions of
those who take Bacchus for nothing else than the use and
strength found to lie in the vine ;" and in Cox (ii. p. 293),
Dionysos (Bacchus) is apparently "the manifestation of
that power which ripens the fruits of the earth, and more
especially the vine." Having, however, given the natu-
ralist view, Diodorus then says, "But 'those writers on
mythology who say that this god was a man unaniwously
'
attribute to him the finding out and first planting of the

"
vine, and everything that belongs to the use of the vine
(Booth, tran. iii. p. 204). raiii is (jbvGoyâipm o'i suîiu-
roiih^ rov diof TagsKrd.'yoi/Teg Trjv (/j\v iuîaiv rijg afii'TriXov
««< <pvriitt,v xcii 'jrS.aa.v r^v êgi tov ohov Tgayi/jursiKii
aviJb<pm(ug avrSi TgocuTTOfjiri (Diodorus Siculus, lib. iii.
c. 63). moment.
I shall return to this text in a
6. Horace uses in respect to Bacchus the very tra-
ditional phrase Father Bacchus " Quis non te potius :
Bacche pater " {Odes, i. 18).

7. Bacchus is described "as relentless in punishing
all want of respect for his divinity," and the punishment
of Pentheus, as narrated by Theocritus, B.C. 282, forcibly

reminds us of the curse of Chanaan in Genesis :
" Perched on tho sheer cliflF, Pentheus would espy

AU . .
."
(For profaning thus " these mysteries weird, that must

not be profaned by vulgar eyes," Pentheus is torn to
pieces by the Bacchanals)
..." Warned by this tale, let no man dare defy

Great Bacchus, lest a death more awful should he die,
And, when he counts nine years or scarcely ten,
Rush to his ruin. May I pass my days
Uprightly, and be loved by upright men
And take this motto, all who covet praise
('Twas segis-bearing Jove that spoke it first) :
The godly seed fares well, the wicked is aoeurst."

(Calverley's Theocritus, Idyll xxvi.)
8. Bacchus was regarded as the god of the drama and

the protector of theatres ; very naturally, if the commemo-
rative ceremonies we have heen discussing were primitive
and anteceded the stage and the drama.
9. In the lines of the Orphic hymn :
KmXriSKDi 'Aiovuaov hpl^pofiiov ihaerripa,

ifpUToyovov, A/pu^ rpiyovov.
The three apply to Noah.

last epithets exactly Ai<pv^=
double = bifrons, we have just seen him represented
as
looking back on the world that had perished, and for-
ward to the new birth he was inaugurating; rîyovov in
allusion to his three sons; but more especially in the
epithet first-born —
TTûroyovov. As I have elsewhere
remarked, since all antediluvian traditions meet in Noah,
and are transmitted through him, there is an a priori
probability that we shall find all the antediluvian tradi-
tions confused in the tradition of Noah, and accordingly
the reduplication of Adam in Noah has not escaped observa-
tion. Thus the epithet " first-born " curiously applies; and
I must further note the remarkable resemblance to the
epithet addressed to the personage who appeared from the
plain to open the Mandan ceremony {vide sup., p. 49),
" the first or only man."
The cumulative force of the evidence appears to me
very strong, and assuming the existence of Noah, I think
it must be admitted that the tradition points to the
patriarch, or tosome original progenitor immediately in
contact with him. It may, indeed, be alternatively as-
serted that Bacchus is the sun, but this will not suiSce.
This may be objected by those who believe in Genesis, or
by those who do not. If by the former, I reply that
whenever mythology commenced, Noah or Cham may .
have been identified with, or deified in connection with,

the sun and from this point of view the mythology
;
must have been subsequent to the Deluge, and, accepting

the scriptural indications, nothing is more probable than
that the mythology should have absorbed or embodied the
incidents of that stupendous event, and the personages
and facts of early history.
To those who only recognise the book of Genesis as.
a historical record I must submit that in supposing the

patriarch —perhaps they will recognise hiift, at any rate,
as a progenitor — been deified in connection with

to have
the sun, I am not hazarding a mere conjecture, but am
stating as a hypothesis what there is evidence to show
was probable, because in accordance with the tendency of
thought at that day.
" The Egyptian priests, as we learn from Plutarch [De Isid. p.
354, rae Si 'luâg XdfiTriiti aarpa), taught expressly that Cronos,
Osiris, Horus, and all their principal deities were once mere men
but that after they died their souls migrated into some one or other
of the heavenly bodies, and became the genii or animating spirits
of their new celestial mansions. ... la a similar manner we are
told by Sanchoniathon that Ilus or Cronos [comp. supra, p. 18]
was once a man, that he was deified by the PhcEnioians after his
death, and that his soul was believed to have passed into the
"
planet which bears his name. Eusebius, Prisp. Evan. lib. i. c. 10
(Stanley Faber, Pagan Idolatry, ii. p. 327).
The expression of Cicero also, " oportet contra illos

etiam qui hos deos ex hominum genere in coelum " (De
Nat. Deorum, iii. 21), may be adduced in evidence of the
tendency to this mode of deification. The inquiry would
seem to have resulted, so far, in the following facts
Taking the evidence of Genesis (whether as revealed truth
or historical record), at the primitive commencement of
the human family after the Deluge (or of a large section

of mankind after a deluge), we have the account of the
first planting of the vine by the first progenitor, followed
by a scene of intoxication which would, from its circum^

stances, have impressed itself on the memories of his
descendants.
Tracing backwards, we find evidences of commemora-
tive ceremonies, which correspond to the facts above re-
corded in the circumstances that they were commemorative
of a deluge, of a first legislator, of the first planting of the
•vine, of the first cultivator, almost invariably terminating
in a scene of riot or intoxication —not always, it is true,
combining all ^hese traditions, but so combining features
of them as to disclose a common parentage.
On the other hand, it is contended that the Deluge of
Genesis was only one line of the tradition of the submer-
sion of Atlantis, which would give a measure of its mag-
nitude — " that great deluge of all," as Plato calls it. As
against this, I have pointed to a document to which
Plato's narrative very closely corresponds, and which, if
his narrative is not to be accepted literally, might easily
have formed the foundation for the fiction. That is how
the argument at present stands.
CHAPTEK IV.
RECENT TESTIMONIES.
Since the previous chapter was written I have become

acquainted with Mr. A. Lang's Custom and Myth, quite
recently published (Longmans, 1884). Mr. Lang, having
made' the discovery that, in what is called the " orthodox "
school of mythology —the school of Mr.and Max Miiller
Sir G. W.' Cox —" the distinguished scholars
and mytho-
logists " " usually differ from each other," and manifest
"none of the beautiful unanimity of orthodoxy," has
wisely sought to broaden the basis of mythology. Instead
of endeavouring to find its derivation in etymology, after
the manner of the philological school, he rather seeks it
in folklore, which, I may observe in passing, was the aim,
as is implied in the title of my book. Tradition with
Reference to Mythology, printed in 1872. Mr. Lang says
(p. 25):
"
Our method throughout will be to place ths' usage or myth,
which is unintelligible when found among a civilised race, beside
the similar myth, which is intelligible enough when it is found
among savages. . The conclusion wiU usually be that the fact
. .
which puzzles us by its presence in civilisation is a relic surviving

from the time when the ancestors of a civilised race were in a state
of savagerj'."
Mr. Lang's view necessarily

It will be noticed that
supposes a state of primitive barbarism. Now if, on the
other hand, we point to the ancient and contrary belief of
a large section of mankind that the race commenced with
civilisation and with survival from a Deluge ; and if we

further contend that, if this belief is accepted, all these
myths and customs fall into their place, and that their
similarity of feature demands no other explanation than
community of origin, all I need say is that this belief, or
theory, or tradition, cannot be displaced or overthrown by
any theory which assumes the state of primeval barbarism,
as this merely begs the question at issue. I feel dis-
pensed, therefore, from further advertence to Mr. Lang's
theory, and may confine myself to his facts, which bring
striking corroborative evidence.
Mr. Lang's account of " the bull-roarer " brings fresh
evidence in relation to the Mandan ceremony we have
just been examining, proving, if need be, that Catlin's
narrative is attested by external testimony, and further
connecting it with the diluvian tradition.
The " bull-roarer '' in itself need alarm no one, and an
interesting account of this traditional toy will be found in
Mr. Lang's book at p. 30. Its significance is in its rela-
tion to the diluvian ceremonies. It is simply a piece of
pointed wood tied to a string, which, when whirled round,
prodjQces a roaring noise. Assuming the identity of bull-
roarers, turbines, xmot and f'o|M/j3o;, the latter being some-
times interpreted as " a magic wheel," we may assume
also their identity with the " rattles " used in the Mandan
ceremony {infra, p. 67).
The " bull-roarer," like the " rattles," "is associated
with mysteries and initiations." If the belated traveller
in the plains of Australia hears the bull-roarer, ". he knows
that the blacks are celebrating their tribal mysteries."
" The roaring noise is made to warn all womento keep
out. of the way " (compare sup. p. 41) ; "just as Pentheus
was killed (with the approval of Theocritus) because he
profaned the rites of the women- worshippers of Dionysus "
(compare sup. p. 53).
Mr. Lang adds (p. 34)

"Among the Kurmai in Australia the sacred mystery of the.
'
turndun,' or '
bull-roarer,' is preserved by a legend which gives a
supernatural sanction to secrecy. When boys go through the mystic
ceremonies of initiation, they are shown the bull-roarers, and made
to listen to their hideous din. They are then told that, if ever a
woman is allowed to see a turndun,' the earth will open, and water
'
will cover the globe."
Here we have the "turndun" connected with the tradi-

tion of the Deluge, and probably also with the tradition of
Eve. In the Scientific Value of Tradition, pp. 173-4, I
find that I have given four instances of a very similar
tradition —
in Central Africa, and among " the Indian
tribes of Guiana " (Brett, p. 378) and in Hayti. The
first two are from letters written by Mr. H. M. Stanley
from Ugigi, where the origin of Lake Tanganika was
thus accounted for A man and woman lived in possession
:
of the secret of a fountain which contained an abundance

of fish. She betrayed it to her lover, " who gazed on the
brilliant creatures with admiration then, seized with a ;
desire to handle one of them, he put his hand within the

water .... when suddenly the well burst forth, the earth
opened her womb, and soon an enormous lake replaced
the plain."
Mr. Lang continues :
" The old men

point spears at the boys' eyes, saying, If you '
tell this to any woman, you will die you will see the ground broken
;
up and like the sea.' ... As in Athens, in Syria, and among the
Mandans, the Deluge tradition of Australia is connected with
the mysteries. In Gippsland there is a tradition of the Deluge :
'
Some children of the Kumai, in playing about, found a turndun,
which they took home to the camp, and showed the women. Imme-
diately the earth crumbled away, and it was all water, and the
Kurnai were drowned.'
The evidence also regarding the " initiations " is

scarcely less important. At least it has an equally direct
bearing on our argument. As the women were mora
excluded from the ceremonies among the Australians than

among the Mandans, although it will be remembered that
their exclusion was the leading feature in the opening
scenes of the Mandan ceremony, we are not surprised
when we hear that "the Australian women were much
less instructed in their theology than the men." Still, in
the following extract from a conversation with one of their

women we may see evidence of the connection of the
" initiations " with the ceremony of which the noise of
the "turndun " formed part. "One woman believed she
had heard Pundjal, the chief sunernatural being, descend
in a mighty rushing noise —
that is, the sound of the
"
'
turndun when boys were being made men,'' or initiated
' '
(Lang, p. 35).
Mr. Lang also says (p. 40): "Mr. Winwood Eeade,
Savage Africa [Captain Smith also mentions the cus-
tom in his work on Virginia, pp. 245-8] reports the ,
evidence of Mongilomba. When initiated Mongilomba

was severely flogged in the fetich house (as the young
' '
Spartans were flogged before the animated image of

Artemis), and then he was plastered over with goat-
dung" (compare sup. p. 47).. "Similar daubings were
performed at the mysteries by the Mandans, as described
by Catlin."
" On the Congo Mr. Johnson found precisely the same
ritual in the initiations " (Lang, p. 40).
Catlin {0-kee-pa, pp. 28-9) mentions after the scene of
torture in the initiation of the young men instances of the
voluntary sacrifice of several of " the little fingers of the
lefthand," or of " the forefinger," as " an ofi'ering to the
Great Spirit," which was struck off with a hatchet on a
buffalo skull.
It appears to me that this may supply a link to con-
nect another curious description of an Australian initiation
— the earliest on record with the tradition.
Plato's Atlantis. 61
I find this description in David Collins's Account of

New South Wales, 1798. The ceremony of initiation was
witnessed 25th January 1795, at which the males, be-
tween the ages of eight and sixteen', " receive the qualifi-
cations which are given to them, by losing one of the
front teeth " (p. 563). At the time when Mr. Collins
(Judge Advocate and Secretary of the Colony) witnessed
it, the tooth was ostensibly extracted as a tribute, which
was exacted by the most powerful tribe of those parts from

the subordinate tribes. This explanation, however, did
not satisfy Mr. Collins. He noticed that the front tooth
was equally absent from the mouths of the conquering
tribe, and after further research he found that the teeth
were thus extracted with much form and ceremony at a
solemn gathering of the tribe.
Now, if we consider the matter a little, it will be seen
that the demand of a front tooth would have been felt as a
most wanton and tyrannous exaction even in barbarous
times and by a powerful tribe. But if in its origin this
abstraction of the tooth was a voluntary ofi'ering or a
customary sacrifice, it would have been the tribute that
would naturally have been seized upon by every conqueror,
as it would have given him a ready and certain mode of
ascertaining, and merely according to their customs,
the adult strength of the populations subject to him.
On the other hand, from the time that the custom be-
came associated with the notion of a tribute, its religious
significance would gradually have died out.
There are, however, certain evidences which identify it
more directly with the Mandan ceremony. The time of
the Australian custom was when certain shrubs were
flowering. The place selected "was of an oval figure,
the dimensions twenty-seven feet by eighteen feet, and
was named yoo-lahng." " Among them we observed one
man painted white to the middle, his beard and eye-
'
62 PLATO'S ATLANTIS,
brows excepted, and altogether a frightful object " (Collins,

p. 564). Compare this with the description by Catlin of
the personage, " the first or only man," who opened the
Mandan ceremony. " He was in appearance a very aged
man .... with a robe, of four white wolves' skins. His
body and face and hair were entirely covered with white
clay, and he closely resembled, at a little distance, a cen-
tenarian white man " (p. 11).
The engraving (Collins) represents the young men
first
"upon their hands and feet, imitating the dogs of the . '
country. In the Mandan custom, " on the entry of the

'
white man,' the first order given is to muzzle all the dogs."
Canon Eawlinson, in his of the Old
tllugtrations
Testament, p. 18, tells us that "the Cherokee Indians
had a legend of the destruction of mankind by a Deluge,
and of the preservation of a single family in a boat, to
the construction of which they had been incited by a dog."
The second engraving (Collins) represents the young
men seated on the ground facing a log of wood, which
may have done duty for "the big canoe" which, Catlin
tells us, was shaped like a "hogshead." In the engraving
a man is seen carrying in " a kangaroo made of grass,"
concerning which presently, another carries a load of brush-
wood. The latter " had one or two flowering shrubs " in
his nostrils.
It will be recollected that the Mandan ceremony took
place when the willow first flowered.
In the third engraving we have a kangaroo dance.

Now, if the kangaroo was their principal food, it would
naturally supply the place of the buffalo in the Mandan

custom. In the Mandan ceremony we have a buffalo-bull
dance, " to the strict observance of which they attributed
the coming of buffaloes to supply them with food " (Cat-
lin). In Collins the dancers are represented advancing
"in Indian file," a phrase which Catlin uses with refer-
PLATO'S ATLANTIS. •
63
ence to the Mandan young men just previously to the bull-

dance, which occurs in corresponding sequence.
Engravings four, five, and six have only slight resem-
blances,and are merely preparatory to the tooth-extracting
or initiation scene. There is one noticeable feature, how-
ever, that at one point the youths " uttered a mournful
dismal sound like very distant thunder," suggesting the
" bull-roarer." This scene is called "Boo-roo-moo-roong,"
a word which has resemblance in sound to boumarang,
which again has resemblance in its mode of use to the
" bull-roarer." In the sixth there is a presentation of
spears, recalling in something the presenting the spears
to the boys' eyes which Mr. Lang mentions.
Seventh scene is the extraction of the front teeth —
rough operation with a splint of wood and a piece of stone
— (yet "on showing it to our medical -men, they all
declared they could not have been better extracted if the
proper instruments had been used "). The operation was
'
performed with minute attention to mystic rites the ;
assistants all the time " made a most hideous noise in

the ears of the patients, crying Ewah, ewah
'
Gaga,
!
gaga !' " (p. 580.) Has not this cry of " Ewah, ewah !" a
resemblance to the " Evoe, evoe !" of the Bacchanals ?
(Refer back to p. 47.) This scene of initiation in its
leading features corresponds to the Mandan tortures and

amputations.
In the eighth scene the custom closes like the Man-
dan in a saturnalia of riot. " Suddenly, on a signal
given " (they are now seen seated on the log of wood or
"big canoe " (?) which previous to initiation they had faced,
sitting on the ground), " they all started up and rushed
into the town, driving the men and women before them.
They were now received into the class of men, were pri-
vileged to wield the spear and club. They might now
also seize such females as they chose for wives."
)
Certain other features in common may be noticed.

Previous to the tortures, the Mandan young men " lay
reclining round the medicine (mystery) lodge, and had
now reached the middle of the fourth day without eating,
drinking, or sleeping;" and the Australians "were seated
at the upper end of the yoo-lahng, each holding down his
head, bis hands clasped, and his legs crossed under him.
In this position, awkward and painful as it must have
been, we understood they were to remain all night and, ;
in short, until the ceremony was concluded, they were

neither to look up nor take any refreshment whatsoever."
Among the Mandans, on the occasion of the festival,
" an edged tool " was exacted " from every wigwam as a
sacrifice to the water." And among the Australians, when
the front teeth escaped the tribute, we catch a glimpse of
the original notion. Collins says their informant told
them " his own tooth was buried in the ground, and that
others were thrown into the sea."
The teeth were apparently (p. 594) extracted by their
priests, or car-rah-dis, as the fingers were lopped off
among the Mandans by their priests or " medicine (mys-
tery) men."
Captain J. G. Bourke has recently printed a valuable

and interesting account* of the snake-dance among the
Moqui Indians but it does not appear to have occurred
;
to him that this dance, if not identical, is cognate with

the Mandan and other diluvian traditions. This appears
manifest to me from the similarity in the symbols, and
in the general correspondence, so to speak, in the pro-
gramme of the dance and the common fundamental notion
attaching to its observance. It may, indeed, be that the.
Moqui Indians have not retained the tradition in the same
* The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona. By Captain J. G.
Bourke, U.S. Caralry. (London : Sampson Low. 1884
direct form as the Mandans. And there is this further

difference,which may also account for the diluvian tradi-
tion being in their case subsidiary.
In tracing the resemblances between the Grecian
festivals "certainconnections were noticed between the
festivals inhonour of Ceres and Bacchus. But the former
probably had their origin in the offering of " first-fruits,"
to which Aristotle refers (vide supra, p. 37),* and blended
with the diluvian commemorative ceremonial at later date.
The snake-dance of the Moquis, as will be seen from
many features in common with the
the extracts given, has
worship of Ceres, and was held to propitiate, if no longer
the Deity, yet some higher power, to secure the growth of
their corn, just as the Mandans attributed the supply of
buffaloes to the fidelity with which they performed their
annual " custom;" e.g. (p. 161), Captain Bourke says :
" The
first division in the dance remained in place, while the
second, two by two, arm in arm, slowly pranced round the sacred
rock, going through the motions of planting corn to the music of the
monotonous dirge chanted by the first division."
And p. 123
" One of the old men held up a gourd-ratile, shook it, lifted his
* Mr. Lang {Custom and Myth, p. 36) suggests that the " mystica
vannus lacchi " was a mode of .raising a sacred wind, analogous to

that employed by the whirlers of the "tumdun." Mr. Lang, however,
gives the explanation of Servlus, "the ancient commentator on Virgil,"
who offers other explanations, among them that the "vannus" was
a orate to hold offerings, "primatidi frugum." He also gives the
views of F&ve Lafltau, who was greatly struck with the resemblance
between Greek and Iroquois or Carib initiations. He takes Servins's
other explanation of the "mystica vannus," an osier vessel containing
rural offerings of first-fruits. " This exactly answers," says Lafitau,
" to that Carib ' Matoutou on which they offer sacred oasBaya cakes.
'
There is a very well-autheoticated tradition of the connection of the

cassava-tree with the diluvian tradition in Mr. Everard P.im Thurn's book
on the Indians of Guiana, and among a Carib tribe, but it would irah this
note to too great length.

It must be borne in mind that 'lacchus was the solemn name of
BaoobuB in the Eleusinian mysteries, and that during their celebration
the initiated carried mystic baskets.
F
:
hands in an attitude of prayer towards the sun, bent down his head,
moved his lips, threw his hands with fingers opened downwards
towards the earth, grumbled to represent thunder, and hissed in
imitation of lightning, at the same time making a sinuous line in
the air with the right index-finger and then, seeing that my atten-
;
tion was fixed upon him, made a sign as if something was coming
up out of the ground, and said in Spanish, Mucho' maiz (Plenty of ' '
corn), and in his own tongue, 'Polamai' (Good)."
And p. 164
" The corn-meal had a sacred significance, which it might be
well to bear in mind in order thoroughly to appreciate the religious
import of this drama. Every time the squaws scattered, it, their
lips would be detected moving in prayer."
may, perhaps, render Captain Bourke more placable

It
{vide pp. 169-70) towards these benighted people, if he
realises his own evidence that the snakes merely represent
the lightning and the storm, and that, therefore, the
introduction of the snake into their ceremonial may not
necessarily suggest demoniac associations. In the pas-
sage just cited this is evident ; but also at p. 124 it is said :
" Here also was a ground-altar. The design, however, was

. . .
different, and represented a bank of four layers of yellow; green, red,

and white clouds, from which darted four snakes or streaks of Ught-
ning, coloured white, red, green, and yeUow respectively. See
Plate 19."
And it is to Captain Bourke that we are indebted for this

new light. 'In ch. xx. he gives quotations from several
authors who have written with reference to serpent-wor-
ship, and he is justified in saying (p. 225) :
"In quoting these authorities I desire to make one comment

only. Not one of them has alluded to the resemblance between the
undulatory motion of the serpent and the sinuous "meandering of
lightning, a resemblance patent to every one and porti'ayed by the
Moquis on the altar figured on Plate 6.
It may, perhaps, be suggested that a sufficient explan-

ation would be that lightning frequently followed by
is
rain, and that in Central America rain is specially invoked

for the growth of corn. If, however, the lightning is the

concomitant of rain, more generally the concomitant
it is
of the wind, the storm, the flood, and the deluge, which,
if invoked, would as often have brought destruction as
benefit to the crops. We might suppose, therefore, .that
something in milder similitude might have been found for
the fertilising influence " which droppeth as the gentle
rain from heaven." The present Moqui Indians, who do
not appear to have retained their tradition very tena-
ciously, may, indeed, connect their ceremony with the
invocation for rain but that it was not the 'original and
;
leading idea will, I think, be apparent when I show that

the snake, and more especially the rattlesijiake, the pro-
minent snake in the Moqui ceremonial, is common to the
Mandan custom, where the diluvian tradition is the pre-
dominant idea.
Catlin ^p. 19) says that among the spectators of "the
bull-d&nce " " there were two men called rattlesnakes,
their bodies naked and curiously painted, resembling that
reptile, each holding a rattle in one hand and a bunch of
wild sage in the other," who, at the close of the hull-
dance, " shook their, rattles." The rattle* corresponds
to " the bull-ioarei " or " turndun," which, as Mr. Lang
tells us, by an independent line of testimony, is connected
with the diluvian tradition.
But curiously what I may term the counterpart evi-
dence may be found in the names of the principal snakes
Five are mentioned by Captain
selected for the mysteries.
Bourke, three of which, any rate, bear in their names
at
allusions to the Mandan symbols
" 1. Chuna {rattler)
.
' 2. Le-lu-can-ga (this has
' ;
'
yellow and black spots, and may be the bull snake) ; . . .
'
Pa-chu-a '
(a water snake) . .
." (p. 116).
* Mr. Lang (p. 39) identifies the " bull-roarer " wHh the Oreoian
f)ii|U/3o$,which is '
sometimes interpreted as a magic wheel.
:
68- PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
I have said that the general outline or programme of

the ceremonies corresponds. In the Moqui, as in the
Mandan, the medicine or mystery lodge is the pivot on
which the ceremony hinges and as another instance of
;
the interlinking of the evidence, I may mention that the

mystery lodge is covered with a buffalo-skin. The pro-
minence of the buffalo in the Mandan ceremony —the
buffalo-dance, the buffalo skulls — will not have been for-
gotten and here among
; the Moquis, in a- country where
the buffalois not known, and where it must have been
—
procured as, in fact, Captain Bourke tells us it was from —
a great distance, we find the buffalo-skin evidently used,
traditionally as a central object in the snake-dance.
In the Mandan lodge the most significant symbol was
the sack, or rather sacks, of water, which the Mandans
pretended contained the waters of the Deluge and among ;
the Moquis (p. 138)

" Before the altar the Indians had now placed an earthenware
bowl. ... It was filled with water, and contained three large sea-
sheUs. The water had a saline taste,- and evidently contained
'medicine' (mystery)."
And p. 143 :
" One of the old men

touched the string of olivette-shells on his
wrist, thus indicating a great distance in the west, ... an explana-
tion which I took to signify that these shells had been brought
from a great distance from the sea. The olivette may not be a
marine shell, it may be fluvial. Be that as it may, I cannot dispel
from my mind a conviction that the Moquis betray, in the shells,
the salt-water, sand, alabones, and other features of their dances, a
derivation from a people who once knew, and perhaps worshipped,
the ocean."
Before comparing the dance itself, I may again notice

the rattles, which are as conspicuous here as in the
Mandan ceremony, and form a connecting link with the
diluvian customs elsewhere through the " bull-roarer."
Mr. Lang, indeed, mentions the existence of the " bull-
roarer " among the Zunis, who adjoia the Moquis and ;
in the Moqui dance there is mention of the " sling-

whirler " (pp. 159 and 161), of " an old man who rapidly
twirled a wooden sling, which emitted the shrill rumble
of falling rain, so plainly heard, as the head of the pro-
cession was emerging from the arcade."
This brings us to the dance itself (ch. xv.). In the
Mandan and the Australian ceremonies we noticed the
prominence of an old man. The Moqui dance opens with
three old men; but one seemed to act as the "head-
priest," or master of ceremonies, " who stood in front
of and facing the mystery lodge, holding well before him
the platter of water and the eagle-feather wand," which
recalls one point of the Mandan ceremonial. This old
—
man heads the procession "barefooted, crowned with a
garland of cotton leaves, holding in his hands in front of
him a flat earthen bowl, from which he sprinkled water on
the ground." The second old man "carried a flat basket
of fine corn-meal ;" the third " rattled a fan-shaped instru-
ment painted white." Five "men and eight little boys
" marched in single file," as in the Mandan and Austra-
lian ceremony, " with the same odd-looking rattles." The
dancers all wore "collars of white sea-shell beads " and
" alabone shells;" "the men and boys shook their rattles
gently, making the music of pattering showers." " Each
division marched solemnly round the, sacred lodge and
trees, the first division completing this formula shortly
before the second." The. old man in front of the lodge
"began pray in a well-modulated voice, and sprinkled
to
the ground in front of him with more water. The first
division remained in place, while the second slowly pranced
around the sacred rock, going through the motions of
planting corn to the music of a monotonous dirge."
This ended the first act, which has resemblances to the
Mandan. In the second we have the snake-dance, which
"
corresponds to the bull-dance among the Mandans. The

third ends as in the Mandan and Australian with a —
general dispersal. "The Indians then grasped the snakes
convulsively in great handfuls, and ran with might and
main to the eastern crest of the and then darted
precipice,
down the trails leading to the where they released
foot,
the reptiles to the four quarters of the globe." " The

old man armed with the sling " (whilst they were running)
" twirling it vigorously, causing it to emit the same
peculiar sound of rain driven by the wind which had
been heard on their approach."
There are two very striking interludes in the course
of the dance, to which particular attention must be drawn.
In the first, although the circumstances and surround-
ings are different, yet in its essential idea we seem to
detect the power and victory of the woman over the serpent
(Gen.iii. 15), of which we have seen evidences in the Mandan.
The first division of the Moquis "remained aligned upon
the sacred rock "* with the head-priest ; another section
approached, " their faces painted black, as with a mask of
charcoal, from brow to upper lip, where the ghastly white
of kaolin began . . . the crowning point being the deadly
reptiles borne in the —
mouth "t a picture which recalls
the advent of the demon in the Mandan ceremony.
But then " the women scattering the corn-meal now
developed their Jine more fully, the main body . . .
massing between the sacred rock and sacred' lodge

* The " sacred rook" in the Moqui stands in the place of the " big
canoe " in the Mandan ceremony. A clue to this may be discoveied at

p. 126 in Captain Boarke, when describing what he terms their idols,
"these were water-v oin fragments of sandstone; wafer- worn rocks
roughly shaped to some sacred configuration." And if the reader will"
turn to Plate 2 he will find that the representation there of the sacred
rock exactly corresponds to this description.
•f
Catliu thus describes the Mandan demon (p. 22) " His body was
:
painted jet-black with pulverised charcoal and grtase, with rings of white
clay over his limbs and body. Indentations of 'white, like hugd teoth,
surrounded his mnuth, and white rings surrounded his eyes."
(comp. Mandan supra, p. 42). "Nearly all carried the

beautiful, close-woven, flat baskets, in red, yellow, and
black, ornamented with the butterfly, thunder-bird, or
deer . from which was scattered the finely-ground corn-
. .
flqur, not, as previously, on the ground, but in the air, and

upon the reptiles as fast as thrown down. The corn-meal
had a sacred significance. The use of the sacred meal
. .
closely resembles the crithoraancy of the ancient Greeks,

but is not identical with it."* At a later stage it is said
the " ipaidens and matrons redoubled their energy,
sprinkling meal not only upon the serpents wriggling at
their feet, but throwing handfuls into the faces of the men
carrying them'' (p. 166), which forcibly reminds us of the
final discomfiture of the demon in the Mandan mystery.
Taking these wou^d seem that the introduction
facts, it
of the serpent into their ceremonial was only secondary

and subsidiary, and not serpent-worship in the strict sense
of the word. I do not -recollect that there is direct
evidence of it at all.
There is another very curious fact mentioned by Captain

Bourke, that when the men and boys of the first division
shook their rattles in the dance, the men of the second
division waved their eagle feathers, all singing a refrain,
" Oh-ya-haw, oh-ya-haw, &c.," chanted with a slow
measure and graceful cadence. Compare this with the
completely independent testimony as above (p. 63) of the
Australian refrain in their ceremony of " Ewah, ewah,
&c.," and the evidence {supra, p. 47) of two other similar
invocations, all having a strange resemblance to the
* At page 165 it is said " After a snake had been properly sprinkled
:
itwas picked up, generally by one of the eagle wand-bearers, bat never
by a woman, and carried up to the Indians of the first division," where
was also ttie head-priest, just as the women in the Mandan ceremony
assembled round ihe mystic man in the first instance. As, however, the
serpents were specially guarded, and afterwards safely released, the
superstition may, perhaps, have been that the touch of the woman might
have been injurious or fatal to the serpent.
:
"Evoe, evoe," which St. Clement of Alexandria tells us

was the cry of the Bacchanals. Compare also the " Euce
Bacche fremens " of Virgil, Mneid, vii. 389, ed. Heyne.
I have also come on unsuspected testimony in a most
—
unexceptional quarter in the pages of Mr. Everard F. im
Thurn, who is ever watchfully on his guard against the
action of missionaries on myths. Compare the following
extracts with the evidence already adduced. Speaking of
the dances among the Indians of Guiana, he says (p. 323):
" Some heat time with hollow bamboos covered at .one end
with skin like a drum." Some had " wAirZ-sticks, to
which are tied bunches of certain seeds, which when struck
against the ground clash and rattle."
" AU form a procession, and march slowly round the Paiwari
or liquor-trough [comp. supra, pPn46, 47] droning out a chant, keep-
,
ing step and waving their instruments in slow measured time.

Round and round the trough the strange procession winds, all feet
stamping in time the monotonous. chant of Hia-hiahia. Suddenly
the chant gives place to loud discordant cries, and' the procession
breaks up."
As regards the connection of the initiations with these

feasts, there is this evidence: "In one of their Paiwari
feasts there is a strange and painful dance." "They lash
each other .... till the blood flows freely " (comp. swp.
p. 45)," probably originally devised as a means of testing
endurance."
And Mr. Thurn says (p. 819)
"
The festivals, dances, and games originally peculiar to any
people often remain but little altered long after most other matters
which distinguished that people from the rest of the world have
disappeared."
The initiations do not occupy so conspicuous a place

in the Moqui festival, and they are in milder form. The
boy race, where the boys figure as " antelopes " in the
Mandan, seems to have taken the place of the tortures,
and developed into a severe trial of stamina and endur-
ance — (" the antelope " is also one of the devices on the
" Every
Moqui walls). It takes place before the dance.
one of the men was
streaming with perspiration, and the
thumping and wheezing of lungs could be plainly
of hearts
heard." A further form of initiation appears during the
dance in the handling of the serpents by the youths.
" An infant Hercules " stoutly and bravely upheld a five-
foot monster.
There is, however, a remarkable coincidence.
At p. 133, Captain Bourke tells us that Tochi, their
guide, told him when the rain did not come from the
that'
sky, the Moquis came into this "estufa" and "danced
for it ;" that here also came the young men to be baptised
for medicine (mystery) men — " bautista por cochinos."
The guide spoke in broken Spanish. Captain Bourke
adds
" I made Tochi repeat all he had said, and then asked for an
explanation. He said that, after all the big dances — as, for ex-
amfile, after that of to-day —the young men who were to learn all
the secrets would come to one of the estufas, and there have their
heads washed with water by the old men. As he said this, he made
the motion of pouring a few drops of water upon the head of some
one kneeling beneath him."
Captain Bourke remained in doubt how far " this lus-

tration partook of the nature of the sacrament of baptism,"
and how far it was " likely to be a reminiscence of the
teachings of the early missionaries . . .
." Now for the
coincidence. If it was the reminiscence of baptism rather
than of the prefigurement of baptism, how are we to
account for the apparently identical initiations among the
Maoris of New Zealand ?
I find in The Natural History of Man, by the Rev.
J. G. Wood, M.A. (Routledge, 1870), p. 177 :
" Youths undergo a long courseof instruction before they can

take rank among Dr. Dieffenbach was fortunate enough
the priests.
to witness a portion Of this instruction. I was present at one of
'
;
74 PLATO'S ATLANTIS,
the lessons. An old priest was sitting under a tree, and at his feet
was a boy, his relative. He listened attentively to the repetition
of certain words, which seemed to have no meaning, but which it
must have requirfid a good memory to retain in their due order. At
the old Tohunga's side was part of a man's skull filled with water
but from time to time he dipped a green branch which he moved
"
over the boy's head. . .
.'
The resemblance in the external forms of the initiation

will be noticed, and beyond it the symbols of the water and
the green branches, which a slight reference to the pre-
ceding pages will show to have been intimately associated
with the Mandan and Moqui rites.
One thing is obscure how it has come about
: that
theMoijuis of Arizona —the /Sna/ce Indians — call themselves
Opii. " The Moquis call themselves Hopii, or Opii, a

term not now in the language of every-day life, but refer-
ring in some way to the Pueblo custom of banging the
hair at the level of the eyebrows " (Captain Bourke, . . .
.
p. 117). This surmise, however, leaves untouched this

difficulty, that the name Opii is so suggestive of ophiolatry ;
and although, as I have contended, the Snake Indians are

not in any strict sense serpent-worshippers, yet the
affinity of their name with the Greek 0<pig is, to say the
least, striking and surprising. I do not venture, how-
ever, to attempt to solve the difficulty, but must leave it
as a " crux " to the philologers.
Additional evidence will be found in chapter xi. (with

Appendix) of Tradition with Reference to Mythology
(Burns & Oates, 1872) in respect to the Mandan, Daho-
man, Pongol (India), Pota (India), p. 247, and Patagonian
festivals.
CHAPTER V.
ALTERNATIVE THEORIES.
There still remain passages in Plato's discourse which

have to be cleared up before the ground can be said to be
exhausted. There is one statement especially which the
Egyptian priests of Sais made to Solon, as Critias is
made to say, which must not be forgotten, from Mr.
Donnelly's point of view. I mean the statement in Timceus,
p. 517 (Jowett), "about the greatest action which the
Athenians ever did, and which ought to be most famous,
but which, through lapse of time and the destruction of
the actors, has not come down to us." And p. 521
" Many great and wonderful deeds are recorded of your
state (Athens) in our histories. But one of them exceeds
all the rest in greatness and valour. For these histories
tell us of a mighty power which was aggressing wantonly
against the whole of Europe and Asia, and to which

your city put an end. This power came forth from the
"
Atlantic Ocean
If Atlantis is a fiction of Plato's, every .tradition
imported into his discourse will naturally be located in
Atlantis. As regards the mighty power which was aggress-
ing against the whole of Europe, the view which had
occurred to me I find accords with Professor Jowett's,
which I will give accordingly, adding a few words in
further elucilation. Jowett says (ii. 589)
Professor :
" This mythical conflict is prophetic or symbolical of the

struggle of Athens and Persia, and, perhaps, in some
degree also of the wars of the Greeks and Carthaginians,
in the same way that the Persian is prefigured by the
Trojan War to the mind of Herodotus, or as the narrative

of the first part of the Mneid foreshadows the wars oi
Carthage and Rome."

That what is set down in the " sacred register " of the
Egyptian priests (p. 520) cannot be taken as strictlj
historical is obvious from what Professor Jowett points
—
out that the statement that the war occurred " nine
thousand years ago " is slightly inconsistent with the
statement " which gives the same date for the foundation
of the city " (p. 590). Professor Jowett's view of Atlantis
(p. 589) is that " we may safely conclude that the entire
narrative is due to the imagination of Plato." I have in
a previous chapter hazarded the conjecture that it was
founded on the narrative of Hanno.
1. I will now consider, in the first place, how far
the statements in Plato's discourse that do not correspond

to facts in the narrative of Hanno were imported by Plato
himself, and secondly, how far they may have been trans-
mitted through Solon.
If the statement we are now considering was a con-
fused and exaggerated tradition of the Persian War, it
must have been imported by Plato and I may suggest ;
that the confusion and exaggeration may have come about

in this way, and if so without being entirely due to the
imagination of Plato. If Plato was himself in Egypt, as
Valerius Maximus (Lewes's Hist, of Phil., G. W. Collins's
Life of Plato) tells us he was, or even during his resi-
dence at Syracuse, he might "have heard the statements,
such as were not derived from Hanno, which he attributes
to Solon. Now, if we recollect that Plato's visit would
have taken place during the Persian domination in Egypt,*
*The Persian rule in Egypt may be broadly said to have extended
from B 0. 527, when Cambyses overthrew the dynasty of Sais, till B.C.
332. The intervention of the XXIX. and XXX. Dynasties would not have
affected the sentiment at Sais as against the Persians. The dates are
from BmgBch'a Egypt.
this legend of a gigantic war, in which Athens was vic-

torious and " brought to an end " (a phrase, by the bye,
applicable to the termination of the Persian War, but
inconsistent with the destruction of both parties to the
contest through " the subsidence of Atlantis "), is pre-
cisely the recollections which, in its distorted circum-
stances, may have remained Egypt
of the Grseco-
in
Persian War, and which the priests of Sais, " the city
from which Amasis the .king was sprung," and where a
Greek colony had been established from an early date {circa
660 B.C.), would have cherished and magnified in^their
legend as against the Persian domination, which had
engulphed them, as well as the rest of Greece, in a com-
mon deluge, subsidence, and destruction, and yet which,
BO long as the domination lasted, they would, perhaps,
deem it prudent to veil under a legendary disguise.
We do not, perhaps, sufBciently realise that history
was not then digested as it is now, however inaccurately,
into recognised record ; and although mss. of Herodotus
and Thucydides, and other histories, were drifting, the
recollection of events was, in the main, traditional.
2. In chapter ii., when, discussing Plato's Atlantis
with reference to the report of Hanno, I omitted to advert
to a digression on the laws and institutions of the island
of Atlantis, as I considered that it would be better re-
"
served until we came to the consideration how far other

traditions might have been imported. Now, what we are
told of these customs, which " were regulated by the
injunctions of Poseidon as the law had handed them
down," and " were inscribed by the Jirst men on a column
of orichalcum, ." bears a close resemblance to what
. . .
is recorded of the Amphictyonic council and to the Areo-
—
pagus institutions which had fallen into comparative
insignificance since the time of Pericles, and whose
authority Plato might not unnaturally seek indirect
means of reviving. Just as we are told that the laws of

Atlantis were injunctions of Poseidon and handed down
by the first men, so we find the Amphictyonic laws attri-
buted to the son of Deucalion, and that the Ionian feder-
ation held their assemblies at a sacred place on Mount
Mycale, where they had dedicated in common a temple to
Neptune. Plato tells us that the laws were engraved on a
column of orichalcum and it is recorded that the terms
;
of the Latin League —

an analogous confederation— were
engraved " on a brazen column," which was preserved in
the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a fact which
might not impossibly have come at earlier date to the
knowlege of Plato also. The Atlanteans " were to deliber-
ate together about war and other matters, and were not to
take up arms against one another," just as, according to
their oath, referred to by ^skines " as the ancient oath of
the Amphictyons," they were bound "not to destroy each
other's cities or debar them from the use of their foun-
tains in peace and war. ." .Plato adds, " There were
.
many special laws which the several kings had inscribed

about the temple." This is, perhaps, intended to cover
the introduction of certain other customs which may be
identified with what has come down to us of the mode of
proceeding of the Areopagus. There was a special reason
why they should be imported into the narrative on the
particular occasion, as the institution of the Areopagus
was by some attributed to Solon and by others to Cecrops,
both in the line of his reputed ancestors.
The judges of the Areopagus " always sat in the open
air, because they took cognisance of murderand by their
;
laws was not permitted for the murderer and his accuser
it
to be both under the same roof. They always heard

. . .
causes and passed sentence in the night, that they might

not be prepossessed in favour of the plaintiff or the defend-
ant by seeing them." In the confederacy of the Atlanteans
the judicial proceedings are also described as in the open

air ; and " when darkness came on, and the fire about the
sacrificewas cool, all of them put on most beautiful azure
robes, and sitting on the ground at night, .... if any one
had any accusation to bring against any one and when ;
they had given judgment, at daybreak they wrote down

their sentences on a golden tablet, and deposited them as
memorials with their robes " (Plato's Atlantis, Jowett). I
—
should have mentioned and it should be remarked also in
the almost inseparable connection of the ox or the bull with
the diluvian commemorative customs — that " before the
Amphictyons proceeded to business they sacrificed an ox,
and cut his flesh into small .pieces, intimating that union
and unanimity prevailed _in the several cities they repre-
sented." Plato says when the Atlanteans gathered together,
" before they passed judgment they gave their pledges to
one another in this wise there were bulls who had the
:
range of the temple of Poseidon, and the ten who were left
alone in the temple, after they had offered prayers to the
gods that they might take the sacrifices which were accept-
able to them, hunted the bulls without weapons, but with
staves and nooses, and the bull which they caught they
led up to the column." " When, therefore, after offering
sacrifice according to their customs, they had burnt the
limbs of the bull, they mingled a cup and cast in a clot of
blood for ea.ch of them. ." Although it may be objected
. .
that these extracts are taken somewhat at random from

Plato's narrative, yet, on being pieced together, they will
be found to exhaust all the disclosures of Plato respecting
Atlantis.
We will now consider (it being conceded that the basis
of Plato's fiction was the Periplus of Hanno, and that he has
imported more recent facts, as, for instance, the incidents
of the Persian War) whether something of the original
figment of Atlantis might not have been handed down, as
Plato says it was, in family tradition from Solon', and

reconstructed or adapted by Plato.
The conception of Atlantis probably originated in some
development of the diluvian tradition. It is curious, how-
ever, that it might have been brought prominently to the
notice and speculation of Solon or the priests of Sais under
circumstances very similar to those of which we have evi-
dence —in the case of Plato as regards Hanno, viz. through
the circumnavigation of Africa during the reign of Necho
or Nako (b.o. 611). JSTo record, however, of this explora-
tion has survived.
Even if we adopt this conjecture, yet if Plato had not
seen the ms.' of Solon (" My great-grandfather Dropidas
had the original writing, which is still in my possession,
and was carefully studied by me when I was a child")
since he was ten years old (" I will tell an old-world story,
which I heard from an aged man for Critias was, as he
;
said, at that time nearly ninety years of age, and I was

about ten years old "), he might naturally have based or
rebased the fiction on the narrative more recently within
his knowledge than that which had faded from his recol-
lection. He uses such phrases as " If I can recollect and
recite enough of what was said by the priests," and "If I
have not forgotten what I heard when I was a child,"
" and I would specially invoke Mnemosyne," which imply
that, if any such ms. existed, he was separated from it,
and Tiad not seen it since he was a child.
We know little more, of the life of Solon than what
Plutarch has preserved, but the little that is told us
describes a situation, in which the production of a fiction
such as Atlantis in covert allusion would be exceedingly
natural. We are told that
" The occasion which first brought Solon prominently forward

as an actor on the political stage was the contest between Athens
and Megara respecting the possession of Salamis. The ill-success of
the attempts . .- . had led to the enactment of a law forhidding the

writing or saying anything to urge the Athenians to renew the con-
test. Solon, indignant at the dishonourable renunciation of tljeir
claims, and seeing that many of the younger and more impetuous
citizenswere only deterred by the law from proposing a fresh
attempt, ... hit upon the device of feigning to be mad and
causing a report of his condition to be spread over the city;
whereupon hfe rushed into the agora, mounted the herald's stone,
and there recited a short elegiac poem of one hundred lines, . .
calling upon the Athenians to retrieve their disgrace and reconquer

the lovely island."
I
This led to the repeal of the enactment. If, in the

interval, encouraged by his success, he had covertly sought
to excite their enthusiasm in the cause of Salamis, " the
lovely island,"would not an allegory in the disguise of'
Atlantis have admirably subserved his purpose? In this
case the legend must have taken a different shape from
that in which it was presented by Plato. The description,
however, in BJato would much more exactly befit the
dimensions of Salamis than those of a " lost continent,"
as we have already seen in the way in which the descrip-
tions would equally fit the account given by Hanno of the
islands he visited in the course of his exploration. Solon's
love for Salamis would appear to have been the abiding
sentiment of his life ; but the secret of it is not so
apparent.
It may possibly be accounted for in this way : Solon
is said tohave been the descendant of Codrus, the last
King of Athens, and Codrus was the reputed representative
of Cecrpps. Cecrops, however, is enveloped in the mists
of a mythical age. He
undoubtedly represents a local
aboriginal ancestor, but at the same time we find him
invested with the features and attributes of the primeval
progenitor like
: Cannes and Dagon, he is half-man, half-
fish ; like Bacchus and Saturn, he is the first cultivator.
" The different mythical personages of this name in Boeotia
G
and Eubcea are only multiplications of the one original

hero " (Smith, Myth. Diet.). Dr. Smith says, with refer-
ence to the statement that he migrated from Sais in
Egypt, " But this account is not only rejected by some
of the ancients themselves, but by the ablest critics of
modern times " (Miiller, Th'irlwall).
There is a personage of this mythical age who may

possibly be regarded as in one degree less mythical than
Cecrops —Cenchreus or Cychreus, King of Salamis. If
Cecrops is represented as half-man, half-dragon, Cychreus
is said to have delivered Salamis from a dragon. He is
fabled to have been the son of Salamis, who gave her name
to the island by Poseidon, and whose mother's name was
Asopis. Cychreus- Asopis might pass in contraction into
Cecrops, and as King of Salamis might have extended his
dominion to the mainland. If he was the Cecrops who
founded the Athenian dynasty, and if the dynasty was
thus associated with Salamis, it would j,ccount for the
predilection and love of his descendant Solon for " the
lovely island." The sentiment of Solon almost renders'
such an origin probable, and there is a slight confirmation
of this connection between' Athens and Salamis in the
later legend, that while the battle of Salamis was going
on, a dragon appeared in one of the Athenian ships, and
that an oracle declared this dragon to be Cychreus (Smith,
Myth. Diet.).
This speculation concerning Solon would seem to re-
quire that he should have travelled in Egypt in early life,
and Plutarch (Smith, Myth. Diet.) appears to be the
authority for the statement that in his youth he sought
his fortune as a foreign trader.
Plato says that Solon devived his information from
the priests of Sais, " the city from which Amasis the
king was sprung." If this is intended to mean that
he visited Sais when Amasis (Aahmes) was king, he must
have visited Egypt in his latter years Solon, circa B.C. :
638-520 (Smith, Myth. Diet.) Aahmes or Amasis, 572 ;
B.C. (Brugsch) ; 569-525 b.c. (Lenormant). If, however,
his dying instructions were that his ashes were to be

scattered on the soil of Salamis and, ait any rate, the—
tradition is recorded by Aristotle
(Smith, Diet.) his —
sentiment regarding the island would appear to have been
as strong in his old age as in his youth, and similar
reasons for his covert allusions to Salamis might have
existed then.
This exhausts the few facts which were available for
the inquiry so far as Solon is concerned. In venturing
the theory as to the Periplus of Hanno, we seemed to
touch more tangible evidence, and to stand on firmer
ground. Beyond this point we can only float in a " mare
di sargasso " of conjecture.
But, however the .exigencies of historical truth may
compel us to discard the legend of Atlantis from the
ground of history, few would wish to see it banished from
the regions of poetry and imagination and here we must ;
recur to the pages of Mr. Donnelly, and express the hope

that if the legend shopld die out everywhere else, it may
survive in the charming lines which I append :*
" 'Mother, I've been on the cliffs out yonder,

Straining my eyes o'er the breakers free
To the lovely spot where the sun was setting,
Setting and sinking into the sea.
The sky was fuU of the fairest colours

Pink and purple and paly' green,
With great soft masses of gray and amber.
And great bright rifts of gold between.
• Mr. Donnelly's Atlantis, p. 421, These extracts are given "from a

of Miss Eleanor 0. Donnelly of Philadelphia, The Sleeper's
Sail,'
'
poem
where the starving boy dreams of the pleasant and plentiful land." The
lines follow as above.
! ; ; ; ;
And all the birds that way were flying,

Herqn and curlew overhead,
With a mighty eagle westward floating,
Every plume in their pinions red.
And then I saw it, the fairy city.

Far away o'er the waters deep
Towers and castles and chapels glowing,
Like blessed dreams that we see in sleep.
What is its name ?' ' Be still, acushla

(Thy hair is wet with the mists, my boy)
• Thou hast looked perchance on the Tir-na-n'oge,
Land of eternal youth and joy
Out of the sea, when

the sun is setting,
• It rises golden and fair to view ;
No trace of ruin, or change of sorrow,

No sign of age where all is new.' . . .
The starving child seeks to reach this blessed laud in a boat,

and is drowned.
High on the cliifs, the lighthouse-keeper

Caught the sound of a piercing scream
Low in her hut, the lonely widow
Moaned in the maze of a troubled dream ;
And saw in her sleep a seaman' ghostly,

With seaweeds clinging in his hair,
Into her room, all wet and dripping,
A drowned boy on his bosom bear.
Over Death Sea, on a bridge of silver,

The child to his Father's arms had passed
Heaven was nearer than Tir-na-n'oge,
And the golden city was reached at last."
APPENDIX A.
THE " PEEIPLTJS " OF HANNO.
The Periplus or Voyage of Hannp, commander of the

Carthaginians, B.C. 515 .(Lenormant), from Heeren's His-
torical Researches : Africa, p. 478. Heeren says :
" I
,
cannot, however, believe that any critic will in the present
day doubt its authenticity in the whole, though they
may its completeness." M. F. Lenormant expresses no
doubt. He says " The ofiScial report of the voyage of
:
Hanno round the coast of Africa, deposited in the temple

of Baal-Hamon [in the Greek text "of Kronos"*] at Car-
thage, has been preserved to us in its entirety in a Greek
version." He adds, " that it is the single historical Car-
"
thaginian document of any extent which has reached us
{Hist. Anc. ii. p. 413).
" It was decreed by the Carthaginians that Hanno

should undertake a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules,
and found Liby-Phoenician cities. [The colonists which
Hanno carried out consisted, as we are expressly informed,
of Liby-Phcenicians, and were not chosen from among the
citizens of Carthage, but taken from the country inhabi-
tants.] He sailed accordingly with sixty ships of fifty
oars each, and a body of men and women to the number
of 30,000, and provisions and other necessaries. •
" When we had passed the Pillars on our yoyage, and

had sailed beyond them for two days, we founded the first
city, which we named Thymiaterium. Below it lay an
extensive plain. Proceeding thence towards the west, we
* Vide lupro, p. 23.
;
came to Solocis, a promontory of Libya, a place thickly

covered with trees, where we erected a temple to Neptune
and again proceeded for the space of half a day towards
the east, until we arrived at a lake lying not far from the
sea and filled with abundance of large reeds. Here ele-
phants and a great number of other wild beasts were
feeding.
"Having passed the lake about a day's sail, we founded
cities near the sea called Cariconticos and Gytte and Acra
and Melitta and Arambys. Thence we came to the great
river Lixus, which flows from Libya. On its banks the
Lixitse, a shepherd tribe, were feeding flocks, amongst
whom we continued some time on friendly terms. Beyond
the LixitsB dwelt the inhospitable Ethiopians, who pasture
a wild country intersected by large mountains, from which
they say the river Lixus flows. In the neighbourhood of
the mountains lived the Troglodytse, men of various appear-
ances, whom the LixitsB described as swifter in running
than horses.
" Having procured interpreters from them, we coasted
along a desert country towards the south two days. Thence
we proceeded towards the east the course of a day. Here
we found in a reces^ of a certain bay a small island con-
taining a circle of five stadia, where we settled a colony
and called it Cerne. We judged from our voyage that this
place lay in a direct line with Carthage ; for the length of
our voyage from Carthage to the Pillars was equal to that
from the Pillars to Cerne.
" We then came to a lake, which we reached by sailing
up a large river called Chretes. Thj^ lake had three
islands larger than Cerne from which, proceeding a day's
;
. sail, we came to the extremity of the lake, which was
overhung by large mountains, inhabited by savage men

clothed in skins of wild beasts, who drove us away by
throwing stones and hindered us from landing. Sailing
thence, we came to another river that was large and broad

and full of crocodiles and river-horses ;whence, returning
back, we came again to Cerne.
" Thence we sailed towards the south twelve days,
coasting the shore, the whole of which is inhabited by
Ethiopians, who would not wait our approach, but fled
from us. Their language was not intelligible even to the
Lixitffi who were with us. Towards the last day we
approached some large mountains covered with trees, the
wood of which was sweet-scented and variegated. Having
sailed by these mountains for two days, we came to an
immense opening of the sea, on each side of which, to-
wards the continent, was a plain, from which we saw by
night fire arising at intervals in all directions, more or
"Having taken in water there, we sailed forward five

days near the land, until we came to a large bay, which,
our interpreters informed us, was called Western Horn.
In this was a large island, and in the island a salt-water
lake, and in this another island, where when we landed we
could discover nothing in the day-time except trees, but
in the night we saw many fires burning, and heard the
sound of pipes, cymbals, drums, and confused shouts.
We were then afraid, and our diviners ordered us to
abandon the island. Sailing quickly away thence, we
passed a country burning with fires and perfumes and ;
streams of fire supplied from it fell into the sea. The

country was impassable on account of the heat. We
sailed quickly thence, being much terrified and passing
;
on for four days, we discovered a country full of fire. In

the middle was a lofty fire, larger than the rest, which
seemed to touch the stars. When day came, we discovered
it to be a large hill, called the Chariot of the Gods. On
the third day after our departure thence, having sailed by
those streams of fire, we arrived at a bay called the Southern
Horn, at the bottom of which lay an island like the former,

having a lake, and in this lake another island, full of
savage people, the greater part of whom were women,
whose bodies were and whom our interpreters called
hairy,
GorillsB. Though we pursued the men, we could not
seize any of them but all fled from us, escaping over the
;
precipices and defending themselves with stones. Three

women were, however, taken; but they attacked their' con-
ductors with their teeth and hands, and could not be pre-
vailed upon to accompany us. Having killed them, we
flayed them and brought their skins with us to Carthage.
We did Hot sail further on, our provisions failing us."
APPENDIX B.
Plato's Atlantis.
[Professor B. Jowett's Plato, ii. pp. 602-612 ; Gritias, 113-119]
" The tale, wliich was of great length, began as follows :
I have before remarked, in speaking of the allotments of

the gods, that they distributed the whole earth into por-
tions differing in extent, and made themselves temples
and sacrifices. And Poseidon, receiving for his lot the
island of Atlantis, begat children by a mortal woman, and
settled them which I will proceed
in a part of the island
to describe. On the side toward the sea, and in the centre
of the whole island, there was a plain which is said to
have been the fairest of all plains, and very fertile. Near
the plain again, and also in the centre of the island, at a
distance of about fifty stadia, there was a mountain, not
very high on any side. In this mountain there dwelt one
of the earth-born primeval men of that country, whose
name was Evenor, and he had a wife named Leucippe,
and they had an only daughter, who was named Cleito.
The maiden was growing up to womanhood when her
father and mother died Poseidon fell in love with her,
;
and had intercourse with her and, breaking the ground,

;
enclosed the hill in which she dwelt all round, making

alternate zones of sea and land, larger and smaller, en-
circling one another ; there were two of land and three of
water, which he turned as with a lathe out of the centre
of the island, equidistant every way, so that no man could
get to the island, for ships and voyages were not yet heard
of. He himself, as he was a god, found no difficulty in
making special arrangements for the centre island, bring-
ing two streams of water under the earth, which he caused

to ascend as springs, one of warm \Vater and the other of
cold, and making every -variety of food to spring up abun-
dantly in the earth. He also begat and brought up five
pairs of male children, dividing the island of Atlantis into
ten portions he gave to the first-born of the eldest pair
:
his mother's dwelling and the surrounding allotment,

which was the largest and best, and made him king over
the rest ;the others he made princes, -and gave them rule
over many men and a large territory. And he named
them all the eldest, who was king, he named Atlas, and
:
from him the whole island and the ocean received the
name of Atlantic. To his twin-brother, who was born
after him, and obtained as his lot the extremity of the
island towards the Pillars of Heracles, as far as the
country which is still called the region of Gades in that
part of the world, he gave the name which inthe Hellenic
language Eumelus,- in the language of the country
is
which is named after him, Gadeirus. Of the second pair

of twins, he called one Ampheres and the other Evsemon.
To the third pair of twins he gave the name Mneseus to
the elder, and Autochthon to the one who followed him.
Of the fourth pair of twins, he called the elder Elasippus
and the younger Mestor. And of the fifth pair, he gave
to the elder the name of Azaes, and to the younger Dia-
prepes. All these and their descendants were the inhabi-
tants and rulers of divers islands in the open sea; and
also, as has been already said, they held sway in the
other direction over the country within the Pillars as far
as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. Now Atlas had a numerous and
honourable family, and his eldest branch always retained
the kingdom, which the eldest son handed on to his eldest
for many generations and they had such an amount of
;
wealth as was never before possessed by kings and poten-

tates, and is not likely ever to be again, and they were
furnished with everything which they could have, both in

city and country. For, because of the greatness of their
empire, many things were brought to them from foreign
countries, and the island itself provided much of what was
required bythem for the uses of life. In the first place,
they dug out of the earth whatever was to be found there,
mineral as well as metal, and that which is now only a
name, and was then something more than a name ori- —
—
chalcum was dug out of the earth in many parts of the
island, and, vsdth the exception of gold, was esteemed the
most precious of metals among the men of those days.
There was an abundance of wood for carpenters' work, and
sufficient maintenance for tame and wild animals. More-
over, there were a great number of elephants in the island,
and there was provision for animals of every kind, both
for those which live in lakes and marshes and rivers, and
also for those which live in mountains and on plains, and
therefore for the animal which is the largest and most
voracious of them. Also, whatever fragrant things there
are in the earth, whether roots, or herbage, or woods, or
distilling drops of flowers or fruits, grew and thrived in
that land and again, the cultivated fruit of the earth,
;
both the dry edible fruit and other species of food, which
we call by the general name of legumes, and the fruits
having a hard rind, affording drinks, and meats, and oint-
ments, and good store of chestnuts and the like, which
may be used to play with, and are fruits which spoil with
—
keeping and the pleasant kinds of dessert which console
us after dinner, when we are full and tired of eating all —
these that sacred island lying beneath the sun brought
forth fair and wondrous in infinite abundance. All these
things they received from the earth, and they employed
themselves in constructing their temples, and palaces,
and harbours, and docks and they arranged the whole
;
country in the following manner : First of all they bridged

'
over the zones of sea which surrounded the ancient metro-

polis, and made a passage into and out of the royal palace
;"
and then they began to build the palace in the habitation

of the god and of their ancestors. This they continued to
ornament in successive generations, every king surpassing
the one who came before him to the utmost of his power,
until they made the building a marvel to behold for size
and for beauty. -And, beginning from the sea, they dug
a canal three hundred feet in width and one hundred feet
in depth, and fifty stadia in length, which they carried
through to the outermost zone, making a passage from
the sea up to this, which became a harbour, and leaving
an opening sufficient to enable the largest vessels to find
ingress. Moreover, they divided the zones of land which
parted the zones of sea, constructing bridges of such a
width as would leave a passage for a single trireme to pass
out of one into another, and roofed them over and there ;
was a way underneath for the ships, for the banks of the
zones were raised considerably above the water. Now the
largest of the zones into which a passage was cut from
the sea was three stadia in breadth, and the zone of land
which came next of equal breadth ; but the next two, as
well the zone of water as of land, were two stadia, and
the one which surrounded the central island was a stadium
only in width. The island in which the palace was situ-
ated had a diameter of five stadia. This, and the zones
and the bridge, which was the sixth part of a stadium in
width, they surrounded by a stone wall, on either side
placing towers, and gates on the bridges where the sea
passed in.The stone which was used in the work they
quarried from underneath the centre island and from
underneath the zones, on the outer as well as the inner
side. One kind of stone was white, another black, and a
third red and, as they quarried, they at the same time
;
hollowed out docks double within, having roofs formed out

pf the native rock. Some of their buildings were simple,

hut in others they put together different stones, which
they intermingled for the sake of ornament, to be a natural
source of delight. The entire circuit of the wall which
went round the outermost one they covered with a coating
of brass, and the circuit of the next wall they coated with
tin, and the third, which encompassed the citadel, flashed
with the red light of orichalcum. The palaces in. the

interior of the citadel were constructed in this wise : In
the centre was a holy temple dedicated to Cleito and Posei-
don, which remained inaccessible, and was surrounded by
an enclosure of gold ; this was the spot in which they ori-
ginally begat the race of the ten princes, and thither they
annually brought the fruits of the earth in their season
from all the ten portions, and performed sacrifices to each
of them. Here, too, was Poseidon's own temple, of a
stadium in length and half a stadium in width, and of a
proportionate height, having a sort of barbaric splendour.
All the outside- of the temple, with the exception of the
pinnacles, they covered with silver, and the pinnacles with
gold. In the interior of the temple the roof was of ivory,
adorned everywhere with gold and silver and orichalcum ;
all the other parts of the walls and pillars and floor they
lined with orichalcum. In the temple they placed statues

of gold :there was the god himself standing in a chariot
— the charioteer of six winged horses —
and of such a size
that he touched the roof of the building with his head
around him there were 'a hundred Nereids riding on dol-
phins, for such was thought to be the number of them in
that day. There were also in the interior of the temple
other images which had been dedicated by private indi-
viduals. And around the temple on the outside were
placed statues of gold of all the ten kings and of their
wives ; and there were many other great offerings, both of
kings and of private individuals, coming both from the
;
and the foreign cities over which they held sway.

city itself
There was an altar, too, which in size and workmanship
corresponded to the rest of the work, and there were palaces
in likemanner which answered to the greatness of the
kingdom and the glory of the temple.
"In the next place, they used fountains hoth of cold
and hot springs; these were very abundant, and both
kinds wonderfully adapted to use by reason of the sweet-
ness and excellence of their waters. They constructed
buildings about them, and planted suitable trees; also
cisterns, some open to the heaven, others which they
roofed over, to be used in winter as warm baths : there
were the king's baths, and the baths of private persons,
which were kept apart ; also separate baths for women,
and others again for horses and cattle, and to them they
gave as much adornment as was suitable for them. The
water which ran off they carried, some to the grove of
Poseidon, where were growing all manner of trees of won-
derful height and beauty, owing to the excellence of the

soil ;the remainder was conveyed by aqueducts which
passed over the bridges to the outer circles and there :
were many temples built and dedicated to many gods

also gardens and places of exercise, some for men, and
some set apart for horses, in both of the two islands formed
by the zones and in the centre of the larger of the two
;
there was a racecourse of a stadium in width, and in

length allowed to extend all round the island, for horses
to race in. Also there were guard-houses at intervals for
the body-guard, the more trusted of whom had their
duties appointed to them in the lesser zone, which was
.
nearer the Acropolis ; while the most trusted of

all had
houses given them within the and about the per-

citadel,
sons of the kings. The docks were full of triremes and
naval stores, and all things were .quite ready for use.
Enough of the plan of the royal palace- Crossing the
outer harbours, which were three in number, you would

come to a wall which began at the sea and went all round :
thiswas everywhere distant fifty stadia from the largest

zone and harbour, and enclosed the whole, meeting at the
mouth of the channel toward the sea. The entire area
was densely crowded with habitations^ and the canal and
the largest of the harbours were full of vessels and mer-
chants coming from all parts, who, from their numbers,
kept up a multitudinous sound of human voices and din
of all sorts night and day. I have repeated his descrip-
tions of the city and the parts about the ancient palace
nearly as he gave them, and' now I must endeavour to
describe the nature and arrangement of the rest of the
country. The whole country was described as being very
lofty and precipitous on the side of the sea, but the
country immediately about and surrounding the city was
a level plain, itself surrounded by mountains which de-
scended toward the sea ; it was smooth and even, but of
an oblong shape, extending in one direction three thousand
stadia, and going up the country from the sea through the
centre of the island two thousand stadia the whole region
;
of the island lies toward the south, and is sheltered from

the north. The surrounding mountains he celebrated for
their number and size and beauty, in which they exceeded
all that are now to be seen anywhere ; having in them also
many wealthy inhabited villages, and rivers and lakes, and
meadows supplying food enough for every animal, wild or
tame, and wood of various sorts, abundant for every kind
of M'ork. I will now describe the plain, which had been
cultivated during many ages by many generations of kings.
It was rectangular, and for the most part straight and
oblong and what it wanted of the straight line followed
;
the line of the circular ditch. The depth and width and
length of this ditch were incredible, and gave the impres-
sion that such a work, in addition to so many other works,
could hardly have been wrought by the hand of man. But

I must say what I have heard. was excavated to the
It
depfrh of a hundred feet, and its breadth was a stadium
everywhere it was carried round the whole of the plain,
;
and was ten thousand stadia in length. It received the

streams which came- down from the mountains, and wind-
ing round the plain, and touching the city at various
points, was there let off into the sea. From above, like-
wise, straight canals of a hundred feet in width were cut
in the plain, and again let off into the ditch, toward the
sea ;these canals were at intervals of a hundred stadia,
and by them they brought down the wood from the moun-
tains to the city, and conveyed the fruits of the earth in
ships, cutting transverse passages from one canal into
another, and to the city. Twice in the year they gathered
the fruits of the earth —
in winter having the benefit of the
rains, and in summer introducing the water of the canals.
As to the population, each of the lots in the plain had an
appointed chief of men who vyere fit for military service,
and the size of the lot was to be a square of ten stadia
each way, and the total number of all the lots was sixty
thousand.
"And of the inhabitants of the mountains and of the
rest of the country there was also a vast multitude haying
leaders, to whom they were assigned according to their
dwellings and villages. The leader was required to furiiish
for the war the sixth portion of a war-chariot, so as to
make up a total of ten thousand chariots also two horses
;
and riders upon them, and a light chariot without a seat,

accompanied by a fighting man on foot carrying a small
shield, and having a charioteer mounted to guide the
horses also, he was bound to furnish two heavy-armed
;
men, two archers, two slingers, three stone-shooters, and

three javelin men, who were skirmishers, and four sailors
to make up a complement of twelve hundred ships. Such
. PLATO'S ATLANTIS. 97
was the order of war in the royal city— that of the other
nine governments was "different in each of them, and would
be wearisome to relate. As to offices and honours, the
following was the arrangement from the first Each of the:
ten kings, in his own division and in his own city, had
the absolute control of the citizens, and in many cases of
the laws, punishing and slaying whomsoever he would.
" Now the relations of their goverments to one another
were regulated by the injunctions of Poseidon as the law
had handed them down. These were inscribed by the
first men on a column of orichalcum, which was situated
in the middle of the island, at the temple of Poseidon,

whither the people were gathered together every fifth and
sixth year alternately, thus giving equal honour to the odd
and to the even number. And when they were gathered
together, they consulted about public affairs,
and inquired
if any one had transgressed in anything, and passed judg-
—
ment on him accordingly and before they passed judg-
ment they gave their pledges to one another in this wise :
There were bulls who had the range of the temple of Posei-
don and the ten who were left alone in the temple, after
;
they had offered prayers to the gods that they might take
the sacrifices which were acceptable to them, hunted the
bulls. without weapons, but with staves and nooses; and
the bull which they caught they led up to the column
the victim was then struck on the head by them, and slain
over the sacred inscription. Now on the column, besides
the law, there was inscribed an oath invoking mighty
curses on the disobedient. When, therefore, after offer-
ing sacrifice according to their customs, they had burnt
the limbs of the bull, they mingled a cup and cast in a
clot of blood for each of them
; the rest of the victim they
took to the fire,having made a purification of the
after
column all round. Then they drew from the cup in golden
vessels, and, pouring a libation on the fire, they swore
H
:
that they would judge according to the laws on the column,

and would punish any one who had previously transgressed,
and that for the future they would not, if they could help,
transgress any of the inscriptions, and would not command
or obey any ruler who commanded them to act otherwise
than according to the laws of their father Poseidon. This
was the prayer which each of them offered up for himself
and for his family, at the same time drinking, and dedi-
cating the vessel in the temple of the god; and, after
spending some necessary time at supper, when darkness
came on and the fire about the sacrifice was cool, all of
them put on most beautiful azure robes, and, sitting on
the ground at night near the embers of the sacrifices on
which they had sworn, and extinguishing all the fire about
the temple, they received and gave judgment, if any of
them had any accusation to bring against any one and, ;
when they had given judgment, at daybreak they wrote

down their sentences on a golden tablet, and deposited
them as memorials with their robes. There were many
special laws which the several kings had inscribed about
the temples, but the most important was the following
That they were not to take up arms against one another,
and they were all to come to the rescue if any one in any
city attempted to overthrow the royal house. Like their
ancestors, they were to deliberate in common about war
and other matters, giving the supremacy to the family of
Atlas ; and the king was not to have the power of life and
death over any of his kinsmen, unless he had the assent
of the majority of the ten kings.
" Such was the vast power which the god settled in
the lost island of Atlantisand this he afterwards directed
;
against our land on the "following pretext, as tradition

tells: For many generations, as long as the divine nature
lasted in them, they were obedient to the laws, and well-
affectioned toward the gods, who were their kinsmen for
;
they possessed true and in every way great spirits, prac-

tising gentleness and wisdom in the various chances of
I'fe,and in their intercourse with one another. They de-
spised everything but virtue, not caring for their present
state of life, and thinking lightly on the possession of
gold and other property, which seemed only a burden to
them neither were they intoxicated by luxury nor did
; ;
wealth deprive them of their self-control ; but they were

sober, and saw clearly that all these goods are increased
by virtuous friendship with one another, and that by ex-
cessive zeal for them, and honour of them, the good of
them and friendship perishes with them.
is lost,
"By such reflections, and by the continuance in them

of a divine nature, all that which we have described waxed
and increased in them but when this divine portion began
;
to fade away in them, and became diluted too often, and

with too much of the mortal admixture, and the human
ijature got the upper-hand, then, they being unable to bear
their fortune, became unseemly, and to him .who had an
eye to see, they began to appear base, and had lost the
fairest of their precious gifts ; but to those who had no eye
to see the true happiness, they still appeared glorious and
blessed at the very time when they were filled with un-
righteous avarice and power. Zeus, the god of gods, who
rules with law, and is able to see into such things, per-
ceiving that an honourable race was in a most wretched
and wanting to inflict punishment on them, that
state,'
they might be chastened and improved, collected all the

gods into his most holy habitation, which, being placed in
the centre of the world, sees all things that partake of
generation. And when he had called them together he
:''
spake as follows
[Here Plato's story abruptly ends.]
"
APPENDIX C.
THEORY AS TO THE PEOMINENCE OF THE BULL IN

TEADITION.
In a pamphlet, in reply to an interesting article in the

Month, hy the JElev. H. W. Lucas, in exposition of what
he happily termed " the nature myth " theory, I ventured
to suggest a counter-theory for the prominence of the bull
in connection with the Diluvian tradition and as I am
;
not aware that it has been advanced before, and as I have

referred to it in the text, I reprint it here.
One of the myths which Mr. Lucas brings in illustra?

tion is the myth of Indra, and as he is a personage of the
Eigveda, and has good claims to be regarded as primitive,
Mr. Lucas is fully justified in doing so. Mr. Lucas says,
" There can be no doubt that in the Vedic hymns Indra
is the rain-giving firmament." With Mr. Cox he is "the"
solar god ;
" the god of the bright heaven ;" " one of the
powers which produce the sights of the changing sky,"
and also "the giver of rain," and "the ra,in-bringer
(Cox, Ai-yan Myths, i. 336-41). Signer Angelo de Guber-
natis, Zool. Myths, i. 8, says somewhat obscurely, "Like
the winds, his companions, the Sun Indra, the sun (and
the luminous sky) hidden in the dark, who strives to
dissipate the shadows —
the sun hidden in the clouds,
that thunders and lightens to dissolve it in rain, is repre-
sented as a poiverful bull, as the bull of bulls, invircible
son of the cow, that bellows like the Maratas." If the
mythologists will forgive me, I will endeavour to take this
bull' by the horns. Mr. Cox, I observe, keeps this name

of the Bull in the background when speaking directly of
Indra, although when speaking of bulls in mythology he
refers to it.
But how came the luminous sky to get these incon-

gruous associations with the bull ? All are agreed that
it is through Indra's connection with rain. Still, why the
identification with the bull, " the bull of bulls "? Signor
Angelo de Gubernatis comes to the rescue and says, " To
increase the number of cows .... is the dream the —
ideal —of the andient, Aryan. The bull, the fcecundator,
is the type of male perfection, the symbol of regal
strength. Hence it is only natural that the two prominent
animal figures in the mythical heaven should be the cow
and the bull." This reasoning may appear very cogent
to Signor Angelo de Gubernatis, and " may be highly
creditable to him," but for man in his infancy, man in
the gelatinous stage of pure imagination, it must have
been a great effort, and an effort to which the poetical
faculty could have contributed little assistance. It
amounts to this, that as according to primitive observa-
tion grass grew when the rain fell, and that when the
grass grew more bulls would fatten, and that when the
rain fell it fell from heaven, therefore the heaven above
must be a great cow or bull, or contain a great cow or
bull It is easy to see, however, that this anomalous
!
introduction of the bull ill accords with Mr. Cox's really

poetical and refined speculations and, accordingly, by a
;
transcendent efibrt of the imagination, he makes the Bull

Indra identical with the " Lord of the pure ether "!
(i. 437.) Surely a greater incongruity was never con-
ceived by mythologist or poet.
Let us now see how this question can be worked on
the lines of traditi.on.
102 Plato's atlantis.
Mr. Cox (i. 336) admits that the myth of Indra may
embody a religious idea : "that a moral or spiritual element
may be discerned in some of the characteristics of this
deity is beyond question, that the whole idea of the god
can be traced to the religious instinct of mankind, the
boldest champion will scarcely venture to afBrm." Neither
is it necessary to affirm it. The admixture of the mythic
and historical is no difficulty for us, but it is fatal to Mr.
Max Miiller's theory, unless the religious or historical-
element can be proved to be secondary.
Now the counter traditional explanation which I shall
. offer must be regarded as primary and fundamental, as it
is intimately connected with the Deluge, and goes back

to the second commencement of the human race. There
is a tradition that Noah entered the ark when the sun was
in the îgn of the Bull in the Zodiac.
It will hardly be disputed that this was a date which
would have impressed itself upon the recollection of man-
kind. It was the date when the unintermittent rain
commenced, and the sign of the Bull therefore would
.
naturally henceforward have been associated in men's

minds with rain and water, whether in fear remembered
in connection with havoc and destruction, or whether in
pleasant anticipation as the catastrophe faded from recol-
lection, and in the Indian plains drought came to be the
greater evil deprecated.
In all the Diluvian traditions the alternations from
gloom to from destruction to
rejoicing, the transitions
subsequent renovation, the contrasts of death and life,
have been as much remarked, and are as much in keeping
with the narrative in Genesis, as are the contrasts of light
and darkness with the solar myths.
Let us now listen to some of thoseVedio songs, and
see if this key does not equally "unlock the Mythology."
Mr. Lucas's quotation, from the Eigveda, shall have pre-
cedence (the Month, p. 192).* "I declare the former

valorous deeds of Indra [the Bull] which the thunderer
has achieved, he clove the cloud : he cast the waters down,
he broke (a way) for the torrents of the raountains
Inasmuch, Indra, as thou hast struck the first-born of
the clouds [or first struck the clouds poetically with the
point of his horns, commencing the Duluge] thou hast
destroyed the delusions of the deluders, and thus engender-
ing the sun, the dawn, and the firmament, thou hast not
left an enemy to oppose thee. ." Everything here is
. .
in keeping except the engendering the Firmament. Taking

their statement it would result, however, that the Bull or
Indra could not be identical with the firmament, as in
some sense of their own he was supposed to precede it or
engender it. But ifthe firmament meant was the new
firmament which arose after the Deluge after forty days
and forty nights' rain, the notion might be connected
with reminiscences of renovation after the Deluge, when
'Indra, "as the sun," "in the serene heaven shone out
when the deluging clouds had passed away " (Cox, i. p.
337).
Let us now pursue the career of Indra, in the pages
of Mr. Cox, "although he has" (p. 339) "but little
of a purely moral or spiritual element in his charac-
ter. " .
" It is true that he is sometimes invoked as
.
witnessing all the deeds of men, and thus as taking cogniz-

ance of their sins." Of Indra, at p. 340, it is said,
" Thou thunderer hast shattered with thy bolt the broad
and massive cloud into fragments, and hast sent down the
Mr. CiarleB B. Govat {Journal of the Boy. Asia. Soc, new Series,
*
vol. p. 1, 1870), in his account of "the Pongol festival in Southern

i.
India," says, " Krishna is always declared by the Brahmins to be the

Pongol god but the tradition itself hears witness that the feast is older
;
than the god. The tale is that when the great wave of Krishna-worship
passed over the peninsula, the people were so enamoui'ed of him that
they ceased to perform the Pongor rites to Indra. This made the latter
deity so angry that he poured down a flood upon the earth."
•
waters that were confined in to flow at will; verily thou

it
alone possessest all power." " At the birth of thee who

art resplendent [" resplendent " would apply to a star or
constellation, and by its birth might be intended the new-
era, which was inaugurated by its appearance or promi-
nence in the heavens at the commencement of the Deluge]

trembled the earth through fear of thy wrath, the mighty
clouds were confined they destroyed, spreading the waters
;
over dry places." Mr. Cox interpolates thus " destroyed —

(the distress of drought) ;" but that is only a gloss of his
own, and the "dry places" may signify high and dry,
places never reached by the waters before. At p. 342 we
find Indra especially described "as the god of battles, the
giver of victory to his worshippers, the destroyers of the
enemies of religious rites, the subverter of the cities of the
Asuras."
In De Gubernatis (i. p. 9) it is said that the cloud in
the Rigveda is often represented " as an immense great-

bellied barrel (Kabandkas), which is carried by the divine
Bull." " The and shows his strength
terrible bull bellows
and sharpens his horns, the splendid bull with sharpened
horns, who is able of himself to overthrow all peoples."
" The bull Indra is called the bull with the thousand
horns who rises from the sea." But these verses were
composed by a pastoral people, who, if the descendants of
Japhet, had probably always dwelt inland since the De-
luge. At p. 19, Indra is represented as discomfiting "the
monster (rakshohanan) who destroys by fire the monsters
that live in darkness." Another Vedic hymn informs us
that the monster Valas had the shape of a cow another ;
hymn represents the cloud as the cow that forms the

waters, and that has now one foot, now four, now eight,
now nine [more applicable to the constellation than to the
rain-giving firmament], and fills the highest heavens with
sounds [commencement of the Deluge] still another
;
FLATUS ATLANTIS. 105
hymn sings that the sun hurls his golden disc in the
variegated cow they who have been carried off, who are
;
guarded by the monster serpent, the waters, the cows

become the wives of the demons."
This will suffice tc^how that these poems maybe read in
another than the present popular sense. It must be noted
that the cavern in which the cows are concealed is also,
according to Bryant and Faber, a common form of the
tradition of the ark. Moreover, " three or seven brothers
and sisters figure in these conflicts and 'adventures. The
number three corresponds with the sons of Noah, the
number seven with the persons saved in the ark, if re-
ferred to separately from the Patriarch. As to the recur-
rence of the numbers seven and eight, vide Tradition^ p.
193 compare the representation of Horus, who " is fre-
:
quently represented as the eighth, conducting the bark of

the gods with the seven great gods." The Patriarch might
get detached in tradition in several ways, e.g. when he is
located in or identified with the sun, and the rest in other

p.irts ofthe heaven. In the Vedas, however, when men-
"
tioned in connection with the Bull, " the seven shiners
may very well be the seven brilliant stars, which forni the
Pleiades in the constellation- Taurus (in the neck of the
Bull). The Hyades in the same constellation, Mr. Lucas
tells us, were associated with " moisture," and it might
have been added, as the " tristes Hyades," with ill-
omen to mariners.
It be asked whether, beyond the indirect, I have
may
any direct testimony to this tradition, that Noah entered
the ark when the sun was in the sign of Taurus or the
Bull. I cannot recall at this moment where I met with
the tradition in the first instance, but I have since come
upon confirmatory evidence, with which I shall conclude,
as I think it will sufficiently establish my point.
As the Zodiac commences with Aries, it is presumable

:
106 PLATO"S ATLANTIS.
that the primitive months commenced their series also

with Aries, the Earn.
The traditional character of the Zodiac has often been
remarked — and this is fally confirmed by Mr. George
Smith's recent Assyrian discoveries. In his Chaldcean
Account of Genesis, p. 69 :
" In the fifth tablet of the Creation legend we read

1. 'It was delightful all that was fixed by the great gods.
2. Stars, their appearance [in figures] of animals he arranged.
'
3 ' To fix the year through the observation of their constella-

tions
4. '
Twelve months (or signs) of stars in three rows he arranged.' ''
And at p. 73, Mr. G. Smith says :
" We then come to the creation of the heavenly orbs, which are
described in the inscription as arranged like animals, while the
;'
Bible says they were set as Ughts in the firmament of heaven
'
and just as the book of Genesis says they were set for signs and
seasons, for days and years, so the inscription describes that the
stars were set in courses to point out the year. The twelve con-
stellations or signs of the Zodiac and two other bands of constella-
tions are mentioned, just as two sets of twelve stars each are men-
tioned by the Greeks, one north and one south of the Zodiac."
In our tables, Taurus, or the bull, is the second sign

of the Zodiac. Now Genesis (vii. 11) tells us that Noah
entered the ark on the 17th of the second month. Again,
I find in Mon. F. Lenormant's Fragmens Cosmogoniques
de Berose, 1871, p. 211, that the second Assyrian month
was named " the Bull," also the Accadian second month,
and also the Hebrew. "Les nom des mois juifs sont les
noms des mois CHALDEO-assyriens."
I see further trace of the tradition in the following
passage from Canon Kawlinson's Illustrations of the
Old Testavient, p. 18, bearing in mind that the Vedic
legends of the dog {canis major) are connected with the
legends of Indra (De Gubernatis, ii. 19), " The Cherokee
Indians had a legend of the destruction of mankind by a
PLATO S ATLANTIS. 107
deluge, and of the preservation of a single family in a

boat, to the construction of which they had been incited
by a dog."
De facie in orbe Lunce, c. 26
Plutarch, in his treatise
(vide Sir G. Cornewall Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients,
p. 491), says that the people of the island of Oxygia (com-
pare deluge of Oxyges*) " pay the principal honours to
Saturn, and after him to Hercules. When the planet
Saturn (compare analogy between Saturn and Noah, Tra-
dition, &c., p. 211) is in the sign of Taurus (the bull), a
coincidence which occurs every thirty years, they send out
a body of men, selected by lot, to seek their fortunes across
the sfa." Mr. Lucas's instinct as a mythologist will tell
him that true tradition may be found embodied in fabulous
narration, and he will not peremptorily reject the evidence,
even if the geographical latitude of Oxygia is not precisely
ascertainable.
These instances are taken more or less casually, and
the list is far from being exhausted. It is very probable
that other traces might be found. However widely we
may differ, we are agreed as to the importance of the
inquiry. There are those who deride the study of Mytho-
logy, although we might truly extend the dictum of
Proudhon, that " au fond de toute question on trouve
toujours la theologie," and add, "et la Mythologie." The
prominence given to it in current literature is in attesta-
tion of this remark.
No theory, not excepting Darwinism, so seductively
* " The Greeks had two different traditions as to the Deluge which
destroyed tde primitive race. The first was connected with the name of
Oxyges . personnage tout a fait mythique.
. . . ..His name even wus
deived from a root or word {de celui qui) which originally imp ied the
Deluge în Sanscrit Augha '). They narrated that in his time the whole
'
country was invaded by the Deluge, tue waters of which reached the
hf avens, and from which he escaped in a vessel, with some companions.
The second tradi'ion was the Tfiessalian legend of Deucalion" (F.
Lenurmaut, Manuel d'Mist. Ancienne, ii. p. 69).
J.08 PLATO'S ATLANTIS.
takes back the history of the human race, and shrouds it

in the indefinite lapse of ages, as the mythology of the
winds and the elements.
Mine is perhaps only a feeble attempt to get, so to
speak, at the back of the North Wind but any attempt
;
which succeeds in doing so will reveal as much to science

(however grim the revelation and dipappointing to golden
dreams) as the discovery of the North Pole.

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CORNELL

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME

3 1924 028 993 355

The original of tliis book is in

tine Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in

SECRET OF PLATO'S ATLANTIS.

LORD ARUNDELL OF WARDOUR,

LONDON: BURNS AND OATES.

KOBSON AND SONS, PEINTERSJ eAnOKAS BOAD, N.W.

The following pages were written for the Month, but in

the course of writing extended themselves beyond the

publication in a periodical. I have, therefore, preferred

the articles, I have printed them in their original form,

as addressed to the readers of the Month.

tion, and is written in a style calculated to give zest to

the inquiry. It has had a wide circulation.

volume, more especially as the theory it offers is not of

the same romantic and popular character ; but I hope it

may contribute something towards the solution of an

II. Conjecture as to the probable Basis op Plato's

III. Further Conjectures—Diluvian Traditions . -33

Appendix A : The " Periplus " of Hanno . . .85

Plato's atlantis —mb. Donnelly's theory.

hitherto believed and have called universal, at any rate to

* Atlantis : the Antediluvian World. By Ignatius Donnelly. 7th edi-

origin, at any rate, of the civilised nations " on both sides

will be seen that, in so far as he fails to sustain his spe-

"1. That there once existed in the Atlantic Ocean, opposite

In this theory there are two distinct propositions

legends of the buried cities of gpmpeii and Herculaneum w ere

Necho to circumnavigate Africa was doubted, because the explorers

the same set of facts as are adduced in Mr. Donnelly's

evidence. If' the existence of Atlantis could have been

considered probable, we might have believed it to have

ages touching the Deluge pointed to the quarter of the

opposition to the universal opinion of astronomers, that

Weapons of every kind are employed against the prevailing

KardKan [Koord] country'" [Adv. Hteres. lib. i. Legends of Old ;

Testament Characters, S. Baring-Gould, i. 165).

So much, at any rate, as to the prevailing opinion.

"The tale, which was of great length, began as follows. I

Now, recommend Mr. Donnelly to a

Noah, as handed down in Libyan mythology, following in

the depths of the sea he bears the long columns which

tear asunder or carry all around earth and heaven in :

either case the meaning of keeping asunder is implied.

* Mr. Brown's argument would have been much enforced if he had

and the latter word is explained in the vocabnlary as that is, . . .

'apzn,' which may be allied to Poo- in PoseiSiojj, as it is also joined with

contest with Zeus ; others represent Atlas as a powerful

midst of our city let us build a high tower. Yea, . . .

let us go further let us prop up the heaven on all sides

Egyptian appellations Ta-Ehout and Kush, the better koonn names

resemblance to Atlas and Nimrod are Orion, " the giant