Key Determinants of Happiness and Misery
Key Determinants of Happiness and Misery
Key Determinants of Happiness and Misery
Andrew E. Clark, CNRS Research Professor, Paris School of Economics and Professorial Research
Fellow, Well-Being Programme, Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics and
Political Science
Sarah Flèche, Research Economist, Well-Being Programme, Centre for Economic Performance,
London School of Economics and Political Science
Richard Layard, Well-Being Programme, Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics
and Political Science
Nattavudh Powdthavee, Professor of Behavioural Science at Warwick Business School and Associate
of the Well-Being Programme, Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics and
122 Political Science
George Ward, PhD Student, Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Associate Research Economist
of the Well-Being Programme, Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics and
Political Science
This paper draws heavily on the December 2016 draft of The Origins of Happiness: The Science of Well-being over the
Life-Course by Clark et al., to be published by Princeton University Press. See also Layard et al. (2014). Support from the US
National Institute on Aging (Grant R01AG040640), the John Templeton Foundation and the What Works Centre for Well-be-
ing is gratefully acknowledged, as is the contribution of all the survey organisations and their survey participants.
WORLD HAPPINESS REPORT 2017
This chapter is directed at policy-makers of all further up the scale. This is important if, as
kinds—both in government and in NGOs. We many believe, it is more important to reduce
assume, like Thomas Jefferson, that “the care of misery than to increase happiness by an equal
human life and happiness … is the only legiti- amount further up the scale.
mate object of good government.”1 And we
assume that NGOs would have similar objectives. We have identified five major surveys of adults
In other words, all policy-makers want to create that make possible such analyses and also include
the conditions for the greatest possible happi- meaningful measures of mental health. They
ness in the population and, especially, the least cover the USA, Australia, Britain (two surveys)
possible misery. and Indonesia. We would like to have covered
more countries, but the data are not yet there.
For this purpose they need to know the causes
of happiness and misery. Happiness is caused by
many factors, such as income, employment,
health and family life and we need to ask, How Life Satisfaction
much does a difference in each of these factors
The measure of happiness that we use is life
change the happiness of the person affected?
satisfaction. The typical question is “Overall how
satisfied are you with your life these days?”
There is also a prior and related question that measured on a scale of 0 to 10 (from ‘extremely
tries to explain the huge variation in levels of dissatisfied’ to ‘extremely satisfied’).
happiness within any country. The question is
How far does the variation in each of the factors
This is a democratic criterion—we do not rely on
(e.g. income inequality) explain the overall
researchers or policy-makers to give their own
variation of happiness?
weights to enjoyment, meaning, anxiety, depres-
sion, and the like. Instead we leave it to individuals
In this chapter we concentrate mainly on the to evaluate their own well-being.
latter question.2 We begin by looking at the
role of current circumstances, and then (in the
Moreover, policy-makers like the concept—and so
second part of the chapter) examine the influence
they should. Our work shows that in European
of earlier childhood experience.
elections since 1970, the life satisfaction of
the people is the best predictor of whether the
To be useful to policy-makers, any analysis of the government is re-elected—much more import-
causes of happiness and misery should satisfy ant than economic growth, unemployment or
at least three criteria, which have not generally inflation (see Table 5.1).
been satisfied in the literature.
The task is thus to explain how all the different
1. It must use a consistent measure of happiness factors affect our life satisfaction, entering them
throughout. all simultaneously in the same equation.
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2. It must look at the effect of all the factors
affecting happiness simultaneously, not one
by one.
Most earlier analyses of life satisfaction have How far does each factor explain the variation in
not included mental health as a factor explain- life satisfaction within the population? Table 5.2
ing life satisfaction. The reason is that both life shows the results of regressing life satisfaction
satisfaction and mental health are subjective on all the factors simultaneously. The coeffi-
states, and there is therefore a danger that the cients given are partial correlation coefficients,
two concepts are, at least in part, measuring which show how far the independent variation
the same thing. To omit mental health as a of each factor explains the overall variation.5
factor in the equation, however, is to leave out
one of the most potent sources of misery, in
addition to standard external causes like
poverty, unemployment, and physical illness.
The solution is, whenever possible, to record
only mental illness that has been diagnosed or
has led to treatment. That is our approach and
it shows clearly that mental illness not caused
by poverty, unemployment or ill health is a
potent influence on life satisfaction.
Sources: USA (BRFSS); Australia (HILDA); Britain (BCS); Britain (BHPS); Indonesia (IFLS).
Notes: See Appendix C. * Lagged one year.
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In all three Western countries, diagnosed mental different points on the scale? For example, how
illness emerges as more important than income, well does Table 5.2 explain whether a person is
employment or physical illness. In Indonesia as really unhappy? To answer this we identify in
well, mental health is important, though less so each country people in the lowest levels of
than income. In every country physical health is happiness, which we call “In Misery.” Because
of course also important, but in no country is it happiness is measured in discrete units, the
more important than mental health. percentage identified as ‘In Misery’ varies from
5.6% in the USA to 13.9% in Indonesia.
Having a partner is also a crucial factor in
Western countries, while in Indonesia it is less We then run a standardised linear regression of
so, perhaps reflecting the greater importance of the dummy variable ‘In Misery’ on the same
the extended family. Education has a positive explanatory variables as before.7 The results are
effect in all countries (except Australia), yet it is shown in Table 5.3, where they are compared
nowhere near the most powerful explanatory with our previous results in Table 5.2 for the full
factor on its own.6 In every country, income is range of life-satisfaction. The two sets of coeffi-
more important than education as such. cients are remarkably similar. There is thus no
evidence that income, mental health, or any
At this point a natural question is Do different other variable is any more important lower down
variables impact differently on life-satisfaction at the well-being scale than it is higher up.
Table 5.3. Explaining the Variation of Life Satisfaction and of Misery Among Adults
(Partial correlation coefficients)
Sources: USA (BRFSS); Australia (HILDA); Britain (BCS); Britain (BHPS); Indonesia (IFLS)
Notes: See Appendix C. * Lagged one year.
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In many ways a more vivid way of analysing By contrast, eliminating poverty in the USA
misery is to make all the right hand variables into reduces misery by 1.7% points, unemployment
discrete variables, such as poor/non-poor or sick/ by 0.3% and physical illness by 0.5% out of the
non-sick. This enables us to give an exact answer total 5.6% in misery. Taken together, those three
to the question If we could eliminate each factors barely make as much difference as
problem, how much could we reduce misery? mental illness on its own.
The different risk factors are now as follows: The pattern in Australia is very similar, but
Poor: below 60% of the median household with more problems coming from physical
income illness. In Britain the role of poverty is less
Uneducated: USA and Indonesia: no higher than it is in the USA, but the role of mental
education; Australia and Britain (BHPS): less health as large or larger.
than 10 years of education; in Britain (BCS): no
qualification Finally in Indonesia, eliminating mental illness
Unemployed again reduces misery by more than reducing
Not partnered poverty does. Further, increased education would
Physical illness: below the current 20th percen- also greatly help. In all countries there would be
tile of physical health much less misery if fewer people were living on
Depression/anxiety: diagnosed/treated except their own.
Britain (BHPS) and Indonesia (below the 20th
percentile).
This set of results is repeated, for effect, in
We then estimate an equation of the form Figure 5.3.
USA
Poverty (below 60% of median income) 0.055 × 31 = 1.71
Uneducated (no higher education) 0.012 × 11 = 0.13
Unemployed 0.079 × 4.0 = 0.32 5.6
Not partnered 0.034 × 43 = 1.46
Physical illness (bottom 20%) 0.027 × 20 = 0.54
Depression or anxiety, diagnosed 0.107 × 22 = 2.35
Australia
Poverty (below 60% of median income) 0.044 × 30 = 1.32
Uneducated (below 10 years of educ.) 0.017 × 13 = 0.22
Unemployed 0.096 × 3.0 = 0.29 7.0
Not partnered 0.047 × 37 = 1.74
Physical illness lagged (bottom 20%) 0.097 × 20 = 1.94
Depression or anxiety, diagnosed 0.098 × 21 = 2.06
Britain (BCS)
Poverty 0.025 × 30 = 0.75
(below 60% of median income)
Uneducated (no qualification) 0.009 × 19 = 0.17
Unemployed 0.059 × 2.2 = 0.13 8.0
Not partnered 0.049 × 47 = 2.30
Physical illness (bottom 20%) 0.017 × 20 = 0.34
Has seen a doctor for emotional health 0.155 × 14 = 2.17
problems in last year
Britain (BHPS)
Poverty (below 60% of median income) 0.028 × 29 = 0.81
Uneducated (below 10 years of educ.) 0.026 × 10 = 0.26
Unemployed 0.152 × 3.8 = 0.41 9.9
Not partnered 0.053 × 36 = 1.90
Physical illness (bottom 20%) 0.057 × 20 = 1.14
Emotional health symptoms lagged 0.205 X 20 = 4.10
(bottom 20%)
Indonesia
Poverty (bottom 20%) 0.063 X 20 = 1.26
Uneducated (no qualification) 0.055 X 27 = 1.48
Unemployed 0.152 X 01 = 0.15 13.9
Not partnered 0.044 X 30 = 1.32
Physical illness (bottom 10%) 0.071 X 10 = 0.71
128 Emotional health symptoms (bottom 20%) 0.078 X 20 = 1.56
Sources: USA (BRFSS); Australia (HILDA); Britain (BCS); Britain (BHPS); Indonesia (IFLS).
Notes: People aged 25+, except for Britain (BCS) where people aged 34 and 42. The first column consists of regression coeffi-
cients in equation (1). For Indonesia the bottom quintile of the number of physical illnesses had much less explanatory power
than the composite variable used for Indonesia throughout this chapter—see Online Annex. See also Appendix C.
WORLD HAPPINESS REPORT 2017
Figure 5.3. How Would the Percentage in Misery Fall if each Problem Could be Eliminated on its
Own?
FPO
From Figure 5.3 we can see how much misery Table 5.5. Average Cost of Reducing the Num-
could be reduced if we eliminated each of the bers in Misery, by One Person. Britain
risk factors, one at a time. But clearly none of
them can be totally eliminated. Moreover the cost £k per year
of reducing them is also relevant. So a natural Poverty. 180
question to ask in each country is If we wanted to Raising more people above the
have one less person in misery, what is the cost poverty line
of achieving this by different means? We attempt Unemployment. 30
Reducing unemployment
a very rough calculation of this for Britain in by active labour market policy
Table 5.5. As Table 5.5 shows, it costs money to Physical health. 100 129
reduce misery, but the cheapest of the policies is Raising more people from the
treating depression and anxiety disorders. worst 20% of present-day illness
Mental health. 10
Treating more people for
depression and anxiety
Table 5.6. How Child Outcomes at 16 are Affected by Different Factors: Britain.
(Partial correlation coefficients)
Clearly, family matters. What about the effect of Figure 5.5. How Child Outcomes at 16 are
schools? In the 1960s, the Coleman Report in Affected by Family and Schooling: Britain.
the US told us that parents mattered more than (Partial correlation coefficients)
schools.10 Since then the tide of opinion has
turned. Our data strongly confirm the importance
of the individual school and the individual
teacher. This applies equally to the academic per-
formance of the pupils and to their happiness.
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Table 5.8. How Life Satisfaction (0-10) is Affected by Own Income, Comparator Income, Own Years
of Education and Comparator Years of Education
(Partial correlation coefficients)
Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses. Controls for self-employed, employed part time, unemployed, not in labour force,
partnered, separated, widowed, parent, physical health, emotional health, female, age, age-squared, comparator unemployment,
comparator partnership, year and region dummies.
133
Conclusion across the whole range? The answer is yes, and
the factors have the same ranking in explaining
Policy-makers need to know the causes of happi- misery as in explaining life-satisfaction. In Table
ness and misery. Some of these are factors that 5.4 we show a novel decomposition which
affect everyone in a society (see Chapter 2), while illustrates how much misery could in principle
other vital factors differ across individuals. For the be eliminated by eliminating either poverty, low
latter, policy-makers need to know what factors education, unemployment, living alone, physical
account for the huge variation across individuals illness or mental illness. In all countries the
in their happiness and misery (both of these being most powerful effect would come from the
measured in terms of life-satisfaction). elimination of depression and anxiety disorders,
which are the main form of mental illness. This
Key factors include economic factors (such as would also be the least costly way of reducing
income and employment), social factors (such as misery (Table 5.5).
education and family life), and health (mental
and physical). We use surveys from the USA, While much could be done to improve human
Australia, Britain and Indonesia to cast light on life by policies directed at adults, as much or
the relative importance of these various factors. more could be done by focussing on children.
We examine this issue using British cohort data.
In all three Western societies, diagnosed mental We ask, Which factors in child development best
illness emerges as more important than income, predict whether the resulting adult will have a
employment or physical illness. In Indonesia as satisfying life? We find that academic qualifica-
well, mental health is important, though less so tions are a worse predictor than the emotional
than income. In every country, physical health is health and behaviour of the child.
also of course important. Yet in no country is it
more important than mental health. What in turn affects the emotional health and
behaviour of the child? Parental income is a
Having a partner is also a crucial factor in good predictor of a child’s academic qualifications
Western countries, while in Indonesia it is less (as is well known), but it is a much weaker
so, perhaps reflecting the greater importance of predictor of the child’s emotional health and
the extended family. Education has a positive behaviour. The best predictor of these is the
effect in all countries (except Australia) but it is mental health of the child’s mother.
nowhere near the most powerful explanatory
factor on its own. In every country, income is Schools are also crucially important. Remark-
more important than education as such. ably, which school a child went to (both primary
and secondary) predicts as much of how the
Even so, household income per head explains child develops as all the characteristics we can
under 2% of the variance of happiness in any measure of the mother and father. This is true of
country. Moreover it is largely relative income what determines the child’s emotional health,
that matters, so as countries have become richer, their behaviour and their academic achievement.
134
many have failed to experience any increase in
their average happiness. A similar problem To conclude, within any country, mental health
relates to education—people care largely about explains more of the variance of happiness
their education relative to that of others. in Western countries than income does. In
Indonesia mental illness also matters, but less
What about the causes of misery? Do the same than income. Nowhere is physical illness a
factors affect misery as affect life-satisfaction bigger source of misery than mental illness.
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135
1 Jefferson (1809). 12 F
or an earlier discussion of the Easterlin paradox, see
WHR 2012, Chapter 3.
2 T
he relation between these two questions is shown in
Appendix A, which provides data from which the answers 13 Clark et al. (2008); Layard et al. (2010).
to the previous question can be calculated.
4 D
etails are in Appendix B and an online Annex at https://
tinyurl.com/WHR2017Ch5Annex
5 See Note 3.
6 T
he total effect of education includes of course its effect via
income and other channels. If income is excluded from the
regression, the coefficient on education becomes USA
0.08, Australia 0.03, Britain BHPS 0.06, and Indonesia
0.06.
7 W
e thus estimate a linear probability model. Almost
identical results are obtained from logit analysis.
8 T
he coefficient for the combination of the child’s emotion-
al health and behaviour is 0.101 (s.e. = 0.009), which
compares with 0.068 (s.e. 0.008) for qualifications—a
significant difference (p = 0.010).
9 P
resumably since she is more present. However the
mother’s mental health is measured 8 times up to when
the child is 11, while the father’s is only measured 3 times
until the child is 2. To see if this matters, we also focused
on explaining the child’s emotional health at 5, using three
observations on both parents’ mental health. The differ-
ence between the effect of mother and father remained as
large as it is in Table 5.6. The same occurred if we focussed
on explaining the child’s emotional health at 16, using only
the first three observations on each parent’s mental health.
References
Clark, A. E., Flèche, S., Layard, R., Powdthavee, N., & Ward,
G. (forthcoming). The Origins of Happiness: The Science of
Wellbeing over the Life Course: Princeton University Press.
137
APPENDIX
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https://tinyurl.com/WHR2017Ch5Annex
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Table 2: How Adult Life-satisfaction is Predicted proportion of time mother worked thereafter,
by Adult Outcomes father’s unemployment, mother’s mental health,
Robust standard errors are in parentheses. father’s mental health, involvement, aggression,
Controls for age, age-squared, region and year family conflict, parental separation, parents’
dummies. Australia and Britain (BHPS) also education, mother’s age at birth, and parents’
include comparison income, education, unem- marital status at birth. Controls for female child,
ployment and partnership. Britain (BCS) also ethnicity, first born child, number of siblings,
includes non-criminality, child outcomes at 16 low birth weight, and premature baby.
and family background. Cross-section regres-
sions using information from BCS respondents
at ages 34 and 42. BHPS, HILDA, IFLS and
BRFSS respondents at age 25+.
HTTP://WORLDHAPPINESS.REPORT/
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