Szeminski, Jan. Why Kill the Spaniard. (Pp. 166-210)
In Stern, Steve (ed.) Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World - 18th to 20th Centuries. University of Wisconsin Press, 1987
Szeminski, Jan. Why Kill the Spaniard. (Pp. 166-210)
In Stern, Steve (ed.) Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World - 18th to 20th Centuries. University of Wisconsin Press, 1987
Szeminski, Jan. Why Kill the Spaniard. (Pp. 166-210)
In Stern, Steve (ed.) Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World - 18th to 20th Centuries. University of Wisconsin Press, 1987
Szeminski, Jan. Why Kill the Spaniard. (Pp. 166-210)
In Stern, Steve (ed.) Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World - 18th to 20th Centuries. University of Wisconsin Press, 1987
Resistance, Rebellion,
and Consciousness
in the
Andean Peasant World,
18th to 20th Centuries
Edited by
STEVE J. STERN
The University of Wisconsin PressCHAPTER 6
Why Kill the Spaniard? New Perspectives
on Andean Insurrectionary Ideology
in the 18th Century
JAN SZEMINSKI
Why were the Spaniards killed during the Tupac Amaru uprising? There
were many obvious reasons, but they do not explain the insistence by
Spanish sources that in 1780-1782 all Spaniards were killed: chapetones
(Spanish-born Spaniards), creoles (American-born Spaniards), men, wom-
en, and children. Mestizos and sometimes Indians too were killed, In 1974
1 first suggested a hypothesis I would later try to prove (Szemiriski 1984:
15-57)—that “espafioles” (“Spaniards”) meant in cighteenth-century Peru
Spaniards from Spain; members of the “republic of Spaniards” in Ameri-
ca; upper caste; nobility; qullana members (i.e., local notables) of Indian
communities; persons of Spanish culture; upper class.
Usually the sources do not explain which kind of Spaniard was killed.
It is easy to show in every social hierarchy a group called Spaniards, whom
the Indians had good reasons to kill. I will try to substitute for detailed
analysis of the people killed by the rebels, because data for such analysis
are lacking, the image of Spaniards as seen by the rebels. The image may
provide a general justification of killings, and not a particular one for
individual victims. It is my personal conviction that a general rationale
for the killings did exist, because people, in order to kill people, need to
show that the killed had lost their human status, or that they never were
really human at all.
166Why Kill the Spaniard? 167
THE SPANIARD AS EVIL ONE
Many sources show that the Spaniards were believed evil. At the begin-
ning of the insurrection the Inca José Gabriel Tépac Amaru (hereinafter
Tupac Amaru) proclaimed his objectives: “to put an end to all Europeans
as the main authors” of all evil institutions. At the same time he declared
in Quechua “that the time had already come when they should shake off
the heavy yoke which during so many years they had suffered from the
Spaniards, each day being obliged to endure new duties and pains; that
his remedies were to mete out the same punishment to all the corregidores
of the Realm, and to put an end to all the Europeans.” So “the time did
come” and with it the remedy: killing the Europeans (CDIP 1971-75:
2:2:155-56). Several days later Tupac Amaru published the same text as
edicts for the provinces of Chumbivileas and Paucartambo. The culprits
were European corregidores and the remedy their extermination, which
would reintroduce the order destroyed by the Europeans (CDTA 1980-82:
1:419). The Inca’s other edicts and letters (¢.g., ibid.: 1:331~489) also con-
demn the Europeans and speak about the time that has come. Spanish
sources confirm the condemnation of the Europeans by Tupac Amaru
(ibid.: 1:42; CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:415).
By death to Europeans the Inca’s followers meant death to Spaniards.
‘There were rumors that Tipac Amaru had ordered his subjects to extermi-
nate all Spaniards (ibid. : 2:2:532) or even anyone wearing a Spanish shirt
(CDTA 1980-82: 1:338). The Inca maintained (and he was believed) that
he had received a royal order (real cédula) to send to the gallows all the
corregidores and puka kunkas (“red necks”), a common nickname of the
Spaniards (ibid.: 3:945-50).
There are many more mentions of Spaniards killed because they were
Spaniards. In all the cases the Inca associated with the “coming of the
time” the necessity to kill corregidores and Europeans, while everybody
else thought that all Spaniards (i.e., creoles as well as chapetones) should
be killed just because they were Spaniards. The conviction preceded the
uprising. According to a 1776 Indian testimony, a general Indian insur-
rection was foretold for 1777. The Spaniards “were to be killed starting
with the corregidores, judges, and all other people with white faces or
fair-haired, and they should have no doubt because the Cuzco Indians
had chosen their king to govern them” (ibid.: 2:229). The testimony
enumerates the order of extermination, and shows the criteria: functions
and racial characteristics believed to be Spanish. The Spaniard was by
nature evil, but why?168 JAN SZEMINSKI
THE SPANIARD AS HERETIC
The sources suggest frequently that the Spaniards were believed to be
heretics. Many of the documents attributed to Tupac Amaru accuse the
corregidores and Europeans of being fearless of God (CDIP 1971-75:
2:2:263), rebels against the king (ibid. 72), heretics (ibid.: 2:2:461),
apostates condemned to Hell, traitors to their king, and not Christians
at all, whose deeds were “perverse impositions,” while the Inca’s own deeds
he considered truly Christian (ibi 1, 463: Tupac Amaru y la Iglesia
1983: 209; CDTA 1980-82: 3:207, 215, 218). In Tupac Amaru’s Royal
Proclamation the kings of Spain and their officials were called usurpers,
criminals and without fear of God (CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:578-79).
The Inca spoke about Europeans, Spaniards from Spain. There was no
practical way of distinguishing them from the creoles whose identifica-
tion with the Spaniards presumed that they too were heretics, apostates,
and rebels against the king. The Inca’s illiterate, Quechua-speaking audi-
ence did not understand his words the same way he did. According to one
of the Inca’s scribes at Guaro, the Inca told the soldiers and the people
“that up till now they had not known God, nor had they understood who
He is, because they have respected as God the corregidores, thieves, and
the priests, but he was going to remedy this.” The same was repeated in
many other places (CDTA 1980-82: 5:127-28).
Micaela Bastidas, the Inca’s wife, believed that the Spaniards were
treacherous and wanted them destroyed (ibid.: 4:9), One of the Inca’s
governors treated the Spaniards and the mestizos very badly because they
were “treacherous and two-faced,” “rebels against the Inca,” all of whom
should be killed on the Inca’s orders (ibid.: 3:629-30). At Azangaro, Diego
Cristébal Tupac Amaru (hereinafter Diego Cristébal) maintained that the
Spanish authorities were criminals who did not fulfill royal orders, “for-
cigners, leopards, and many such others,” who caused the Indians to be-
come heretics, and who were apostates in contrast to the true Christians,
Diego Cristdbal’s followers (ibid.: 2:341-44), Even ina letter to the Lima
viceroy, Diego Cristébal repeated his conviction that the Spaniards were
criminals, apostates, and rebels against the king of Spain (CDIP 1971-75:
2:3:127). The Macha leader Tomas Katari repeated nearly the same argu-
ment (ibid.: 2:2:244-59). The followers of Julian Apasa Tupac Katari
(hereinafter Tuipac Katari) accused the Spaniards of killing the king’s tribu-
taries without the king’s license (Valle de Siles 1980: 103), thereby rebelling
against the king. In Copacabana the rebels did not permit the Spaniards
to be buried “because all the Spaniards were excommunicates and also
demons” (CDIP 1971-75: 2: 804).Why Kill the Spaniard? 169
THE SPANIARD AS NONHUMAN HUMAN
If, at least for some of the rebels, the Spaniards were demons, they could
not have been accepted as Christians and human beings. An anonymous
witness of the Inca’s death at Wagay Pata observed that according to the
Indians, the Spaniards who were killing the Inca were “inhuman and im-
pious” (CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:776). In La Paz the rebels called the Spaniards
devils (ibid.: 2:3:82), while in all the Aymara-speaking region they were
called dogs, beasts, and demons, or excommunicates and demons (ibid.:
2:2:804-14).
These references permit us to understand other examples. Micaela
Bastidas spoke with horror about the Spaniards (ibid.: 2:2:736). Tupac
Katari forbade all Spanish customs and ordered all Spaniards and every-
body dressed as a Spaniard to be killed (ibid.: 2:2:802-3). He received
dead Spaniards’ heads and pierced their eyes (ibid.: 2:2:811). In Tupiza
the rebels took the dead corregidor’s body from the church and cut his
head off (ibid.: 2:2:577). Diego Cristobal wrote that the Spaniards “always
sought out evil for the wretched creoles and Indian notables [principales]”
(Cornejo B. 1963: 426-31), while the Inca maintained that the corregi-
dores made it impossible for the people “to get to know the true God”
(CDTA 1980-82: 2:318). He attributed to the evil Europeans’ influence
the hostility of the clergy against the rebels. In this way the Europeans
wanted to disturb the Christian faith of the people (bi :111). A pro-
vincial Inca nobleman wrote to Tépac Amaru that the ‘Spaniards never
look at the good treatment they receive from anybody” (ibid.: 3:39).
‘Treatment of Spanish bodies may be instructive. In Calca province the
rebels caught two Spanish brothers, leaders of Spanish troops. They were
killed, their blood and hearts were consumed, their tongues cut off and
their eyes pierced (CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:471; CDTA 1980-82: 1:200). After
the Sangarard battle the rebels took the dead Spaniards’ clothes and left
naked bodies on the field (CDTA 1980-82: 1:423). Once, during the siege
of La Paz, the rebels killed fifty Spaniards, and cut their heads and hid-
den parts off (Valle de Siles 1980: 107-8). Near Chucuito the rebels painted
their faces with the Spaniards’ blood, while in Juli they drank their vic-
tims’ blood (CDIP 1971-75. 667-68).
Andean tradition condemns cannibalism. If a part of a Spanish body
was eaten, either the act must have had a magic meaning or the Spaniard
was considered nonhuman. Devilish and beastly status are perfectly com-
patible, because a beast or a devil is not human. In order to understand
whether hearts eaten were “animal” or “human,” I searched for every refer-
ence to Spanish or other hearts. I found three additional cases. In Juli the170 JAN SZEMINSKI
Spanish troops found 71 corpses, among them the bodies of two Juli
caciques, their heads in gallows and their hearts extracted by a cut on the
left side of the body. A corpse of a cacique’s wife was without blood,
supposedly drunk by the rebels (ibid.: 2:2:668). During the La Paz siege
the rebels caught one of the Spanish officials, cut off his head, legs, genitals,
and heart, which they took with themselves with great shouts (Valle de
Siles 1980: 94). In Macha province the Moscari Indians killed their cacique,
cut his head off, and extracted his heart (Hidalgo L. 1983: 125).
Jorge Hidalgo Lehuede interpreted the last case, using Xavier Albd’s
data, as a case of a wilanéa (an offering to Pata Mama, the mountains,
and the ancestors). He argued that all cases of heart extractions like the
above-mentioned corpses from Juli (according to his data, all of them had
the hearts removed) should be interpreted as a wilanéa. These wilanéas
were different from the ordinary wilanéa,
because the body or the bones were buried in the case of an ordinary
wilanéa. The prohibition of burial of the Spaniards served to make sure
that the dead Spaniards would not become a mallki, a plant of new life
which thanks to Paéa Mama would be reborn,
Hocquenghem’s data (1980-81, 1982, 1983, 1984) and in particular, her
interpretation of the images of the condemned (1980-81), prove that such
an interpretation is erroneous. The ways the Spaniards were killed were
the ways criminals guilty of evil were killed to guarantee that the guilty
would not return. An Andean criminal is not buried, Hidalgo Lehuede
is right when he says that the dead Spaniard could not become a mallki,
that killing him should Please the deities, but he is wrong when he says
that the victim was an offering to the deities. The Spaniard was a very
evil criminal, beastly and devilish.
In pan-Andean beliefs there exists such a criminal, called in Spanish
degollador, and in Quechua: pistakuq, nakaq, fiak’aq, ghari siri. He is
frequently identified with the “whites” or mestizos (cf. Ansion and Sze-
mitiski 1982; Ansion 1984: 201-8). Such people should be killed by group
action, their hearts, tongues, genitals, and eyes destroyed. Modern fiak’aq
are considered exporters of human fat for North American and European
use. They get the fat killing the Indians, They are antisocials because they
destroy human life for their own benefit.*
such as the sacrifice of a llama,
“Editor's Note: Szemisiski's discussion of el degollador (literally, “the beheader”) is based
cvidenee porary field work in Ayacucho, but gains further credence from bits ef historical
evidence ftom the same region. As early as the sixteenth century, the region’s Indians ex-
pressed fear that Spaniards sought their body fat for m nal purposes. (Cristbal de Mo-
Aas, Relacién de las fdbulas y ritos de ios incas (1S7A1, as reprinted in Lovee a los
Molinas, Francisco A. Loayza, ed. {Lima, 1943], 79.) And in 1780, Indians in the Huan-
cavelica districts of the greater Ayacucho area tioted against soldiers on patrol because, theWhy Kill the Spaniard? 171
Many a Spaniard saved his life dressing as an Indian. Some had to
change their dress on orders of the rebel authorities, but others did so
voluntarily. The same applied to the Indians, who had to abandon Span-
ish dress if they wanted to stay alive (e.g., CDIP 1971-75: 2:1:363; 2:2:474,
505; 2:4:247). Even during peace negotiations, when Miguel Tupac Amaru
took two Spanish soldiers to his camp, he treated them very well but
obliged them to dress as Indians (Valle de Siles 1980: 172). Sometimes even
Indian dress and active participation on the rebels’ side did not help. A
tupamarista cacique was killed only because he was creole. His killers knew
that he had fought on their side (CDTA 1980-82: 1:433-34). In this case,
Indian dress was not enough; one needed an Indian face, too.
Rebel authorities (except Tupac Katari) repeatedly prohibited the kill-
ing of creoles. In one case, the Indians, in obedience to the Inca’s orders
not to harm the creoles, decided to catch them with nets, and deliver the
creoles to the Inca intact (CDIP 1971-75: 2:3:276).
KILL THE SPANIARD BY THE KING OF SPAIN’S ORDERS
So a Spaniard was human, but beastly and devilish. He was a fiak’ag,
antisocial, heretic, recognized by racial and cultural characteristics, evil
by nature, doomed to extermination. Killing the Spaniards was associ-
ated with the Inca’s presence. The various rebel Incas—Tupac Amaru,
Diego Cristébal, Tiipac Katari, Tomas Katari and his brothers, Felipe
Velasco Tiipac Yupanqui, and many others—while killing the Spaniards
justified their actions as the Spanish king’s orders (reales cédulas).
Ttipac Amaru was not a fool, He knew perfectly well that no king of
Spain would order the Spaniards in Peru to be killed. If the Inca insisted
that such orders existed, even in letters directed to the viceroy of Lima
or to the Cuzco authorities, he must have had a very good reason to do
so. The explanation must be sought in the image of the king of Spain and
of Spaniards in Spain, not in Peru, that existed among the inhabitants
of the Andes.
I found two sequences of events that illustrate the image of Spain across
Indians said, the soldiers were going to behead the Indians. (Relaciones de los vireyes y
audiencias que han gobernado el Pert, 3 vols. [Madrid, 1867-1872], 3:51.) The oral tradi-
tion which associated body fat, medicinal functions, and Spaniards was not invented out
of thin air, but very probably based on battle experiences in the sixteenth century. Note
this matter-of-fact description by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, the famous chronicler of the
Mexican conquest: “and with the fat of a fat Indian whom we killed and opened up there,
we salved our wounds, since we had no oil.” (Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva
Expaiia, Miguel Leén-Portilla, ed., 2 vols. Madrid, 1984], 1, chap. 62, p. 230; cf. chap.
34, p. 149.) There is no reason to doubt that this was a normal practice, given the exigencies
of war, in Peru as well as Mexico.172 JAN SZEMINSKI
the sea among the Indians. One of them refers to Tomas Katari and Tupac
Katari, the other to Tapac Amaru. Boleslao Lewin (1957: 331-93) first
called attention to the similarity in the sequence of events in Canas (Cuzco)
and Chayanta. He explained it through existence of a conspiracy in which
all the leaders of Chayanta and Cuzco had taken part. Hidalgo Lehuede
(1983) compared both sequences in order to understand how an Indian
Messiah had been born, but he did not show any interest in the image
of the king of Spain.
Tomas Katari in a representation to the king argued that it was abso-
lutely impossible that the Great Lord, the most Powerful King of Magnifi-
cent Spain and of poor Indians, would permit his representatives in Peru
to drink the blood of his poor tributaries (CDIP 1971-75; 2:2:245).
Obviously the king in Spain was believed good, only his envoys in Peru
were bad or behaved badly, After his return from Buenos Aires, where
he had been received by the viceroy, Tomds Katari presented the papers
he had been given in Buenos Aires to the La Plata Audiencia (royal high
court). He returned to Macha, where he persuaded the Indians that he
had been in Spain, where he had kissed the king’s feet and informed the
king about his Indians’ sufferings. He believed and made the others be-
lieve that the king had ordered various things in favor of the Indians.
Tomés Katari was called “Father” by the Indians (ibid.: 2:2:237-38) and
used attributes of power (Hidalgo L. 1983: 124), While Tomas Katari was
Jailed in Chuquisaca, an Indian in Macha started to say that the Buenos
Aires viceroy had diminished the tribute by half, and that the pertinent
document was in Tomds Katari’s hands. The local governor ordered the
Indian arrested, but he was liberated from custody by the Indians who
said “that he was the [royal] decree and so could not be jailed” (CDIP
1971-75: 2:2:238
Neither Tomés Katari nor his foll
was. The contact with S|
above-mentioned Indian,
came himself the personal
brothers requested from tl
believed their brother had
CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:548),
order to execute the king’
of their Inca-King,
believe in Tomas Kai
128) called attenti
Katari. The latter
Katari, while his si
ordered the Euro)
lowers knew what and where Spain
pain gave special powers, even indirectly: the
linked with Spain through Tomas Katari, be-
embodiment of the royal edict. Later, Katari’s
he La Plata Audiencia the king’s orders they
brought (Tupac Amaru y la Iglesia 1983: 220;
According to Daémaso Katari, they rebelled in
’s orders and to prepare the land for reception
Ttipac Amaru (ibid.: 2, 2:549). The people did not
tar’s death (Lewin 1957: 739). Hidalgo Lehuede (1983:
on to the relation between Tomas Katari and Tiipac
declared that he had received his mission from Toms
ster maintained that they had received a royal edict which
peans killed, the reparto de mercancias abolished, andWhy Kill the Spaniard? 173
$0 on. The executor of all this was Tomas Katari from above and from
Spain. Later Tupac Katari said that Tomas Katari came back to life in him.
All the sequence shows that for the Indians, their leaders in Macha and
Sicasica included, the Spain from which Tomas Katari acquired his powers
had nothing in common with the Spain of Spaniards in Peru. The power
that he obtained permitted him to reincorporate himself in Tupac Katari.
The same power decreed the death of Europeans in Peru, understood by
everybody as death of all Spaniards in Peru. It is not necessary to enu-
merate all cases when the rebel leaders said they had received the orders
of the king of Spain to exterminate the Spaniards, the Europeans, and
the corregidores. Anyway, their followers did not doubt that the king had
ordered them to kill all puka kunkas (¢.g., CDTA 1980-82: 1:406; 3:949).
Tiipac Amaru even tried to convince the Cuzco clergy that such an order
existed (ibid.: 2:318), while Diego Cristobal did the same with the viceroy
of Lima (CDIP 1971-75: 2:3:127). The phenomenon was confirmed by
Areche when he sentenced the Inca. According to the sentence, the Inca
pretended to act on orders from the king, the Royal Audiencia of Lima,
the viceroy, and Areche himself (ibid.: 2:2:768). For some reason the Inca
was convinced that the people would follow him if he substantiated his
action with the king’s orders. The conviction that the king could have
ordered such an action must have been general.
Micaela Bastidas also believed in a special relationship between her hus-
band and the king. She confessed that she called him Inca “because she
had heard it from her husband, who also said that he would be taken to
Spain, and the King would make him Captain General.” His portrait, to
be sent to Spain and distributed in the Peruvian provinces, showed the
Inca with royal insignia (ibid. : 2:2:716-17). The same special relationship
is manifested in the beliefs that the king had ordered Ttipac Amaru to
illed. Thus Areche and Peruvian
be taken alive to Spain and not to be ki
Spaniards were rebels against the king of Spain. The same people also
believed that the Inca was going to be crowned (CDTA 1980-82: 4:437-38).
According to the priest who had administered the parish of Langui and
Layo, where the Spaniards captured the Inca, “when Tupac Amaru came
¢., Lima] to his ancient home . . . I noted the
back from this capital [i.e., Bess
Indians looked at him with veneration, and not only in his village but even
proud with his protection,
outside the province of Tinta; the province, pr
imagined itself free from the mita obligation” (ibid.: 2:262). The Inca went
to Lima in order to get an official recognition of his Inca origins and at
the same time he presented in Lima various documents to obtain an ex-
emption from the mita service for the villages of Canas.
The pattern in the case of Tupac Amaru was nearly the same as in that
of Tomas Katari. Both went, one to Buenos Aires, the other to Lima, to174 JAN SZEMINSKI
obtain some privileges for their people. Both returned and were respected
as men with special powers. Both came to fight the Spanish administra-
tion and argued that they had received the king’s order to do so. Their
Power was transmitted to their followers and collaborators. Katari in
Aymara, and Amaru in Quechua, both mean “serpent.” The serpent is
a member of the Thunder family, a symbol of change and an ancestor of
the Incas as earthlings (cf. Hocquenghem 1983; Szemiriski 1984: 83-200).
The life of both may be presented in the following way:
(1) The leader is a descendant of ancient rulers, whose forefather was
the Sun; his forefathers imposed order in the society in the name of the
Sun, just like the Sun who imposes the order in the sky. The leader is
also related to Thunder as author of change (Amaru, Katari).
(2) He abandons this world (Kay Paa) identified with his small ethnic
group (Canas, Macha), or with Peru (Tawantinsuyu).
(3) He visits the world outside Kay Pata (Lima, Buenos Aires). The
world that he visits is associated with the king, with Spaniards and Spain,
but also with power and change.
(4) The king, chief of the Spaniards, or the Chief Spaniard gives him
Power (real céduld). The power given is the power to change and reorder
the Kay Paga,
(5) He comes back to Kay Pata with power,
and uses it to fulfill the
orders he receive:
Fulfilling the orders, imposing order on Kay Paéa,
consists of castigating those guilty of disorder, and destroying those who
govern. Those who govern (corregidores, Spaniards in Peru, their fol-
lowers) are guilty of disorder, and therefore rebellion.
GOD AS CHIEF SPANIARD
Obviously the king of Spain was a
good Christian king, whose power was
legitimate,
if he could order acts against the Spaniards. In eighteenth-
century Peru he was considered a legitimate ruler in the minds of the people
(cf. Tapac Amaru y la Iglesia 1983: 152), The Inca’s relationship with the
King of Spain seems similar to his relationship to God. Tupac Amaru’s
God is evidently the God of the Bible and the Catholic Church.
In the proclamation issued in Chumbivilcas, the Inca declared that it
was his duty to put an end to such great disorder and to stop the offenses
against God. The Inca expected that the Divine providence would enlighten
him (CDTA 1980-82: 1:419).
There is only one document in which Tupac Amaru uses all his titles:
“Don José Primero por la Gracia de Dios Inca Rey del Pert, Santa Fé,
Quito, Chile, Buenos Aires, y Continentes de los Mares del Sur, Duque
de la Superlativa, Sefior de los Cesares y Amazonas con dominios en elWhy Kill the Spaniard? 175
gran Paititi, Comisario [y] Distribuidor de la Piedad Divina por Erario
sin Par.” The document was expertly analyzed by Luis Durand Florez
(1974: 141-47, 173-76), who proved that it is not a Spanish forgery. Tipac
Amaru is by God’s Grace Inca-King of all Spanish possessions in South
America. He is also titled Duke of the Superlative where the Superlative
is a female being; Lord of the Caesars and Amazons with dominion over
the Great Paititi, Comissary and Distributor of the Divine Piety as of a
treasure without equal.
Every Christian king is a king by God’s grace, but this king was also
an Inca by God’s Grace, and the God by whose Grace the Incas were kings
is the Sun, whose sons they are. Every king is a distributor of Divine Piety.
Usually this is only implied by the king’s title itself. A Comissary Distribu-
tor of Divine Piety suggests a more direct relationship with God, but
which God?
My studies of the image of Tawantinsuyu religion
famed early colonial chroniclers, Don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala,
Don Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, and Cristobal
de Molina, and comparison of these data with those collected in twenti-
eth-century Ayacucho, convinced me that a Creator-God formed the basis
of the Tawantinsuyu pantheon. Depending on the context, his male com~
ponent was called Wiraquéan, Pata Kamaq, Inti, etc., while his female
component was usually called Paéa Mama, the Mother of Time and Space,
or Lady World. Today in various contexts she is identified with the Virgin
(cf. Mariscotti 1978; Ansion and Szeminiski 1982; Szemiriski 1983). The
female Superlative in Tupac Amaru’s full title, is she the Pata Mama?
At one moment Tiipac Amaru declared that the cries of the Peruvians
reached Heaven, and that is why he, the Inca, ordered in the name of God
the Omnipotent many and various things, whose effect would be social
and moral health. In many other documents the Inca repeated that he acted
with God’s Grace and against the people who were rebels against God
(CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:321; Tupac Amaru y la Iglesia 1983: 210, 215; CDTA
1980-82: 1:328-30). Sometimes he insisted that God obliged him to act.
Having described economic and social causes of
wrote: “All this compelled me to note what is my obligation. As God Our
Lord has given me the obligation without taking into consideration my
heavy sins, I want to perform a good deed” by killing the corregidor and
the Europeans who did not want to accept “my health-giving orders” (CDIP
1971-75; 2:2:463). He argued that thanks to his action the people would
be able to know the “true God” (ibid.: 2:2:379), whom they could not truly
know during the era of Spanish domination. He, by God’s Grace de-
scendant of all the Inca kings, accused the government of Peru of intro-
ducing unwholesome ways, and the clergy in Peru of forgetting the true
as presented by the
f the insurrection, the Inca176 JAN SZEMINSKI
God of Heaven and Earth, He compared the Indians to the Israelites in
Egypt and himself to David and Moses. In consequence of his actions,
the Omnipotent would be believed and known to the faithful, because his
(the Inca’s) was the way of the truth (CDTA 1980-82: 2:206, 218, 327;
3:13),
Diego Cristébal also acted with God's Grace. He was a noble Inca by
God’s Grace, and in the service of God and king of Spain he accused the
Spaniards of inefficient Christiani
it Catholic or Andean or both? The rebels repeatedly
riptions of clearly non-Christian rites. There are some
» but they are so obscure that it is difficult to understand
to whom the rite was directed. Another Possibility would be to prove
the existence of non-Christian Priests, but I am unable to distinguish be-
tween a native substitute for Spanish Catholic priests and an Andean priest,
in contradistinction to Catholic Priests. The last possibility is to show that
Christian concepts served to Cover and legalize Andean images. The
teferences to God and Virgin could serve to demonstrate such a relation,
but they may also be perfectly Catholic. As we do not have any detailed
historical models igi
id.: 3:76-77). This may
tury the clergy and Catho-Why Kill the Spaniard? 177
to death. It is also obvious that the people of Livitaca did not feel any
need for the presence of a Catholic priest in everyday life.
According to the corregidor of Puno, before a battle an Indian leader
told the Spaniards that they the Indians did not consider as their sover-
eign the king of Spain, only their Inca Tupac Amaru. He added they were
going to kill all the Spaniards except the chaplain, whom they wanted to
retain in the same function. After the battle, when the chaplain whom
they had thought to preserve tried to confess and absolve dying rebels,
they died “without taking unto their lips the Lord’s sweet name” (CDIP
1971-75: 2:2:407-12). What did they want the chaplain for?
The Cuzco bishop described how Corpus Christi was celebrated in Cuzco
by the Incas. They took part in the procession with shields bearing an image
of the Sun or of an Inca king. At other opportunities they represented
the Child dressed as an Inca king, and “they convince us that they adore
the true God only when they see Him dressed like the Incas, whom they
believed to be deities.” Later the bishop recommended that during the
celebrations of Santiago the Apostle (Saint James) the Incas should not
be permitted to bring the images of their gentile kings (CDTA 1980-82:
mmy of any Inca king
2:633-34, 637). In the sixteenth century, the mui
was called I//lapa—Thunder. After the conquest, Santiago, the Spanish
war god, was identified with Illapa. The bishop knew what he was speaking
of. In the celebration, from the Incas’ point of view, the Spaniards par-
ticipated with their images of Thunder, and so did the Incas with their
Peruvian Thunders. The Thunder, represented in the sky by Venus, was
thought of as the king’s brother and at the same time as protector of the
king’s sons. All the Cuzco Incas, and even all the Inca’s subjects, were
considered his sons. The bishop did not doubt that Christian ritual was
used to cover a corresponding Inca ritual; in a sense, it was the official
and legal version of the same ritual.
‘Tupac Katari invoked God and Virgin in his documents (e.g., ibid.:
3:665). He ordered a chapel built in his camp to celebrate Mass daily. He
also used to display a little box that he sometimes put to his ear in order
that God speak directly to him (CDIP 1971-75: 2: 811). During the battle
around La Paz, and during the rebels’ executions, the rebels died for their
Inca king, but they did not want to pronounce the name of Jesus (ibid.:
2:3:147).
The existence of non-Christian rites or beliefs should not be treated as
a proof of the existence of two religions. Andean peasants in the eight-
eenth-century, as today, confessed only one religion. ‘What were its com-
ponents? It seems that Christian rites and the Mass and the priests were
all accepted and considered necessary, but not always necessary. It is also178 JAN SZEMINSKI
clear that during the revolution
transformation started when
special mission to their repres
exterminating Spaniards in Pe;
and apostasy,
areligious transformation took place. The
God or the king of Spain or both gave a
‘entatives in Peru. The mission consisted of
Tu, who were guilty of evil, rebellion, heresy,
THE INDIAN AS CHRISTIAN
r the rest, the Participation in the Mass of their
y verybody took part in the Andean celebrations
). Tipac Amaru and his followers’ declarations
“uzco informed Areche nearly
two months after the Cuzco rebellion had started that after battle, the
Indians loyal to the Spaniards did not want to take anything from the
rebel belongings because they considered them excommunicated (CDIP
1971-75: 2:2:383), Priests were sent to the rebels in order to persuade them
to surrender but the Indians “blindly and fe;
Selves into battle, and even when badly hurt
Jesus’ name nor to confess,” Tupac Amaru h
who would not say “Jesus” would revive on the third day (ibid.: 2:1:374).
Unfortunately, the source does
Place. The Inca appears as
ter whether he really issue
He himself when tortured called upon Jesus and the Virgin, Why then
was it attributed to him that he forbade it?
One of the La Paz defenders wrote that
to abandon Catholicism and that was why
and to take hats off in the Presence of t]
de Siles 1983; 43). According to Father
Spaniards killed, and their lan
ordered that the People, inclu
iard or Spanish follower shor
as an asylum for Spaniards
did not show respect to Our
Tupac Katari had an intention
he forbade his followers to pray
he most holy Sacrament (Valle
de la Borda, Katari ordered the
guage and customs abandoned, He further
ding even Driests, who tried to save a Span-
uld be killed, and that any church serving
be burned. But two rebel functionaries who
Lady of Copacabana were executed immedi-
ately, and in Tupac Katari’s camp there Was a chapel and a daily Mass
(CDIP 1971-75; 2:2:802-4, 809), even though the rebels killed by Spaniards
could not be forced to invoke Jesus (ibid, 2:3:147). All the elements ofWhy Kill the Spaniard? 179
the situation amon;
Tupac Katari’s followers.
There are some other, less interesting cases of profanations and reli-
gious experimenting (¢.g., ibid 2:2:693-94). In Caylloma, while killing
the Spaniards in a church, the rebels shouted: “The time of mercy is
finished, there are no more Sacraments nor God with any power” (ibid.:
2:694). The last case calls attention to what really happened. The rebels
believed that something changed in religion, some divinities lost their
power, others gained. It seems that for the rebels the presence of an Inca
precluded the presence, or power in Peru, of Spaniards and of Jesus. Span-
iards were eliminated, but what happened to Jesus?
g Tupac Amaru’s followers are repeated in the case of
THE PROPHECIES
I have already tried to prove (1984; 83-158) that the Andean image of
f the future. Twentieth-century versions
history included also a vision o}
of this vision are commonly known as the Inkarri myth. The Inca will
in its proper place.
come back to reorder the world and to put everything i
The Inca’s return is associated with moral cleansing, the destruction of
Spaniards and sinners. In 1923, in Cotabambas, an insurrection to restore
Tawantinsuyu started with the news that the Inca had appeared. Every-
one knew what should be done: the misti and the wiraquéa (mestizos and
Spaniards) should be killed (Ricardo Valderrama 1983, personal com-
munication). Since 1978, when I first tried to prove the existence of the
Inkarri myth during Tupac Amaru’s insurrection, new documents and
studies have surfaced on this theme (c.g., Hidalgo L. 1983). They contain
much more data on the prophecies.
Hidalgo Lehuede studied documents about the popular prophecy of
1776, according to which a general Indian uprising would start in 1777
and the Cuzco Indians had already nominated a king to govern them. The
Indian nobles who participated in conversations about the uprising com-
he Inca knots record. The slings were
municated the news with the khipu, U
ready, the action should start at 4 o’clock in the morning, just as when
the Jesuits had been captured. According to several testimonies, Juan de
Dios Orcoguaranca, the principal accused, had affirmed that St. Rosa’s
and St, Francisco’s prophecies were going to be fulfilled, because the king-
dom would revert to its previous form, The Catholic religion would be
preserved, and an Inca would govern instead of the Spanish king. Orco-
guaranca also said that the prophecies were commonly known (ibid.:
120-21). The Indians of Cuzco apparently believed that an Inca would
return, exterminate the Spaniards, and conserve Catholicism.
Exactly the same news of an uprising in 1777 was heard in 1776 in180 JAN SZEMINSKI
Camand and Huarochiri. The kingdom would return to its hereditary and
legitimate rulers, the Spaniards would be killed, and the insurrection would
start in Cuzco, where everybody was ready (CDTA. 1980-82: 2:231-32).
In December 1776 in Cuzco, an Indian more than 70 years old was jailed
because he had sent letters written by another person (he did not know
es of Maras, Urubamba, and Guayllabamba.
f had given to the wife of the cacique of Maras,
n sent by the Great Quispe Tupa Ynca who had
so explained that the Inca could be found in the
it of Earthquakes or in a tambo called Montero.
ica Ataw Wallpa —should
him to be a fool and beg-
gar (ibid.: 2:235-43),
The prophecy attributed to
commonly known among the
should reign in Cuzco. Accor
history, any descendant of At:
Peruvian Catholic saints was obviously
Cuzco Indians, An Inca-King would and
‘ding to the most popular version of Inca
‘aw Wallpa should also be a descendant of
Wayna Qhapag and of Wiraquéa. Qispe Tupa Inca could not mean the
same version of Inca history because it would not give him any prefer-
ence over Ataw Wallpa’s descendants, whose coming to power he was
trying to prevent. His attitude suggests that for him a descendant of Ataw
Wallpa was not a descendant of Wiraquéa and Wayna Qhapaq. Actually,
existing theories on the structure of the Cuzco dynasty and lineages do
Tupa Inca’s genealogy,
Qispe Tupa Inca’s arguments suggest that in 1776, in Cuzco, there ex-
isted meanings of the word wiraquéa other than the most obvious. These
meanings may have continued the ones known in the sixteenth century,
when wiraquéa could mean any of the following: Wiraquéan —The Wira-
quéa, the most important representation of God; Wiraquéa Runa—the
forefathers, ancestors, and the first known humanity considered divine;
Wiraquéa Inka—the founder of one of Cuzco’s lineages; Wiraquéa—
Spaniard, any white man; Wiraquéa Qhapaq —the King of the Wiraquéas
or King of Spain. Other meanings, such as cacique, or any founder ofWhy Kill the Spaniard? 181
any lineage, are also possible. It was Wiraquéan who had created the world
and the ancestors of every ethnic group. He sent them to their pagarinas,
places of origin, and called them from their paqarinas to live on earth,
Kay Paéa.
In the eighteenth century there existed at least two different meanings
of the word written down as “espafiol” or “Spaniard”: bad Spaniard in
Peru, who should be killed when the Inca comes back, and good Span-
iard, in particular the good Spanish King over the sea, the good chief
Spaniard. In Quechua, in the eighteenth century and today, the word for
Spaniard and any white man is wiraquéa. In good Quechua, Spanish King
is Wiraquéa Qhapag, but what does this term really mean? What did it
mean in the eighteenth century? Wiraquéa Qhapaq—King of the Wira-
quéas, the most powerful of the Wiraquéas, the chief of the ancestors,
must have meant in the eighteenth century: (1) God the Creator, Creator
of the World and of the forefathers, and (2) Spanish King across the Sea,
not in Kay Paga, but also present in Kay Paéa through his representa-
tives, As Kay Paga corresponds more or less to the world inhabited by
human beings (i.¢., Indians), so both God the Creator and the Spanish
King were present in realms beyond Kay Pata.
Wiraquéa-Spaniards were people not quite of this world, because their
world was over the sea, not here. Here, in Tawantinsuyu, they may be
considered out of their proper place.
In the sources referring to the rebellion the word wiraquéa is nearly
absent. I found it used as a cacique’s title. The source calls the cacique
mestizo and Spaniard, but at the same time member of an ayllu (ibid.:
4:487, 493-95), Did the reference to wiraquéa mean here Spaniard or a
legitimate descendant of the founders of the lineages of the kuraka?
Qispe Tupa Inca indicated as the first place to find the Inca the Chapel
of the “Sefior de los Temblores”-Lord of the Farthquakes. Lord of the
Earthquakes is a Cuzco image of the Lord of Miracles (“Sefior de los
Milagros”), called also Lord of Pachacamilla (little Pachacamac). Various
scholars have called attention to the fact that Lord of the Miracles occu-
pies today exactly the same place in social and geographical space as old
Andean Pata Kamaq. Using data from the Andean chronicler Guaman
Poma, I tried to prove that Paéa Kamaq (The Soul of Time and Space)
is one of the representations of the ‘Andean Creator God (Szemitiski 1983).
Pata Kamaq is associated with the West, where the Sun goes, with the
night; with Ukhu Paga o Hurin Paéa, the world of underground or the
world below; and with Pata Mama as Mother Earth. He is the author
of earthquakes, of all cataclysms, and of all change, and in particular,
all irregular change. Pata-kuti, cataclysm or revolution of time and space,
was conceived of as any important happening. Small pata-kutis marked182
JAN SZEMINSKI
Periods of individual or family life, great Ones divided the pata, the
f Indian nobility, but in 1780 half of the 24
i could not sign documents. The
Prophecy, According to an ex-prisoner in
Tungasuca, the Inca used to Say that “there had come the time of St, Rosa’s
Prophecy when the kingdom would return to the hand of its previous
be anos” and that was why he was going to kill all the Europeans. Once
he even expressed his surprise t
hat the Cuzco bishop did not know the
Prophecy (ibid.: 2:380),
Exactly the same Prophecy about the retur
of its legitimate possessors was repeatedh
in Tupac Katari’s Presence (CDIP 197]
however, there was no mention of any
It seems that the beginning of the new
cleansing. On November 15, 1780, a wit
rebellion declared that he had seen in
2:810-16). In this case,
saints,
times was associated with moral
Ness of the very beginnings of the
Parupugio that “all the IndiansWhy Kill the Spaniard? 183
able to carry arms carried arms, slings and sables, and they congratulated
and embraced each other saying that their sufferings and works had been
finished” (CDTA 1980-82: 3:85).
PRIESTS AND GODS
Every tradition, and especially religious tradition, needs some institution-
alized transmission. The data on Andean priests who took part in the
rebellion are very scarce. It is possible to prove their existence, but it is
at this time impossible to find out whether they were distinctively Andean
priests, or Andean substitutes for Catholic priests. In nearly all known
cases they were illiterate old peasants (ibid.: 3:670, 743-58, 760, 940-49;
4:284-95, 390-99). There even exist descriptions of a Catholic but very
unorthodox rebel sanctuary and of an Andean substitute for a Catholic
priest (CDIP 1971-75: 0-22).
If we consider, however, that every kuraka and every Indian leader
did have some priestly traits, the picture changes. In the sixteenth century
every kuraka represented the ancestors and the founders of the group
before his people and before all other powers. He also represented his
people before the ancestors. He was an intermediary just like the Inca-
King who represented humans among gods and god among humans. (Cf.
Salomon, Chapter 5 in this volume.)
There existed a special relationship between Tupac Katari and God, and
also between Tupac Amaru and God. Tupac Katari was a reincorpora-
tion of Tomas Katari. One of the Indians he ordered to be killed was an
incorporation of the Qulla Qhapaq, Colla Kings (CDIP 1971-75: 2:3:168-
69). Was Tupac Amaru, too, a reincorporation of somebody’
‘The most obvious answer is, of course, that he should have been the
reincorporation of Thupa Amaru Inca (the last ruler of the neo-Inca state,
executed in 1572). There are no documents known that would prove that
Ttipac Amaru did declare himself a reincarnation of Thupa Amaru Inca.
There are, however, numerous documents according to which he acted
as Thupa Amaru Inca’s descendant. Thupa Amaru Inca had many de-
scendants, but only Tipac Amaru felt himself especially obliged to act
in his name. In order to find out whether Tupac Amaru was a special
descendant, different from other descendants of the last Inca-King, I tried
to analyze the genealogy which he had presented to the Real Audiencia
in 1777, according to previous prophecies the year of the Inca’s return
(Loayza 1946: 5-17).
According to this genealogy, he was a direct descendant of Felipe Thupa
Amaro or Thupa Amaru Inca in the fifth degree: Wayna Qhapag-Manku
Inka-Felipe Thupa Amaru Inca-Juana Pilleohuaco-Blas Thupa Amaro-184 JAN SZEMINSKI
Sebastién Thupa Amaro-Mi
iguel Thupa Amaro-José Gabriel Thupa
Amaro. The fact that he desc
ended from Thupa Amaru Inca’s daughter
considered himself Thupa
(CDTA 1980-82: 3:201). According to Zuidema (1980: 63, 78), the fourth
rT S could intermarry, As an Andean system of
southern Peru, and there are many indications
Province in the eighteenth century, Tiipac Amaru
kinship is in use today in
that it was used in Canas
rtunate reincarnation of Quila Qhapaq, executed
Katari, seems to indicate that at least among com-
‘aru was considered an Intip Curin, Son of the Sun.
> . So Quila Qhapaq
was an Inca and Son of the Sun, but only, as his title indicates, in Qulla
Suyu, already occupied by Tupac Katari.
Qulla Qhapaq’s story may serve as a
of Cuzco argued that the cult of Santiago was teally a worship of the Incas.
Tinterpreted the data as a proof of existence of Thunder worship. Thun-
der worship exists in Cuzco today. If I have admitted the bishop’s evi-
dence in the case of Thunder, I must also accept his affirmations, repeated
later by Areche in the sentence against the Inca, that Sun worship also
took place (CDTA 1980-82: 2:633-37; CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:771). Tupac
Amaru used to wear an image of the Sun made of gold on a golden neck-
lace (ibid.: 2:2:384). The same insignia were used by Tiipac Katari (Valle
de Siles 1983: 86),
T did not find any eviden
is perfectly explicable by th
Proof of Sun worship. The bishopWhy Kill the Spaniard? 185
The documents frequently mention pairs of Catholic representations,
usually composed of a male and a female. The bishop of Cuzco ordered,
when the rebellion began, the celebration of a procession with the effigies
of the Lord of the Earthquakes (Pata Kamagq) and our Lady of Bethlehem
(CDIP 1971-75: 2:2:279). Several years later he described the same cele-
bration as composed of two pairs: the effigies of the Lord of the Earth-
quakes, the Virgin of Rosary, St. Dominic, and St. Rose of Lima (CDTA
1980-82: 2:420). Diego Cristobal ordered that “all the Christians should
devote themselves to the divine cult adoring the God and the Most Holy
Mother” (ibid.: 2:348). These examples may show the presence of Paga
Mama. Today the official representation of Pata Mama is the Virgin.
Thipac Katari’s order to organize the assemblies on mountain tops (CDIP
1971-75: 02-4) corresponded to reality. Near Paucartambo the rebels
used to assemble for discussions on a mountain top called Apu (ibid.:
2:1:144), Apu—in Quechua “Lord” —is today the title of great mountains
considered protectors of many communities or regions. As their cult is
general today, there is no need to prove their existence in the eighteenth
century. The uprising itself signified preference for the mountain protector
as guardian of social and biological life, rather than the churches and the
colonial villages established in the sixteenth century. Present-day associa-
tions between great mountains and images of Christ may serve to explain
why Tiipac Amaru was a devotee of the Lord of Tungasuca, his birth-
place (CDTA 1980-82: 3:557, 288). Hidalgo Lehuede (1983) called atten-
tion to the presence in the rebellion of another element of the traditional
Andean pantheon: the ancestors. He argued that frequent mentions of
assemblies and proclamations in the cemeteries should be explained as
ancestor worship.
THE INCA
In all the data the most important element has been partially present:
the Inca, Son of the Sun, reincarnation of Thupa Amaru Inca, representa-
tive of God and of the Virgin (Wiraquéan and Pata Mama) on Earth in
Kay Pata. It is obvious that he was not an ordinary man. The rebellion,
the great change, the paca-kuti, started with the reappearance of the Inca.
The Inca had supernatural powers. In 1978, I argued that the ability
to revive the dead was one of his attributes (Szemiriski 1984: 159-200).
Later, more evidence was published which obliged me to change my earlier
supposition that the Inca himself had never attributed to himself the power
to bring the dead back to life. There are various testimonies according
to which Tuipac Amaru publicly said that those who would have died for
his cause would be revived three days later (CDTA 1980-82: 3:259-62).
According to the bishop of Cuzco, the resurrection was promised by the186 JAN SZEMINSKI
Inca on the third day after his coronation in Cuzco (CDIP 1971-75:
6). One observer maintained that the Inca also forbade his followers
to invoke the name of Jesus at the hour of death, if they wanted to be
resurrected (ibid.: 2:1:376). All of this may represent a popular amplifi-
cation of the Inca’s words. Anyway, people thought that in order to come
back to life, they should not invoke Jesus, The resurrection on the third
day is a Christian pattern and may indicate that Inca was perceived as
a Tawantinsuyu equivalent of Jesus,
Tupac Katari is said to have persuaded
Amaro would resurrect them
tion on the fifth day c
his followers that the king Thupa
five days after the death in battle, Resurrec-
ciated with Gran Paititi, the place where
Incas are said to last even today. Paititi is in the east, where the sun comes
from, where everything new should come from (cf, Szemiriski 1984:
185-86).
I intended to specify more clearly the image of the Inca among the
rebels, but I cannot add anything of significance to what 1 wrote in 1978.
cording to Father M. de la Borda, the Indians executed Tupac Katari’s
orders as if he were a real deity (CDIP 1971-75: 213-8 10). Diverse sources
indicate that the Inca was seen as an immortal or at least a person that
should not and could not be killed, Felipe Velasco Thupa Yupanqui, Diego
Cristobal, and many other rebel leaders maintained that the Inca had not
been killed on Wagay Pata; one sai
id he was in Lima, others believed that
he was in Gran Paititi. His death
Was described as death of a being that
brings order to the universe (Szeminiski 1984; 181-82). In a chicha beerWhy Kill the Spaniard? 187
store in Acomayo an Indian “becoming very sad and afflicted, showing
it with much cunning said that they were taking the life of the Inca Thupa
Amaro on Tuesday . . . while His Majesty ordered him taken alive, and
that he did not want his life to be taken; and that is why [Areche], pre-
tending to justify his action, declared that he had received the Inca already
dead, and so he was going to send to His Majesty the head only.” A con-
versation about rising against the Spaniards followed later (CDTA 1980-82:
4:347-48). It is worth noting that Tupac Amarv’s (i.¢., the Inca’s) death
was interpreted as proof that the Spaniards were rebels against the king
of Spain.
It is not necessary to repeat all the titles given to the Inca by his fol-
lowers; Benefactor of the Poor, Father, Majesty, King, and so on. In the
provinces the people believed to represent him were sometimes received
kneeling. In one case a Catholic priest used to put the Gospel over the
heads of rebel leaders before every action (CDIP 1971-75: 2: 2:651). Often
the Inca was called Liberator and Redeemer (Lewin 1957: 340). Accord-
ing to the bishop of Cuzco, the Inca’s titles were “Liberator of the King-
dom, Restorer of the Privileges, common father of those suffering under
the yoke of the repartos” while the people called him Redeemer (CDIP
1971-75: 2:3:332). He was believed invincible (CDTA 1980-82: 5:37). He
himself said that he would nominate the leaders that would lead the peo-
ple by the way of the truth (ibid.: 3:113). He was perceived by the Indians
as representing the Indians, Peru, land, and people (Szemitiski 1984:
138-39, 178-90). He was also the representation of traditional moral values
which should be analyzed separately.
CONCLUSIONS
The rebels had an image of history. The last three epochs of this history
were: The World before the Spaniards, The World of the Spaniards, and
the World after Inca’s return. I have tried to model these epochs (figures
6.1, 6.2, 6.3).
The world created by God the Father and the Most Holy Mother has
basically a tripartite structure composed of the sky, the earth, and the
underworld, called in Quechua Hanaq Pata, Kay Paga, and Hurin Pata
respectively. In every pata there exists a hierarchy of beings who are local
representations of God: Sun, Inca, and Jesus (Pata Kamaq). Every male
being has its female partner. As the sources referring to the rebellion do
not contain any particular data on the image of these hierarchies, I used
the simplest version based in equal grade on the information of sixteenth-
century chronicles and on twentieth-century myths. The sky hierarchy,188 JAN SZEMINSKI
Fig. 6.1. The World before the Spaniards
Wiraquéan*—Paca Mama
Dios Padre—La Virgen
(God the Father—The Virgin)
Hanaq Pata” Kay Pata Hurin Pata
(Higher World) (This World) (Lower World)
Inti-Killa Inka®-Quya Paga Kamaq-Pata Mama
Jesus
(Sun-Moon) (Inka-his wife) (Jesus-Mother Earth)
Caska Mapa, Amaru Santiago
(Venus) (Thunder, (St. James)
Serpent)
Quylturkuna Urqukuna Santukuna
(Stars) (Mountains) (Saints)
Kamaqinkunat Wiraquéa Runa, Wiraqueakuna
kurakakuna
(“prototypes”) (ineage founders, (human ancestors)
caciques)
2 Willagkuna padrekuna
(Andean priests) (Catholic priests)
? Runakuna Wiraquéakuna
(Indians) (Spaniards)
“I have no clear idea whether Wiraquéa
the Father or to Jesus-Pata Kamaq,
the Lower World. I preferred to omit
Qhapaq, King of Spain, corresponded to God
Perhaps he was only a king of human ancestors in
him from the diagram. The females, counterparts of
Grery male being, are mentioned only when necessary, There are female stars, saints, and
known, Be composition of the Mlapa family (Caska, Santiago, Amaru, etc.) is not well
known.
» also other subdivisions are possible. I assume that Lima,
Buenos Aires, Paititi, and Africa
also the night and the dead belong,
“Sixteenth-century prayers mention Runa Kamaq,
in human society. 1 identified him with the Inca beca
and Pata Kamaq-Jesus,
“Every being in Kay Pata has a Prototype in the sky, possibly identified with a star or
a constellation.
Soul of Man, who guaranteed order
se of the opposition between the Inca
as the one that has not chan;
other hierarchies (e.g.,
also to mark the place
ged, served to find the order of entities in
Venus as sky representation of the Thunder serves
marked twice in the Underworld, once as
Spaniards and the other one as all human ancestors. Their presence in
This World is only a presence of lineage founders identified with the kura-
kakuna—caciques, their heirs,Why Kill the Spaniard? 189
Figure 6.1 explains why the conquest had to happen. In This World there
were only the willaqkuna, Andean priests who did not know how to pray
and respect Jesus. I assume of course that in 1770-1780 Jesus and Pata
Kamaq were completely identified, which might not be completely true.
The Inca and the Runas were guilty of neglecting and disregarding Jesus
(Pata Kamaq), and all the Lower World hierarchy. It was an offense to
God the Father, who punished the Inca and the Runas with the cataclysm
of sending the Spaniards. The Spaniards’ duty was to punish the Inca and
the Runas, and to teach them how to respect Jesus and all the Lower World
hierarchy, thereby establishing a proper relationship between the two
worlds (figure 6.2).
Fig. 6.2. The World of the Spaniards
Dios Padre—La Virgen
Wiraquéan—Pata Mama
Hanag Pata Kay Pata Hurin Paga
Inti-Killa gJesus-Pata Mama? Jesus-Pata Mama
enka-Quya?
Caska Santiago Santiago
Mapa, Amaru glllapa, Amaru?
Quyllurkuna Santukuna Santukuna
Urqukuna eUrqukuna?
Kamaginkuna Puka Kunka Wiraquéakuna
(Spaniards in Peru)
kurakakuna
2 padrekuna padrekuna
willagkuna
2 Runakuna Wiraquéakuna
Noter Ivalice indicate members of Kay Pata hierarchy who exist but have lost their place
in Kay Paa, Question marks indicate Kay Pata Representatives probably transferred to
Hurin Paga.
The Spaniards sent by God, in this case by Jesus-Patéa Kamaq, came
and conquered This World. They introduced their proper ways of respect-
ing Jesus and all the Lower World hierarchy. They punished the Inca and
the Runas, They also killed the Inca, and abolished the hierarchy that ruled
in This World. They started to rule This World on their own. They killed
the Indians for their own benefit. They did not permit the Indians to be-
come Catholic priests, and they forbade proper ways of respecting the
sky, So the Spaniards became fiak’aq, antisocials who disrupted social
order and offended God by making it impossible for the Christians (i.e.,
Indians) to respect him properly as Sun or Jesus. As they did not improve190 JAN SZEMINSKI
and their sins became very great, God decided to punish them and return
them to their proper place. Killing the Spaniards in Peru was the simplest
way to punish them and send them back to the place from whence they
had come. At the same time, order must be restored in This World, and
the only one who can and knows how to do it properly is the Inca. The
cataclysm started. The Inca came back (figure 6,3).
Fig. 6.3. The World after Inca’s Return
Dios Padre—La Virgen
Wiraqutéan—Pata Mama
Hanaq Pata Kay Pata Hurin Pi
Inti-Killa Inka-Quya Jesus-Paga Mama
Caska Mapa, Amaru Santiago
Quyllurkuna Urqukuna Santukuna
Kamaginkuna kurakakuna Wiraquéakuna
? willagkuna, padrekuna padrekuna
2 Runakuna
Wiraquéakuna
‘The Inca’s return did not mean a repetition of the pre-Spanish times.
His victory and the extermination of
archy would be Properly respected because there would at last be Indian
Catholic priests. At the same time the Inca and the kurakas would once
more bring order to This World.
The news that an Inca had Teappeared obliged every Runa to decide
whether this was the Inca for whom everybody was waiting. If he was
the Inca, everyone’s duty was to follow him and kill the Spaniards, be-
cause the paga-kuti, the cataclysm, had come, and the Spaniards’ time
was up. If, however, he was a false Inca, one should kill him and his
followers, because the Spaniards’ time would continue. In both cases, the
chosen course of action was a religious duty.
II killing the Spaniards during Inca’s return was a religious duty, so
during every uprising real or supposed Spaniards should be killed. It also
means that “everybody” knew how to recognize a Spaniard. In practice,
in every village or town, the people knew who was a Spaniard or who
was a fiak’aq. At least at the beginnin,
» however, the lack of criteria must have
become significant. Of course, any fair-haired man who spoke Spanish
and dressed and behaved as a Spaniard was a Spaniard. Obviously, aWhy Kill the Spaniard? 191
dark-skinned Quechua speaker, member of an Indian community, and
follower of the Inca was not a Spaniard. Recognition of the persons in
between the two extremes, however, depended on local conditions and
conflicts. The number of persons recognized as Spaniards probably grew
rapidly when the redistribution of wealth started, as always during the
construction of a new and moral world. A detailed study of changes in
moral values during the uprising may help us to understand how a “Span-
iard” was recognized before he was killed. Anyway, every good Andean
Christian should kill the Spaniards—thus making the world morally better.
Hidalgo Lehuede (1983) argued that the Inca and Jesus were opposed,
the first one associated with life, the other one with death; following the
Inca therefore meant rejection of Christianity. I believe it was not so
simple. Jesus was the Lord of the Underworld, the Lord of the Dead and
of the Night, but at the same time, he was the Lord of Change and of
_ the Beginning. Like Pata Kamaq, Jesus was the Lord of the End and of
the Beginning. The Inca’s return was, for his followers, possible because
Jesus permitted it. The war between the Inca and his enemies was a war
among Christians who accused one another of heresy and rebellion. Of
course, the real weight of Catholic dogmas and beliefs in Andean religion
of the eighteenth century remains to be investigated. Catholic beliefs there
were, but to what degree were they important? Were Christian elements
merely a series of specialized cults associated only with the Underworld,
or were they also present in other aspects of Andean religion?
REFERENCES
ANSION, JEAN-MARIE
1984 Demons des Andes. La pensée mythique dans une région des Andes
péruviennes (Ayacucho). Louvain-la-Neuve.
ANSION, JUAN, AND JAN SZEMINSKI
1982 “Dioses y Hombres de Huamanga.” Allpanchis 19 (Cuzco): 187-236.
corp (Comision Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Pert)
1971-75 Coleccién documental de la independencia del Pert. 27 vols. Lima.
CTA
1980-82 Coleccién Documental del Bicentenario de la Revolucién Emancipa-
dora de Tupac Amaru. 5 vols. Lima.
CORNEJO BOURONCLE, JORGE
1963 Tuipac Amaru. La Revolucién Precursora de la Emancipacién Conti-
nental. Cuzco.
DURAND FLOREZ, LUIS
1974 Independencia e integracién en el Plan Politico de Tipac Amaru. Lima.192 JAN SZEMINSKI
HIDALGO LEHUEDE, JORGE
1983 “Amarus y cataris: aspectos mesianicos de la rebelin indigena de 1781
en Cusco, Chayanta, La Paz y Arica.” Chungard 10 (Arica, March):
117-38.
HOCQUENGHEM, ANNE MARIE
1980-81 “L’iconographie mochica et les représentations de supplices.” Journal
de la Société des américanistes 68 (Paris): 249-60.
1982 “El degollador.” Paper presented to the 44th International Congress
of Americanists, Manchester.
1983 “The ‘beauty’ of the dear serpent jaguar, Camak.” Beilage 1 (Jan.):
4-7.
1984 “Hanan y Hurin, Chantiers.” Amerindia 9 (Paris): Supplément.
LEWIN, BOLESLAO
1957 La Rebelidn de Tupac Amaru y los origenes de la Independencia de
Hispanoamérica, Buenos Aires.
LOAYZA, FRANCISCO A., ed.
1946 Thipac Amaru (Documento inédito del aro 1777). Lima.
MARISCOTTI DE GORLITZ, ANA MARIA
1978 “Pachamama Santa Tierra. Contribucién al estudio de la religion
autéctona en los Andes centromeridonales.” Indiana 8 (Berlin):
suplemento.
ORTIZ RESCANIERE, ALEJANDRO
1973 De Adaneva a Inkarri. Una visidn indigena del Perti. Lima.
OSSIO A., JUAN M., ed.
1973 Ideologia mesidnica del mundo andino. Lima.
SZEMINSKI, JAN
1983 “Las generaciones del mundo segtin don Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala.” Historica, 7:1 (Lima).
1984 La utopia tupamarista. Lima
TUPAC AMARU Y LA IGLESIA
1983 Tiipac Amaru y La Iglesia, Antologta. Lima.
VALLE DE SILES, MARIA EUGENIA DEL
1980 Testimonios del Cerco de La Paz. El campo contra la ciudad 1781.
La Paz.
ZUIDEMA, R. T.
1980 “Parentesco Inca. Sistema de parentesco incaico: una nueva vision
tedrica.” In E. Mayer and R. Bolton, eds., Parentesco y Matrimonio
en los Andes (Lima). Pp. 57-114,CHAPTER7
In Search of an Inca
ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
To speak of revolutions, to imagine revolutions, to envision oneself in the very heart
of a revolution is, in a way, to master the world.
Alejo Carpentier
According to one participant, a conspiracy was put to an abrupt end in
Cuzco in the year 1805. Its goal, like that of others which would follow
in the Latin American cities of that age, was to storm the military quar-
ters, seize the plaza, and initiate a process which would culminate in the
expulsion of the Spaniards. The conventional historiographic account tells
us that, in addition to one lawyer, three priests, a councilman, a commis-
sioner of Indian noblemen, and a member of the Indian aristocracy, the
mineralogist Gabriel Aguilar and Juan Manuel Ubalde, a member of the
audiencia (royal high court), figured among the protagonists. In ethnic
terms, they amounted to a number of Indians led by various creoles (or
mestizos). Those who conceived of and most enthusiastically supported
the plot —that is, Aguilar and Ubalde— belonged to the provincial middle
classes of that epoch, that social sector which would later seek a protagonist
role in the Cuzco revolution of 1814. Up to this point, it seems we are
faced with an event which quite naturally inscribes itself in the struggle
for independence. But it happens that the conspirators were not contem-
plating a republican regime; instead, far from any projection into the
future, they wanted to restore an earlier order: they were monarchists and
they sought an Inca as their king.
The return to the past inspired a revolution. It would remain, nonethe-
less, among other similarly aborted plans. On the morning of December 5,
‘This essay derives from a collaborative research effort with Manuel Burga. Translation
by Hunter Fite and Steve J. Stern,
193194 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
1805, Aguilar and Ubalde were hanged in the main plaza of Cuzco (Vi-
cuiia M, 1924: 68ff.; BNP 1805: 19ff.). That heterodox interpretation of
tradition! that they had carried out would be understood still in 1823, when.
the Peruvian Congress restored the memory of these “insurgents,” pro-
claiming them “national heroes.” Some years later, in an account ded
cated to these events, Ricardo Palma hesitated to classify his protagonists:
were they patriots or were they fools? They opposed the Spanish, but did
so according to seemingly preposterous conceptions (Palma 1953: 838).
Since this version, traditional history has treated them as a mere footnote
to the precursors, uncertain figures who dangle between fiction and reality,
“atopians” in the vulgar sense of the word: individuals harboring impossible
ideas,?
This coolness by historians is not without foundation. In 1780 Aguilar
was six years old and Ubalde fourteen. The “great rebellion” of Tupac
Amaru, with its violent and destructive aftermath, must have formed part
of their childhood recollections. They could not have ignored that through-
out the Andean South, haciendas and obrajes (textile manufacturing
houses) had been ransacked, churches destroyed, in the name of the return
of the Inca; that those called puka kunka (“red necks”) had been shot,
and that what had begun as a political revolution was rapidly transformed
into an ethnic conflict. Figures such as Aguilar and Ubalde might have
been among the eventual victims of those misfortunes. They might have
been, for example, among those young children (Spaniards or mestizos)
who were hurled from the church towers in Tapacari. There is sufficient
testimony to prove that they were not ignorant of these events. Further-
more, they deemed certain precautions necessary in the event of success:
all Spaniards would be rounded up with great celerity and shipped off to
Spain, thus avoiding any sort of massacre. This reference, bordering on
ingenuity, demonstrates that they were indeed conscious of the risk their
plan incurred. Apparently, Aguilar and Ubalde were illustrating that
Sartrean tendency to measure the clarity of an idea by the displeasure that
it causes.?
Perhaps though, without negating the violence unfurled during 1780,
historians have exaggerated its impact on the people of that epoch. Luis
Durand suggests a carry-over of the tupamarista utopia even into the Cuzco
of 1805.4 What is more, those events ought to make clear that the return
of the Inca was not a preoccupation exclusive to the indigenous population.
In fact, it seems that the return of the Inca, as an alternative to colonial
oppression, was born of the approximation of the Indian and Spanish
republics, those two seemingly impassable worlds, A plain biological fact:
the increase of the mestizos (22 percent of the population) over the course
of the century. Andean culture moved from repression and clandestinityIn Search of an Inca 195
to tolerance and into the public ambits: fiestas and processions exhibited
images of the Incas; similar themes appeared on the Keros (drinking cups),
canvasses, and even murals. The reinstallation of the Inca Empire would
seem then to constitute a principle of identity: this utopia would not be
a product solely of the indigenous sector, but would encompass other social
sectors as well.
‘The approximation of these two republics (Indian and Spanish) followed
several routes. At times the creoles and mestizos would opt to express
themselves in Quechua, composing yaravies (indigenous folk songs) like
“Mariano Melgar” or dramas with Incaic personages in the style of Ollan-
tay. On other occasions, the Indian might “employ European elements
to better express himself” (Arguedas 1952: 140). But this process of con-
vergence was to be interrupted by the social conflicts which broke loose
between 1780 and 1824. The wars for independence over, the shared tradi-
tions of the country were superseded by social and ethnic divisions. In
what remained of the nineteenth century, the Andean utopia would be-
come a peasant utopia destined to remain confined to rural environs.
Aguilar and Ubalde are situated halfway there: in the very center of a
period of transition.
We could illustrate this transition in various manners. The theme of the
Incas gradually disappeared from creole political discourse. The indige-
nous aristocracy vanished from the political scenario. Andean symbols
went unrecognized in patriotic emblems. The prohibitions established by
the Europeans after the defeat of Tupac Amaru (dress, language, art, titles
of nobility) have been sufficiently emphasized; it is necessary to add that
spontaneous elements made themselves felt in that growing divergence
between the two republics. The Indians of the villages of Huancavelica
had incorporated the bullfight into their cultural expression; in 1791 an
edict attempted to prohibit that “inhumane custom,” but proved unsuc-
cussful so that the prohibition against this “heathen” practice was reiter-
ated in 1807.5 Repression and secrecy once more returned.
Who were our main characters? Their biographies can help us to chart
the urban tracks of the Andean utopia. We have indicated three features
up to this point, in accordance with other historians: Aguilar and Ubalde
were provincial, middle class, creoles. The first two characteristics are
sufficiently evident, as we will continue to see. The third, on the other hand,
is surrounded by imprecisions. The term “creole” did not exist in official
terminology, which, for purposes of census taking and tributes, distin-
guished only between Spaniards, Indians, mestizos, blacks, and castas
(mixed-bloods). To many Limefios, “creole” was a defamatory term, in
spite of the fact that writers of such stature as Viscardo and Guzman,196 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
influenced by their European exile, wanted to salvage the term. In cities
of the provinces like Cuzco, too, it seems to have attained a positive con-
notation, when compared to pejorative adjectives like chapetén or gordo.
Face to face with Ubalde or Aguilar, any colonial census taker would have
recorded either Spaniard or mestizo (see Macera 1977: 2:444 ff.).
We know with certainty (thanks to Luis Durand) that Ubalde was born
in Arequipa on May 27, 1766. His family owned lands in Majes by ma-
ternal inheritance. These, perhaps, enabled him to afford an education,
which from early on was under the administration of an aunt. This aunt,
a nun herself, tried consistently to steer him toward the church and clois-
ters. Although she would be unsuccessful, she did manage to instill in her
nephew a great religious Preoccupation: he became familiar with the Bible
and hagiography. But it was not simply a matter of the discovery of an
interior mysticism, for it seems that here began as well an intense concern
for the destitute. We find the first traces in Deuteronomy, that exhorta-
tory and prophetic book. The theme of the poor is embodied in the figure
of the slaves —more as example than as reality. I say this because the black
Population was slight in the Andean South.
Ubalde went on from Arequipa to Cuzco, where he commenced his
studies of jurisprudence, He carried with him a letter from his aunt, which
the scaffold, and which incited him to
remain loyal to the mystical inspiration of his youth. During those years,
we have evidence of his incur-
ion of deputy counsellor (teniente
le Reyes, who was away in Spain,
the provinces to initiate his career Progression, albeit delayed, in the co-
lonial bureaucracy, He might have had a future. It would be cut short,
however, for in that year he met Aguilar,
Evidently the deputy counsellor of the audiencia was a man of higher
culture than average in the lettered circles of the colony. But his reading
had not eradicated from his mind an obsession with dreams, which he
married with the mysticism of his childhood. If his meeting with Aguilar
proved for his life cataclysmic, this was, among other things, because their
meeting had been foretold or confused with a dream (Vicufia M. 1924:
70). For Ubalde, dreams were not to be forgotten, nor would it have oc-In Search of an Inca 197
curred to him that they might have been the language of an inner world;
instead he took them for “nocturnal revelations,” keys to the future. Lurk-
ing here is the belief that there exists something like destiny.
We find these beliefs even more emphatically in Gabriel Aguilar. The
was born around 1774 in Hudnuco. We know that
and that the range of his intellectual interests was
jing cosmography, mechanical arts,
heless, unlike Ubalde, he preferred
younger of the two, he
he studied mineralogy,
as heterogeneous as it was vast (includ
and experimental philosophy). Nevert
travel to reading. He passed a while in the montaria (tropical eastern slopes
descending into the jungle region), reached the Marafion River, visited
Chachapoyas. We might have thought him a character comparable to those
European voyagers who traversed America in that era. But he travelled
neither to explore nature nor to seck out fellow man; instead, his moti-
vation was the pursuit of a kind of interior definition. At nine years old,
he had a dream (a revelation), in which he was designated one of the Lord’s
chosen (Conato 1976: 28), an annointed one. He felt himself called toward
a greater plan, Wandering the country in search of other signs, he arrived
in Lima— watching for and listening to any message. The Convent of the
Barefoot Ones (“Los Descalzos”), of the Franciscan Order, was to be an
important point on his itinerary: there he contemplated the image of a
crucified Christ figure, which, years later, he would believe to rediscover
in Cuzco.
He considered joining the Franciscans, but turned in his habit to make
way as a pilgrim: “. . . The Lord ordained that he go forward with his
cross, abandoning his Fathers, fortune, and comforts” (ibid.: 87). From
Lima he set out for the central sierra, where another important stop would
be the church of Jauja, where aside from an image of the Lord of Agony
(el Seftor de la Agonia), he came upon two other Franciscans. Years later
he would decide to remain in Cuzco on account of an image of Christ
which he contemplated in the church of San Francisco in that city. In his
confessions there appears in addition a relationship between poverty and
the Franciscans. We note these facts recalling the connection drawn else-
where between that order and millenarianism.
But let us not jump ahead of ourselves. Before deciding to establish
himself in Cuzco, Aguilar traversed the Andean south. Passing through
Potosi and Mendoza, heading toward Buenos Aires, he followed the in-
verse route of El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes (A Blind Man’s Guide),
by Carrié de la Bandera, which described the itinerary from that southern
Port up to Lima. On this muleteer’s trail, the wanderer would suffer a de-
cisive transformation. Some pampa dwellers mistook him for an emissary
of Tupac Amaru, inquired of the latest news from Cuzco, and ended up
issuing invitations that “he lead a political uprising” (ibid.: 47). It happens198 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
that this traveller resembled any number of others who crisscrossed the
Andean footpaths at that time. The historian Lorenzo Huertas (1978: 10),
for example, has reconstructed the itinerary of the native Diego Jaquica,
a tupamarista rebel in 1780 who was captured and taken toward Lima;
in Ica he escaped and went through all the towns on the way to Cuzco,
spreading tales of the Incas and indigenous noblemen. In an oral society
such as the one of that time, these personalities found ready listeners. The
hostelries, inns, and taverns scattered about those extensive routes cre-
ated an atmosphere well suited for conversations which might easily head
toward political themes (Eguiguren 1935: 20). On occasion the public could
influence the traveller. Those pamperos, with their inquiries about the
tupamaristas, unknowingly guided Aguilar to discover, in the midst of
his mysticism, a more earthly route.
Aguilar journeyed to Spain. There was talk of a miracle which sup-
posedly prevented a shipwreck, and also of his possible contacts with
Spanish authorities, or rumored conspiracies with the English. Disillu-
sioned with the court, he returned to Peru to carry out travels which
would bring him back to Cuzco. He nearly repeated the inverse path of
a predecessor: Juan Santos Atahualpa, that student of the Jesuits who
abandoned Cuzco and, heading up the jungle rivers, discovered the Gran
Pajonal region in the central montajia. Aguilar arrived in Cuzco hoping
to find an indigenous woman of Peasant origin whom, in accordance with
the divine plan, he intended to marry. He was always a tense and tor-
mented man, abandoning his intellectual projects and postponing his hunt
for mines in order to meet his supposed destiny. In the verse he composed
shortly before his death, he reached the point of defining himself in these
terms: “That Gabriel who did live / in continuous suffering” (“Aquel
Gabriel que vivid / en un continuo penar”; in Mendiburu 1931: 176).
Some testimonies indicate that Aguilar and Ubalde had met previously
in Lima (ibid.). What is certain is that in the imperial city of Cuzco (this
phrasing would have had a more concrete significance in the eighteenth
century, when the memory of the Incas was not so remote), they devel-
oped a friendship based on lengthy discourse. The divine revelations, the
dreams, the travels and books, the preoccupation with the poor and with
suffering — the experiences of the one and the other began to nurture an
idea: to change society by establishing a new order, or rather, the true
order. These themes would Tepeatedly appear throughout the judicial pro-
ceedings to which they were both subjected.® Shortly after being im-
prisoned, Aguilar had a vision, which he communicated immediately to
Ubalde, according to which “a death sentence would be declared.” Faced
with this imminent outcome, he decided to recount “all of his revela-
tions,”’ to speak before his judges rather than conceal his true intentions.In Search of an Inca 199
Thanks to this, we can better understand that Andean eighteenth century,
if we reexamine the proceedings against them to search for the roots of
their beliefs and the central question in any rebellion: what criteria legiti-
mate power and insurrection? We shall see that the Andean utopia of which
both conspirators were participants is streaked throughout the oral and
written history, the rational and the imaginary, of that society.
For Aguilar and Ubalde, the rejection of the colonial order was justified
by two complementary arguments. On the one side lies the notion of “just
titles” to govern America, and on the other the tyranny of the king. In
the first, we can see in the eighteenth century traces of a theme initiated
much earlier, in the sixteenth century, from within the “republic of Span-
iards”: the preachings of Las Casas on the justification of conquest. The
source of the second is clear: St. Thomas Aquinas. The oppressed have
the right to rise up in revolt, even to execute their king.
The historian Guillermo Lohmann Villena has followed with charac-
teristic erudition the tracks of Las Casas’ influence, which over the cen-
turies touched, within viceregal intellectual circles, personages such as
Feijéo de Sosa (1718-1791), Baquijano y Carrillo (1748-1798), Riva
Agiiero (1783-1858), and Vidaurre (1773-1841). La Destruccion de Las
Indias (The Destruction of the Indies) appears in the inventories of three
Lima libraries of the eighteenth century. Las Casas proved to be a much-
quoted author, expounded particularly by critics of the colonial order
(Lohmann V. 1974).
Aguilar and Ubalde proposed to fight in favor of an Incaic monarchy.
‘Two influences seem in turn to have nurtured this idea: Christianity, and
the Andean world. Each of these was made manifest by, and confused
with, various texts and the voyages and dreams of both protagonists. The
written text, as we shall observe with greater precision in the pages to come,
was not far removed from oral transmission, nor was reality sharply dis-
tinguished from the imaginary. These men did not adhere to the distinc-
tions and borders that we rely upon today.
Apart from what has already been mentioned about the Franciscans
and poverty, Christianity implies here the reading of Deuteronomy, those
passages of the Bible dedicated to the interpretation of dreams, and finally,
the epistle to the Corinthians and the Gospel of St. John. The most pre-
cise citations draw upon the latter two references. In St. John the idea
that Ubalde seizes on is that “the eternal word illuminates all men who
come into this world” (Conato 1976: 58; cf. St. John 1:1-18). In this he
saw his dreams and revelations justified. When all was said and done, they
gave him access to supposed divine plans on the margins of the institu-
tional Church. The enthusiasm of Aguilar and Ubalde for the sacred200 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
word did not seem to extend into a defense of the Church as an institution
(“. . . the priests change parishes with the ease with which one abandons
a dirty and worthless shirt”), Able and tempted to enter an order, they
had finally chosen to remain in the world at large. This option was justi-
fied precisely in the first epistle to the Corinthians, in which St. Paul refers
to the concept of charity (/a caridad): “all is believed by virtue of its sin-
cerity” (todo lo cree por su misma sinceridad; Conato 1916: 181; cf. 1
Corinthians 13:1-7). This was love Placed over faith as the road to salva-
tion. Theirs was a somewhat unorthodox reading of the scriptures; but
it was nonetheless @ treading of them, since we have been able to match
their citations in the judicial Proceedings with the original biblical texts.
‘We do not know who else may have shared these conceptions or in which
preachers’ sermons they might have found encouragement. We can only
indicate that some time before, Ttipac Amaru had also turned with fre-
quency to biblical images in his Proclamations, comparing, for instance,
the situation in Peru with the Oppression of the Hebrews of Israel.
From the union of these readings and his dreams, Aguilar derived his
providentialist and messianic conceptions. Neither Aguilar nor Ubalde con-
sidered his biography a product of free will. On the contrary, both felt
themselves called, chosen, designated. They were carrying out a mission.
In the beginning they believed that Aguilar could become the monarch.
same fellow with whose memory the Inca
his Comentarios Reales: “And so ended t!
heir of that empire by direct male filial descendance from the first Inca,
Manco Capac” (bk. 8, chap, 9). Legitimacy, at that time, was not solely
a question of divine designation, but also of ascendance and genealogy.
They wanted to reestablish an order by deliveri
holder: the king who had been dethroned. In thi
Ubalde were simple prophets. It was in this m
(readings, references, conceptions) enveloped Andean projects.
An insurrection is not decided upon by tactical arguments, Notions such
as the correlation of forces, enemies, and allies: these held little impor-
tance to Aguilar and Ubalde. They did not reason politically. Their sense
of the times was another one; it functioned by periods and stages. It hap-
pened that in 1805 there appeared more than one sign indicating that “the
time had arrived.” We can find another evangelical formula repeatedly
Garcilaso practically concluded
he life of this Inca, the legitimate
‘anner that Christian formsIn Search of an Inca 201
in St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John: “Blessed is he who reads, and those
who hear the words of this prophecy, and those who abide by its writ-
ings, for the time is coming” (Revelation 1:3). What time? The time of
the Indian, while that of the Spaniard would come to an end. Society,
as Aguilar and Ubalde perceived it, responded to a dual scheme which
at times counterposed Europeans and Americans, at times Indians and
whites, Obviously, Aguilar and Ubalde considered themselves closer to
the Indians, even though contrary to their own beliefs, the matter was
more one of option than of birth.
Were Aguilar and Ubalde exceptional figures? Their declarations did not
seem to surprise their judges, excepting that which referred to the dreams
and to certain prophecies, considered alibis to extenuate the inevitable
punishment. During 1805, Aguilar had conversed not only with Ubalde,
but with anyone who might listen in the city of Cuzco and the surround-
ing villages. It ought not surprise us that the conspiracy was readily re-
vealed, inasmuch as it was completely lacking in the indispensable require-
ment of secrecy. They disregarded secrecy because they were convinced
that the chances for success lay beyond any imposition of human will.
In addition, it seems that they easily found an audience for their prophe-
cies. Pablo Inca Roca, an Indian nobleman among the accused, referred
toa meeting with Aguilar that took place in the month of June, probably
in the parish of San Sebastian: “he called to the one who testifies [i.e.,
Pablo Inca Rocal, and said that the king of Spain had left, and that we
were without a king; that the time had arrived for the Incas to reign, and
that as he [Roca] was of the Indian caste, he had to be crowned, making
sure to behead all the Europeans before anything else” (Conato 1976: 170).
The Peru of the eighteenth century seems to have been infused with
an “end-of-the-world” atmosphere (Barclay and Santos 1983: 26 ff.). The
Inca was awaited. Many testimonies confirm the existence of the so-called
mythic cycle of Inkarri during that century: paintings depicting the be-
headed Inca circulated in Arequipa and Cuzco; theatrical representations,
inspired by the epic clash at Cajamarca, were performed in the northern
country; Juan Santos Atahualpa preached from the jungle that the head
of the Inca was in Spain. By then the collective memory had confused
the sixteenth-century Incas Atahualpa and Tupac Amaru I: the death of
the Inca was staged as if in Cajamarca [site of Atahualpa’s death—Ed.],
but with characteristics which, according to Garcilaso, surrounded the exe-
cution of the last Inca of Vileabamba [Tupac Amaru 1—Ed.] in Cuzco.
In the Andean imagination, the Spanish conquest had only just ended in
Cuzco in 1572 (Gonzales and Rivera 1982). Two centuries later, it was
expected that the Inca would return at any moment. Aguilar believed that202 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
more elaborate preparations were unnecessary, since simply to invoke the
name of the Inca would suffice to draw the peasants. This central idea
formed the backbone of his conceptions.
It is probable, as Federica Barclay and Fernando Santos have suggested,
in the south Andes, and a devasting earthquake in Lima
in 1746. But it is also certain that. the matter must be placed within the
interior of an entire indigenous cultural rebirth, which, transcending the
ted the use of Quechua in their gather-
ings (tertulias), acquired Paintings with indigenous motifs, tolerated the
consumption of coca. Aguilar and Ubalde’s conspiracy ought to be con-
sidered a part of this cycle, even th
just as these trends were winding down.
tendencies were reversing. There was an anachronistic element in these
Personages. Creoles such as these had been sought with little success by
Tupac Amaru II twenty-five years earlier,
The idea of the return of the In
lective memory of the eighteenth c:
» and the predominant sociocultural
ca must have been engraved in the col-
‘entury: it represented the historical con-
ulations. But, leaving aside the question
of oral transmission, there was one author who inspired this hope: the
Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, mentioned various times during the legal pro-
ceedings. A number of historians— John Rowe, José Durand, Miguel
Maticorena—have underlined the Subversive role played by Garcilaso.
Comentarios Reales, that book of Renaissance history, came to be read
much as a pamphlet by figures such as Tupac Amaru, who took as em-
Amaru in his travels.
But perhaps Garcilaso’s catalytic role derived from another aspect of
his work, more attributed than real—the role of prophet. Aguilar and
Ubalde referred to his prognostications: Garcilaso had foretold the endIn Search of an Inca 203
of the time of the Spaniards, to be displaced by the English. There was
even talk of an English fleet anchored off the coast of Africa. The frequent
wars between Spain and England, in the late colonial period, would— for
those aware of world events—have lent sustenance to this prophecy.
No contemporary reader would discover any evidence of such a prophe-
cy within the pages of Comentarios Reales. We are apparently faced with
another invention of the oral tradition. But such an interpretation would
not be entirely accurate. John Rowe has demonstrated that the edition
utilized by Tupac Amaru and the eighteenth-century indigenous aristocra-
cy, published in Madrid in 1723 under the direction of Gonzales de Bar-
cia, included a special prologue elaborated by Don Gabriel de Cardenas,
in which he mentions a supposed prophecy by Sir Walter Raleigh regard-
ing the restoration of the Inca Empire by the English.* The mention was
made in passing and with a touch of irony, but this prologue was too closely
linked with what was, in effect, the epilogue of the book: that passage,
which we have already mentioned, referring to the death of Tupac Amaru
I. The readers would have invariably related the beginning with the end;
everyone reads that which seems of interest. We ought to add that Raleigh
was the author of a History of the World, written during the same years
that Garcilaso composed his work, in which he invited his English readers
to fight against Spain, and compared the latter to the most oppressive
powers in the history of humanity.
Aguilar and Ubalde may have used that same edition of 1723, but one
must mention that in 1800-1801 a new edition was published in Madrid,
with an introductory note in which the editor stated: “I confess that it
provokes in me nothing less than great wonder that works of this nature,
sought after by the sages of the nation, anticipated with great curiosity,
lauded, translated and published numerous times by foreigners who are
sworn enemies to the glory of Spain, end up becoming so scarce. . . .”
Garcilaso, in his prophetic dimension, had unexpected company: Santa
Rosa of Lima. Her prophecy of Lima’s destruction still circulates in Peru.
The raging blows of the sea flatten Lima, reaching beyond the Plaza de
Armas (the central plaza—Ed.] to the edge of the city’s Indian barrio.
During the earthquake of 1746, “. . . the false rumour spread throughout
the city that the sea had reached its fringes,” and unleashed a veritable
panic among the survivors (Terremotos 1863: 45-46). There is no allusion
to this theme in the judicial proceedings against Aguilar and Ubalde, al-
though Santa Rosa does appear saying that “. . « the kingdom must be
returned to the Indians themselves.”® Originally Santa Rosa belonged to
the Spanish colonial pantheon of Catholic saints: an object of religious
devotion in Lima, she exalted the practice of flagellation, penitence, and
interior seclusion. But eventually she was incorporated into the peasant204 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
world as well. The spread of Andean pueblos that took her name bears
witness to this process. And while she died on August 24, 1617, over
time that date was changed to the 30th of August, which—whether pre-
meditated or by chance —coincided with the death of Tupac Amaru I. This
date has also served, in many pueblos of the highlands, as the time to
celebrate their principal fiesta. We mention the above solely as a hypothe-
sis, to point out threads that might be helpful in disentangling that dense
and knotty matting which constituted mestizo popular culture in the co-
lonial era.
Garcilaso de la Vega’s was not the only Andean literature to influence
Aguilar and Ubalde. In his own library, Ubalde held a highly valued book
called EI Ianto de los indios (The Wail of the Indians). He devoted great
effort to having his friends read and circulate the book, and to protecting
it against wear and tear (Conato 1976: 32). The author is unknown, but
from other references we can guess that it was a work of few pages and
small format that denounced injustice and oppression. It was true pocket-
book indigenous literature, to be placed among that group of booklets
with titles such as the reclamaciones (remonstrances”) or /amentos (“la-
ments”) of Indians. Ephemeral and difficult to conserve, these works held
an importance as Propaganda and education heretofore undervalued by
historians, with the exception of Eguiguren, for whom they came to be
“popular catechism . . . heard with appreciation and passion . . .” (Egui-
guren 1967: 112). The genre essentially amounted to a form of intellectual
production equidistant
I : those intermediate strata in the prov-
inces to which we have already referred.
We have left to the end yet another dimension which figures into the be-
lief system of Aguilar and Ubalde: the European culture of the epoch.
Tacitus, Peralta, and Campomanes appear in Ubalde’s library; there is
particular mention in the trial of the study of the Incas by Abbé Reynal.
Curiously, though, he is said to be the author of “political predictions”
and hence tied in some way to Garcilaso. Comentarios was pamphletized
precisely because of the tre:
tions of the book were publi:
German, and four in Spanish (Tauro 1965). Its tardy fame travelled from
Europe to Peru.
It was his encounter with Aguilar and his prophetic temperament that
revitalized these readings for Ubalde: “he recalled as much as possible of
the many mystic books he had read in childhood and in later years inIn Search of an Inca 205
order to re-evaluate the worth of Don Gabriel.” And although Aguilar
did not dispose of an equivalent volume of readings, neither was he at
the margin of European culture. Without ignoring Aguilar’s voyage to
that continent, the Bolivian historian Carlos Ponce also finds him ac-
companying Humboldt in his travels across Peru.
While they were not ignorant of Europe, Aguilar and Ubalde, like Tupac
Amaru, found more solid sustenance in traditional Christian thinking or
in the cultural products of the Andean world than in the realm of the En-
lightenment. The revolution they envisioned, in a manner more evident
than in that of 1780, was not in principle destined to question “the bases
of Ancient Regime society—stratified, vertical, and hierarchical”
(Maticorena 1981: 8). The King and the Monarchy were incontrovertible
principles. “In the King resides supreme, temporal power, granted by God”
(Conato 1976: 173). At issue instead was the matter of exchanging one
dynasty (that of the Bourbons) for another (descendants of the Incas).
To bring about this change was to execute the divine plan: “God ordained
: 61).
that there would be a great happening in Peru” (ibi
The idea of “King,” then, was separable from the persona of Charles
IV. Important for arriving at this conclusion was the observation of the
European scene: the end of a dynasty in France and the recognition by
the pope of the new monarch, Napoleon Bonaparte, as “legitimate Sover-
eign.” Bonaparte was the true incarnation of the devil for the colonial
elite, but a seemingly positive character in Ubalde’s eyes (ibid.: 176). There
is some evidence that European events were followed closely. At least from
1791, the “Declaration of the Rights of Man” was already familiar in the
Peruvian south (Declaracion 1955: 76).
The essential element in the vision of Aguilar and Ubalde was its firm
anchorage in the Andean utopia — the return of the Inca and the resto-
ration of an Incaic monarchy. This vision was utopian precisely because
it implied an alternative to the colonial order, imaginary and total, a
rupture with prevailing conditions; but unlike the European utopias,
Andeans developed their model of the ideal society not in the future or
in some far-away place, but in the past. And so, their utopia was more
a peculiar interpretation of history than an original invention. The ideal
community had existed: it was and would be that of the Incas. To describe
it one had no need to search for a work which might picture its houses
and streets, habits and customs, for these were preserved in daily life (the
customs of the indigenous elite) or in oral tradition. Garcilaso came to
be a pillar of this collective memory: rather than rely on some architect
of the future, the Andean utopia substituted a historian. Like the yaravi
or the décimas [folk song and folk verse respectively —Ed.], the Andean
utopia was in reality a creation, a new product. It was neither a prolonga-206 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
tion of Andean mental structures rooted in the past, nor the mechanical
import of Western concepts. As in the case of other manifestations of that
same popular culture—for example, the retablos [a form of woodwork
sculpture popular in the Andes, and based originally on sculpted altar-
pieces — Ed.]—there derived from the union of Western form and Andean
content something different from the original patterns,!!
All the possible differences between the Andean utopia and the Euro-
Pean utopias notwithstanding, one would have to concede, nonetheless,
coincidences and a certain Parallelism in time. As Bronislaw Baczko (1978)
has indicated, “. . . the century of Enlightenment is a ‘hot’ period in the
history of utopias — comparable in this respect to the Renaissance or the
ture. For the utopians, as Ratil Porras notes (1968; 160), Tawantinsuyo was
found an adequate stage in
‘ese conceptions, too, were Las Casas and
Indians. These objectives notwithstanding,
hot one “Indian commoner’
(indio del comin) figured am
‘ong those implicated, which would give the
of them were unaware of the dreams of the
conspirators. It does not matter if on the day of execution “a large crowd
of people” attended. The Indians of Cuzco were not among those people
with whom Aguilar or Ubalde had conversed regularly. These mestizo
intellectuals of the provinces, who renounced the established order, al-In Search of an Inca 207
though they were not themselves Indians, incarnated a feature of Peruvian
intellectual circles then and now: their weak social anchorage. This was
the socially disconnected intelligence to which Jorge Basadre once re-
ferred; or, if we dare rob an image from Martin Addn, an intelligence
“come loose.”
The case of Aguilar and Ubalde might allow us a final digression on the
concept of /o andino [literally, “the Andean,” or “what is Andean,” usu-
ally used to refer to an Andean cultural “essence” that has survived intact
and sets Andeans apart from non-Andeans— Ed.]. This term has become,
among some authors, synonymous with continuity, permanence, reitera-
tion; concepts or mental structures stubbornly perpetuated, unaltered,
across the centuries. The Andean quality of a personage is defined in rela-
tion to an ideal type: the prehispanic inhabitant. But this image, which
shrinks from historical analysis, does not ponder sufficiently the profound
transformations that convulsed colonial Andean society. We could rise
above discussions that run aground in semantics, if we admit that the
content implied in the term “Andean” has varied along with historical
conditions. At the end of the eighteenth century, the term widened con-
siderably to include such categories as Indians (both rich and poor),
mestizos, and even creoles: it was defined, first, by opposition to the
European-born Spanish (that dual vision of society which we saw in our
conspirators), and, second, by the assumption of a collective identity which
formed around the Andean utopia. To develop these conceptions, one
might have drawn on Andean conceptions, or on those learned in the Bible
and in Christian preachings. But just as a native Andean man would not
stop being such simply because he plows with oxen, tends to sheep, and
sows wheat, neither would knowledge of Western culture cut Aguilar and
Ubalde off from the same condition. Nevertheless, we will insist for the
last time that they be situated within a period of transition. In what re-
mained of the nineteenth century, /o andino would shrink, referring only
to the peasantry, to the indigenous, and even only to the rural native
highlands. Later, in the twentieth century, migration would expand /o
andino, which spread out over the cities and the ports. The model of what
was Andean which inspired Aguilar and Ubalde was not that which had
reigned during the sixteenth century; nor was it, however, that which
reigns today.208 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
NOTES
1 The idea of the “heterodoxy of tradition” originates in one of the articles by
Mariategui published under the title Peruanicemos el Pert. This author pointed
out the transforming potential that could have been contained within the
Peruvian past, and in this way reclaimed a word like “tradition,” which had
belonged to the dominant classes.
2A fairly complete bibliography on the subject may be found in the summary
of the Aguilar and Ubalde trial presented by José Agustin de la Puente (1960:
495-525),
3. “Lreached the point of thinking systematically agai
weight of an idea by the discontent it caused me”
4 Luis Durand is writing a book on the history of Cu:
tions of 1780 and 1814. For the time being,
(1983: 187-98).
5. These decrees are Documents C3:
Biblioteca Nacional del Peri, S
6 The Aguilar-Ubalde trial (which
st myself, measuring the
(Sartre 1968: 162).
wzco between the revolu-
one may consult his recent article
351 (Afio 1791) and D142 (Afio 1807) in the
ala de Investigaciones.
we have been citing) has been edited by Car-
los Ponce, in La Paz, based on a transcription of the manuscript preserved
in the Archivo General de la Nacién in Buenos Aires, During the trial, both
defendants speak with an unusual clarity, born of the convietion of the cor:
Cciness of their ideas. They disclose all, even their dreams. See Conato 1976.
7 See Revista del Archivo Histérico del Cuzco, no. 1 (Cuzco, 1950): 234.
8 See Rowe 1976: 27. This article, originally published in 1954, remains in-
dispensable for anyone concerned with these themes,
9 Conato 1976: 117. The Tucumén Congress (1816) had an image of Santa Rosa
in its meeting hall, and the liberating army adopted her as their patroness.
Cf. Catanzaro 1964: 2; Vargas U. 1959,
10 The name of Santa Rosa ay
Ayaviri, Melgar, Hudnuco,
11 I borrow here so:
pears in such distinct places as Jaén, Chiclayo,
» ete, (Tarazona 1946),
me ideas about Andean popular culture from Stastny 1981.
REFERENCES
ARGUEDAS, JOS! MARIA.
1952 “El Ollantay. Lo autéctono yl
lo occidental en el estilo de los dramas
coloniales quechuas.”
Letras Peruanas 2: 8.
BNP (Biblioteca Nacional del Perti, Sala de Investigaciones, Lima)
1805 “Expediente relativo al juicio seguido a los conspiradores Aguilar y
Ubalde.” MS D120. Lima.
BACZKO, BRONISLAW
1978 Lumitres de lutopie. Paris: Payot.In Search of an Inca 209
BARCLAY, FEDERICA, AND FERNANDO SANTOS
1983 “De la ideologia mesianica a la ideologia apocaliptica.” Debate (Lima,
June 20).
CATANZARO, TOMAS
1964 “El incanato y Santa Rosa en el Con}
Comercio (Lima, July 9).
reso de Tucuman de 1816.” El
conaro
1976 El. conato revolucionario de 1805. Compiled by Carlos Ponce San-
gines. La Paz: Municipalidad de La Paz.
CORNEJO BOURONCLE, JORGE
1955 “Pumacahua.” Revista del Archivo Hist6rico del Cuzco 6 (Cuzco).
DE LA PUENTE, JOSE AGUSTIN
1960 “Notas sobre la causa de la independencia del Pert.” In La causa de
Ia emancipacién del Perti. Lima: Instituto Riva Agilero. Pp. 495-525.
DECLARACION
1955 “La Declaracién de los Derechos del Hombre en Arequipa.” Fénix
11 (Lima): 76.
DURAND, LUIS
1983 “Juan Manuel Ubalde: la primera conspiraci6n criolla por la emanci-
pacién.” Scientia ef Praxis 16 (Lima, January): 187-98.
EGUIGUREN, ANTONIO
1935 La sedicién de Huamanga en 1812. Lima: Gil.
1967 Hojas para la historia de la emancipacién. Vol. 3. Lima.
GONZALES, ENRIQUE, AND FERMIN RIVERA
1982 “La muerte del Inca en Santa Ana de Tusi-
Francais d’Etudes Andines 11: 1-2 (Lima): 19-36.
HUERTAS, LORENZO
1978 “Testimonios referentes al movimiento de Tipac Amaru IT, 1784-
1812." Allpanchis 11-12 (Cuzco): 7-16.
LOHMANN VILLENA, GUILLERMO
1974 Tras el surco de Las Casas en el Peri. Lima.
MACERA, PABLO
1977 Trabajos de historia. 4 v
MATICORENA, MIGUEL
1981 Cuerpo politico
MENDIBURU, MANUEL DE
1931 Diccionario histérico-biogrdfico del Perti. Vol. 1. Lima: Enrique
Palacios.
PALMA, RICARDO
1953 Tradiciones peruanas. Madrid: Aguilar.
PORRAS, RAUL
1968 Fuentes histdricas peruanas. Lima.
ROWE, JOHN
1976 “f] movimiento nacional inka del siglo XVIII.” Orig. pub. 1954. In
” Bulletin del Institut
ols. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura.
y restitucion en Tipac Amaru, Lima.210 ALBERTO FLORES GALINDO
Alberto Flores Galindo, ed., Ttipac Amaru IT, 1780. Lima: Retablo
de Papel. Pp. 11-66,
SARTRE, JEAN PAUL
1968 Las palabras, Buenos Aires: Losada.
STASTNY, FRANCISCO
1981 Las artes populares del Pert, Lima: Edubanco.
TARAZONA, JUSTINO,
1946 Demarcacién politica del Peri. Lima.
TAURO, ALBERTO
1965 “Bibliografia del Inca Garcilaso de la Vega.” Documenta 4 (Lima):
393-437
TERREMOTOS
1863
Terremotos. Coleccién de las relaciones de los mds notables que ha
sufrido esta capital y que la han arruinado, Lima: Tip. Aurelio Alfaro.
VARGAS UGARTE, RUBEN
1959 Vida de Santa Rosa de Lima. Buenos Aires.
VICUNA MACKENNA, BENJAMIN
1924 La revolucién de la independencia del Perti. Lima: Garcilaso.