Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies Between Policies and International Student Experiences
Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies Between Policies and International Student Experiences
Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies Between Policies and International Student Experiences
Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary,
Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4
Introduction
One manifestation of the recent development of internationalization is the increasing
enrolment of international students in Canadian institutions of higher education. A
study of internationalization conducted by Canadian universities showed that the
number of international students reached 336,497 in Canada in 2014, representing
11% of the student population (CBIE 2015, 26). International students play an impor-
tant role in producing and disseminating knowledge in Canadian universities, not to
mention their role as remitters of substantial higher tuition fees than domestic students
in some institutions. International graduate students in Canada have been well studied
(Lyakhovetska 2004; Myles and Cheng 2003). However, there is little research on
international undergraduate students’ experiences from their own perspectives as
they adapt to a new educational system in Canada, particularly for students who
came from Asia (see Chen 2006). Inclusion of international undergraduate students’
voices will provide policy-makers and educators with a nuanced understanding of inter-
national students’ lived experiences in Canadian universities, inform policy decisions,
Review of literature
Defining internationalization
Internationalization is a contested term. For some, it means a series of international activi-
ties (e.g. academic mobility of students and faculty), international linkages and partner-
ships, and new international academic programmes and research initiatives (Knight
2004). Critical scholars see internationalization as a reflection of ‘a complex, chaotic
and unpredictable edubusiness, whose prioritization of the financial “bottom line” has
supplanted clear normative educational and, indeed, overtly ideological intents’ (Luke
2010, 44). The literature on the internationalization of higher education presents two
major discourses: market-driven (i.e. related to fostering economic performance and
competiveness) and ethically driven (i.e. related to charitable concerns for enhancing
the quality of life of disadvantaged students) discourses (Khoo 2011). Financial crises
are driving profit-seeking policies of internationalization in higher education. As a
result, international students are at risk of exploitation for being treated like ‘cash
cows’ (CAUT 2016, A9). Ethically driven discourses of internationalization engage
with alternative agendas such as human rights and building a global civil society
(Kaldor 2003). Recent literature, driven by critical scholars such as Abdi and Shultz
(2008) and Andreotti (2013), also indicates that concepts expressed in internationaliza-
tion policies and initiatives such as governments’ and institutions’ social responsibility,
transnational mobility of students, and students’ interculturality that are associated with
global citizenship have come to combine both market and ethical influences.
Knight defines internationalization of higher education as ‘the process of integrating
an international, intercultural or global dimension into the purpose, functions or deliv-
ery of post-secondary education’ (Knight 2004, 11). This definition recognizes interna-
tionalization being carried out at the national as well as the institutional level. It
acknowledges the relationship between and among nations, cultures, or countries and
conveys that internationalization is an ongoing effort by government to make univer-
sities ‘more responsive to the challenges of the globalization of the economy and
society’ (Elliott 1998, 32). The three concepts – purpose, function, and delivery –
are carefully chosen to describe the overall role and objectives of institutional interna-
tionalization around teaching, research and scholarly activities, service, and provision
of education courses and programmes. A recent study published by the European Par-
liament (de Wit et al. 2015, 29) revised Knight’s widely cited definition of internatio-
nalization (Knight 2004). The new definition reads as follows, with modifications
shown in bold:
education, in order to enhance the quality of education and research for all students
and staff, and to make a meaningful contribution to society.
identify internationalization as part of their strategic plan, and 82% consider it among
one of their top five priorities (UNIVCAN 2014). Canada’s federal policy on interna-
tionalization has a strong focus on international students as a market. Since the 1980s,
Canadian universities have been utilizing the revenue from international student tuition
to ameliorate financial shortfalls resulting from marked declines in government funding
for higher education (Cudmore 2005; Knight 2008). In 2014, the Department of
Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD) released Canada’s first federal
international education strategy. The strategy endorses the narrative of international stu-
dents as a source of ‘cash’ for universities and for the country (Stein and Oliveira de
Andreotti 2015), stating that ‘international students in Canada provide immediate
and significant economic benefits to Canadians in every region of the country’
(DFATD 2014, 7). Citing the DFATD-commissioned study, Kunin (2012) reported
that in 2012, international students’ tuition, books, accommodation, meals, transpor-
tation, and discretionary spending was estimated to be about $8.4 billion per year,
which in turn generated more than $455 million in government tax revenues. At the
national level, international students are also seen as ‘a future source of skilled
labour’ (DFATD 2014, 4, 12). They are critical to ensuring Canada’s national prosper-
ity in an increasingly competitive global environment. International education is per-
ceived as one of 22 priority sectors for strengthening Canada’s economy (DFATD
2013). It is evident that internationalization is primarily seen in terms of its economic
benefits to Canada. As Shultz (2007) explains, this demonstrates clearly how the neo-
liberal approach is solely focused on increasing the transnational mobility of knowl-
edge and skills. Yet, when international students arrive on Canadian campuses, they
face a number of challenges including isolation (Chen 2006), alienation, marginaliza-
tion, and low self-esteem. Similar problems are also reported in Australia (Marginson
et al. 2010; Ryan and Viete 2009), New Zealand (Campbell and Li 2007), Singapore
(McClure 2007), the United Kingdom (Gu and Maley 2008; Lillyman and Bennett
2014), and the United States (Heng 2016; Lee and Rice 2007). We hope that this
article addresses an important gap in scholarship by examining how undergraduate stu-
dents themselves interpret and experience the internationalization of higher education.
Methodology
Context
Forest University (pseudonym) is located in Canada’s fourth largest destination city for
immigrants. Forest launched the International Strategy in March 2013. Internationaliza-
tion formed one of the priorities in the university’s long-term strategic policy visions.
The internationalization strategy document points to several rationales that can be
summarized in three overarching themes: impact the world; leverage and legitimize
the work of the university; and raise the institution’s reputation (Forest University
2013, 1). Another stated rationale for internationalization was to produce ‘graduates,
both domestic and international, who have a global orientation, are competitive in a
global marketplace, and who can adapt to diverse cultural, economic, and governmental
environments’ (Forest University 2013, 1). The province where Forest University is
located also suffers from a shortage of professionals and skilled labour and the recruit-
ment of international students is used as one of the strategies to attract skilled workers.
Internationalization is framed in narrowly instrumental terms in the institutional
Studies in Higher Education 855
policies (Rhoads and Szelényi 2011), thus representing the neoliberal market impera-
tives of employability, mobility, and competitiveness (Stein et al. 2016).
A key target of internationalization goals was to increase the number of inter-
national students on campus to 10% of the undergraduate population by 2016. Forest
University places value on the creation of a more diverse campus culture by increasing
international representation among the student body, seeing this as a benefit to all.
There were about 7.6% international undergraduate students at Forest University in
the academic year of 2014–2015. The five countries from which the university received
the largest number of international students in descending order of number were: China,
Iran, India, the United States, and Saudi Arabia.
Findings
Three major themes emerged from the data: (a) international students held multiple
understandings of internationalization, consistent with the literature; (b) international
856 Y. Guo and S. Guo
Many of the participants shared a similar view. For example, Yumi, a Chinese student
said: ‘Even when I was in China, I heard about internationalization. To me, it means
coming to Canada to study.’
Unlike Amy and Yumi, other students understood internationalization differently. For
instance, Heather equated internationalization with developing a global vision:
develop a broader understanding of all issues, and you become more open-minded.
(Heather, Engineering, China)
In response to the question about why the Forest University emphasized internationa-
lization, Leo, a Chinese student commented that China is leading in petroleum geology
‘because of its complex geographic conditions and the shortage of petroleum
resources’. He felt that was why Forest University is ‘willing to collaborate with us’.
Some participants were more critical about how the university used international
students for revenue generation and branding purposes.
First, the university can make more money. Second, they can have a higher rank.
(Heather, Engineering, China)
International students pay three times tuition fee. Local students pay six hundred dollars
per course, but I have to pay two thousand dollars. (Reggie, Engineering, China)
Money … more Chinese students may bring more revenues. (Tony, Engineering, China)
Other students noted that the university wants to capitalize on their talents:
Most international students are really outstanding and smart in their country. I think the
university wants these students, so they can increase the university’s status. (Amy,
English, South Korea)
The biggest achievement is that I learned how to work independently. When working on a
project, I will start to gather data, then code step by step, and finally implement the whole
program. Now I am familiar with the whole process. When I was in China, I was a bit
confused … and I was not a good team leader [among classmates]. But after I came
here, I worked on my own first and then communicated with others. (Peter, Computer
Science, China)
themselves. For example, Kimo noted: ‘If we need to use tubes [in the lab], we need to
buy pipes, cut and assemble them.’
Most Asian students reported that they not only developed a strong sense of indepen-
dence in learning but also increased their self-confidence and developed stronger com-
munication skills. For example, James, a Chinese student in Geophysics noted his
positive character change from being shy to not being afraid to talk to new people.
Other students commented they matured as a result of their independent life experiences
in another culture, such as learning how to budget for grocery shopping and learning
how to cook. Similarly Krystal noted her growing maturity and her open-mindedness:
I used to be more competitive … For example, I didn’t tell other people which teacher I
worked with or what project I worked on. I was afraid that they would become my com-
petitor if they knew the information. But, here, if you ask your classmates about their pro-
jects, they will tell you all they know. Then I become more open-minded, more willing to
help others, and more relaxed. (Krystal, Computer Science, China)
Another reason why it was difficult for them to make friends with host university
students was related to dealing with different life styles:
I feel there are some conflicts in life styles. My roommates love partying. I can’t stand
their midnight parties. I often feel sleepy at 12. But their parties start from 1 am and it
last until 6 am. Sometimes I asked them to stop. They said: ‘easy brother, this is Saturday.’
They will go crazy on Saturdays. (James, Geophysics, China)
James was surprised by the amount of partying and drinking involved in undergraduate
life. He did not partake in his roommates’ usual activities and suggested this could be
one of the reasons he felt excluded from friendship. He further expressed discontent
dealing with a roommate who did not clean up, which was another barrier to friendship.
The students from Brazil, El Salvador, and Iran did not raise these issues of dealing with
different life styles.
One of the instructors gave me C on my paper. I never got that in my entire life. I don’t
think my writing is so bad … I emailed the instructor, ‘as an international student, I came
here to learn academic content as well as to learn English, you are the instructor, it is your
responsibility to help me with English, but not to punish the student with a very low
grade.’ I went to see the director of student services. Although the director raised my
mark to B, she told me my email message is unprofessional.
Jane felt devastated. In addition to language issues, other students felt helpless when
they were mistreated by their supervisors as perceived by Monica:
I was so eager to learn when I first came here because I never studied construction before.
But I felt my supervisor was not responsible. He did not involve me in his current research
projects. He gave me a book published in the 1970s to read. I found more updated papers
by myself. The more I read, the more I found the topic he gave me was outdated. I felt
helpless. (Monica, Geophysics, China)
It is more like I need to adapt myself to fit into the program. I feel like there is less under-
standing. (Liwang, Education, China)
I don’t see there are many materials on my international experience. They [instructors]
seldom talk about things happening in China. I think only in X course I experienced a
lot because the instructor is from the similar background. (Jane, Education, China)
Similarly, Alice, an international student from Brazil who studied film commented that
in the courses mostly American and European film history was taught, but Brazil was
860 Y. Guo and S. Guo
only mentioned in passing. Even when there were some teaching and learning resources
that were related to their experiences, these resources appeared to portray their countries
as backward:
Westerners believe that China may be very backward. I remember I read in online discus-
sions, it said ‘can China’s bullet train reach 275 kilometers per hour?’ They thought we
are so backward, but in fact, we are not. (Mike, Chemistry, China)
Amy mentioned that in her drama course, she was shocked to see how Korean surgery
was portrayed in a video shown by the instructor:
One of the videos she [the instructor] showed last week is about Korean surgery … It said
that Koreans want plastic surgery because they want to be Caucasian, they want to look
like White people. It is not true … Because everyone wants to be pretty in Korea, not look
like Caucasian. (Amy, English, South Korea)
Mery was critical that Iran was portrayed as both backward and violent in students’ dis-
cussion in class:
They are so afraid to come to Iran. They said, ‘oh everyday people kill you or arrest
you.’ No, many people live there and many of them have very luxury life. We have
poor people as well. In many aspects, they are even more progressive than here.
(Mery, History, Iran)
The instructor was passing the paper to let us sign up. Everybody was taking turns accord-
ing to where they sat. They put their names down, … Nobody knew each other at that
time. A student sitting beside me got the paper first. He signed his name on the paper
and he knew that if he passed the paper to me, I would be in the same group. There
was only one spot left in that group … He passed the paper to another person … I was
so hurt. (Liwang, Education, China)
Lily, on the other hand, felt even though she was physically included by other students
in study groups, her ideas were ignored due to her accent:
Maybe before you start talking with them, they already have assumptions in their mind
that you couldn’t speak good English. They don’t pay attention to what you say …
even you see something more important. They just think because of your accent, your
English, they don’t take me seriously. (Lily, Education, China)
Lily felt that her classmates were ignoring her due to her language level.
To Krystal, people in Canada appear to be friendly, but may discriminate against
other people based on race:
I actually feel that on the surface, people here will not discriminate against you; they are
very friendly. If you have any difficulty, they will help you. But there is deep-rooted
racism. One of my Chinese classmates was dating a White young man. When she pro-
posed, he rejected her and told her that his parents will not accept a non-white girl.
(Krystal, Computer Science, China)
Studies in Higher Education 861
Mery, an international student from Iran, had to deal with racism in the local
community.
I worked as a cashier in MacDonald … Some customers made fun of me. For example,
they asked me, ‘Do you have a cold, so that you get this scarf [her hijab]?’ I said, ‘No,
it’s my belief.’ Sometimes I am so offended.
The students from Brazil, El Salvador, and the United States did not raise the issue of
discrimination. For instance, Ana, an international student from El Salvador said she
never experienced discrimination or bullying in the university.
Discussion
The results of the study demonstrate international students’ multiple understandings of
internationalization. Most participants felt internationalization had a positive effect on
them in offering opportunities for development of research interests, independence in
learning, and personal growth. The participants enjoyed acquiring information,
research training, hands-on experience, and analytical skill. Despite such positive out-
comes, the results of the study also reveal discrepancies between internationalization
policy and the experience of international students.
form the context for the internationalization of universities in many Western countries
(Marginson 2006; OECD 2016). For example, between 2000/2001 and 2012/2013 the
proportion of university revenues from provincial governments was decreased from
43% to 40% in Canada (CAUT 2015). Many of the Chinese students in the study rep-
resented the educated elite, receiving scholarships from the CSC. They had, on average,
a grade point average above 85%, and passed the interview in English. In some cases,
they represented the brightest students from their home universities. Given this context,
some participants perceived the university wanted to capitalize on their talents and used
international students to raise its profile nationally and internationally. This aligns with
one of Forest University’s rationales for internationalization: to ‘position [the univer-
sity] … as a global intellectual hub’ and to ‘increase international presence and
impact’ (2013, 1, 16). Khoo (2011) suggests financial pressures push universities
towards marketized, competitive, and unethical interpretations of internationalization,
whereas ethical development policies and programmes for mutual learning and
benefit are eroded. Most participants in this study were critical about the university’s
tendency to view international students as ‘cash cows’ (Stein and Oliveira de Andreotti
2015), and its emphasis on raising revenue and branding purposes ahead of the care and
education of international students.
fee-paying international students. This strategy has obvious economic benefits for the
institution and national economies. However, after they came to the Canadian campus,
the international students from Asia and Middle East felt that they were not well
received and often felt alienated. In addition to the difficulty in making friends with
local students, the international students in this study dealt with biases and outright dis-
crimination from their classmates, instructors, supervisors, and the local community.
Some reported that their supervisors excluded them from research projects and pro-
vided them with outdated information. International students who speak English with
an accent, different from the so-called standard Canadian accent, felt they were per-
ceived as unintelligent. Similarly, in Guo’s (2009) study, participants were discrimi-
nated based on their accent, while Leask’s (2009, 215) study corroborated the
finding of alienation and discrimination as international students felt that ‘domestic stu-
dents often avoided working with them in class and interacted with them very rarely it
at all outside class’.
At the policy level, most institutional internationalization efforts tend neutralize
existing racial hierarchies in the realm of education and beyond (Stein et al. 2016).
In reality, some international students in this study had to deal with deep-rooted
racism from their peers and people in the local community in the form of verbal
attacks, including swearing and being told to return to their home country. Mery was
ridiculed because of the hijab she was wearing in part-time employment. From her per-
spective, the choice to wear a hijab remains poorly understood in Canada, partly due to
Islamophobia, dislike of or prejudice against Islam or Muslims. Mery stated that it is
important to guard against equating difference in dress with cultural backwardness,
similar to Zine’s argument (2000). This finding is consistent with results of Lee and
Rice’s (2007) and Brown and Jones (2013) studies. Lee and Rice, in their study of
the experiences of international students at a US university, found that students from
Asia, Africa, South America, and the Middle East experienced neo-racism in the
form of verbal insults and direct confrontation. Brown and Jones, in their study of inter-
national graduate students at a university in the United Kingdom, found that one-third
of 153 surveyed experienced racism, including verbal assaults. The limited receptive-
ness of the local community may contribute to the sense of alienation among inter-
national students. de Wit et al. (2015, 29) identified the main purpose for
internationalization is ‘to enhance the quality of education and research for all students
and staff, and to make a meaningful contribution to society’. It seems that from our find-
ings, the university is not doing enough to enhance the quality of education and
research for all students. Universities appear as unprepared as international students
in handling the current cross-cultural encounters.
The third gap shows the contradictions between the internationalization of the cur-
riculum across policy and practice. At the policy level, internationalization of the cur-
riculum aims for ‘the incorporation of international, intercultural, and/or global
dimensions into the content of the curriculum as well as the learning outcomes, assess-
ment tasks, teaching methods, and support services of a program of study’ (Leask 2009,
209). In practice, from the international students’ perspectives, the internationalization
of the curriculum is limited. For example, our findings revealed that students rarely
encountered materials that reflected their experiences, and when they did, the materials
tended to be dated or skewed. As Haigh (2009) argues, ‘today, although many classes
emerge as a cosmopolitan mix, curricula remain Western’ (272). Some students felt that
the effect of this lack of international content may be negative, in that it reinforces
prejudices and stereotypes. For instance, Mike reported how China was perceived as
864 Y. Guo and S. Guo
backward. Amy was critical about how Korean cosmetic surgery was misinterpreted.
Mery commented how Iran was portrayed as backward and violent in the class
discussion. These findings provide evidence for Leask’s (2015) critique that ‘one
common misconception about internationalization of the curriculum is that the recruit-
ment of international students will result in an internationalized curriculum for all
students’ (11).
Conclusion
Twenty-six international students at Forest University participated in the study and 16
of them were from China. No students from India and Saudi Arabia participated. Future
studies could include more international students from different countries. The findings
from this study are not intended to generalize the experience of all international students
in Canada, since Canadian international students do not constitute a monolithic bloc,
but rather to provide insights into the complex integration issues that were salient for
these particular participants.
Many international students in the study have viewed internationalization as a posi-
tive experience for academic and personal growth. In its current approach to internaliz-
ing Canadian higher education, however, several problems persist. One pertains to
treating internationalization as business opportunities and marketing strategies.
Second, in internationalization of the curriculum, the current practice privileges Euro-
centric perspectives as some international students did not see teaching materials that
reflected their experiences. Third, despite the claim that internationalization is now
an integral part of institutional strategies at Canadian universities, there has been a
gap between the rhetoric and the reality. Although there is an interest in bringing in
international students to internationalize Canadian campuses, in reality there has
been a lack of support to help international students successfully integrate into Cana-
dian academic environments.
This study suggests that host institutions need to be cognizant of how they put the
internationalized curriculum into action. An internationalized curriculum with a cross-
cultural focus helps students develop respect for cultural diversity and increase their
awareness and capacity to analyse and see the world from different perspectives
(Andreotti 2013). Its move toward such a goal enables students to move between
two or more worldviews and enact a shift in the way that students understand the
world. An internationalized curriculum demands that educators view international stu-
dents not only as knowledge consumers but also as knowledge producers. This means
that the knowledge and linguistic resources that international students bring need to be
valued, and the internationalized curriculum needs to connect to international students’
lived experiences. An internationalized curriculum is intended to address the new goals
of internationalization suggested by de Wit et al. (2015, 29): ‘the intentional process of
integrating an international, intercultural or global dimension into the purpose, func-
tions and delivery of post-secondary education … ’
The study also has important implications for host institutions in providing appro-
priate levels of support to help international students with their transition and adap-
tation. Support for international students has to move beyond the usual one-time
welcome orientation. It is important to combine students’ academic needs with their
social and cultural needs. Furthermore, integrating international students should not
only require the participation of international students themselves but involve all
faculty members, staff and host university students. ‘Addressing issues of stereotyping
Studies in Higher Education 865
and discrimination’ and racism should be the priority of such efforts (Myles and Cheng
2003, 260). As Otten (2003, 13) notes, ‘the opportunities offered by a diverse context
are not self-evident and self-fulfilling in terms of the expected educational outcome of
intercultural competence’. Hence, it requires collective efforts of university administra-
tors, faculty, staff, and students in building an internationally inclusive campus, where
cross-cultural learning is encouraged. Practical strategies include increased opportu-
nities for interaction across different groups and establishing buddy systems (Heng
2016).
This research addresses knowledge gaps related to internationalization policy as
undergraduate international students’ voices are not often heard in internationalization
initiatives. The results of the research will provide useful insights into universities’
internationalization practices. The results will also further the discussions on ethical
protocols for international engagement and inform internationalization policy in
higher education. The findings suggest that educators of higher education must
make more purposeful attempts at the internationalization of research, curricula,
and pedagogy that would accommodate diverse needs of local and international
students.
In sum, this research argues for more ethically oriented policies and practices of
internationalization in higher education as opposed to profit-seeking policies. Like
Canada, many countries in the world are experiencing increasing enrolment of inter-
national undergraduate students who also encounter numerous challenges in adjusting
to new academic environments. While many universities and colleges are searching for
solutions to help international undergraduate students with their adaptation, it is hoped
that this study will make a solid contribution to this ongoing collective effort. If insti-
tutions of higher education are serious about internationalizing their campuses, it is
essential that they provide necessary support to assist international students with
their transition and integration.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
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