CHAPTER-V

THE SETTING

5.1. Spatial and Temporal aspects

The research study focused on the social mobility of the Dalit in West
Bengal, which is continually ruled by the Left Front since 1977 with its
redistributive ideology of social goods. Therefore, in contextualizing the study of
social mobility, the spatial and temporal aspects of the study area including the
existing reality of Dalit experience required elaboration. In this Chapter, various
issues of spatial and temporal nature, yet within the teleological boundaries of the
subject of study, were analyzed for understanding the social reality of Dalit in
West Bengal heuristically. In contextualizing Dalit’s reality, the various
references of earlier scholars were used to either corroborate or negate theories
embedded therein. The subsequent paragraphs first discerned the social, economic
and political status of Dalit in West Bengal then narrowed down to Nadia district
and selected villages where fieldwork was done. Again, aforesaid parameters also
analyzed first taking Dalit community as a whole then decomposed into
individual jatis, more particularly to castes on which the study intends to focus.
In West Bengal, Dalit constituted 23 per cent of total population and
shared second largest Dalit population in India1. There were fifty-nine (59)
notified Dalit jatis in West Bengal and all were enumerated in census 2001, as
shown in Appendix III. As per census 2001, total Dalit population of West Bengal
was 18,452,555, out of which 9,469,659 (51.32 per cent) were male and
8,982,896 (48.68 per cent) were women. The state registered 14.8 per cent
decadal growth of Dalit population in 1991-2001 compared to 17.77 per cent of
total population of the State. The sex ratio of Dalit population is 949, which is
substantially higher than total population of West Bengal (i.e.934). About 18.85
per cent of Dalit population in West Bengal is living in urban areas, which is
 70

substantially lower that average rate of urbanization of the State i.e. 27.97 per
cent. Therefore, it appears the Dalit population is essentially rural.
The literacy rate of total population in West Bengal is 68.6 per cent, which
further dwindles to 63.4 per cent for total rural population. On the contrary, the
literacy among total Dalit is only 59.04 per cent, which further reduces to 48.91
per cent among rural Dalit. Hence, in terms of educational attainment, the urban
population is found to be advanced. Similarly, the educational attainment of Dalit
is far more modest than the State average. Again, if gender disparity is imputed in
educational attainment, the variation of male-female literacy rate of total
population is 17.4 per cent against the corresponding disparity of Dalit population
is whooping 23.63 per cent. Among the Dalit, Sunri (excluding Saha) with 82.5
per cent literacy is on top of the list. Other Dalit who have recorded literacy rate
higher than the state average are Dhoba (73.9 per cent), Pod or Paundra (72.1 per
cent), Namasudra (71.9 per cent), Jalia Kaibartta (64.9 per cent), Tiyar (62.1 per
cent), and Rajbangshi (60.1 per cent). Bauri have the lowest literacy rate (37.5 per
cent). The gender gap in literacy is highest among Lohar and Bauri (29 percentage
points), and it is comparatively small (16 percentage points) among Namasudra
and Jhalo Malo. So, in terms of educational attainment, progress of Sunri, Dhoba,
Pod or Paundra and Namasudra are relatively better.
A total of 63.3 per cent of Dalit in age group 5-14 years has been attending
any educational institutions. However, the bulk of Dalit students drop out at
below Primary to Primary level. Only 15 per cent Dalit reaches to Middle or
elementary level and only 2.56 percent reaches Graduation and above graduation
level. Of the sixteen major castes, Sunri (excluding Saha) is on top having 79.9
per cent population attending any educational institutions, whereas Bauri is at the
bottom with merely 45.1 per cent. As regards the level of education, 11.6 per cent
of total Dalit in West Bengal are having educational level above matriculation.
The Sunri (excluding Saha) with 29.3 per cent is well ahead of other Dalit. On the
other hand, Bauri (4.7 per cent) and Bagdi (4.9 per cent) have recorded below five
 71

per cent of their total literates having this level of education. So in terms of degree
of educational attainment, the progress of Dalit in West Bengal appears to be
modest (West Bengal Data Highlights: The Scheduled Castes, Census of India,
2001).
The Worker to total Population ratio (WPR) is an important parameter in
understanding economic position of any social group. In West Bengal the
percentage of Dalit workers to total population (WPR) is only 38.8 per cent,
which is lower than the aggregated figure for Dalit at the national level (i.e. 40.4
per cent) but slightly above than total population in the State (i.e. 36.77 per cent).
Of the total Dalit workers, 74 per cent are recorded as main workers and 26 per
cent as marginal workers. The female WPR is 22.31 per cent only, which is quite
low when compared with male (i.e. 54.37 per cent). The overwhelming workers
among males are main workers (84.8 per cent), while the ratio of main and
marginal workers among female is evenly poised. The highest WPR of 50.5 per
cent among Khaira caste. On the other hand, the Pasi has recorded the lowest
WPR of 29.4 per cent among the major Dalit jatis. The comparative WPR among
the sixteen major Dalit castes reveals high female WPR among Bauri, Lohar,
Dom and Bagdi, which testifies their relative freedom of women in participation
in works. Simultaneously, effect of Sanskritization in restricting the freedom of
women in outward works among those castes are reasonably less compared to
Sunri, Dhoba, Namasudra, Paundra, Chamar and Jalia Kaibartta.
In West Bengal, out of the total Dalit main workers, 31.9 per cent is
recorded as agricultural laborers and 20.3 per cent as cultivators. Therefore, 52.1
per cent Dalit main worker is found to be depended on agriculture against 43.83
per cent to total population of the State, testifying the skewed dependence of Dalit
on agriculture. The agrarian structure of West Bengal is characterized with high
incidence of landlessness and almost equal distribution of landholdings among
those possessing land. The National Sample Survey data from 1991-92 indicates
that 9 per cent of all agricultural households in rural-West Bengal owned
 72

absolutely no land against 8.1 percent as all-India average. Another 44.5 per cent
is near landless owning less than 0.49 acre in West Bengal against all-India
average of 34.3 percent. When the incidence of landlessness in the State is
segregated into social groups, it reveals though the Land Reforms programme as
undertaken by the State helped Dalit in mitigating the incidence of landlessness to
some extent, but their dependence to rent receiving land retainer class for
livelihood did not reduce substantially2. The Land reform in fact, could account
only for 16 per cent cultivable land and if land distributed as homestead plots are
taken into consideration, it could at best account for 20 per cent total land. So, the
Land Reforms Programme virtually could not influence the ownership of 80 per
cent land in West Bengal but it accounts 58.6 per cent of total agricultural
households as beneficiaries (Bardhan and Mukherjee, 2003).
In terms of ownership of productive resource, only 19.61 per cent of
arable land in West Bengal are owned by Dalit households of which 48.67 per
cent operated areas is marginal holding and 27.51 per cent operated areas is small
holding. The average size holding of Dalit households is 0.71 hac, which is
significantly smaller than those of general population (0.91 hac.) and the Adivasi
(0.81 hac.). Again, the average size of land received by Pattadar as Land Reforms
beneficiary is only 0.39 acre (16,988.17 Sq.ft) and the ceiling of any holding of a
Pattadar, who receives land is only 1 acre. This has resulted fragmentation of
holdings. Only 95 numbers of holdings, having an area of between 10 to 20 hac.
or above belong to Dalit in West Bengal. While analyzing the pattern of land
distribution it appears among the Dalit households, the bottom 94.58 per cent of
operational holdings accounted for only 76.18 per cent of the total operated land
area and the top 5.42 per cent of operational holdings accounted for 23.82 percent
of the total operated area. In West Bengal, almost 1/3rd of Dalit main workers are
unskilled agricultural labour, whereas less than 1/4th of total main workers of total
population of the State are agricultural labour. In 1991, 70 per cent of the total
Dalit households in India were landless or near landless (owning less than one
 73

acre) which increased to 75 per cent in 2000. The NSS data indicates that that the
proportion of landless rural households in West Bengal increased from 39.6 per
cent in 1987-88 to 41.6 per cent in 1993-94 to as much as 49.8 per cent in 1999-
2000. In other words by end of last decade nearly half of rural households were
landless. In West Bengal, on average 13.23 percent of Patta holder and 14.37 per
cent of Bargadar has lost possession by 2001 (Chakraborti et al, 1999). So,
whatever little gain, they had earned in Land Reforms programme, had lost.
Among the Dalit, almost a third of their total main workers belonging to
Paliya (38.9 per cent), Rajbanshi (35.1 per cent), Sunri (excluding Saha) (33.3 per
cent), and Kadar (29.7 per cent) have been returned as cultivators. The
classification of main workers among the sixteen major castes of Dalit community
is shown in Appendix VIII. It is found that the incidence of landlessness is very
high among Bauri, Chamar, Hari, Dom, Kora and Jhalo Malo. Excepting Jhalo
Malo, these castes are dependent on landholding castes for unskilled agricultural
labour. Among the major castes of Dalit community, Rajbanshi, Poundra,
Namasudra, Tiyar and Sunri are land retainers but mostly are small and marginal
farmers. In West Bengal, among the Dalit landholdings, 80.97 per cent is
marginal, 13.61 per cent is small, and only 0.01 is large. The landholding pattern
among the castes of Dalit community skewed distribution of wealth. Therefore, it
reveals in the above that in West Bengal having the second largest number of
Dalit population, Dalit posses even less than one fifth portion of arable land and
again those who possess agricultural holding majority are small and marginal
farmers having land below one hac., restricting them in accessing institutional
credit and other agricultural extension services. In West Bengal, 56.68 per cent
Dalit main worker are earning their livelihood from agricultural sector either as
cultivator (i.e. 18.64 per cent) or as agricultural labour (i.e. 38.03 per cent).
However, only 44.15 per cent general population is depending on agricultural
sector, as cultivator (i.e. 19.37 per cent) or as agricultural labour (i.e. 20.69 per
cent). So, it discerns from above that majority of Dalit main workers are
 74

concentrating on agriculture and their dependence on land retainer class as

unskilled agricultural labour is almost double than that of the general population.
However, the proportion of Dalit agricultural labour to total worker slightly
declined from 42.57 per cent in 1971 to 38.03 per cent in 2001.
Besides, landholding pattern, the condition of housing is good indicator in
understanding the relative material conditions of Dalit. The conditions of dwelling
units as enumerated in census 2001, revealed that only 32.91 per cent Dalit
population in West Bengal were living in good houses compared 47.23 per cent in
case of general population. Similarly, 11.08 per cent Dalit in West Bengal was
residing in dilapidated house compared to 7.54 per cent in respect of general
population testifying the vulnerability of Dalit compared to general population.
The construction materials used for building the dwelling unit are important in
understanding the relative well-being of any social group. Unless miser and
constrained by economic compulsion, people generally try to live in good
dwelling unit. Of course, the cultural norms and local climatic condition has
important influence in choosing the construction material. When, the relative well
being is examined over a set pattern of cultural and climatic conditions, the type
of dwelling units are likely to give a fair idea in assessing the relative well-being.
Although a large proportion of Dalit households own independent houses but in
rural areas those are mostly ‘kancha’ house. Independent but poor housing
perhaps recounts a situation of social isolation. In many parts of rural West
Bengal, Dalits live in separate colonies that usually lie on the outskirts of the
villages as spatially concentrated pockets of deprivation. However, in rural
Bengal, comparatively affluent villagers live in pucca houses. About 4.51 per cent
Dalit household in West Bengal are living in ‘pucca’ dwelling units compared to
14.79 per cent of the households of general population living in ‘pucca’ house.
The household amenities, such as source of water, lighting, fuel, sanitation
etc. are important in assessing the vulnerability of Dalit in rural West Bengal. In
West Bengal, only 12.42 per cent Dalit households are using electricity as source
 75

of lighting compared to more than double to households belonging to general

population. Though, in rural West Bengal, Kerosene oil is major source of
lighting, which is available through Public Distribution System (PDS) but due to
inadequate supply, the poor Dalit are frequently forced to purchase it from open
market. The type of fuel used by a particular social group also indicates their
economic conditions. It appears fire woods, crop residues, cow dung cake and
coal are most popular source of fuel in rural West Bengal. Cleaner source like
LPG (Liquid Petroleum Gas), biogas, electricity etc. are much skewed in favour
to general caste than Dalit, which is evident as 3.69 percent general caste
households are using LPG, biogas and electricity compared to only 1.14 percent
Dalit households have access to such cleaner source of fuel. Proper sanitation is a
major problem in rural West Bengal. About 96.24 percent Dalit households and
about 82.87 percent of general caste households do not possess latrine in their
house. Lack of sanitation makes Dalit households vulnerable to upper caste
atrocities and lack of land further aggravate the problem. Since, the common land
is shrinking at fast pace, Dalit are forced to use the rayati land, mostly owned by
caste Hindus for sanitation and earns wrath of upper castes.
The possession of radio and bicycle are more or less equally distributed
among the social groups. The possession of bicycle symbolizes mobility. It
enhances bargaining power, by enabling them to go far away village with better
wage opportunity. Since, motorized vehicle is costlier hence only 2.96 per cent
rural households in West Bengal possess such motorized vehicle including two
wheelers. When segregated into social groups, it reveals 3.5 per cent rural general
castes households in West Bengal possess such motorized vehicle including two
wheelers compared to 1.98 per cent Dalit households in rural West Bengal
possess such motorized vehicle including two wheelers. But, it is worthy to
mention here that about 29.70 per cent (or 12,96,942 number) Dalit household in
rural West Bengal possess none of the six common but important assets such as
radio or transistor, television, telephone, bicycle, two wheeler (i.e. scooter, motor
 76

cycle etc.) or four wheeler (i.e. car, jeep, van). On the contrary among the general
castes incidence of deprivation of aforesaid six assets are limited to 19.82 percent
in rural West Bengal.
In respect of levels of living, measured in terms of monthly income, Dalit
are significantly below the rest of the population. Since, Dalit are mostly
agricultural labour therefore their income is low both in absolute and comparative
terms. Proportion of labour force usually employed in ‘daily status’ is higher
among the Dalit. Thus they are included in labour market, but excluded from
secure and continuous employment. In rural India, the majority of agricultural
labourers in rural areas are drawn from castes below the pollution line. The
economic status of Dalit testifies their century old discrimination and exploitation.
The lack of ownership of productive resource such as land, capital and other
social capital, their pecuniary existence regenerates itself despite of
constitutionally sanctified state intervention. Needless to emphasize in unequal
social structure, State’s intervention leaches down unequally.
Chambers (1983), while describing the condition of rural poor identified
five clusters of vicious circle of disadvantages such as poverty, physical
weakness, isolation, vulnerability in the wake of crop failures, deaths and natural
disasters and powerlessness. These five clusters interlock like a web to trap the
deprived but the two clusters namely poverty and physical weakness are
considered most basic threat to survival. In contextualizing Dalit’s experience in
West Bengal, one needs analyzed those clusters as frame of reference of the
study. The incidence of poverty, no doubt is highest among the Dalit and
Adivasis. The physical weakness, involving a high ratio of dependence to the
able-bodied adults and among the others relating to malnutrition, sickness and
epidemics has visibly disappeared. Simultaneously, there has been eagerness in
adaptation of family planning and standard family norms like bhadralok. Isolation
is another important cluster needs special attention in this study. It exists in both
spatial level (relating to peripheral location in remote areas or in stigmatize paras)
 77

and cultural level (i.e. relating to illiteracy, limited access to extension services,
lack of information and so on). However, the degree of such isolation has
diminished but not removed altogether. Other two important clusters of
Chambers’s web are poverty (measured in terms of assets, with little or no control
over means of production) and powerlessness (as expressed in dependence on
exhorting moneylenders, merchants, landlords, petty officials and so on).
In reducing incidence of poverty, the Left’s efforts though Land Reforms
and in revitalizing Panchayat seem to have positive impact, when compared with
the states of eastern India (Bandyopadhyaya 1983; Dasgupta 1984; Kohli 1987).
But, West Bengal lags behind in reducing incidence of poverty, when compared
with All India level. The NSS data revealed that the proportion of rural population
below poverty line declined from 60.51 percent in 1973 to 26 percent in 1998.
Since 1977, West Bengal experienced a faster rate of deceleration (i.e. 53.39 per
cent) in reducing of poverty compared to all India level (i.e. 48.95 per cent rate of
deceleration). Though, the remaining East Indian states experienced similar trend
Table 5.1
Percentage of rural population below the poverty line
in Eastern India (Modified expert group)
Sl. No. Years West Bengal Assam Bihar Orissa All India
1 1973-74 73.16 52.67 62.99 67.28 56.44
2 1977-78 68.34 59.82 63.25 72.38 53.07
3 1983 63.05 42.6 64.37 67.53 45.65
4 1987-88 48.3 39.35 52.63 57.64 39.09
5 1993-94 40.8 45.01 58.21 49.72 37.27
6 1999-2000 31.85 40.04 44.3 48.01 27.09
Source: West Bengal, Statistical Abstract, 2002-03

of deceleration but performance of West Bengal is better. In 2000, as against the

national average of Rs. 4,485, the per capita income of Dalit was Rs. 3,237. The
average weekly wage earning of a Dalit worker was Rs. 174.50 compared to Rs.
197.05 for non-Dalit workers. In 2000, 35.9 percent of the Dalit population was
below the poverty line in rural areas as against 27 per cent among general
population (NSSO, 55th Round). In contrast, among the Hindu upper castes, the
 78

incidence of poverty has been recorded to 11.7 percent only. So, while Dalit
sharing 20 per cent of rural population, shares 27 per cent of rural BPL (Below
Poverty Line) population.
In fact the Dalit, Adivasis, other backward castes (OBCs) and Muslims
together account for 90 percent of BPL population in India. The largest incidence
of poverty in rural areas is found among agricultural labour followed by non-
agricultural labour. Since, Dalit are poor, lack resources to accumulate wealth,
they tend to take low wage, low mobility occupations that perpetuate their status.
Social segregation gets translated into occupational segregation too, which had
been enforced by upper castes by using law and customs. Even the post
independent India, such segregation continues to reproduce itself despite of legal
provisions prohibiting it. In 2000, 51.1 percent of the working Dalit population is
agricultural labourers, as compared to 41.4 percent for the Adivasi and 15.6
percent for upper caste Hindu (NSSO, 55th Round: 1999-2000). Between 1991
and 2001, the number of agricultural labourers in India increased from 7.46 crore
to 10.74 crore and a large proportion of them were Dalit. On the other hand, the
average number of workdays available to an agricultural labourer slumped from
123 in 1981 to 70 in 2005. In 2000, the unemployment rate based on current daily
status was 5 percent for Dalit as compared to 3.5 per cent for non-Dalit. The daily
wage labour households accounted 61.4 per cent of all Dalit households in rural
areas as compared to 25.5 per cent for non-Dalit households. The monthly per
capita expenditure (MPCE) for all household types was lower for Dalit than
others. The findings of 61st Round NSSO report (Report no. 512) revealed that
the proportion of household ‘not having enough food everyday in some months’ is
highest (10.6 per cent) in West Bengal followed by Orissa (4.8 per cent). Among
the social groups, the percentage of household not getting enough food every day
in some months of the year is highest for the Adivasi households (3.7 per cent)
followed by Dalit households (3.3 per cent). In rural west Bengal, the agricultural
labour, mostly consisting of Dalit households, reported to have experienced the
 79

highest proportion of perceived seasonal food inadequacy (5.1 percent). The

households ‘self-employed in agriculture’ showed the lowest percentage of
seasonal inadequacy of food. The seasonal inadequacy of food starts in October,
reaches to its pick during February to March, and ends in April every year.
The reservation policy for Dalit in respect of their children for getting
admission into the educational institutions as well as for providing jobs to the
educated people of those communities in West Bengal is an important analytical
framework of the study. It appears that Dalit shares only 13.2 per cent of State
Government employment despite of their stipulated 16 per cent reservation. It
may also to be noted that despite of 23 per cent share of total population, the
Dalit’s shares 16 per cent reservation as State policy. So, Dalit despite of
constituting such high share of total population, they could not even avail the
stipulated minimum reservation in State employment.
Compared with some other States, discrimination on grounds of caste or
religion is certainly low in West Bengal. But such incident that denies basic
human rights, does not loose its gravity, even if it occurs in isolation. In fact,
despite of long Left rule, the presumption that class-consciousness will eradicate
the caste antagonism is seemingly to eluding. The caste question has taken a
peculiar form in West Bengal. Despite of Dalit constituting 23 per cent of State
population, the political leaders rarely talk about it, as there is a general feeling
that caste is no longer an issue in the State. Any reference to caste identity is
considered as taboo and people consciously avoid caste name in view of the age-
old stigma attached therein (The Statesman 24 July, 2004). Therefore, politicians
consciously avoid caste in their political agenda of any political party. However,
absence caste violence in West Bengal does not mean that the Dalit are prospering
and living their life chances without any caste prejudice.
In any village, at first instance, the upper castes such as Brahmin, Vaidya
and Kayastha and even clean Sudras would assert that caste discrimination is a
thing of past and even asserts the endorsement of Bagdi-Bauri, Chamar castes.
 80

Such assertion is so strong that it often hegemonise Bagdi - Bauri, Chamar and
they soon start affirming such by nodding their heads. But, every prosperous
village in West Bengal is mostly organized with some hamlets (Paras) such as
Bamunpara, Mandalpara, Ghoshpara, Kalupara, Bagdi-Dompara and so on.
These are well demarcated by either a lane or some vacant agricultural land or any
natural barrier. Consciously or unconsciously following the code of
Manusanghita, Bagdi or Dompara (or Dalit Paras) is located in the margins of
villages, obviously in most disadvantageous places. Secondly, despite of
constituting second largest Dalit population among the Indian States, in West
Bengal, hardly there is any powerful political leader or well repute social activist
or intellectual of Dalit community, who can proceed with the cause of Dalit. How
it is possible that only powerful politicians or good intellectuals or well repute
social activists take birth from in the houses of upper caste and exclude the houses
of Dalit? Thirdly, the incident of caste antagonism or caste violence erupts only if
Dalit challenge the caste hierarchy or caste hegemony overtly. But the post-
independent West Bengal did not witness any conspicuous and powerful Dalit
movement challenging the Brahmanic hegemony in the State. So absence of caste
violence or antagonism hardly justifies caste amity or absence of caste prejudice
among the Bengalis. However, the violence against the Dalit in other parts of the
country is also a reflection of the increasing awareness and resistance of the Dalit
to upper caste oppression, which had hitherto been accepted as legitimate. The
violence indicates the inability of the upper caste to legitimize their rule among
the lowest castes, violence being the last resort of the upper castes determined to
perpetuate their control in the face of their loss of moral authority. Fourthly,
Bengali society how ever progressive, it may call, always suffixes surname or
caste name with their name under one or other pretext. In Uttar Pradesh, Bihar in
their interaction pattern with the stranger usually proceeds with after asking the
‘jati or caste status of him but more sophisticatedly in West Bengal, the people try
to guess the jati status of stranger from his full name and subsequent interaction
 81

pattern proceeds accordingly3. Even the staunch communist could not get away
shredding their caste name from their name proper. Only, a ‘miniscule’ minority
of CPI (M) members was free of caste prejudice and can dare to give up
performing the caste specific roles. However, the continued left rule over three
and half decades in rural West Bengal has altered semi-feudalism and patron-
client relations more innocuously but could not abolish altogether.
The fieldwork was carried out in three villages of Nadia district of West
Bengal. Krishnagar, the district headquarter of Nadia is located approximately
100 km north by road from the State capital of Kolkata4. As per census 2001,
population of Nadia district is 46,04,827, out of which 36,25,308 persons are
living in rural area. Out of 36,25,308 rural population, 18,67,682 are male and
1,75,626 are women. The district Nadia shares 5.74 percent of State’s population
in 4.42 percent of areas. The sex ratio in Nadia is 946 against the State average of
934. In colonial period, Nadia district was consisted of Krishnagar-Sadar,
Chuadanga, Ranaghat, Kushtia, and Meharpur Sub-Division. After partition in
1947, district Nadia is left with erstwhile Sadar and Ranaghat Sub-Division.
Chuadanga, Kushtia and Meharpur have now become Districts of Khulna division
of Bangladesh. The rate of population growth in the decade 1991-2001 was 19.49
per cent, which was comparatively higher than State’s average i.e. 17.77 percent.
However, the decennial population growth substantially reduced than that of
1981-19915. The density of population per sq. km is 1173 per Sq. Km. the high
density of population in this district is attributed to a rather steady seepage of
refugees into this district across the international boarder from Bangladesh or
erstwhile East Pakistan since 1947. The phenomenal growth in migrations, one
during the partition in 1947 and the other during the Bangladesh war coupled with
the steady rise of the indigenous population have led to a multi-fold rise of rise of
district population.
In Nadia district, 21.27 per cent of total population is living in urban areas.
The refugee influx following partition of Bengal also brought about a high rate of
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urban growth and a fast urbanization in Nadia during the first decade following
independence. During the subsequent decades, the pace of urban growth remained
moderately high, but this was not coupled with even a nominal rise in
urbanization. Such a phenomenon could be explained in terms of the dwarfed
growth of urban economic activities. A poor growth of industrial employment and
relative decline of ‘services sector’, the largest employment-generating sector of
urban Nadia in terms of work-force absorption, arrested the effectiveness of urban
pull factor of the population movement. Consequently, the migration from rural
area is largely discouraged and pace of urbanization in the district remains poor
(Khasnabis and Chokroborti 1989).
The district Nadia is considered as one of the moderately developed
districts in West Bengal. Both, in term of development and Human Development
(i.e. HDI), Nadia ranked ninth among the 18 districts of the State (Chatterjee and
Ghosh 2003; West Bengal Human Development Report 2004). The district Nadia
shares 7.40 percent Dalit population of the State. In terms of the concentration of
Dalit population, Nadia ranks the 5th position among the districts in West Bengal6.
So, Nadia has been selected as representative district for obvious reasons for the
study. Nadia district consists of 17 Community Development Blocks and 4 Sub-
Divisions. Before partition, there were five sub-divisions namely Krishnagar
Sadar, Ranaghat, Kushtia, Meherpur and Chuadanga. After partition, the Kushtia,
Meherpur and Chuadanga fall to Bangladesh. Due to proximity and subsequent
migration, the tradition, culture and values of the people of the district is closely
associated with culture and history of Jessore, Meherpur, Kushtia, Khulna,
Faridpur districts of Bangladesh. Hence, reference is often made in
contextualizing the social mobility of Dalit transcending the geographical
boundaries of the country.
In Nadia district, 29.66 percent of total population belongs to Dalit
community (i.e. 2,31,307 number of rural Dalit Households). As per census 2001,
the total rural Dalit population is 11,28,190 out of which 5,79,378 (51.35 per cent)
 83

are male and 5,48,812 (48.64 per cent) are women. Out of fifty-nine (59) notified
castes found in West Bengal, in Nadia fifty seven (57) notified castes among Dalit
were enumerated in census 2001. The type Dalit castes and the share of respective
caste to total Dalit population in Nadia are shown in Appendix-III. Among the
Dalit, Namasudras constitutes 59.34 percent of total Dalit population of Nadia
district. Next to Namasudra, Bagdi, the second populous caste, shares 7.70
percent of Dalit population followed by Jhalo Malo (7.20 percent) and Chamar
(6.92 percent). To discern the inter caste behavioral trajectories among Dalit
community in Social mobility, this research study focused on Namasudra, Bagdi
and Chamar castes, which together constituted 73.96 percent Dalit population of
Nadia district. The population growth of Bagdi, Chamar and Namasudra is shown
in table 5.2.
Table 5.2
Population growth of Bagdi, Chamar and Namasudra
in Nadia District 1931-2001
Caste Group Population in Census Annual Growth rate during
1931 1951 1971 2001 1931-1951 1951-1971 1971-2001
Bagdi 40054 36536 51847 105206 -0.44 2.10 3.430542
Chamar 31670 23359 35919 94580 -1.31 2.69 5.443823
Namasudra 30512 72179 233941 810612 6.83 11.21 8.216758
Source: Computed from District Census Hand Book, 1951, 1971, 2001

It reveals during 1931 to 1951, after partition Namasudra population

increased at rate 6.83 per cent, whereas, Bagdi and Chamar population in fact
witness decline. The Namasudra caste, a dominant community in Faridpur, Kustia
and Meharpur and Decca of erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), who
considered themselves as standard Hindus after partition in 1947, migrated from
in large number causing 6.83 per cent growth during 1931-51 and Nadia witness
further influx at 11.21 per cent annual growth rate during 1951-71 and after civil
war and Independence of Bangladesh, Mujibur Rahman’s assassination in 1975
and Zia-ur-Rahman’s coming to power, the fear of communal violence drove low
caste Hindus, who had remained in East Bengal, to sought refuge in West Bengal
caused subsequent migration of Namasudras into Nadia resulting 8.21 per cent
 84

annual rate of growth during 1971-2001. Whereas, during 1931-51 Chamar

population in fact dwindled in Nadia district but 1971-2001 Chamar population
increased at faster rate. This happened as Chamar due to their polluting
occupation of tanning cow hide preferred to stay back in East Pakistan after
partition but started migrating to Nadia and its adjoining areas after 1971 as
Muslims are reportedly started grabbing their land (Zene 2002). Bagdi jati were
original inhabitant of this area and the annual growth rate actually dwindled in
1931-51 due to cessation of a large area into Bangladesh but after 1951 their
annual growth rate almost remain normal. So, it appears in the foregoing analysis
the three Dalit jatis i.e. Namasudra, Chamar and Bagdi showed differential
trajectories in migration from the erstwhile East Pakistan, which reflects in their
annual population growth rate.
The total literacy rate in Nadia is 66.14 per cent, which is substantially
lower than the State average (i.e. 68.64 per cent), but slightly higher than the
National average (i.e. 66.14 per cent). In Nadia, the literacy rate of rural
population is 61.82 per cent, whereas the literacy rate of rural Dalit population is
only 53.22 per cent. The comparative literacy rate both male and female between
total rural population and rural Dalit population is shown in the table 5.3. It
Table 5.3
Comparative Literacy Rate in per cent
Sl. Particulars Total rural Total rural Dalit Variation
No. population population in
in Nadia Nadia
1 Male Literacy Rate 68.24 60.89 7.35
2 Female Literacy Rate 54.96 45.12 9.84
3 Total Literacy rate 61.82 53.22 8.6
Source: Computed from Census, 2001
appears male and female literacy rates of rural Dalit population are lower by 7.35
per cent and 9.84 per cent respectively from the total rural population. However
total Dalit literacy including urban population is 54.55 per cent against 54.7 per
cent as National average and 59 per cent as the state average. Hence literacy rate
of Dalit population is substantially lower than the State average.
 85

Agriculture is most important sector of this district, not only in terms of

share of employment but also share in DDP (District Domestic Product).
Agriculture nearly contributes 40.60 to 42.30 per cent of DDP (District Domestic
Product) in Nadia, ranking fifth among the districts in the State (Chatterjee and
Ghosh 2003). The district shares 5.48 per cent of net-cropped area and produces
about 5.93 per cent food grain of this State but the cropping intensity is 267.40
percent. In Nadia, 78.10 per cent of the total agricultural land is irrigated. Influx
of the refugees has not only increased the population but also reinforced the
occupational structure of the population of this district, because the refugees are
mainly enterprising peasants, such as Namasudra by caste from Faridpur district
of Bangladesh. Thus, cultivators together with agricultural labours accounts for
42.97 per cent of the workforce in this district. However, the agrarian sector of the
district is largely dominated by small and middle peasants. In fact, the number of
large holdings as well as the area cultivated steadily declined over the years. In
Nadia, 42.97 per cent of the population is living under poverty line7. The
comparative analysis of occupational structure of main and marginal workers
between Dalit and total population in Nadia district is shown in table 5.4. It
Table 5.4
Occupational Structure between Dalit and Total Population in Nadia in proportion
Sl. Occupational Per cent of main and marginal workers Variation
No. Structure involved
Dalit Total Population
1 Cultivator 16.03 19.83 -3.80
2 Agricultural labour 24.28 23.24 1.04
3 House Hold industry 13.56 11.41 2.15
4 Other Workers 46.12 45.52 0.60
5 Total 100.00 100.00 0
Source: Computed from Census 2001
appears the Dalit are earning livelihood mostly as other workers, house hold
industry worker and agricultural labour. Since the incidence of landlessness is
high among Dalit, therefore despite of large Namasudra population, the number of
cultivator is less among Dalit than the total population.
 86

Besides agriculture, cotton weaving, brassware making, clay modeling and

sugar or gur making are important household industry. Towards the end of
eighteenth century and beginning of nineteenth century, Santipur was the centre
of great and prosperous weaving industry. By 1813, such industry started
declining in the eve of competition of cheap machine made cloths from
Manchester and in 1825 it received a severe shock from the introduction of
British thread, which has since been used almost caused for entire extinction of
country yarn. However, despite of all odds, still artisans, mostly belonging to
Tanti (a Hindu OBC) caste and Jolahas (a Muslim OBC) caste, are producing
famous tanth sari. The Clay-modeling at Ghurni, a suburb near district head
quarter is worth mentioning. The people belong to Pal or Kumbhakar caste (a
Hindu OBC) makes the clay figures of remarkable excellence. Krishnanagar
(Ghurni) clay dolls are unique in their realism and the quality of their finish. In
1950, Kalyani, a southern tip of Nadia was developed and WBIIDC (West Bengal
Industrial Infrastructure Corporation) has developed an industrial estate for
industrial growth. However, only few industrial units have started operation.
The fieldwork was carried out in three villages of Nadia district. The
findings are based on the fieldwork conducted from November 2009 to April
2010. However, the study also covered the social changes that took place since
early 21st century to the present day. So, this study is an ethnographic account of
social mobility of Dalit residing in the villages of Nadia district, who are mostly
members of settled ‘immigrant’ or permanent natives of this district in an
overwhelming Bengali milieu. Based on the concentration of Dalit population,
three villages were randomly selected for study, details of which are mentioned in
the table 5.5. The sample villages are marked in maps as shown in illustrations.
In Palashipara village of Tehatta-II Block, the concentration of Dalit population is
only 16.37 per cent, in Dutta Phulia village of Ranaghat-II Block; the
concentration of Dalit population is 55.28 percent whereas in Kaikhali village of
Hanskhali Block the concentration of Dalit population is 98.42 per cent.
 87

Table 5.5
Sample Households in Nadia District
Sl. Category Name of Name of No. of Dalit No. of Predominant
No. villages Block households Sample Dalit Caste
households
1 Less than Palashipara Tehatta-II 316 50 Bagdi
30 percent (Palashipara
Dalit GP)
population.
2 More than Dutta Phulia Ranaghat-II 1363 50 Chamar, Jhalia
30 percent (Dutta Phulia Malo
but less GP)
than 60
percent
Dalit
population.
3 More than Kaikhali Hanskhali 734 50 Namasudra
60 percent (Mollikpur
Dalit GP)
population.
4 Total rural Average size
Dalit of rural Dalit
Households household in
in Nadia(n) Nadia = 5.02
= 234246
5 Total rural Average size
Dalit of rural Dalit
Households household in
in West West Bengal
Bengal (N) = 5.04
= 3287578
The block head quarter of Tehatta-II Block is 62 km away from
Krishnagar Town. Tehatta-II block consists of 7 Gram Panchayat, sprawling over
an area of 172.47 Sq. Km. In Tehatta-II Block, interview schedule was
administered among 48 Dalit households in Palashipara villages in Palashipara
Gram Panchayat. Palashipara is consisting of three paras such as Dhawapara,
Haldarpara and Namupara. In Palashipara, out of 2,128 numbers of household,
316 numbers of households belong to Dalit. Out of 316 Dalit households, 792 are
Male and 793 are female. Bagdi caste is predominant at Dhawapara in
 88

Palashipara. The Bagdis are dwelling in this village over 100 years. Palashipara is
a mixed population village. Besides Bagdi caste, a substantial chunk of Hindu
population belongs to Mahsyas, Namasudra, Jalia-Kaibartas, Munda jatis. Besides
Hindu population, 570 households belong to Muslim community and 4
households belong to Adivasis. The Muslims are mostly converts of lower caste
Hindus and possess the same socio-economical conditions. Namupara is inhabited
by Muslim households and located adjacent to Dhawapara predominantly
inhabited by Bagdi caste. The relationship between Muslim and Bagdi households
reportedly very congenial as the former helps them in their distress. Haldarpara is
located little away from Dhawapara and Namupara. In Tehatta-II Block, about
35.24 percent and 30.58 percent of total workers is agricultural labour and
cultivator respectively. In this block 85.00 percent of geographical area is
irrigated. Mainly, rice, jute and mustard are grown. The prevailing agricultural
wage ranges from Rs. 80 to Rs.100.00 per Day depending upon the seasons and
demand for work.
There is one Primary School and one ICDS centre in the village. The high
school is located 2 km away from the village. The village is neat and clean and
Panchayat has recently constructed village road under NREGS. But the villagers
complain paucity in creation of employment opportunity under NREGS and also
partisan approach in providing employment opportunities. In Palashipara village
mostly Mahisyas and Muslim are possessing agricultural land and lower castes
Bagdi, Namasudra etc. depend on the higher castes in getting employment in
agriculture. The Mahishyas are agricultural caste and in other part in Bengal are
known as ‘Hele’ Kaibartas8. Though, a few village women have formed SHG and
supplementing family income under SGSY. But, a few are also taken micro-loan
from a micro-finance organization called ‘Bandhan’9.
The Ranaghat-II block head quarter is about 28 km away from Krishnagar
town towards South. In Ranaghat-II Block, interview schedules were
administered among 54 Dalit households in Dutta Phulia villages. Dutta Phulia
 89

village is about 20 km from Ranaghat-II Block headquarter and 48 km from

Krishnagar town. In Dutta Phulia, out of 2,465 numbers of households, 1,363
households belong to Dalit. Dutta Phulia a mixed population village besides
Chamar, a substantial proportion of Dalit population belong to Namasudra, Pod or
Poundra, Jhalo Malo and Jalia Kaivarta caste. The whole of Dutta Phulia village
is segregated into Paschimpara, Majherpara and Purbapara. Majherpara is
segregated with Paschimpara with a PWD black top road. Purbapara is inhabited
by refugee settlers belonging to Namasudras, Pod or Poundra, Jhalo Malo
households. Majherpara, the oldest one, is inhabited by Brahmins, Kumbhakar
and Mahisyas jaties. Chamars and Jalia Kaivartas live in Paschimpara. A few
Chamar of this village came originally from neighboring state of Bihar of more
than 150 years ago but they no longer have ties with Bihar. But most of them
migrated from Bangladesh. This enclave is known as Das-para the local
community took the path of social reforms. However many people outside the
neighborhood still call the area as Chamarpara. In polite conversation they use
the term ‘Das-para’. The use of word, ‘Chamar’, is a derogatory connotation.
More sophisticated term ‘Charmakar’ a Sanskrit word of leather workers. The
word ‘Chamar’ did not necessarily imply insult, but it certainly was hurtful if used
to categorize people.
Dutta Phulia though categorized as rural but a substantial chunk of
population earns their livelihood from tertiary sector. Some of them are making
leather drums and selling it in Kolkata and even in Punjab. In Dutta Phulia, the
Chamar are organized spatially as a community behind the main lane. But it is a
conceptual organization that symbolizes the neighborhood rather than its physical
structures. The houses of 75 number of Chamar households lie on each side of the
road. While the para is basically neat and clean, the upkeep of houses reveals
evidence of unequal income distribution and level of prosperity. Sreema Mahila
Samiti, an organization closely associated with Tagore Society, worked with the
women of this village10. Such organization made an advance to the Chamar
 90

households for construction of their dwelling units. Most of them build pucca
house and now the majority of dwelling is constructed out of bricks and mortar
and has tiled roofs or concrete roof. Some houses have exposed brick walls but
most are whitewashed, though in need of repair. There are few huts made of
thatch and bamboo. However, construction of pucca house excluded themselves
in including their names in BPL under RHS in 2006. Only, 14 households were
included in BPL, though majority besides the said pucca dwelling units living in
pecuniary existence. A cluster of dwellings make up a compound with shared
courtyard. The houses in the compound are occupied by households that are
related to each other by close kinship. Those, who possess the courtyard and
backward grow the odd fruit tree or edible plant, which struggles to, bear its
much-appreciated gifts. Often, a fence or a row of shrubs with a bamboo gate
separates the compound from each other. Sreema Mahila Samiti organized the
village women in constructing village approach road and a school with raised
platform with tin shed, which now is used as community centre.
The social reforms provided them with new life style, good housing,
sobriety, literacy, and schooling for children, refined speech and etiquette, which
helped them to discover a dignity in their craft and a taste for bhadralok status but
they failed to build themselves an economic niche as craftsman. Hard work and
entrepreneurship did not make them rich. It is argued such inculcation of
bhadralok values and dignity in work in fact retarded the process of developing
entrepreneurship. To the old men, who remember the past, it is the dignity of
work, the education with which to see the world in new ways and the clean life
that are important while to the young it is the bhadralok ‘diacritical marks’ such
as dress habits and speech etiquette are significant (Ganguly-Scrase 1995).
There is a Government Primary school with two large classrooms, a
verandah, a washroom and a toilet, however, the building is in a sad state of
decay. The school was constructed in 1967. The school ground is marked by low
wall with an iron gate. All children from the surrounding locality are taught here.
 91

However, the SHG engaged in cooking Mid-Day meal does not belong to Chamar
caste, as the children of other castes may avoid taking mid-day meal cooked by
Chamer women. The villagers are satisfied with the standard of education and
they replied that now a days they have a numbers of M.A, B.A. qualified Chamar
boys and girls.
The village is kept neat and clean. In the pre-independence era, the work
of Gandhian social reforms introduced a number of changes that shaped many of
the practices of Chamar11. In the recent times, the contribution of Sreema Mahila
Samiti is worth mentioning. Besides building up community infrastructure, paved
the village roads with bricks and enlightened the Chamar women with small
business activities. Some of the women even visited in Kolkata for selling their
produces. Some of them were sent to Rangabelia project of Tagore Society in
South 24-parganas. While doing fieldwork some of women were found fondly
recollecting the memories of Tushar Kanjilal, Secretary of Tagore Society for
Rural Development12.
There are many children in locality. Early in morning girls can be seen
preparing meals, sweeping, cleaning or scurrying to school. Boys are less inclined
or encouraged to carry out household chores and are most often seen playing or in
the company of older brothers or male kins. While young women and girls
constantly work, older boys mainly loiter or take some sundry jobs or plan in
organizing Kali puja in their para. Though few young men have regular jobs and
so they usually spend their time gossiping or playing cards. Most of the Chamar
house holds are landless agricultural labour in land of Kaibartta or Mahisya caste.
Some of them work as porter in Dutta Phulia market. The prevailing agricultural
wage in Dutta Phulia is Rs.100/- without food, which is substantially higher than
Tehatta-II and Hanskhali block. However, a substantial section of population is
engaged in service sectors in the adjacent urban areas. At the top end of the para,
a shady banyan tree with its surrounding bamboo platform serves as the
congregation place for men, whereas the Panchayat tube-well is gathering site for
 92

women. Though there is exchange and sale of goods between members of the
para, the main retail activities are carried out by a man, who runs a corner store
situated at the entrance of the enclave.
In Hanskhali Block, interview schedules were administered among 48
Dalit households in Kaikhali villages in Bagula-I Gram Panchayat. The block-
headquarter is about 15 km away from Krishnagar town towards east bordering
Bangladesh. Hanskhali block consists of 13 number of Gram Panchayat sprawling
over an area of 246.29 Sq. km. Kaikhali village in Bagula-I Gram Panchayat is
only 3 km away from Bagula. In Kaikhali village out of 734 households, 728
households belonged to Namasudra caste, mostly Bangladeshi immigrants. Four
households belong to Munda tribe. There are two households belonging Brahmin
caste. Kaikhali village consists of Puratanpara, Mathpara, 8 No. para. Both the
Mathpara and 8 no. para were added later due to refugee influx. Namasudra
households in Puratanpara of Kaikhali reported to have been living even before
the independence. About, 25.59 percent of total worker in Hanskhali block is
cultivator and 25.5 percent is agricultural labour. Mostly, rice, jute and vegetables
are grown. In irrigated track wheat or mustard is grown as second crop. The boro
rice productivity ranges from 4 to 4.5 quintals per Bigha. However, the lower
caste Namasudras are mostly small and marginal farmers and do not have
sufficient land to support the family expenditure. Only, there are two households
possessing more than 50 bigha land13. The agricultural wage is only Rs.80/- per
day for 8 hrs work without food. The local Gram Panchayat could only provided
12 days works in last one year under NREGS. It found from fifty households in
the village, young men migrated to Kerala, Mumbai and Delhi and even in foreign
countries such as Dubai, Libya, Italy in search of jobs in carpentry and masonry
works and unskilled works in hotel industry, leaving behind their family. Though
they send foreign remittance but can afford to visit their family once in two-three
years. The Gram Panchayat authority complained that young men of Kaikhali are
not interested in earth cutting job though such wage is fixed at Rs.100. They
 93

prefer lighter job. So, the Muslims of the adjacent village are engaged more in
NREGS work. But, the respondents reported that villagers of Kaikhali do not
prefer NREGS job as the payment of wage in NREGS normally gets delayed over
two-three months. But in private agricultural work wage payment is instant. It
revealed further, the villagers sub-let their job-card to the willing labour, who do
not hold job-card, for some pecuniary considerations. The Namasudra women are
quite enterprising and some are supporting their family income in undertaking
various economic activities through SHGs under SGSY. Sreema Mahila Samity, a
micro-finance organization and Nadia Zella Ganatantrik Mahila Samabay Rindan
Samity Ltd, a women organization of CPI (M) is working for credit mobilization
among the women.
There is one Primary School, High School at Haritola and four ICDS
centers in the Kaikhali village. There is a degree College at Bogula, which is
located 3 km away from the village. The over all village environment is neat and
clean. Mostly houses are made of either bamboo or tin wall with tiles or tin roof
and only a few affluent households are living in pucca dwelling units. Similar to
Dutta Phulia, a cluster of dwellings usually make up a compound with shared
courtyard. The houses in the compound are occupied by households that are
related to each other by close kinship. Those, who possess the courtyard and
backward grow the odd fruit tree or edible plants in it. A fence or a row of shrubs
with a bamboo gate separates the compound from each other. Nearly all the head
of households own the plots of land, which they occupy. Although, it is very
difficult to assess the actual size of holdings but the average size of holding came
to 0.02 decimals. It found about 88 numbers of households are members of the
Matua sect, the discussion of which will be made in subsequent section.
5.2. Profile of the Respondents
The respondents are drawn from different categories. The data indicate
fair representation of people belonging to various sub-castes with different levels
of education, geographical spread, age, income and occupations, are noticed.
 94

a. Caste status: In each village, more or less the selected number of head of
households is equal. The households are selected in proportion to the individual
jati or caste among the selected castes of Dalit community. In each village,
roughly half of total house holds of individual jati among Bagdi, Chamar and
Namasudra jati are selected excepting in Kaikhali village in which only
Namasudra caste constitute the entire Dalit population. In Kaikhali village the
sample house hold represents 6.59 per cent of total Dalit house holds of this
village. The individual jati or caste wise distribution of sample households so
interviewed is shown in the table 5.6. Namasudra constitutes 50 per cent of the
sample households and whereas Bagdi constituted 18 per cent sample households.
Both the castes are known as ‘clean feeder and served by degraded Brahman’.
The remaining 32 per cent of the sample households belonged to Chamar caste
having very low and stigmatized ritualistic status known as ‘unclean feeder’.
Therefore, in the sample, castes of various grades of ritualistic status among the
Dalit find representation.
Table 5.6
Caste Status and Village-wise Sample Households
in Nadia District (in numbers and per cent)
Sl. Village Total Caste Total HH of Selected Proportion of
No. Dalit group respective House selected House hold
House caste hold to total sample (in
hold per cent)
1 Palashipara 316 Bagdi 55 27 18
Namasudra 40 21
2 Kaikhali 728 Namasudra 728 48 50
3 Dutta 1363 Namasudra 14 6
Phulia Chamar 98 48 32
4 Total 2407 935 150 100.00
b. Age composition of head of the households: The interview schedule has been
administered among the head of the sample households. Base on the information
as given by the head of the households, the issues like social mobility,
behavioural trajectories etc has been examined. The age group wise distribution of
sample households so interviewed is shown in the table 5.7. About, 7.14 per cent
of the head of the sample head of households are aged ‘below 40 years’. About 25
 95

per cent head of households are falling to age group of ‘40 years and above but
below 50 years’. In fact, those households had never experienced the tyranny of
pre-Left Congress regime. So, their experiences in changing dynamic in rural
power structure are merely anumana (speculation) based. The people of this
group are found to be more cynical to Panchayat. About 39.29 per cent head of
households is falling in the age group of ‘50 years and above but below 60 years’.
This group perhaps witnessed the unbridled tyranny as committed by the village
landed class in various degrees. Their experience in the pre-Left era is relatively
more authentic than former group. They supposed to have witnessed the both the
tumultuous years between 1967-72 of United Front’s regime, Naxalite insurgency
and Land grab movement followed the brutal subjugation by Congress and
Bangladesh war 1971 followed by refugee influx. About 21.43 per cent head of
households falls in the age group of 60 years and above but below 70 years and
Table 5.7
Age composition of sample head of households
(in number and per cent)
Sl. Age Group Number of Head of Household in Total Proportion of
No Dutta Kaikhali Palashipara number of selected Head
Phulia Head of of House hold
Household to total sample
(in per cent)
1 Below 40
0 11 0 11 7.14
years
2 40 years and
above but 21 5 11 38 25.00
below 50 years
3 50 years and
above but 27 21 11 59 39.29
below 60 years
4 60 years and
above but 5 11 16 32 21.43
below 70 years
5 70 years and
0 0 11 11 7.14
above
6 Total 54 48 48 150 100.00
7.14 per cent head of household are 70 years and above age group. These veteran
groups witnessed Indian independence in 1947, the division of Nadia district, part
of it falling in East Pakistan and part of it into India followed by migration of
 96

Hindu population into this country and again birth of Bangladesh 1971. They
have also experienced the colonial rule, earlier Congress regime and now Lefts
rule. They are rich source for reconstruction of caste historiography of these areas.
c. Family structure: It appears that about 17.86 per cent of sample households
reported to have 6 or more family members. Only 32.14 per cent of sample house
holds reported to have above 5 but less than 6 family members. About half of the
sample household reported to have 4 or less members (in most cases comprises of
husband, wife and two siblings) or complete nuclear. The complete nuclear family
pattern is highest among Namasudra, followed by Chamar and Bagdi. The family
planning norms seems to have well percolated down but in variegated manner.
However, the details of family pattern are discussed in section 6.2.2.10 of Chapter
VI.
Table 5.8
Family Size of sample head of households (in number and per cent)
Sl. Caste Status
Size of family Total
No Namasudra Bagdi Chamar
43 11 21 75
1 Up to 4 members
(57.14%) (40.21%) (44.64%) (50.00%)
Above 5 but less 32 5 11 48
2
than 6 members (42.86%) (20.04%) (22.12%) (32.14%)
6 and above 0 11 16 27
3
members (0.00%) (39.75%) (33.24%) (17.86%)
4 Total 75 27 48 150
d. Educational Status: The literacy percentage of Dalit population in Nadia is
53.22 per cent compared to 66.14 per cent for total population in Census 2001.
The educational status of the sample household is shown in the table 5.9. The
figures in parenthesis are relative proportion of Dalit respondents of that
particular item. It appears only 4.67 per cent of head of the sample households are
illiterate. The sustained mass literacy campaign during 1990s helped the Dalit
households in achieving the functional literacy in enrolling themselves in adult
literacy centers. However, among Namasudra respondents, the none of sample
households are illiterate. Whereas among Bagdi respondents 59.26 per cent and
among Chamar respondents 43.75 per cent sample households are illiterate.
 97

Moreover, educational achievement of Namasudra respondents are far better than

Bagdi and Chamar respondents, which roughly corroborates the trend of
comparative literacy rate of major notified caste among Dalit community.
Table 5.9
Educational Status of sample head of households
(in number and per cent)
Sl. Caste Status of Educational Grade of Respondents Total
No. Respondents

Elementary

Secondary
or above
Illiterate

Primary
16 6 Literate
5 27
1 Bagdi (59.26) (22.22) (18.52) - - (100.00)
(43.24) (11.11) (15.63) (18.00)
21 22 5 48
2 Chamar (43.75) (45.83) - - (10.42) (100.00)
(56.76) (40.74) (31.25) (32.00)
26 27 11 11 75
3 Namasudra - (34.67) (36.00) (14.67) (14.67) (100.00)
(48.15) (84.38) (100.00) (68.75) (50.00)
37 54 32 11 16 150
4 Total (4.67) (36.00) (21.33) (7.33) (10.67) (100.00)
(100.00) (100.00 (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) (100.00)
e. Income Status: Explaining the income wise distribution of respondents is a
little bit problematic as good many of them did not divulge it correctly. However,
the responses received by repeated direct and indirect questioning on monthly
income distribution among the sample households are shown in the table 5.10.
The figures in parenthesis are relative proportion of Dalit respondents of that
particular item. In appear about 17.86 per cent of sample Dalit households earning
less Rs. 3,000 per moth. About 32.14 per cent of sample households are earning
Rs. 3000 or more but less than Rs.4000 per month. About 28.57 per cent of Dalit
respondents are earning Rs. 4000 or more but less than Rs.5000 per month and
7.14 per cent respondents are earning Rs.5000 and above but less than Rs.6000.
The remaining 14.29 per cent are earning Rs. 6000 or more.
Moreover, the nature of dwelling units also reflects the comparative
economic well being of the incumbents. Traditionally in Nadia district follows the
 98

lower Bengal style in their house construction. Although a large proportion of

Dalit households own independent houses but in rural areas those are mostly
‘kancha’ house. Independent but poor housing perhaps recounts a situation of
social isolation. In many parts of rural West Bengal, Dalit live in separate
colonies that usually lie on the outskirts of the villages as spatially concentrated
pockets of deprivation, testifying the isolation cluster as defied by Chambers
(1983). However, in rural Bengal, village effluents live in pucca houses. About
4.51 per cent Dalit households in West Bengal are living in ‘pucca’ dwelling units
compared to 14.79 per cent of the households of general population living in
‘pucca’ house. It reveals from the survey that about 60.71 per cent of sample
households are living in ‘pucca’ house.
Table 5.10
Income Status of sample head of households (in number and per cent)
Sl. Caste Status
Monthly Income Total
No Namasudra Bagdi Chamar
5 11 11 27
1 Below Rs.3000
(7.14%) (40.00%) (22.32%) (17.86%)
Rs.3000 and above 21 16 11 48
2
but less than Rs.4000 (28.57%) (60.00%) (22.32%) (32.14%)
Rs.4000 and above 27 16 43
3 -
but less than Rs.5000 (35.71%) (33.24%) (28.57%)
Rs.5000 and above 11 11
4 - -
but less than Rs.6000 (14.29%) (7.14%)
11 11 21
5 Rs.6000 and above -
(14.29%) (22.12%) (14.29%)
6 Total 75 27 48 150
f. Occupational Status: Occupation plays a vital role in social mobility. Hence,
the present occupational status of sample head of households is shown in table
5.11. The figures in parenthesis are relative proportion of Dalit respondents of that
particular item.
 99

Table 5.11
Occupational Grades of sample head of households (in number and per cent)
Sl. Caste Status
Occupational Grades Total
No Namasudra Bagdi Chamar
5 5
1 Services
(11.11%) (3.57%)
16 5 21
2 Business
(21.43%) (11.11%) (14.29%)
Semi Skilled Self Employed 21 5 21 48
3
manual worker (28.57%) (20.00%) (44.44%) (32.14%)
38 21 5 64
4 Manual Worker
(50.00%) (80.00%) (11.11%) (42.86%)
11 11
5 Menial Services
(22.22%) (7.14%)
7 Total 75 27 48 150
g. Political Status: In a politically conscious state such as West Bengal, the
politics can be an avenue of social mobility of Dalit. The respondents were asked
to inform, whether they are member of any political party. The responses so
generated from the sample head of households is shown in table 5.12. The figures
in parenthesis are relative proportion of Dalit respondents of that particular item.
Table 5.12
Political Status of sample head of households (in number and per cent)
Sl. Caste Status
Political Status Total
No Namasudra Bagdi Chamar
Member of any political 27 11 11 48
1
party (35.71%) (40.00%) (22.22%) (32.14%)
Not member of any 48 16 38 102
2
political party (64.29%) (60.00%) (77.78%) (67.76%)
4 Total 75 27 48 150
It reveals that 40 per cent of sample households of Bagdi caste are member of
political parties which far exceeds than Namasudra (i.e. 35.71 per cent) caste
despite of being numerically dominant. The Chamar are found to be least
politically active, among the three castes. The revitalization of Panchayat and
subsequent 73rd Panchayat Amendment Act helped the Dalit in political
participation, who were hitherto were excluded. Besides Left parties, now, the
Dalit are finding representation in right and right-centrist parties in various tier of
Panchayat.
In sum, from the above account, broadly it appears that still Dalit as a
social group is lagging far behind in several economic, social and political
 100

indices. The continual Left Rule in West Bengal with its redistributive ideology,
helped Dalit in earning self-respect, asset building, political empowerment etc. to
some extent but comparative deprivation persist. Further, the inter caste variation
among Dalit community testifies that the constitutionally enforced ‘preferential
treatment’ percolated unequally. In these frame of reference as mentioned in the
foregoing paragraphs, in the subsequent chapter the social reality of Dalit was
examined to understand the various aspects of mobility including inter and intra
castes variations and identifying the mobility inhibiting and enabling factors.
Endnotes
1.The total population of West Bengal at 2001 Census was 80,176,197 and out of which
18,452,555 are Dalit, constituting 23 per cent of the total population of the state.

2. In West Bengal 37.1 per cent pattadar and 30.5 per cent are belonging to Scheduled
Castes (West Bengal Human Development Report, 2004, Development and Planning
Department, Government of West Bengal).

3. The researcher in his early carrier spent 9 months in Mirjapur and Sonbharda districts
of Uttar Pradesh in 1993-94 as Bank Officer and had to interact with village people of
various social groups. After a bit familiarity with the rural people, they were very much
inquisitive to know the caste status of him by asking ‘Beta, tomara jati kya hai?’

4. There are two different spellings used for the name of the town that is ‘Krishnanagar’
and ‘Krishnagar’. The former is used to refer to the railway station and later is municipal
areas. Both the terms are interchangeably used. On the eve of British conquest,
Krishnagar was a well-known cultural and commercial centre. During the colonial era, it
expanded to become the district headquarter. Today it continues to function as an
important administrative centre, but industrial development in Krishnagar and its
immediate environs has been relatively modest. Outside administration, commerce and
domestic services that are few jobs in Krishnagar.

5. The decennial population growth 1981-91 in Nadia was 29.95 percent, which is
comparatively higher than the State’s average i.e. 24.73 percent.

6. In Coachbehar district concentration of Dalit is 50.11 percent, followed by Jalpaiguri

(36.71 percent), South 24-Parganas (32.12 percent), Bankura (31.24 percent).

7. As per Rural Household Survey in 2006, the total number of households living below
poverty line (BPL) is 413584 and total number of rural household in 2001 was 7,36,063
in Nadia district.
 101

8. The Kaibartas are of two broad classes :(a.) the ‘Hele’, the plowing ‘Kaibartas’ and
(b.) the ‘Jele’, the fishermen ‘Kaibartas’. As cultivator, the former have a socially
favourable position.

9. Bandhan (meaning togetherness) was constituted in 2001 under the leadership of Mr.
Chandra Shekhar Ghosh. The main thrust of Bandhan is to work with women who are
socially disadvantaged and economically exploited, for their social upliftment and
economic emancipation. With this aim in view, Bandhan is mainly engaged in MF
activities with target women residing in rural and urban areas across the country.
Bandhan was set up to address the dual objective of poverty alleviation and women
empowerment. The microfinance activities are carried on by Bandhan Financial Services
Pvt. Ltd. (BFSPL), incorporated under the Companies Act, 1956 and registered as a Non
Banking Financial Company (NBFC) with the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). That apart,
Bandhan is also engaged in development work through it's not for profit entity. Presently,
Bandhan has a microfinance client base of 2 million spread across 14 states of India with
a Rs.1000 crore loan portfolio.

10. Sreema Mahila Samity (SMS) an organization working in the Nadia district since
1972. Its’ activities includes the micro-finance, CBDP, health and general welfare
activities in improving the quality of life of the community. Today SMS has promoted
more than 7500 active Self-help groups in Nadia, Murshidabad and North 24-Parganas
districts.

11. It includes (a) promotion of cleanliness and hygiene among the Harijans, (b)
improved method of carrying on what are known as unclean occupations i.e. scavenging
and tanning, (c) giving up carrion and beef if not meat altogether, (d) giving up of
intoxicating liquor.

12. Drawing inspiration from Tagore's philosophy of rural development to ‘bring back
life in all its completeness - making the villagers self reliant and self respectful...’ and
Gandhi's development doctrine, it was people like Pannalal Dasgupta and Loknayak
JayPrakash Narayan who were instrumental in shaping the vision of the Society. The
Society intervenes deep inside areas where mainstream development is virtually non-
existent and the local people are denied basic services and access to social justice,
especially in the rural areas. Their development initiatives are strategically designed to
break ‘the culture of silence’ by facilitating a participatory approach. The interventions
are generally comprehensive in nature endeavoring to achieve holistic human
development. The present Secretary, Tushar Kanjilal is widely recognised for his
pioneering work both as a teacher and as a development leader. The national journal ‘The
Week’ awarded 'Man of the Year' to Sri Tushar Kanjilal, Secretary of our Society for his
contribution to the cause of underprivileged and the depressed section in the Sunderbans.
Later, ‘Prophets of New India’ published by Penguin, included his biography for life of
thousands people of Sunderban. He has also received the 'Padmasree' and 'National
Teacher' awards.

13. 1 bigha=3 acres.

 102

1.The total population of West Bengal at 2001 Census was 80,176,197 and out of which 18,452,555 are Dalit,
constituting 23 per cent of the total population of the state.
2.In West Bengal 37.1 per cent pattadar and 30.5 per cent are belonging to Scheduled Castes (West Bengal
Human Development Report, 2004, Development and Planning Department, Government of West Bengal).
3.The researcher in his early carrier spent 9 months in Mirjapur and Sonbharda districts of Uttar Pradesh in
1993-94 as Bank Officer and had to interact with village people of various social groups. After a bit
familiarity with the rural people, they were very much inquisitive to know the caste status of him by asking
‘Beta, tomara jati kya hai?’
4. There are two different spellings used for the name of the town that is ‘Krishnanagar’ and ‘Krishnagar’.
The former is used to refer to the railway station and later is municipal areas. Both the terms are
interchangeably used. On the eve of British conquest, Krishnagar was a well known cultural and commercial
centre. During the colonial era, it expanded to become the district headquarter. Today it continues to function
as an important administrative centre, but industrial development in Krishnagar and its immediate environs
has been relatively modest. Outside administration, commerce and domestic services that are few jobs in
Krishnagar.
5. The decennial population growth 1981-91 in Nadia was 29.95 percent, which is comparatively higher than
the State’s average i.e. 24.73 percent.
6. In Coachbehar district concentration of Dalit is 50.11 percent, followed by Jalpaiguri (36.71 percent),
South 24-Parganas (32.12 percent), Bankura (31.24 percent).
7. As per Rural Household Survey in 2006, the total number of households living below poverty line (BPL) is
413584 and total number of rural household in 2001 was 7,36,063 in Nadia district.
8. The Kaibartas are of two broad classes :(a.) the ‘Hele’, the plowing ‘Kaibartas’ and (b.) the ‘Jele’, the
fishermen ‘Kaibartas’. As cultivator the former have a socially favourable position.
9. Bandhan (meaning togetherness) was constituted in 2001 under the leadership of Mr. Chandra Shekhar
Ghosh. The main thrust of Bandhan is to work with women who are socially disadvantaged and economically
exploited, for their social upliftment and economic emancipation. With this aim in view, Bandhan is mainly
engaged in MF activities with target women residing in rural and urban areas across the country. Bandhan
 103

was set up to address the dual objective of poverty alleviation and women empowerment. The microfinance
activities are carried on by Bandhan Financial Services Pvt. Ltd. (BFSPL), incorporated under the Companies
Act, 1956 and also registered as a Non Banking Financial Company (NBFC) with the Reserve Bank of India
(RBI). That apart, Bandhan is also engaged in development work through it's not for profit entity. Presently,
Bandhan has a microfinance client base of 2 million spread across 14 states of India with a Rs.1000 crore
loan portfolio.
10. Sreema Mahila Samity (SMS) an organization working in the Nadia district since 1972. Its’ activities
includes the micro-finance, CBDP, health and general welfare activities in improving the quality of life of the
community. Today SMS has promoted more than 7500 active Self-help groups in Nadia, Murshidabad and
North 24-Parganas districts.
11. It includes (a) promotion of cleanliness and hygiene among the Harijans, (b) improved method of
carrying on what are known as unclean occupations i.e. scavenging and tanning, (c) giving up carrion and
beef if not meat altogether, (d) giving up of intoxicating liquor.
12. Drawing inspiration from Tagore's philosophy of rural development to ‘bring back life in all its
completeness - making the villagers self reliant and self respectful...’ and Gandhi's development doctrine, it
was people like Pannalal Dasgupta and Loknayak JayPrakash Narayan who were instrumental in shaping the
vision of the Society. The Society intervenes deep inside areas where mainstream development is virtually
non existent and the local people are denied basic services and access to social justice, specially in the rural
areas. Their development initiatives are strategically designed to break ‘the culture of silence’ by facilitating
a participatory approach. The interventions are generally comprehensive in nature endeavoring to achieve
holistic human development. The present Secretary, Tushar Kanjilal is widely recognised for his pioneering
work both as a teacher and as a development leader. The national journal ‘The Week’ awarded 'Man of the
Year' to Sri Tushar Kanjilal, Secretary of our Society for his contribution to the cause of underprivileged and
the depressed section in the Sunderbans. Later, ‘Prophets of New India’ published by Penguin, included his
biography for life of thousands people of Sunderban. He has also received the 'Padmasree' and 'National
Teacher' awards.
13. 1 bigha=3 acres.