Rochele XIX
Rochele XIX
Rochele XIX
115 | 2018
Número semitemático
Electronic version
URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rccs/7006
DOI: 10.4000/rccs.7006
ISSN: 2182-7435
Publisher
Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra
Printed version
Date of publication: 1 May 2018
Number of pages: 93-112
ISSN: 0254-1106
Electronic reference
Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta and Walter Rossa, « Reframing the Nineteenth Century », Revista
Crítica de Ciências Sociais [Online], 115 | 2018, Online since 15 May 2018, connection on 17 May 2018.
URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rccs/7006 ; DOI : 10.4000/rccs.7006
Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, 115, maio 2018: 93-112
This dossier of the Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais (RCCS) was conceived
both to draw attention to the directions taken in recent work on the history
and historiography of Portuguese colonialism in nineteenth-century India
and to reflect upon the scope and contours of past publications.1 The theme
emerged as a response to the perceived tendency to associate the nineteenth
century with the empire’s focus on Africa in the 1800s. This characterises the
field as a whole (both within the Centre for Social Studies of the University
of Coimbra and the RCCS and beyond it), as it follows the direction of
the colonial state’s financial and political interests in different territories.
However, a number of publications focusing on East Africa and Portuguese
territories in India offer compelling theories for the historical understand-
ing of areas that fall outside the immediate economic interest of the state.
The initial call for papers therefore proposed a wider horizon for the dossier
and hoped to include dimensions of the Portuguese colonial presence in the
1
This was undertaken as a part of the postdoctoral project “Framing Identity: Cityscapes and
Architecture of Mumbai’s Catholic Communities (16th-20th centuries)”, by Sidh Losa Mendiratta,
supervised by Walter Rossa and Rochelle Pinto, and funded by Fundação para a Ciência e a
Tecnologia (SFRH/BPD/89298/2012).
94 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
structural reforms devised for the metropolis and the empire by the Marquis
de Pombal, the influential Prime Minister to José I appointed in 1750, whose
prominence continued after the monarch’s death in 1777 and into the reign
of Maria I. The interruption imposed by the transfer of the court to Brazil
in 1808, and the subsequent revolutions, leaves uncertain the question of
the actual scale and success of Pombaline reforms. Although much of what
is distinctive about the nature of institutions and power in the nineteenth
century flows from the constitutional struggles in its opening decades, the gap
between the historiography of earlier centuries and the nineteenth century
has left the question of residual intellectual influences from prior periods
relatively unexplored.
In studies that consider the nature of the state and its intervention as an
agent of change, two conventional brackets usually define the political his-
tory of the nineteenth century: the Liberal Revolution of the 1820s, extend-
ing for two decades, and the establishment of the Portuguese Republic
in 1910. These two events tend to provide a rationale and an interpretive
framework within which the varied dimensions of actions, associations, and
ideological influences have been understood. Political histories indicate that
however powerful the initial impetus for intellectual change may have been,
such concepts and ideas rarely traveled without being transformed by the
prevailing power structures where they took root. Thus, while the ideas of
constitutionalism, liberalism, the freedom of the press, and representative
electorates took hold and circulated simultaneously in Brazil, Portugal and
India, these terms were also placeholders for other processes to unfold (Lobo,
2017; Lustosa, 2000; Sodré, 1999). The contradictions and tensions between
being descendentes (Portuguese born in the colonies) or reinóis (metropolitan
Portuguese differentiated politically and racially from the descendentes) were
different in each territory, just as the divisions produced by race, mestizage,
caste, and language were varied in each context. Further, liberalism had
different consequences for those registered as slaves in different colonies,
as the work of Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo or Cristina Nogueira da Silva has
indicated (Jerónimo, 2000; Silva, 2004; Silva and Grinberg, 2011). The fact
that constitutionalism and absolutism formed a framework for political action
but were also a formal code through which other political divisions were
routed as sub-texts is manifest in the volatile print production of the first half
of the nineteenth century. The emergence of different political strands and
tensions between groups in Goa and their changing configurations and alli-
ances with groups in Portugal through the century and into the early decades
of the twentieth have been elaborated by Sandra Ataíde Lobo (Lobo, 2013,
2016). Luís Cabral de Oliveira’s account of the role of Goan Catholic elites
96 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
within the judicial system during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
points to the process of empowerment of this strata during the liberal period,
and their decisive influence in the codification of laws specific to the New
Conquests (Oliveira, 2015).
The nomination of Bernardo Peres da Silva as Prefeito (within the new
liberal taxonomy, this was equivalent to the head of state), the first indigenous
head of state in 1835, reveals the impact of the struggle over liberalism in the
metropole and the realignments of power it spurred in colonial or imminently
autonomous states such as Brazil. The reforms Peres da Silva pushed through
during his seventeen-day reign, his defeat by local interests opposed to his
nomination, his flight to Bombay, and doomed attempt to summon support
from Bombay, Daman and Brazil for a ship that would sail to Goa to effect
a coup, are instances of the nature of state politics at the time (Lobo, 2016).
Such volatility characterised both the composition of the state and the norms
by which contestation was conducted. Print publications convey an image
of a vociferously contested realm limited to political elites, which gradually
admitted and represented a wider circle of contributors, including women.
This continued until the print market of Bombay at the end of the century
crafted a distinctly oppositional identity in bilingual publications in Konkani,
English and Portuguese. These presses and publications voiced dimensions
of class and caste experience almost invisible in dominant representations.
Concepts introduced through constitutional and electoral struggles came
to be owned by colonial elites as they generated complex ideological frame-
works through which questions of citizenship, representation, and rights were
routed. The refraction of these concepts and terms are visible in the political
parties, societies, and associations contesting each other’s vision of public
life, the political past, and the economic future (Furtado and Cruz, 2011).
The sphere of influence of the predominantly Catholic indigenous Goan
elite was carved out in opposition to the descendentes and the mestiço and
was simultaneously the ground for intra-caste rivalries. These were scarcely
the only lines of difference although the exclusive access to print of these
groups makes these contradictions the most visible. Outside of the two
dominant castes, other groups have a fragmentary presence in Portuguese
or in Marathi print of the period, though, since the late eighteenth century,
the New Conquest territories were numerically larger than the Old. Their
inclusion is more visible in official records, where questions of sovereignty,
law, land rights, religion and worship, agronomy, and troubled border rela-
tions were continuously discussed. Dominant castes among these, however,
also formed associations and routed questions of Hindu identity, women’s
rights, education and pedagogy, linguistic politics, land rights and political
Reframing the Nineteenth Century | 97
2
Writing in 1864, António Lopes Mendes lists revolts in 1755, 1797, 1806, 1807, 1809, January
1813, May 1813, January 1814, October 1814, 1816, 1822, 1823, 1824, 1845 and 1852-1855
(Mendes, 1864: 111-112).
98 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
New Conquests and forged a distinct political identity through Marathi print
financed initially by the Bombay print market. Later bilingual Portuguese
and Marathi newsprint hosted a set of interests and agenda distinct from
the Catholic elite who until the early twentieth century, had near exclusive
representation in the electoral and higher education realm.
The century can be characterised as one preoccupied with questions of
land. Aside from the rebellions of the New Conquests, conflicts over the fate
of the hereditarily administered village level gaunkaris, or comunidades, per-
sisted throughout the century (Dias, 2004; Varsha Vijayendra Kamat, 2009;
Pereira, 1981). In the New Conquests, caste hierarchies were enforced and
challenged through conflicts over the claims to managing temple properties
made by different caste groups, as well as over membership in the gaunkari
(Magalhães, 2012). Questions of ritual hierarchy and spatial displacement
tended to be invisible in representations in Portuguese print, not for linguis-
tic reasons as much as the alienation of state and elite discourse from these
domains of power until they acquired the form of legal disputes or revolts
(Xavier, 1852). The New Conquests became the object of policies and stud-
ies seeking to demonstrate the effectiveness of new scientific and economic
practices applied to agriculture and forestry. Similarly, the state’s attempt
to codify ‘uses and customs’ of the Hindu population, which opened up a
channel for petitioning to the state, constitutes the official representation of
processes that appear differently in perspectives emerging from other sources.
A challenge for nineteenth-century history has been to capture the nature
of power structures that were new, along with those that had long preceded
the nineteenth century but had assumed new dimensions. An instance of this
is the fate of the Real Padroado Português, a structure that secured the preroga-
tive of the Portuguese monarchs over the administration of the dioceses and
archdioceses established by the Catholic Church in its conquests (Archdiocese
of Goa and Daman, 1925). The challenge to the Padroado, presented in the
form of the Vatican initiative, the Propaganda Fide (officially instituted in
1622), empowered secular orders of clergy (not affiliated to ‘national’ religious
orders) to administer parishes within Portuguese colonies. The effect of the
Propaganda Fide was to regulate and contain the power of the Padroado,
and though the struggle between the two had begun centuries before, it was
the nineteenth century which witnessed bitter public battles over jurisdiction
across various churches and populations in the south of India and its west-
ern coast. The thrust towards diluting the national definition of the Roman
Catholic ecumene was located in efforts to alter the jurisdictional powers of
the earlier orders. This reorientation created the conditions for indigenous
clerical dissent in opposition to hierarchies of race, language, economic access
Reframing the Nineteenth Century | 99
and caste within the church. The formal categories through which these
conflicts were voiced remained those of the Padroado and the Propaganda,
but they also found alternate expression in architectural symbolism, linguistic
disputes, and political identities such as that of the East Indians in Bombay
(Aapan Kon? (Who are We?), 1891; Mello, 1938; Gomes, 2010, 2011).
In several of the disputes outlined above, whether representations of
land or the disputes over the Padroado, the interests and representations
of indigenous and colonial actors were framed by the discourses of the ascen-
dant British colonial power, interlaced with the changed nature of Portuguese
colonial rule. This power relationship inflected pre-existing contact across
the western coast of India, port cities of the Arabian Sea and east African
territories both British- and Portuguese-held. Colonial elites and migrants
who travelled as administrators, priests, traders, professionals, labourers and
politicians mediated and were shaped by the nature of colonial interaction
in the nineteenth-century history of contact between these territories. In her
latest book and in her current research on an earlier period of the nineteenth
century, Margret Frenz combines archival sources with oral testimonies to
explore migrations from Goa to East Africa, and subsequently to Europe
and America. In Community, Memory, and Migration in a Globalizing World.
The Goan Experience, c. 1890-1980, she traces the manner in which people
recall their lives at different moments in the history of colonialism, how
they experienced their social positions in a different context, and discusses
how these are related structurally to the history of empires (Frenz, 2014).
Selma Carvalho’s work on the Goan diaspora in East Africa was published
as part of the Oral Histories of British Goans project between 2011 and
2014 (Carvalho, 2010, 2014). Aside from recordings of the oral testimonies
of those who migrated to Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania before their relo-
cation to the United Kingdom archived at the British Library, self-published
individual memoirs increasingly provide a rich source of personal accounts
recounting the experience.
In the context of the Indian Ocean, the examination of the routes along
which people, religious practices and commodities circulated, through both
informal and formal networks, has underscored the significance of non-statist
histories (Farooqui, 2016; Machado, 2003). As a case in point, the elabo-
ration of the nature and extent of power enjoyed by free Africans in India, as
opposed to the enslaved, for example, implies a rethinking of the term diaspora
as well as the racial composition of the Indian subcontinent. The existence
of different systems of slavery and/or forced work in colonies and kingdoms
of the Indian Ocean region demand an accounting of the simultaneity and
complexity of political and legal categories for slavery often believed to have
100 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
succeeded each other (Allen, 2017; Campbell, 2003; Suzuki, 2017). The field
also disturbs dominant spatial chronologies in areas such as the history of
Islam, which remained focused on the region of West Asia despite the numeri-
cal and cultural significance of Islamic practice in other regions, including
East Africa (Kooriadathodi, 2016). Temporal intervals such as the duration
of slave voyages, which changed the lives of those on ships carrying slaves as
cargo as well as those of itinerant traders and pirates, have been foregrounded
to emphasise their elision in nation- and land-centric accounts. To this we
can add the identities of those whose nationalities and political affiliations
straddled East Africa and India, none of which as yet interrupt supremacist
narratives of nation formation on the Indian subcontinent (Allen, 2003).
The field represents conceptual interventions that are too varied and
numerous to be consolidated as an alternate centre or to be positioned as a
uniformly predictable conceptual margin. In the field of print studies, Isabel
Hofmeyr’s work, which observed that literary theory tended to use a “non-
-materialist theory of texts” instead followed connotations to texts that may
have had an Anglo-European origin across their unexpected trajectories in
political communities of the Indian Ocean (Ferrão, 2005, 2014b; Hofmeyr,
2001). The numerous dimensions of texts, whether oral or written, the cir-
cumstances of production, and the contexts of their reception challenged the
divisions between centres and peripheries of intellectual influence.
In 1843 (after the expulsion of the religious orders in 1834), the Metropolitan
Government decided not only to recognise the relocation of the capital to
Panjim but also to prepare a plan whose execution would shape its develop-
ment (Faria, 2007). The dismantling and the reuse of building materials and
architectural elements and ornaments in the buildings of Panjim was regulated
and, in some cases, manufactured anew, and accounts for the virtual disap-
pearance of the urban fabric of Old Goa, including its huge perimeter wall.
This account of planned urban renewal is a far cry from the abundant
descriptions of Goa’s physical decrepitude and decadence that were used
as ekphrastic contrasts to the urbanisation of other South Asian capitals in
British colonies. The emergence of Panjim reveals the rhetorical function of
images of decadence across a century in which a capital was in fact reborn.
This rebirth is also significant because the new urban landscape signified a
transformed political order within Goa. It was no longer a landscape that by
default denoted an absolutist Catholic monarchy committed to evangelising
proselytism. Instead, the symbolic connotations to its architecture were the
focus of attention for a patrician government trying to expand the participa-
tion of civil society within the restricted liberal regime that it represented.
Paulo Varela Gomes points to the influence of British India on nineteenth-
-century architecture but argues that church architecture was more resistant to
this influence than other kinds of visual practices (with the neo-gothic church
of Saligão as an exception to this pattern) (Gomes, 2011). Comparatively,
domestic architecture, in particular the multilayered nature of domestic
spaces, has received more attention from authors. The nineteenth century
saw the construction of numerous Goan Catholic aristocratic houses that
changed the rural landscape (Carita, 1995; Sampaio, 2011; Silveira, 2007).
The rural landscape was refigured through two impetuses, one of which
was to treat natural elements as visual objects, provoking a change in the
perception of landscape, while the other was to enhance productivity and
to introduce contemporary international innovations in agricultural science
to the colonies. The natural vegetation framing Panjim’s Altinho and the
areas of Aguada and Reis Magos were introduced or modified to perform
the role of visual elements that would create perspectives for these sites. This
was accompanied by increased significance accorded to surveys, publications
and projects by agronomists trained in Lisbon and in British institutions.
The history of this period saw the creation of many institutions associated
with modern governance: the creation of the military academy in 1817, which
included engineering courses, the reintroduction of the printing press, and
the appearance of the first of many journals, the Gazeta de Goa in 1821; the
creation of a public library in 1832, and a medical school in 1842 gave Panjim’s
102 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
urban landscape its character and design, and nurtured a local urban elite that
had participated in its vision and inhabited these new institutions. A number
of engineers, physicians, lawyers and judges were trained in Goa and occupied
significant posts in other Portuguese colonies (Bastos, 2008; Faria, 2007, 2012,
2014).3 Cristiana Bastos’ work on the medical school of Goa and the position
of Goan medical doctors in Portugal and colonies such as Mozambique and
their links with Brazil reveals the hierarchisation of colonial spaces in relation
to each other, with Portugal occupying the space of an exclusive validating
authority, designed to distribute greater or reduced authority to subordinate
doctors and medical institutions in Goa (Bastos, 2005, 2008). The creation
of the department of public works in 1869 reinforced this role, enabling the
construction of public facilities and infrastructure in the Indian Ocean ter-
ritories, from Mozambique to Timor.4 Descendentes and indigenous Goans
occupied positions of authority and initiated public administrative projects.
This elite could be deployed as a sub-colonising phalanx in East Africa
while they were systemically subordinated to corresponding educational
institutions in Portugal, which in the case of most disciplines such as law
and medicine retained the prerogative to confer higher degrees. A similar
relationship developed in relation to British territories in the region where
educated Goans found institutes of higher education and avenues of employ-
ment, while the British colonial state mined the abilities of educated migrants
whose training had been financed by a diminished political power.
Military reforms, the railway in 1882, policies regarding schools, and
the Anglo-Portuguese treaty were some of the state mechanisms to turn
Goa and Indian Ocean territories into an economically profitable enclave
for the British. The manner in which Mozambique acquired territorial
definition was a drastic shift from the prior existence of a few trading posts
along the coast (the islands in the North, the bay of Lourenço Marques in
the South, which provided a natural gateway to the hinterlands, initially
encompassed the Portuguese presence in the area). In the 1890s a railroad
and a harbour were part of the ambitious urban plan that structured the
colonial and modernist core of the city of Lourenço Marques/Maputo, and
in 1898 the capital moved from the island of Mozambique. The capital city
became the harbour to which raw resources were transported, just as in
Beira and Nacala in Mozambique and in Lobito (Angola) and Goa. Like Vasco
and Lourenço Marques/Maputo, other port cities were founded from
3
Faria traces this statistically within an ongoing project entitled “Building the Portuguese Empire
in the 19th century. Public Works across the Indian Ocean and China Sea (1869-1926)”.
4
Much of this was undertaken during the governorship of José Ferreira Pestana (1848-1851 and
1864-1870).
Reframing the Nineteenth Century | 103
Cape Verde (Mindelo) to Dili (Timor) to mark a new stage in colonial rule,
in which the construction of the port of Macau infrastructure is included.
The mediation of colonialism through the production of trained elites was
a process which spanned nearly a century, from the administrative indepen-
dence of Mozambique in 1752 to that of Macau (including Timor) in 1844
from Goa. These events present us with a chronological period that prompts
questions about the impetus for change in concepts of governance as well as
the need to understand the overarching conception of race and the distribu-
tion of social and cultural capital that framed this inter-colonial relationship.
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112 | Rochelle Pinto, Sidh Losa Mendiratta, Walter Rossa
Received on 05.02.2018
Accepted for publication on 26.03.2018
Rochelle Pinto
Independent Researcher
Contact: [email protected]
Walter Rossa
Centro de Estudos Sociais / Departamento de Arquitetura da Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia
Universidade de Coimbra
Colégio das Artes, Largo D. Dinis, 3000-143 Coimbra, Portugal
Contact: [email protected]