The Jews of Yugoslavia A Quest For A Community by Harriett Pass Freidenreich PDF
The Jews of Yugoslavia A Quest For A Community by Harriett Pass Freidenreich PDF
The Jews of Yugoslavia A Quest For A Community by Harriett Pass Freidenreich PDF
Varda Books
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T H E J E W S O F Y U G O S L AV I A
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HARRIET P
PASS
THE JE
Varda Books
skokie, illinois, usa - 5761/2001
JEWS
ASS FREIDENREICH
YUGOSLAVIA
WS OF
OF
VIA
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TO PHILIP
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CONTENTS
List of Tables ix
Preface xi
Introduction 3
6 National Institutions 97
Abbreviations 245
Bibliography 249
Notes 271
Index 311
Maps follow p. 8
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TA B L E S *
Population 215
1931 221
1908–40 223
PREFACE
complete control over its members in such areas as civil law and
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Preface xiii
grade, Zagreb, and Sarajevo were selected, based on their size, im
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T H E J E W S O F Y U G O S L AV I A
INTRODUCTION
Before 1918 the South Slav lands, which were to comprise Yugosla
via, did not share a common history. Divided for centuries between
Ottoman and Habsburg spheres of influence, the various peoples
developed their own distinct identities and particular traditions.
With the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at
the end of World War I, East and West met and gave birth to a com
plex new multinational state.1
Twentieth-century Yugoslavia presents a wide spectrum of eth
nic and religious diversity. Its native nationalities include Serbs,
Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, and Montenegrins. Among its many
minorities are to be found Hungarians, Germans, Slovaks, Rumani
ans, Albanians, Turks, and Jews. By religion Yugoslav citizens iden
tify themselves as Serbian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Muslim, Prot
estant, and Jewish. From Austrian-like Slovenia in the northwest,
populated by industrious and devout Catholics, to Turkish-style
Macedonia in the southeast, inhabited by impoverished and back
ward Orthodox and Muslims, stretches one country composed of
many different worlds.
Politically the most significant, if not the most dramatic, cultur
al differentiation occurs between the Serbs and the Croats. The Serbs
are Eastern Orthodox Balkanites, with heroic recollections of inde
pendence and revolts against the Turks, while the Croats are Roman
Catholic Central Europeans, historically linked with the West. These
two nationalities share a common language, with dialectical varia
tions, known as Serbo-Croatian (or Croato-Serbian), but they write
in two different alphabets, Latin in the west and Cyrillic in the east.
In addition, there exists yet another group of native Serbo-Croatian
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Introduction 5
Introduction 7
PA RT O N E
1
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period prior to World War II, then, it could boast of very little indus
try, only limited commerce, but considerable artisan activity. Sara
jevo thus never became a major city in interwar Yugoslavia but con
tinued to exist as a provincial town, outside the mainstream of
progress.
ern style, a carpet with cushions upon which one sat Turkish fash
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ion, eating with one’s hands out of a common bowl and drinking out
of a common container.4
The Jewish community formed a unified and tight-knit social
unit. Often groups of neighbors would gather informally of an
evening, gossiping, telling stories, singing, and playing games. At
family celebrations, especially weddings and holidays, the older
women would sing romansas, epic songs from medieval Spain which
formed part of the Sephardic folklore heritage. They would also sing
Serbo-Croatian or Turkish songs translated into Ladino.5
The Sephardim brought with them to the Balkans their previous
form of communal organization. According to the communal statute
of 1731, the earliest such official document to survive until the twen
tieth century, the Jewish community of Sarajevo was governed by an
executive of five men, plus a gabbai (an overseer of the synagogue),
a treasurer of Palestine funds, and a school inspector, all of whom
were appointed annually.6 There was also a permanent advisory
council of three men. Persons who refused to accept communal of
fice were fined.
Communal revenues were derived mainly from a religious tax
on all Jewish residents and the sale of mitzvot, or synagogue honors.
This money was used to pay the rabbi, teachers, and other religious
functionaries, as well as state taxes and other related expenses. The
communal executive was collectively responsible for balancing the
budget. If expenses exceeded revenues at the end of the year, the
members of the executive were expected to make up the difference
out of their own pockets.7
The Sarajevo Jewish community maintained very close ties with
Salonika, the spiritual center of Balkan Jewry. From there came Sara-
jevo’s earliest-known rabbis in the first half of the seventeenth cen
tury, Samuel Baruh (whose grave, according to legend, is the oldest
in the Jewish cemetery), Aser Zebulun, and Macliah Mucacon. Be
fore the eighteenth century, there is little reference to Bosnian Jews,
except for the enfant terrible of the Sarajevo Jewish community,
Nehemiah Hiya Hayon (born about 1650), kabbalist scholar, follow
er of Sabbatai Zevi, and European traveler. Sarajevo was also the
temporary home from 1686 to 1697 of Hayon’s chief opponent, Rabbi
Zevi Ashkenazi, who, with the arrival of the armies of Eugene of
Savoy, escaped from Buda and later from Sarajevo and went to Ger
many and finally Amsterdam.8
The most important figure in the cultural history of the Sarajevo
Jewish community, however, is Rabbi David Pardo, who was born
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
The legal and social position of the Jews in Bosnia was not essentially
different from that of non-Muslims, Christians or Jews, in other prov
inces of the Ottoman Empire. Because the empire was basically or
ganized along religious lines, the Jews formed a separate millet, or
ecclesiastical community, as did the Orthodox, the Catholics, and
other religious groups. Although the general policy was one of reli
gious tolerance, there were certain discriminatory measures against
“nonbelievers,” such as not being able to bear arms or ride horses
in towns and having to wear distinctive clothing.10
More important was the limitation in legal status before Mus
lim courts. Non-Muslims were not admitted as equal witnesses be
fore the kadi, or Muslim judge. Their testimony had full value only
among their peers. In general, however, Muslim law (the serijat)
applied only to Muslims; Jews and Christians were governed accord
ing to their own religious and civil laws, which controlled matters
of marriage, family, inheritance, and property. Except in criminal,
agrarian, and tax law, where jurisdiction remained in the hands of
the kadi, the various millets were autonomous, and legal questions
were decided by their own religious leaders or judges.11
The Jews, like all non-Muslims, had to pay special taxes, such
as the harac, or poll tax. This tax, levied on all males over the age of
nine, was divided into three property classes: high, middle, and low.
The millet was assessed as a whole and the total was divided among
the members by the communal executive. The tax for the poor was
paid out of the communal treasury.12 In theory the Jews were also
required to perform statutory labor on roads, bridges, and fortress
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
there were 2,618 Jews in Sarajevo; they were mainly Sephardim but
included a small group of Ashkenazim. In 1895, of the 4,058 Jews
who resided in the city, 3,159 were Sephardim and 899 Ashkenaz
im, and by 1910 there were 4,985 Sephardim and 1, 412 Ashkenaz
im living in Sarajevo, making a total Jewish population of 6,397. (See
table 2.)
During the interwar period, the number of Jews in Sarajevo re
mained fairly constant, 7,458, or 11 percent of the city’s population,
in the 1921 Yugoslav census and 7,615, or 10 percent of the total
population of 78,173, according to the 1931 census. (See table 3.)
Official estimates for 1939 report 8,114 members of the two Jewish
communities combined, 7,054 Sephardim and 1,060 Ashkenazim.17
This represents an increase of only 9 percent since 1921. Whatever
population increase took place in the interwar years may be attrib
uted strictly to natural growth, since Sarajevo received little or no
immigration during this period. In addition, Sarajevo experienced
considerable emigration to other parts of the country, in particular
to Belgrade and Zagreb. As a result, Sarajevo cannot be considered
a rapidly growing Jewish community on the eve of World War II.
From the earliest years of their settlement in Bosnia, most Jews en
gaged in commerce. Since Sarajevo was located on the east-west
overland trade route from the Balkan interior to the Adriatic coast,
during the centuries of Ottoman control, the Sarajevo Sephardim
maintained business contacts with their coreligionists in Istanbul,
Salonika, Skoplje, and Belgrade, on the one hand, and Dubrovnik,
Split, Trieste, Venice, and even Vienna on the other. They dealt in
textiles, colonial goods, and other such commodities. Some Jews were
involved in banking and moneylending, albeit probably on a fairly
small scale.19
Among the Sarajevo Jews, there also existed an established tra
dition of artisanry. Until the late nineteenth century, certain crafts lay
predominantly in the hands of one particular religious group: tan
ners, for example, were Muslim; furriers, Orthodox; forgers, Catho
lic; and tinsmiths, Jews; other trades were mixed.20 The artisans were
organized into guilds (called esnaf); each guild had a Muslim chief
master, but non-Muslims could also belong. Artisans of the same
faith usually had their own special guild section.21 Thus, there were
numerous Jewish tinsmiths, tailors, shoemakers, and so forth.
As a result of the Austrian occupation, important changes be
gan to take place in the economic field. Capitalism was introduced,
sounding the death knell for the guild economy of the old order.22
The new Ashkenazic arrivals had a distinct advantage over the
Sephardic natives because they came with a knowledge of German
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Only the word “Bjelave,” where the majority of the Jews in Sarajevo
live, is enough to give us, without further commentary, the sad pic
ture of the typical Jewish Sephardic poor, whom we meet in Skoplje,
Bitolj, Salonica, and other Sephardic centers. The poor of European
countries, who claim that the bitterest of circumstances are upon
them, would on the whole shudder at the conditions in which our
brethren live in these quarters. In their unhygienic homes, which in
most cases consist of one usually large, mouldy room, regardless of
the number of members of the household, we do not find the most
basic household necessities: not enough windows, chairs, or beds.
And happiness is seen on their faces on that day when they are en
sured bread and onions.30
only three Sephardim graduated, the first in 1889; in the two subse
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On June 28, 1914, when Gavrilo Princip fired the fatal shot at Arch
duke Franz Ferdinand, setting off World War I and placing the Bos
nian capital on the world map, the Sephardic community of Sarajevo
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was about to celebrate its three hundred fiftieth anniversary, and the
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2
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B E L G R A D E : T H E S E R B I A N C A P I TA L
While Serbia remained under Ottoman rule, the legal status of the
Jews living there closely resembled that of the Jews of Bosnia and
other parts of the empire. When the Habsburg armies captured Bel
grade, however, they brought with them new restrictions and hard
ships for the Jewish community. The first occupation of Belgrade
came to an end with the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699, leaving the Jew
ish quarter with most of its houses and public buildings destroyed.
Many of the wealthier Jews had fled to the interior of the Turkish
Empire for safety; those who remained could not afford to repair the
damages.12 When the Austrians returned in 1717, they found only
thirty-three Jewish families living in Belgrade. Two Jewish commu
nities existed, side by side, one Sephardic, composed of the older
settlers from Turkey, and the other Ashkenazic, made up mainly of
newcomers who came with the Austrians. The new administration
was harsher than the old and interfered more in the life of the indi
vidual Jews.
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and they were not sure whether to regard the Serbs as enemies or
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friends.
Miloc Obrenoviç “remained essentially a pasha, albeit a Serbian
one”18 During his period in office, from 1817 to 1839 and again from
1859 to 1860, the Jews of Belgrade enjoyed favorable circumstances.
As ruler, Prince Milos showed a liking and respect for a number of
Jews, whom he appointed to his personal service. Lazar Levenzon,
an Austrian Jew, was his tailor. Josif Slezinger, a Jew from Sombor
in southern Hungary, became conductor of the military guard band.
Indeed, Slezinger is referred to as the father of Serbian musical life
in the nineteenth century.19 The most interesting example of such
benevolence toward individual Jews, however, is the case of Hajim
Davico, who served as Milos’ state banker and financier for many
years.20
In 1839 Milos was forced to abdicate his office and go into exile
as a result of pressure from the seventeen-man senatorial body which
had been created under the Constitution of 1838 granted by the sul
tan. The same fate befell his successor, his son Michael, in 1842. The
Senate elected instead Alexander Karageorgeviç, son of the revolu
tionary leader. The weakness of the new ruler, who was completely
under the control of his senators, proved unfortunate for the Jews of
Serbia.
In Turkish times the towns had been the domains of Turks,
Greeks, and Jews, with the Serbian population living in the rural
areas. This picture began to change in the nineteenth century as the
Serbs joined the urban scene. The growing Serbian commercial class,
in particular the businessmen in the provincial towns near Belgrade,
carried on an active campaign against their Jewish competitors, who
had been living in the Serbian interior, mainly in Sabac, Smederevo,
and Pozarevac, almost as long as they had been in Belgrade. The
demands of the Serbian businessmen to help improve their economic
position vis-à-vis the Jews found support among the members of the
Senate. On October 30, 1846, a law was promulgated whereby Jews
were prohibited from engaging in commerce or owning real estate
in the interior. As a result many of the Jews in rural Serbia were com
pelled to liquidate their property and move to Belgrade or else leave
the country entirely.21
Both the Serbs and the Jews welcomed the return to office of
Milos in 1859. The seventy-eight-year-old patriarch abolished the
restrictions against the Jews with a government decree:
His Highness, wishing to make all the benefits of freedom equal for
all subjects of Serbia, regardless of nationality or faith, orders that
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
all former laws which are incompatible with the present decree be
considered abrogated. The authorities will ensure that every inhab
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itant of this land, whatever his faith or nationality, may not be pre
vented from living where he wants or from engaging in whatever
trade or profession he wishes.22
Among those able to pay taxes, by far the largest group, 919 taxpay
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ers, or 71 percent, were in the lowest category, paying less than 480
dinars each, while a relatively small group of wealthy at the top (104
households) paying more than 1, 800 dinars comprised only 8 per
cent of the tax-paying membership.43 Eight years later, by 1940, the
tax list expanded by about 33 percent to 2,009 taxpayers, whereas the
community as a whole grew only by about 25 percent during that
period. It cannot be determined how many Jews were excluded from
taxation in that year, and undoubtedly there were still a considera
ble number in that category. Nevertheless, in a comparison of dis
tribution figures by wealth for 1932 and 1940, despite the fact that
now 73 percent belonged to the lowest tax bracket, the conclusion
cannot be that the community was growing poorer. On the contrary,
more people were able to pay taxes, hence the lowest category ex
panded to include at least part of those formerly exempted. The
wealthier element in Belgrade Sephardic society seems to have re
mained fairly constant.
The Ashkenazim in Belgrade, by comparison, showed a some
what greater leaning toward the middle and upper tax brackets.
While 67 percent of the Ashkenazic households belonged to the lower
income category, it would appear from the high number of taxpay
ers relative to the total size of the community (1,085 heads of fami
lies out of 2– to 3,000 individuals) that few, if any, of the Belgrade
Ashkenazim were tax-exempt due to financial circumstances.44 The
Ashkenazim included fewer poor and slightly more well-to-do than
their Sephardic brethren.
Thus, Belgrade Jews, while by no means affluent as a group, were
by and large gainfully employed and economically upwardly mobile.
The Belgrade Sephardic community was fortunate not to have been
faced with a poverty problem comparable to that of its Sarajevo coun
terpart. It would seem that wealth was distributed somewhat more
equitably in the national capital than in the Bosnian center.
Until the end of the nineteenth century, Ladino constituted the dom
inant language of the Sephardic community in Belgrade. Almost the
entire literary output of the community was published in Ladino,
although some works also appeared in Hebrew. In 1837 a Jewish
press was established in Belgrade, the only one in the Balkans out
side Salonika and Istanbul. Among its first publications were some
of the writings of Jehuda Haj Alkalaj, the rabbi in nearby Zemun,
who was one of the forerunners of modern Zionism. This press also
issued the translations and educational texts written in Ladino by
Mosa David Alkalaj, a native of Belgrade and for many years rabbi
in the Sephardic community of Vienna.53 The chief rabbi of the
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
fense of their country in the Balkan wars, and they continued to dis
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play their patriotism both on the battlefield and on the home front
throughout World War I.60
The Jews of the capital, especially the Sephardim, were accept
ed as part of the local scene and generally enjoyed a friendly rela
tionship with their Serbian neighbors. They spoke Serbian, as well
as Ladino, sent their children to Serbian schools, and participated
actively in public life.
In the twentieth century the overall population of Belgrade grew
rapidly, and so too did its Jewish component. Much of this increase
must be attributed to immigration rather than to a particularly high
birth rate. Because of its economic opportunities, the national capi
tal was an expanding metropolis that naturally attracted Jews as well
as many others from the surrounding areas.
While as a group these Jews can by no means be considered
affluent and some poverty did exist among them, for the most part,
they were comfortably situated. The Ashkenazic newcomers tend
ed to be economically somewhat better off than the Sephardic “na
tives” but the discrepancy between them was not very great.
The Sephardim and the Ashkenazim continued to maintain sep
arate communal institutions, but relations between them gradually
improved with the passage of time.
Belgrade and Sarajevo constituted the two largest and most
important Sephardic centers in the South Slav lands. The third ma
jor Jewish community and the Ashkenazic stronghold was to be
found in Zagreb.
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3
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Z A G R E B : C R O AT I A N C I TA D E L
The Jews did not actually enter the Zagreb scene until the end of the
eighteenth century. Perhaps a few individuals did live there some
three hundred years previously, but it seems most unlikely that a
permanent community existed at that time.3 After the Habsburg
succession to the Hungarian throne in 1526, the Jews were expelled
from Croatia. In 1729 the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) again forbade
Jews to reside in this region. After 1750 Jews were permitted to re
main in the territory for three days for trade purposes and to attend
the annual fair, but as late as 1783 they were still not officially al
lowed to settle in Zagreb.4 These regulations relaxed somewhat as a
result of the Edict of Toleration of Joseph II and the subsequent leg
islation of Leopold I.
Jews first received permission to live in Zagreb in the 1780s. At
that time the town, which was one of the largest in the area, had a
population of less than 5,000.5 To settle there each household had to
obtain the right of residency from either the magistrate of Gradec or
the bishop of Kaptol and then pay a special annual “toleration tax”
In 1806 approximately twenty families in both parts of town formally
established a joint Jewish community.6
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The Jews who came to Zagreb were all Ashkenazim from vari
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this article which accompanied the text, this was not exactly the case.
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Street community, named after the main street in the clerical town.
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Each religious community has its own separate district within the
borders of the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia.
Only one religious community may exist in the same district.
Every Israelite belongs to that religious community in the dis
trict in which he has a permanent residence.27
Thus, the Orthodox, no longer able to run their own affairs in
dependently, now formed the Association of Old Believer Members
of the Israelite Religious Community but continued to maintain their
own institutions within the framework of the larger community,
paying taxes to the central body and receiving sizable subventions
from it.31 So the situation remained until the interwar period.
Both in terms of numbers and power, the Neologues continued
to dominate the Zagreb scene. The Orthodox never constituted a
very large percentage of the local Jewish population. In 1925 the for
tynine families belonging to the Association of Old Believers com
prised less than 2 percent of the communal taxpayers. By that same
year a small Sephardic settlement of about ninety-five families had
sprung up in Zagreb.32 Nevertheless, the Jewish component in the
Croatian capital remained overwhelmingly Ashkenazic and Neo
logue.
el as well.
4
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B E T W E E N T W O W O R L D WA R S
ties prohibited Sarajevo Jews from keeping their shops open on Sun
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1,000 in 1931) but an even higher birth rate (33.6 per 1,000); hence a
large natural increase was ensured. The Jews, however, had a rela
tively low death rate (12.9 per 1,000 in 1931) but an even lower birth
rate (12.3 per 1000), especially during the 1930s. As a result, their
natural increase came to almost a complete standstill. Social factors
obviously contributed to this biodemographic phenomenon: the pre
dominantly middle class urban Jews simply had much smaller fam
ilies than their agricultural and rural fellow Yugoslavs; as against the
3.6 children per family among the latter, the Jews produced only 1.6.22
In Yugoslavia the rate of population growth varied considera
bly from region to region. In the former Turkish areas, inhabited
mainly by Orthodox and Muslims, the growth rate was much high
er than in the former Habsburg districts.23 Similarly, the Sephardim
of Bosnia, Macedonia, and Serbia multiplied faster than the Ashkena
zim of Croatia and the Vojvodina.24 In Zagreb the Jewish communi
ty showed a moderate rate of natural growth prior to World War I
with births considerably exceeding deaths. Thereafter, there was a
general decline in number of births and a steady increase in annual
deaths. Throughout the interwar period, the Zagreb Ashkenazic com
munity witnessed a negative rate of natural growth, culminating in
the 1930s with a constantly rising annual rate of deaths over births.
This trend may be seen as typical among the Ashkenazim north of
the Danube-Sava line. By contrast, in Sarajevo the annual birth rate
always remained substantially above the annual death rate, although
the former was declining rapidly, especially during the thirties. (See
table 8.) A similar pattern was to be found among the Belgrade
Sephardic population. The smaller Ashkenazic communities in Sara
jevo and Belgrade also maintained a slight increase in births over
deaths during these years.25 In general, the economically weaker
Sephardic communities produced a high natality rate, and the eco
nomically stronger Ashkenazic communities manifested a much low
er one.
An annual excess of deaths over births in the thirties was not a
situation unique to the Jews of Yugoslavia; it occurred among Jews
elsewhere in Europe, especially in Germany but also in the countries
bordering on Yugoslavia to the north and the west, Austria, Hunga
ry, and Italy.26 Such a natural decrease was undoubtedly intensified
by the economic and political circumstances of the depression and
the rise of nazism.
The changing population pattern within Jewish communities in
Yugoslavia obviously did not depend solely on the rate of natural
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
growth. Other factors also played a role. In spite of the relatively high
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fertility of the Sarajevo Jews, the size of the community did not ex
pand very greatly during the interwar period. According to the 1921
census, there were 7,458 Jews living in Sarajevo; officiai estimates for
1939 report a total of 8,114 members of the combined Sephardic and
Ashkenazic communities. This amounts to only a 9 percent increase,
even less than the national Jewish average. This slow growth may
be attributed to a considerable emigration from Sarajevo to other
parts of the country, mainly Belgrade and Zagreb. By contrast, Za
greb, despite its very high mortality ratio, increased its Jewish pop
ulation by 58 percent during the interim, growing from 5,970 to 9,467.
Belgrade displayed an even greater population leap, more than dou
bling its 4,844 Jews in 1920 to 10, 388 in 1939.27 Such expansion was
clearly not due to natural increase but rather to economic factors that
led to the rapid growth of the country’s two largest cities through
general migrations from the provinces. This is but another illustra
tion of the Jewish trend toward metropolitan centers in the twenti
eth century.
The urban nature of the Jewish community, as opposed to the
general rural character of the country in which they lived, made the
occupational stratification of Yugoslav Jewry totally different from
that of the Yugoslav population as a whole. According to the 1931
census figures, 76 percent of the active Yugoslav working population
were engaged in agriculture, forestry, and fishing; by contrast, only
111 Jews, or. 6 percent of the Jewish working force, fell into this cat
egory. (See table 9). Even in large urban centers, the Jews did not
parallel their fellow-city dwellers in occupational distribution. Pro
portionally more were engaged in commerce and credit and fewer
in industry and crafts, more in the free professions and fewer in
public service.28 Much the same pattern could be found among Jews
in Rumania, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. Yugoslav Jews, howev
er, seem to have demonstrated an even higher concentration in com
mercial fields as opposed to trades and industry than manifested by
those Jews of neighboring lands.29
Within Yugoslav Jewry itself, considerable regional diversity in
occupational distribution appears to have taken place. (See table 10.)
In the former Habsburg territories to the north, and especially in
those localities where few Jews lived, the proportion of Jews in com
merce and the free professions, and often in white-collar employment
as well, proved somewhat higher than in the south. But in the areas
previously under Ottoman control, particularly Bosnia and Macedo
nia, the percentage of artisans was generally greater.
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to have been mixed among the lower, middle, and wealthier strata,
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with the concentration at the bottom rather than the middle or top.
This state of affairs may be ascribed somewhat to geographic caus
es, but obviously social, cultural, and educational factors contribut
ed as well.
During the nineteenth century the Jews living in the various South
Slav lands were often familiar with the local language, but it is ex
tremely unlikely that they ever used it regularly among themselves.
The Sephardim spoke Ladino almost exclusively; the Ashkenazim
communicated in Hungarian, German, and sometimes Yiddish. As
long as the territories in which they lived belonged to Austria-Hun-
gary and as long as the towns were predominantly under foreign
influence, there was no real necessity for the Ashkenazim to ac
quire an extensive knowledge of any Slavic tongue. As long as the
Sephardim lived in their own quarter and sent their children only
to Jewish schools, they too were not required to speak a common
language with their fellow burghers, except for commercial pur
poses.
But this situation was not to last. With growing slavization of
the towns and burgeoning native nationalism, Jews became increas
ingly prone to adopt the speech of their neighbors in public, if not
in private life. Also, by the twentieth century Jewish schools were on
the decline; more and more Jewish parents were sending their chil
dren to public schools. Political and economic pressures on the out
side, as well as developing secularism from within, led to the grad
ual linguistic acculturation of South Slav Jews to their environment.
The recently arrived Ashkenazim in Zagreb seemed to acclima
tize themselves linguistically to their new surroundings at a more
rapid rate than their Sephardic brethren in Belgrade or Sarajevo, who
had been “natives” of the region for several centuries. (See tables 4,
5, and 6.) Indeed, according to the 1931 census, almost three-quar-
ters (74 percent) of the Zagreb Ashkenazim considered Serbo-
Croatian to be their mother tongue, whereas only about two-thirds
(64 percent) of the Belgrade Sephardim and less than half (41 per
cent) of the Sarajevo Sephardim so determined.32 In all probability,
however, the extent of this phenomenon is more apparent than real.
Census results often reflect a bias in favor of the dominant national
ity and represent various other political and psychological factors
quite unrelated to linguistic accuracy.33 Undoubtedly, bilingualism,
or often even trilingualism, was the rule rather than the exception
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Before World War I nearly all Jewish students from South Slav
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lands received their degrees abroad, the majority from the Univer
sity of Vienna. After 1918 a considerable number still attended uni
versities outside the country, mainly in Vienna and Berlin in the
twenties, but during the thirties more and more went to Prague and
Paris. Exact figures are not available for the country as a whole or
for Belgrade and Zagreb, but lists compiled by the regional govern
ment of the Drina province (formerly part of Bosnia) provide infor
mation concerning Jewish students from Sarajevo studying abroad
in the early thirties. Of the 73 Sarajevo students studying abroad in
1930/31, there were 15 Jews: 14 Sephardic and 1 Ashkenazic, includ
ing 1 woman. Of these, 5 were studying in Vienna, 2 in Berlin, 4 in
Prague, 1 in Brno, 1 elsewhere in Germany, and 2 in France. Half
were enrolled at higher technical schools; the remainder in commerce
or at the university. The following year, 1931/32, out of a total of 58,
there were 16 Jews: 12 Sephardim and 4 Ashkenazim. Of these, 11
were in Prague, 3 in Vienna, and 2 in France; 9 were in technical
fields, 2 in music, 1 in commerce, and the other 4 unspecified.35
During the interwar period, however, there was a growing trend
toward remaining in Yugoslavia for higher education rather than
traveling farther afield.
Jewish students made up 4.5 percent of the Yugoslav universi
ty population in 1928/29. This corresponded to approximately nine
times their percentage of the general population. In the fields of law,
medicine, and business, they were particularly strongly represent
ed. (See table 13.) The proportion of Jewish students rose to 5 per
cent in 1933/34, with 767 as a record enrollment, then it declined to
3 percent by 1938/39. By relative standards this remained a very high
level of advanced education.
Belgrade, Zagreb, and Ljubljana were the major university cent
ers in interwar Yugoslavia. Skoplje and Subotica both had branches
of the University of Belgrade, the former in philosophy and the lat
ter in law, but Sarajevo had no school of higher learning at all. In 1928
there were 405 Jewish students (71 percent) attending the Universi
ty of Zagreb and 132 (23 percent), the University of Belgrade. By 1938
the two institutions were more evenly balanced: 263 (49 percent)
were enrolled at Zagreb and 254 (47 percent) at Belgrade. Zagreb
drew its Jewish students from Bosnia and the Vojvodina as well as
Croatia. Belgrade received most of its students from the immediate
vicinity in the earlier years but from a larger radius later on. In 1928
Jews made up 9 percent of the student body in Zagreb and. 2 per
cent in Belgrade; ten years later, they amounted to only 4 percent in
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
were found studying in Subotica and Skoplje. Very few native Jews
ever studied at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia, although
some Jewish foreign students did enroll in the medical faculty there
after their attendance was restricted in Hungary and later Poland.37
The Jews avoided Ljubljana, a very clerical Catholic town with al
most no Jewish inhabitants, in large part due to its intolerant attitude
toward them. Perhaps they were increasingly attracted to Belgrade
because the atmosphere proved more sympathetic than Zagreb dur
ing the late thirties.
The fields in which Jewish students chose to specialize at Yugo
slav universities throughout the interwar period showed a definite
pattern away from law and philosophy, which formerly ranked first
and second in popularity, toward medicine and engineering and
other applied sciences. In 1928/29 of the Jewish students enrolled in
the universities 38 percent were studying law, 25 percent philosophy,
16 percent medicine, and 10 percent engineering (technology), with
5 percent in business, and a mere 1 percent (8 students) in agricul
ture, 1 percent (9) in veterinary medicine, and the remaining few in
music and teaching. Ten years later 17 percent were studying law,
15 percent philosophy, 26 percent medicine, and 27 percent engineer
ing. By this time 4 percent (21) were studying agriculture, 3 percent
(19) veterinary medicine, and 6 percent business administration.38
Evidently, the depression, along with other factors such as the crowd
ing of certain professions, exerted pressure on Jewish students to
alter their course of study along more practical lines.
As might be expected, fewer Jewish women than men received
a higher education in interwar Yugoslavia. In 1938/39 the numbers
of Jewish boys and girls attending primary school and lower gym
nasium in Yugoslavia were roughly equal, but girls made up only a
third of the Jewish pupils at the higher gymnasium level (305 out of
919), although some 250 girls did attend other secondary schools,
including trade academies and normal schools.39 This would indi
cate that not as many girls were prepared to enter university, and in
fact, not nearly as many did so. In 1923 only 14 percent (62 out of
436) of the Jewish student body at Yugoslav universities was com
posed of women; this percentage was slightly lower than the gener
al female proportion of university students in that year, which
amounted to 17 percent (1, 874 out of 11, 223). More and more Jew
ish women began attending university during the twenties, and by
1928 the number had doubled to 130, or 23 percent of the Jewish stu
dents, as compared to the overall 20 percent women within the uni
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
versity student body at that time. The number rose as high as 175 in
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1933 but fell back to 131 by 1938. This, however, represented 24 per
cent of the Jews attending universities, since the total number had
declined from 767 to 534 between those years.
The same trends in choice of fields could be seen among uni
versity women as among men—away from law and philosophy
and toward medicine and engineering. In 1928 there were 38 wom
en students studying law, 53 philosophy, 23 medicine and 2 engi
neering. Ten years later the picture had changed: there were only
19 women law students and 48 in philosophy, but 33 in medicine
and 18 in engineering. With over a third of the Jewish women still
in liberal arts and a sharp drop in the overall Jewish average, wom
en now made up 60 percent of the Jews enrolled in philosophy.40
Otherwise the women, like the men, responded to the practical
demands of the hour; as their number in higher education in
creased from barely one-sixth to almost one-quarter, so did their
practicality.
According to the calculations of Arthur Ruppin, the Zionist so
ciologist, among world Jewry the proportion of students was 15 per
1,000 in 1939.41 Yugoslav Jewry probably fell slightly short of this
mark. In the last interwar census, 1931, there were 677 Jewish stu
dents studying in Yugoslavia itself and an indefinite number abroad
out of a total of 68,405 Jews; something over 10 per 1,000 in all. But
the overall Yugoslav population was 13,934,038 in that year and the
local university population 12,534, with some studying abroad. Thus
the Yugoslav average on the whole was about 1 per 1,000.42 By com
parison with its milieu, Yugoslav Jewry’s educational achievements
were indeed impressive.
PA RT T W O
5
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LOCAL STRUCTURE
On December 14, 1929, King Alexander signed the Law on the Reli
gious Community of Jews in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.1 This leg
islation, modeled on the Croatian Law on the Organization of the
Israelite Religious Community of 1906, was the first uniform regu
lation of Jewish communal activities for all of Yugoslavia. In the proc
ess of drafting the new law a controversy arose within Jewish circles
as to the desirability of maintaining separate communities for differ
ent religious groups in the same district. A variety of possible alter
natives presented themselves: (1) to continue to recognize all three
rites, the Sephardic, the Ashkenazic, and the Orthodox; (2) to create
one Jewish community in each district with different sections; (3) to
acknowledge the status quo, but create no new Jewish communities
where one already existed, or (4) any combination of the above.2
The first draft proposed by the Federation of Jewish Religious
Communities in 1926 recognized all three rites. Two years later, how
ever, the second version sanctioned only the Sephardic and the
Ashkenazic branches with the decision between Orthodox and Ne
ologue in any community to be decided by the majority. This attempt
to dislodge the Orthodox met with strong opposition from the Un
ion of Orthodox Jewish Religious Communities.3 The final edition
marked the success of the Orthodox in maintaining their distinct
identity. The existence of separate Orthodox and Neologue commu
nities and communal associations received endorsement, whereas
only the status quo situation for the Ashkenazic and Sephardic com
munities was acknowledged. Thus, twenty Jews could form a new
Orthodox or Neologue community where one did not already exist,
but a Sephardic (Neologue) group could no longer break away from
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Local Structure 73
communal life grew up outside its walls as well. Indeed, the role of
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Local Structure 75
the tax qualification was removed. This meant, in effect, the enfran
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munal affairs.21 On the whole, however, it was the laymen rather than
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Local Structure 77
lawyer, was elected and held office for thirty-five years until his
death in 1933; in Belgrade, Dr. Friedrich Pops (1874–1948), also a
lawyer, succeeded his father, a doctor, in 1910 and remained head of
his community until it ceased to exist in 1941. The stability of the top
leadership in these three communities perhaps was the result of the
majority of the membership being completely satisfied with their
administration throughout its years in office; but more probably they
were somewhat indifferent to it.
No significant change took place within the top echelons of the
Belgrade and Sarajevo Ashkenazic communities in the first half of
the twentieth century. In Belgrade Dr. Pops was an active Zionist and
very eminent Jewish leader on the national scale, who became pres
ident of the Federation of Jewish Religious Communities in 1933. His
vice-presidents throughout most of his term of office were nonZion
ists, like Bernard Robicek, one of the highest ranking Jewish civil
servants as director of the tax division of the Ministry of Finance, who
held communal office for some thirty-five years, and Geca Kon, a
publisher and philanthropist, who paid the highest taxes of any
member of the community. In 1940 a member of the new guard, Dr.
Albert Vajs, who was a lawyer and a Zionist, joined the executive as
third vice-president.25 In Sarajevo Dr. Rothkopf belonged to the in
tegrationist camp all his life; however, his vice-presidents, especial
ly in his later years in office, were generally Zionists, for example,
Oskar Grof, an engineer, and Iso Herman. It is evident that these men
were not elected on any specific program, but as individuals. Their
differences in ideology no doubt reflected to a great extent the diverse
attitudes of their constituents, who belonged to neither school exclu
sively. Until near the end of the era, there were no real crises within
either of these communities and hence no need or desire for radical
change.
By way of contrast, the Zagreb community did undergo a sort
of ideological conversion. In the 1920 communal elections, the vot
ers expressed their dissatisfaction with their old leaders by turning
them out of office. The shift from Robert Siebenschein to Hugo Kon
represented a critical turning point in the history of Zagreb Jewry.
The victory of a Zionist over an integrationist ushered in the era of
Zionist predominance in Zagreb Jewish affairs. The Zionists ran on
a specific electoral platform, such as their six-point program of 1930:
literary activities;
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The Kon administration faced some opposition over the years, at first
from the anti-Zionist Narodni Rad (National Action) forces and lat
er from a non-Zionist group around Otto Heinrich, a wealthy bank
er. In their efforts to maintain Jewish unity they joined coalition lists
with the non-Zionists in the thirties so that their victory would be
assured but other viewpoints could be represented in the adminis
tration as well. Zagreb was the main Zionist center for Yugoslavia,
but all its inhabitants were by no means pro-Zionist. The Zionists
maintained control over the communal institutions with the help of
the moderate non-Zionists, while the extreme integrationists and
anti-Zionists played a very small role in communal life.
In the Sephardic communities of Sarajevo and Belgrade, as in
their Ashkenazic counterparts, Zionist affiliation did not constitute
a major criterion in communal elections. In fact, of the four presidents
of the Sarajevo Sephardic community from 1922 to 1941—Isidor
Sumbul, an engineer; Avram Majer Altarac, a wealthy businessman;
Mordehaj R. Atijas; and Dr. Samuel Pinto, a lawyer—not one was an
active Zionist during the interwar period. There were almost no
prominent Zionists on the Sarajevo board (except for Mihael Levi for
a brief period beginning in 1933), but several staunch Sephardic
movement supporters, such as Dr. Braco Poljokan and Dr. Vita Ka-
jon (1888–1941), served in the thirties. In Belgrade the communal
presidents in the twenties, Rafailo Finci (1870–1936) and Dr. Solomon
Alkalaj (1878–1929), tended toward the Sephardic movement, but the
last two presidents, Dr. Bukiç Pijade (1879–1943) and Dr. David Al
bala (1886–1942), were both Zionist oriented. In between came the
Serbs of the Mosaic faith, Semaja Demajo (1877–1932) and Dr. Jakov
Celebonoviç. More Zionists were represented on the Belgrade board
than in Sarajevo, but none of them was elected on a specifically Zi
onist platform.
A definite line of continuity in the composition of the Belgrade
leadership can be traced through the twenties and most of the thir
ties with the exception of the three-year span between 1932 and 1935.
In the 1932 elections an upset occurred when Dr. Jakov Celebonoviç,
an affluent lawyer of the older generation, defeated Dr. Bukiç Pijade,
the incumbent. Celebonoviç ran on the non-Zionist slogan of “patri
otism, brotherhood and faith” and claimed that “a Jew can be a good
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Local Structure 79
ed, fourteen (56 percent) belonged to the upper tax bracket, nine (36
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Local Structure 81
The annual budget, which the executive proposed and the commu
nal council approved, determined the course of communal affairs for
the coming year. The expenses of the Jewish community were exten
sive and varied. The budget had to cover maintenance of the syna
gogues, schools, and other communal institutions, the costs of the
rabbinate and beth din (Jewish court), if it existed, the salaries of all
functionaries and employees, administrative expenses, as well as
contributions, subventions, and charitable donations to many local
and national Jewish causes.37 In addition, some communities had
special expenses and outstanding debts arising out of the construc
tion of a new synagogue, as in Sarajevo, or a Jewish communal center,
as in Belgrade and Zagreb.
The Zagreb community, being the largest in size, also generally
revealed the highest budgetary allowance, which ranged from about
two to two and a half million dinars (between $35,720 and $44,640)
annually during the late twenties and the thirties. While the total
amount allocated for administrative costs remained fairly constant,
the percentage distribution of allotments tended to shift gradually
away from the religious sphere toward education and especially the
social fields. In 1926 over half the budget went for religious purpos
es, whereas eleven years later less than a third was devoted to those
ends, and much of the rest went to support the German refugees and
related projects.38 The budget of the Belgrade Sephardic communi
ty rose from about one million dinars in 1924 to two and a half mil
lion five years later and then fell to two million by 1940.39 The Sara
jevo Sephardic community followed a similar pattern, increasing
from one million dinars in 1925 to one and a half in 1930 and then
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Local Structure 83
ent elite, while easing the lot of the poorer classes. A heated contro
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versy raged for several years, since the state at first refused to ap
prove a tax rate of more than 30 percent of the state income tax, al
though of 1,073 taxpayers, only 158 would have been affected by this
measure. Even after the new plan was introduced, the community
could still not meet all its current expenses due to its heavy debt
payments.44 In 1940 the communal tax was raised another 5 percent
within the 60 percent limit in order to contribute more money to the
refugee fund.45 Similarly, a 50 percent surcharge was added to the
Belgrade Ashkenazic and Sephardic communal tax assessment in
1940 to support the efforts of the Federation of Jewish Religious
Communities on behalf of the refugees.46
Despite the difficulties that the communities faced in attempt
ing to balance their accounts and despite the opposition that they
sometimes encountered in collecting or raising taxes, the record
shows positive results in the expansion of communal activities and
increased concern for the growing needs of modern Jewish society.
Annually the Jewish community of Zagreb made sizable contribu
tions to charity, the Jewish home for the aged, scholarships and sup
port for Jewish academic associations, Hebrew education, women’s
organizations, sports and summer camps and cultural programs, as
well as the Jewish National Fund and Keren Hayesod (Palestine
Foundation Fund).47 The communities in Belgrade and Sarajevo did
the same but on a more modest scale. The Yugoslav Jewish commu
nities did much more than merely take care of local necessities. They
offered their staunch support in trying to solve world Jewish prob
lems, participating actively in appeals for Palestine as well as the
refugee cause.
The three largest cities could boast of some of the finest rabbis
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in the land and even managed to recruit several of their own natives
for the position. The two leading Sephardic rabbis were Dr. Isaac
Alcalay and Dr. Moric Levi [Moritz Levy]. Rabbi Alcalay (1881– 1978)
was born in Sofia, but grew up in Belgrade from an early age. He
received a scholarship from the Belgrade Sephardic community to
study at the university and the rabbinical seminary in Vienna. Upon
his return he became the communal rabbi and shortly before World
War I erupted, he was appointed chief rabbi of Serbia. In 1923 he
accepted the post of the first chief rabbi of the Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats, and Slovenes, an office which he filled until World War II.50
His contemporary, Rabbi Levi (1879–1942), a native of Sarajevo, also
completed his higher education in Vienna, where he wrote a doctoral
dissertation entitled “Die Sephardim in Bosnien.”51 After serving as
rabbi in Sarajevo for ten years, Moric Levi was unanimously elect
ed head rabbi of the Sephardic community in 1917, and he functioned
in that capacity throughout the interwar period.52 Rabbi Levi also
directed the Jewish Middle Theological Seminary, which was found
ed in Sarajevo in 1928 to train religious officials and teachers. As
university-educated rabbis, Alcalay and Levi represented a new
generation of Sephardic intellectuals in their respective communities.
They lectured to their congregations in both Ladino and Serbo-
Croatian. Rabbi Levi was a leading activist in the Yugoslav Zionist
movement; Chief Rabbi Alcalay was a Zionist sympathizer but also
an ardent Yugoslav patriot and monarchist. Both men enjoyed the
love and respect of their communities as well as considerable pres
tige in Yugoslav Jewish life.
The dean of the Ashkenazic rabbis in the South Slav lands until
his death in 1925 was Dr. Hosea Jacobi, the head rabbi of Zagreb.
Born in Prussia in 1841, Rabbi Jacobi received his doctorate from
Halle with a thesis on “Die Stellung des Weibs in Judentum.” He
came to Zagreb in 1867 and subsequently played a very prominent
role in the development of nearly all aspects of Zagreb Jewish life.
In his youth he was considered a liberal, but in his old age he became
rather conservative in outlook.53 His successor, Dr. Gavro Schwarz,
was born in Hungary in 1872, raised in Slavonia, and educated in
Budapest and Vienna. Rabbi Schwarz spent most of his career as a
religion teacher in Zagreb high schools. He was elected communal
rabbi in 1923 and head rabbi five years later. Schwarz was a prolific
writer all his life. In 1902 he edited a Hebrew prayerbook with the
first Croatian translation, and he later published textbooks for use
in religious instruction for Jewish students in public schools.54 In
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Local Structure 85
Local Structure 87
Jewish spirit and Jewish feeling are weakening in our homes and
families from day to day. We must stem this evil tide; we must
strengthen Jewish consciousness by all possible means, and we shall
achieve this by erecting a synagogue which will be in keeping with
the spirit of our times. The new Sephardic temple will be modern and
attractive, and it will be that [force] which will firmly bind us one
to another. In it we shall not only cultivate our religious feeling, but
also elevate our cultural level.66
Local Structure 89
In addition, there was a daily chapel with room for 190 men (and 20
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women) and a special hall for weddings.67 Again, it was the young
er generation who objected to the idea of the new synagogue, feel
ing that such lavish expenditure was not warranted at that time.
Indeed, although the Sephardic community was immensely proud
of their elegant temple, they never managed to pay off the debt in
curred in building it.
After the new synagogue was inaugurated, the communal lead
ers attempted to close all the other Sephardic synagogues in town,
especially the popular Bet Tefila in Bjelave, since theoretically the
new temple should have been large enough to accommodate the
entire community, at least for regular services. This proposal failed,
however, since the old-timers in Bjelave preferred to pray among
their own circle, close to home.68 Thus, the old and the new prayer-
houses continued to function side by side in Sarajevo.
The Ashkenazic communities in Sarajevo and Belgrade each had
their own ample-sized and tastefully decorated synagogue. The Sara
jevo synagogue, also built in Moorish style, was located on the op
posite bank of the Miljacka from the Sephardic houses of worship;
it opened its doors in 1902. Its Belgrade counterpart, finished in 1925,
was situated on Kosmajska Street, not far from the main business
section.69
In Zagreb, as in Belgrade and Sarajevo, the AshkenazicNeologue
community had one large synagogue, which was located in the Low
er Town. This building was repaired and enlarged several times, but
still only had a seating capacity of about three hundred in the thir
ties. This figure seems amazingly low, considering that it served a
community of some ten thousand Jews, but perhaps this fact is in
dicative of the nonobservant nature of this Jewish society. When the
temple was constructed in 1867, an organ was included in the orig
inal architecture. This was the feature which helped perpetuate the
rift between Neologue and Orthodox in Zagreb. Even more radical
reforms were later introduced.
Shortly after World War I, an article appeared in the Zagreb
Jewish press condemning recent changes in the main local syna
gogue as “sinful.” The author described the contemporary situation
as follows:
bored. Tefila [the standing prayer] was not repeated, but the cantor
also read silently—or didn’t read, who would know? And then most
important: the reading of the Torah [Bible] was cut in half. . .70
Several years later, another critic attacked the mixed Jewish and non-
Jewish choir and the recent innovation of confirmation for girls.71
Clearly, this brand of Judaism was much too left-wing for the Ortho
dox, or even the Sephardim, to tolerate.
In 1925 a small group of Orthodox again seceded from the larg
er community and received permission from the Yugoslav govern
ment to function as a separate entity. The Association of Old Believ
er Members of the Israelite Religious Community continued to exist
within the framework of the established Zagreb Jewish community,
however, and a considerable number of Orthodox remained affiliated
with this body; only a minority broke away to form their own com-
munity.72 The ultra-Orthodox element refused to share any kind of
religious facilities with the Neologues and the two factions associ
ated with one another as little as possible. At the same time that the
Orthodox left the larger group, the recently arrived Zagreb
Sephardim also decided to part ways with the parent community.
Although both the Orthodox and the Sephardim had received rath
er generous treatment at the hands of the Ashkenazic-Neologue com
munity over the years, the two branches evidently felt that the role
of poor but independent equals better suited their interests than that
of pampered stepchildren.73
The small Orthodox community could not afford to build a
proper synagogue of their own, so they continued to hold daily serv
ices in rented rooms and halls. In 1930 they petitioned the city of
Zagreb for a donation of land in the center of town for the purpose
of erecting a permanent shul, but their wishes were never fulfilled.74
The Sephardim, too, had the problem of lack of funds for their own
building and they adopted a similar solution, renting quarters which
were suitable for their needs.75
A synagogue was not the only prerequisite for a Jewish commu
nity. In fact, a community might operate indefinitely without a per
manent house of prayer, but it could not exist long without its own
cemetery. When a group of Jews combined forces to form their own
community, one of their first tasks was to purchase a plot of land to
serve as a Jewish cemetery. Often the earliest communal body organ
ized turned out to be the Hevra Kaddisha.
Sarajevo and Belgrade both had Sephardic cemeteries dating
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Local Structure 91
ly founded. The Sarajevo cemetery exists to this day, with its char
acteristic low, rounded tombstones, engraved in faded Hebrew
script, whereas the old Belgrade cemetery was leveled and some of
its remains transferred to the new Jewish cemetery in 1928 in order
to make way for a city development project and park.76 The Ashkena
zic communities in Sarajevo and Belgrade had their own cemeteries,
separate from those of their Sephardic brethren.
By 1811, barely five years after they organized as a community,
the twenty Jewish families in Zagreb bought land for a cemetery,
which was used until the 1860s, when new burial grounds were
purchased. The early Orthodox community had their own cemetery,
but later they evidently joined their non-Orthodox coreligionists.77
This arrangement did not satisfy the twentieth-century Orthodox,
who insisted on burying their dead in the nearest Orthodox ceme
tery, which was in Ilok, some distance away. In 1933, with the sup
port of the Orthodox Union, they appealed to the municipal author
ities for permission to acquire a piece of land for their own cemetery
in Zagreb.78 Hence, each of the Jewish communities in Belgrade,
Sarajevo, and Zagreb, except for the Zagreb Sephardim, owned and
administered their own burial grounds, which were often adjacent
to the main local cemetery.
Similarly, all seven communities had separate burial societies.79
The activities of the Hevra Kaddisha were not strictly limited to ac
tual burial services, but as spelled out by the statutes of the Zagreb
Hevra Kaddisha of 1924, its tasks included:
Membership in this society was open to all who paid annual dues.
In some cases payment of such fees was compulsory for all commu
nal members, but ordinarily it was a voluntary matter.81 Historical
ly, the Hevra Kaddisha had often been a rather elite society of the
more important communal leaders, and had served as a powerful
charitable organization in addition to fulfilling its burial functions.
By the twentieth century, however, some of this prestige had been
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lost, and its nonburial activities were shared with other organizations
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Local Structure 93
taught with the aid of a stick. Girls rarely received any formal edu
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cation at all.83
In Belgrade the community erected a new school building on
Solunska Street in the heart of Dorçol in 1847; several decades later
Jewish children began attending on a part-time basis the public
school in the area.84 In 1894 Serbian was introduced into the curric
ulum of the Jewish school in Sarajevo so that Jewish children could
study secular subjects within their own educational framework. This
school on Suljemanska Street in the Carsija district could boast in
1903 of airy, new quarters, which housed three classes totalling some
247 pupils. The community could not afford to run this school on its
own, however, and in 1910 they gave the building to the city as a
public school. Most of the pupils and the teachers there continued
to be Jewish.85
The Zagreb Jewish community proved much more successful in
its educational enterprises. The Jewish elementary school lasted from
1841 until World War II. The majority of Zagreb Jewish children of
both sexes attended this four-year day school, which taught secular
as well as religious subjects. The community maintained the school
entirely out of its own resources, and both the older liberals and the
younger Zionists gave it their support. As pointed out in a 1921 ed
itorial in Zidov,
among the extreme integrationists, and in the fall of 1922 their Nar
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Local Structure 95
6
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N AT I O N A L I N S T I T U T I O N S
The unification of the South Slav lands after World War I brought
together within one political unit the extremely diverse Jewish inhab
itants of this region. For the first time the deep-rooted, traditional
Sephardic communities of Serbia, Bosnia, and Macedonia came into
direct contact with the large and fairly recent integrationist-orient-
ed Ashkenazic communities of Croatia and the Vojvodina. Patriotic
Serbian citizens confronted staunch Magyar nationalists, as Serbo-
Croatian became the vehicle of communication between native
speakers of Ladino and Hungarian. At the outset Jewish life was frag
mented into a large number of independent, self-governing commu
nities, both big and small, with no official ties between them. This
newly created Yugoslav Jewry lacked organization and structure and
possessed neither a recognized spokesman nor a representative body.
After the hardships of the long war years the state of existing Jew
ish institutions approached chaos and degeneration, and strong
measures were urgently needed to unify Yugoslav Jewry and revive
Jewish spirit among them.
The idea of a communal federation among South Slav Jews was
by no means a new one; it had appeared on the scene considerably
before the outbreak of World War I. In 1897 Dr. Hugo Spitzer (1858–
1934), president of the Osijek Jewish community in Slavonia, pro
posed the formation of a central organization for all the communi
ties of Croatia-Slavonia. This suggestion met with opposition from
the Zagreb community, which wanted complete control over any
such body and at the same time feared interference with its own
autonomy. As a result of these preliminary objections, the project was
shelved for a number of years. However, in 1905, when the Croatian
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National Institutions 99
1921 to 1933.3 Pops, whose father had also been president of the
Belgrade Ashkenazic community, was vice-president of the Zionist
Federation for a long period of time, as well as acting president and
eventually president of the communal federation from 1933 until his
death in 1948.4 It was these men who set the tone for Jewish life in
Yugoslavia n a national scale and largely determined the course that
the Federation of Jewish Religious Communities was to take during
the interwar years.
In April 1919 the Belgrade Jewish leaders summoned repre
sentatives from the larger Jewish communities, as well as the Zi
onist Federation and the Political Committee of Jews of Bosnia-Her-
cegovina, to a conference to discuss the idea of a federation. The
integrationist-dominated Zagreb communal executive, however,
rejected the invitation vehemently, declaring it to be Zionist in
spired and hence unpatriotic. The Novi Sad Jewish community also
declined to attend. As a result, the Belgrade planning conference
consisted of the delegates from six communities, two each from
Belgrade, Sarajevo, and Osijek. This meeting resolved that it was
an absolute necessity to form an organization or association of all
Jewish communities in Yugoslavia, which would concern itself with
religious, cultural, political, and humanitarian needs and serve as
the legitimate representative of all the Jews of the kingdom. With
this goal in mind, they called a congress of all communal presidents
to be held in Osijek.5
The founding congress convened on July 1, 1919, with fifty-one
communities, including Zagreb, participating in its deliberations. The
delegates voted unanimously to create a federation, but a dispute
ensued as to its name and its nature. Integrationist circles favored the
word Israelite rather than Jewish as part of the official title, whereas
the Orthodox members proved particularly intransigent on the ques
tion of communal autonomy and the protection of their rite. Even
tually, a compromise was reached and the final vote overwhelmingly
supported the following formula:
This end product appeared to be a defeat for the Zionist forces, who
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dividual communities;
7. resolving quarrels which arise between individual communities,
upon the complaint of one side, and quarrels which arise be
tween members and the executive of individual communities,
as well as between rabbis or other functionaries and the execu
tive of a community;
8. debating and deciding on questions which pertain to the religious
life of Jews in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which
do not touch on the practices of a particular community.8
For the most part these functions closely paralleled the duties of the
member communities and were restricted to the traditional fields of
religion, education, and charity. In addition, however, the federation
was empowered to settle disputes within communities and represent
them to the outside world.
The headquarters of the communal federation was located in
Belgrade, and from the outset Belgrade Jewish leaders dominated the
organization. The federation conducted its activities through local
communal administrations, a central committee, and a triennial con
gress. Each community appointed delegates to the congress, which
in turn elected the members of the central committee. This body orig
inally consisted of thirty members: six rabbis and twenty-four lay
men, with six substitutes. The rabbinical members generally included
both Belgrade and Sarajevo rabbis, as well as one each from Zagreb
and Novi Sad. Of the laymen, at least six had to be from Belgrade
according to statute. The Belgrade representatives, who also encom
passed either the president or one or more of the three vice-presi-
dents plus the secretary and the treasurer, formed the executive
board which took care of the day-to-day affairs of the central admin-
istration.9 Thus, by definition, a minimum of one-third of the central
committee of the federation originated in or around the nation’s cap
ital, and this third virtually controlled the management of all busi
ness.
The theory of Belgrade supremacy within the federation was
borne out in practice as well. A survey of attendance at board meet
ings during the twelve years of the presidency of Dr. Hugo Spitzer,
from 1921 to 1933, shows that the president himself, as well as his
Zagreb vice-president, Dr. Hugo Kon, barely attended one such gath
ering per year, whereas the two Belgrade vice-presidents, Dr. Frie
drich Pops, who was acting chairman in Spitzer’s absence, and Se
maja Demajo, were present at virtually all of the eight sessions held
annually. Similarly, the same small group of gentlemen from Bel
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
nal bodies, such as the former Council of the Four Lands in Poland.
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Despite the fact that it received official state recognition and even
tually derived its legal status from the Law on the Religious Com
munity of Jews of 1929, it would be a mistake to consider it a gov
ernment agency. Unlike the French consistorial system, it was
created entirely upon the initiative of the Jews themselves and not
by the state, and it was intended primarily to serve Jewish inter
ests. South Slav Jewish leaders, especially the Zionists among them,
wanted to unite all communities into one body that could represent
their views to the central and local authorities; it was totally a vol
untary union and did not originate through state pressure. Thus,
it was an organization of Jews, run by Jews and for Jews, and not
a product of authoritarian government, as implied by such schol
ars as Salo Baron.21
The Jewish community, like all other recognized confessional
groups, received an annual state subsidy to support its clergy and
other religious institutions. According to the Decree on Permanent
Annual Aid to the Religious Community of Jews in the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia of March 3,1930, the sum regularly allotted to the “Isra
elites” amounted to 1,131,220 dinars ($20,000), which was divided
proportionally among the chief rabbinate (228,400 dinars), the Fed
eration of Jewish Religious Communities (837,304 dinars), and the
Union of Orthodox Jewish Religious Communities (65,516 dinars).22
In comparison with the grants to other established denominations,
the subvention to the Jewish religious minority was by far the most
generous. According to one contemporary source, the Serbian Ortho
dox church received 38,326,630 dinars, or 5.65 dinars per member;
the Roman Catholic church 26,626,219 dinars, or 6.05 per person; the
Protestants 1,444,000 dinars, or 6.09; and the Muslims 15,377,200
dinars, or 9.84. The Jewish community, however, was given 16.5 di
nars per capita, or two to three times the amount given to any other
group.23 This situation should not be interpreted as deliberate favorit
ism of the government toward the Jews, rather it indicates the high
maintenance costs of the many small Jewish communities scattered
throughout the country, each of which needed to support the re
quired religious functionaries and teachers. Nevertheless, this fact is
indeed significant and reflects positively on the relations between the
state and the Jewish community.
This state aid provided about two-thirds of the revenues of the
communal federation and an even larger percentage of the income
of the Orthodox Union.24 It could, however, only be used for specif
ic purposes stipulated by the state, such as salaries of rabbis, cantors,
and other religious officials, pensions for them and for their families,
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
binical synod was formed, consisting of five members plus the chief
rabbi as its head, which arbitrated all questions of a religious char-
acter.29 This body exercised the right to examine and advise the fed
eration concerning qualifications of rabbis, religious teachers, can
tors, and other religious officials, and it could also take disciplinary
action against rabbis and other functionaries. The clerics alone were
not always the final authority on religious matters, however. If the
central committee of the communal federation disagreed with the
opinion of its synod, a special committee, including the six members
of the synod and six lay members of the central committee with the
chief rabbi presiding, reached a final verdict by majority vote.30 The
federation, like its member communities, was concerned with pre
serving lay predominance and feared excessive clerical power, even
in the religious field.
Within the sphere of influence of the rabbinical synod lay the
supervision of Jewish education throughout the country. The synod
was responsible for providing suitable textbooks for religious instruc
tion in public schools. The most urgent concern was the lack of ap
propriate Jewish history books in Serbo-Croatian. To fill this need the
federation sponsored the writing and publication of a twovolume
biblical history by Jakov Maestro of Sarajevo, which appeared in
1933, and a two-volume history of the Jewish people from the de
struction of the First Temple to the present by Solomon Kalderon of
Belgrade, which was completed two years later. These works were
issued in both Cyrillic and Latin alphabets for use in all elementary
and middle schools.31 In addition, by 1937, the synod organized a
system of inspections of all Jewish communities, their educational
facilities, and personnel. This program, combined with the district
ing of the entire country into communities with clearly defined
boundaries, substantially increased the efficiency of communal ad
ministration and religious knowledge instruction.32
Undoubtedly the most ambitious project launched by the Fed
eration of Jewish Religious Communities in the first decade of its
existence was the founding of a Jewish theological seminary in Sara
jevo. The need for such an institution was keenly felt in all parts of
the country because very few qualified native-born religious officials
were to be found in the South Slav lands and foreign-born function
aries could only be hired on a temporary basis. The original planners
never intended to train rabbis within the country, since facilities for
a proper rabbinical seminary could not be maintained for so limited
a supply of candidates as Yugoslavia produced. Instead, the project
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
ology abroad. Hence the South Slav lands managed to produce and
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hire some of their own rabbis, even though the supply was never
enough to meet the demand. Among the graduates of the seminary
were a number of men who later became prominent rabbis, such as
Dr. Solomon Gaon, Haham of the Spanish and Portuguese Congre
gation of the British Commonwealth, Grand Rabbi Dr. Georges Vad
nai of Lausanne, Switzerland, and Grand Rabbi Emmanuel Bulz of
Luxembourg.41 The seminary thus fulfilled a very important goal in
the Yugoslav Jewish community by providing qualified persons of
the younger generation who helped perpetuate both the religious
and other aspects of organized Jewish life.
Under the aegis of the federation and particularly the rabbini
cal synod also fell the issue of the validity of the beth din, specifical
ly in Serbia. Legislation on marital law and divorce in Yugoslavia
varied extensively according to region. In the Vojvodina, for exam
ple, only civil marriage and divorce existed and no question of reli
gious jurisdiction arose. In Croatia provisions were incorporated into
the statutes so that all divorce cases passed through civil courts but
were supposedly resolved according to religious law. In Bosnia, by
contrast, only religious courts had the power to decide marital dis
putes, hence the authority of the beth din never came into question.
In Serbia the practice had followed along the lines of Bosnia. The beth
din functioned according to its traditional role, and its rights were
never disputed until after World War I.42 In 1921 an appeal of a Jew
ish divorce case came before the Belgrade Cassation Court, the high
est court in Serbia. In this instance, it was ruled that civil courts could
not decide such a matter since it fell under the competence of the
religious court. Ten years later, however, in another case this verdict
was reversed, repealing the authority of the beth din. (The underly
ing cause for this change of policy probably can be traced to the
Minister of Justice at that time, Dimitrije Ljotiç, an anti-Semite who
later became head of a tiny Fascist party.) The Federation of Jewish
Religious Communities and the Belgrade Sephardic community,
whose powers were being usurped, loudly protested this second
ruling, claiming that it encroached upon traditional religious rights
and privileges. After a lengthy dispute, the federation gained a vic
tory and both the Belgrade Sephardic and Ashkenazic communities
were able to restore to their statutes the institution of the beth din.43
Attempts at unifying Jewish marital regulations for all of Yugosla
via failed completely, however, due to the chaos reigning in the Yu
goslav legal system.
Another religious-legal problem which confronted the federa
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7
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ety for visiting the sick”) gave similar aid to women. Ezrat Jetomim
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(Hebrew for “aid to orphans”) cared for orphans, and Mizgav La-
dah (Hebrew for “help for the oppressed”) clothed poor children,
while La Gloria (Ladino for “glory”) provided dowries for brides. In
addition, among the poorer classes, mutual interest groups arose,
such as the burial fund, Poale Cijon (Hebrew for “workers of Zion”),
the credit unions, Melaha (Hebrew for “work”) and Geula (Hebrew
for “redemption”), and the loan society, Ezra Becarot (Hebrew for
“aid in difficulties”). All of these helped to ease the difficult economic
situation, especially in the thirties.2
Within the Sarajevo Ashkenazic community, alongside the Hevra
Kaddisha, functioned the Ashkenazic Women’s Society, which took
care of needy women and children, Hahnusas Hakala (Hebrew for
“dowry for the bride”), which gave assistance to poor brides, and
Ahdus (Hebrew for “unity”), which acted as a general aid society.
Actually, Ahdus was more than a charitable organization; it also
served religious, social, and cultural ends. Especially during the early
years of its existence, beginning in 1906, its members comprised the
lower echelons of the Ashkenazic ranks, the small merchants, arti
sans, employees, and clerks, most of whom had recently emigrated
from small towns in Galicia, Bukovina, Silesia, and Moravia. They
formed their own circle of Yiddish speakers, providing entertain
ment, such as plays, in their native tongue. Until 1926 they also held
their own religious services, according to the Orthodox rite, for the
High Holy Days. After World War I, the membership of Ahdus ex
panded, losing its specifically East European character and becom
ing more closely associated with the larger Ashkenazic (Neologue)
community, whose service club it then became.3
The most important humanitarian and educational association
in Sarajevo, however, was La Benevolencia. A study of the growth
of this organization and its activities sheds considerable light on the
development of the community and its institutions. In 1892 a small
group of wealthy Sarajevo Sephardim decided to form a society that
would provide organized and constructive assistance to the many
impoverished Jews of the city and thereby alleviate the need for the
poor to beg for money weekly on every doorstep. Among the found
ing members were Izahar Z. Danon, its first president; Jesua D. Sa
lom, for many years president of the Sephardic community and also
of La Benevolencia; Aser Alkalaj; Avram Levi-Sadiç and Bernardo
Pinto, all very prominent men in Sarajevo Sephardic circles.
The early program consisted of regular monthly aid to the poor,
free medical care for the sick, and assistance to needy pupils and
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to shift its emphasis away from charity and toward support for ed
ucation. At that time the Sarajevo Sephardic community completely
lacked an intellectual class, since virtually none of the native Jews
had received a higher education. To fill this gap La Benevolencia
initiated a policy of granting annual scholarships to high school and
university students to encourage them to continue their academic
work. Its contributions to charitable causes gradually declined be
fore World War I, while its donations toward schooling dramatical
ly escalated. La Benevolencia issued a proclamation which read:
“Everyone who desires to learn a trade or attend school—and that
surely means everyone who wants to secure himself a future—but
does not have the means to do so, let him apply to La Benevolencia
and it will help all in safeguarding their existence.”4
Begun as a local organization for the benefit of the Sarajevo
Sephardic poor, by 1908 La Benevolencia had expanded its activities
to include all the Sephardim of Bosnia-Hercegovina, and in 1923 it
opened its ranks and its pocketbook to Ashkenazim as well.5 Branch
es of the organization sprang up in many small towns in the prov
ince, as well as in larger centers outside Bosnia. From 1899 to 1923
La Benevolencia supplied scholarship aid to a total of 148 candi-
dates—62 in secondary schools, 9 in preparatory schools and 32 at
university (mainly abroad)—in the amount of 572,000 crowns.6 In the
next decade, it supported 83 university students (almost 70 percent
of whom studied within Yugoslavia) and 280 high school pupils, as
well as 282 apprentices in various trades, spending a total of
1,526,240 dinars ($27,250) on academic education and 604,482 ($10,
800) on apprenticeships.7 During the twenties, the society continued
its general policy of generous aid to encourage advanced studies, but
by the thirties, it had begun to re-evaluate and revise its basic pro
gram.
No longer did it give liberal aid unquestioningly to aspirants for
the free professions attending universities abroad or even in Zagreb
and Belgrade. Instead, it reduced its academic support to a minimum
and concentrated its attention on training apprentices for various
practical trades. Gone were the days when the Sarajevo Jewish com
munity desperately needed intellectuals and professionals. No jobs
existed for qualified graduates in the thirties, hence La Benevolen
cia diverted its funds to the “productivization” of the Jewish labor
force, as the jargon of the day termed it. In its campaign to attract
greater numbers of apprentices, La Benevolencia offered job coun
seling and an employment service, as well as monthly monetary aid,
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food, wood, and clothes among the needy poor, sick, and elderly of
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Leon Periç, Dr. Jakov Kajon, and Dr. Adolf Benau in Sarajevo.28 The
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(in Ladino), and in 1905 Jelena Demajo, its first secretary, started to
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Ladino, among them the social plays of the local writer Laura Papo
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contacts and improving relations between Jews and Serbs. The great
est achievement of the Reading Room was its annual popular lecture
series covering a wide range of subjects and delivered by well-known
local Jewish and non-Jewish scholars and public figures. A random
selection of topics from 1939 included: “The Jews in the Roman
Empire,” “Jews and Their World Mission,” ‘The Philosophy of Her
man Cohen,” ‘Travels in the Polar Regions,” “Neurosis, Its Causes
and Cures,” “Roosevelt’s America,” “The Social Mission of Upton
Sinclair,” and “The Organization of the Balkans.” In addition, it con
ducted special lectures for Jewish youth. The Reading Room provid
ed a library of approximately 3, 500 books and 700 newspapers and
periodicals from Yugoslavia and abroad of relevance to Jewish read
ers. This society, whose president from 1929 to 1941 was Aron Alka
laj, had a dues-paying membership of 330.53
Cultural activity among Yugoslav Jews was not confined with
in the limits of formal organizations such as those described above.
On the contrary, a significant number of Jewish intellectuals made
noteworthy contributions to Jewish culture and to arts and letters in
Yugoslavia. The earliest secular writer of any importance to emerge
from the Serbian-Jewish milieu was Hajim S. Davico. Born in 1854
in Dorçol, he spent part of his early childhood years in the provin
cial town of Sabac, but received most of his education in Belgrade,
where he, unlike other Jewish boys of his generation, attended both
gymnasium and university. A career civil servant and diplomat, he
served as consul in Budapest and Trieste in the late nineteenth cen
tury and also as chief of the Ministry of National Economy. After his
retirement from government service in 1901, he headed a Serbian
commercial agency in Munich until the war, when he moved to Ge
neva, where he died in 1918.
Davico began writing in high school and published articles in
virtually all the leading Serbian newspapers in the 1880s and 1890s.
He wrote literary criticism, political works, travelogues, folk tales
and novels. He was best known, however, for his stories about life
in the old Belgrade Jewish quarter, describing its patriarchal struc
ture and religious and spiritual conservatism.54
Three of his novellas, all named after girls, “Naomi,” “Luna,”
and “Linda,” were published in 1898 in a book entitled Sa Jalije (from
Jalija, the Jewish quarter), while a fourth, “Buena,” appeared in 1913.
“Naomi” unfolds the tale of the unhappy love of a beautiful Jewish
maiden and a silent but intelligent youth from Jalija, named David.
Naomi is despondent because her father, against her will, has mar
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
ried her off to another man, a stranger, and has ruined her life and
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her happiness. Later, both David and her husband express their love
for her at her graveside. “Buena,” perhaps this writer’s finest work
on a Jewish theme, portrays the conflict between the traditional, ori
ental way of life in the Jewish quarter and the encroaching Europe
an influence. Davico depicts the Jewish experience, with the special
flavor of its holidays and religious ceremonies, such as Tisha B’Av
in the synagogue, Shavuot in the women’s gallery, Lag Ba-Omer with
its children’s outings, and Purim celebrated in the streets.55 Thus, in
these stories, all of which he wrote in Serbo-Croatian, Davico helped
preserve the spirit of the Jewish past in Belgrade.
In Sarajevo, one of the most popular literary figures during the
interwar period was Laura Papo (née Levi, 1891–1941), who may
well be considered the first educated woman in the Bosnian
Sephardic community. She did not attend school in her native Sara
jevo, but in Istanbul, where she lived with her family from 1900 to
1908, and later in Paris, where she studied French literature. An ex
tremely intelligent woman, she spoke Spanish, French, and German
fluently and also knew some Turkish, Greek, and English. In addi
tion to writing and teaching languages, she played the piano and
composed music. Using Ladino with Latin orthography, “La Bohore
ta” (the eldest girl), as she was nicknamed, wrote poetry, short sto
ries, and dramas dealing with the social problems of the era, many
of which were performed by Matatja. She vividly described the proc
ess of pauperization of the Sephardic lower class, the petty shopkeep
ers, the artisans and the workers of Sarajevo in the thirties. She also
collected Sephardic folklore and composed an essay entitled “La
muzer sefardi de Bosna” (the Sephardic Woman of Bosnia). Laura
Papo Bohoreta was one of the few Jewish women intellectuals and
the only Yugoslav writer in her day to produce a significant volume
of work in Ladino. Her writings therefore have special value both
as linguistic evidence and contemporary commentary.56
The most important Jewish author, however, was Dr. Isak
Samokovlija, who gained national recognition both before and after
World War II and became one of the most popular Yugoslav writers
of the twentieth century. A physician by profession and a man with
a deep social conscience, he began writing stories in the mid-1920s,
portraying the existence of the poor Jews of Bjelave in a most vivid
fashion. He introduced the milieu of Bosnian Sephardic Jewry into
Yugoslav literature in a series of six volumes of short stories pub
lished from 1929 to 1953, as well as four dramas written in the thir
ties. Among his better known works are the tales named “Samuel the
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Porter,” “From Spring to Spring,” and “The Jew Who Did Not Pray
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Before the turn of the century, local Jewish newspapers rarely ap
peared in the South Slav lands, except for a Belgrade popular month
ly in Ladino El amigo del pueblo (The Friend of the People), which was
published in the 1880s and 1890s. In 1900 Abraham Kapon, the
Sephardic reformer from Bulgaria, founded a Ladino weekly in Sara
jevo called La alborada (The Dawn). This paper contained articles on
the situation of world Jewry and Zionism, the Bible and Jewish hol
idays, folklore, and essays on the history of the Jews in Bosnia. It
received its support from the young intellectual group but lasted only
eight months, from December 1900 to August 1901, due to the op
position of the communal executive.61 This represented the last se
rious attempt to create a Ladino publication within Yugoslavia. Not
until after World War I did Jewish papers spring up again in either
Sarajevo or Belgrade, but when they reappeared, they used Serbo-
Croatian as their vehicle of communication.
In Zagreb, the earliest product of the Jewish press was the Zi
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for the first time in November 1906. Originated by the brothers Al
exander and Herman Licht, it began as a monthly in German but
eventually switched to being a Serbo-Croatian biweekly, which in
cluded ideological articles, cultural information, short stories and
poems in the original and in translation, and news from the Zionist
movement, the general Jewish scene, and the various South Slav
lands. Zidovska smotra, which had approximately twelve hundred
subscribers, became the organ of the national Zionist Association and
continued publication until the outbreak of World War I.62
In 1917 its successor Zidov-Hajehudi (The Jew) first appeared in
print and it soon became the official voice of the Zionist Federation.
Operating as a weekly, which published every Friday, Zidov derived
its income from some three thousand regular subscriptions, adver
tising, and a sizable subvention from the Zionist Federation. De fac
to, it became the national Jewish newspaper, containing news from
all over the country and all over the world. Although it was the
spokesman for the views of the Zagreb Jewish leadership and strong
ly Zionist in orientation, it kept the Jewish reading public in Yugo
slavia well informed on contemporary Jewish issues both at home
and abroad.63 Zidov was the only Jewish paper to bridge the entire
interwar period in Yugoslavia.
Within the Sarajevo Jewish sphere, a number of newspapers
began publishing in the decade following World War I. They were
all informative in character, but each had a particular sociopolitical,
cultural, or ideological bent. They reported on the activities of the
Jewish community in Yugoslavia as a whole, but especially those of
the city of Sarajevo, acquainting their readers with current events and
meetings. The first to appear was Zidovska svijest (Jewish Conscience),
a Zionist weekly edited by Mair Musafija and David Levi-Dale,
which lasted from 1919 to 1924, when the so-called Sarajevo dispute
between the Zionists and the Sephardists forced it to dissolve. It re
surfaced from 1924 to 1928, however, using the name Narodna zidovs
ka svijest (Nationalist Jewish Conscience), under the ownership of Dr.
Ziga Bauer, a leading Zionist. An opposition paper, Jevrejski zivot
(Jewish Life), which presented the opinions of the supporters of the
Sephardic movement, entered competition during the same five
years. Run by Albert Koen, Dr. Braco Poljokan, Dr. Kalmi Baruch, and
Benjamin Pinto, it was also a weekly and printed articles on cultur
al, political, and economic issues that were mainly of local interest.
When the feud between the two rival factions finally reached a set
tlement in 1928, both papers were disbanded and in their place Jevre
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
jski glas (Jewish Voice) was established. This new entity, which had
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(Hebrew for “the youth”) for older youths.66 Several more Zionist
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PA RT T H R E E
8
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CRISIS OF IDENTITY
National identity has been a problematic issue for Jews in the mod
ern era. In traditional Jewish society being a Jew tended to consti
tute one’s complete self-identification; however, Jewish national
awareness did not develop into an active political force until the
advent of modern Jewish nationalism in the late nineteenth century.
Meanwhile, in the struggle for emancipation and in the subsequent
effort to consolidate citizenship rights, many Jews, especially in
western and central Europe, began to adopt the nationality of the
country in which they resided, thereby considering themselves, for
example, Frenchmen, Germans, or Hungarians of the Jewish faith.
Thus, the concept of a Jewish nationality constituted a serious threat
to these integrationists who maintained that Jews were adherents of
a different religion but not members of a separate nation.
In Yugoslavia the multinational complexion of the region com
plicated the advocacy of integrationism as a satisfactory solution to
the Jewish identity problem. The opponents of Jewish nationalism,
who saw themselves as Serbs or Croats of the Mosaic persuasion,
faced serious obstacles in supporting their position. A Jew from Bel
grade might consider himself a Serb, and a Jew from Zagreb a Croat,
but for a Jew from multiethnic Sarajevo, Bitolj, or Novi Sad the an
swer was not quite so simple. A Hungarian-speaking Jew from the
Vojvodina, for instance, who regarded himself as a Magyar found
himself doubly outcast in the newly created Slavic state.1 In the South
Slav lands, moreover, national identity tended to be closely tied to
religious denomination. As a general rule, being Croat also meant
being Roman Catholic, while Serb affiliation was linked with East
ern Orthodoxy. It was thus difficult to associate oneself with a na
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
tionality while not at the same time sharing its religion. The term
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Slovenes in Zagreb. . . .8
certain extent be inferred from the general silence of rabbis and com
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Yes, I feel, I am, and indeed I want to and I must be a true Serb, a
Serb Mosaic. Because I am confident in my soul that my dear and
fully tolerant fatherland Serbia will not, or even cannot, interfere in
the least with . . . the practice of that holy faith of my ancestors who
as prophets of the world proclaimed for the first time the recogni
tion of monotheism to humanity.
. . . we [must] openly state our patriotism and all our coreligion
ists who are in this land [must] solemnly declare themselves Serbs
of the Mosaic faith, Mosaic Serbs, and as such they must belong to
the Serbian nation. . .,15
whom an official letter, dated December 27, 1917, was addressed, ex
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The idea that while preserving their Jewish identity, Jews should
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War I, the two groups had belonged to the Jewish Nationalist Socie
ty, which later became the Sarajevo branch of the Yugoslav Zionist
Federation. Conflict between the Sephardists and the Zionists erupt
ed in 1924. In that year, a protest movement arose, led by a group of
Sephardic intellectuals who opposed the unitary philosophy of the
Zionists. They wanted stronger Sephardic representation on the na
tional level and in their local organization and its newspaper, Zidovs
ka svijest. When the Jewish Nationalist Society refused to accept a list
submitted by Dr. Sumbul Atijas of some three hundred Sephardim
for membership, the Sephardist leaders had the association’s prop
erty and paper confiscated by police decree.23 Then the Sephardists,
headed by Dr. Vita Kajon, Dr. Braco Poljokan, Dr. Kalmi Baruch, Dr.
Josip (Pepi) Baruch, and other prominent figures, took over the so
ciety, renaming it the Sarajevo Local Zionist Organization, and be
gan their own newspaper, Jevrejski zivot.24 Meanwhile, the old guard
Zionists, including Oskar Grof, Dr. Ziga Bauer, and Dr. Adolf Benau
among the Ashkenazim, and Mihael Levi, Silvio M. Alkalaj, and
David Levi-Dale among the Sephardim, renamed their paper Nar
odna zidovska svijest and reorganized themselves into the Jewish Club
to continue their former operations.25
For the next five years there was much confusion in Sarajevo
Jewish circles. The two factions published vicious attacks against one
another in their respective organs and both sides refused to compro
mise. Zionist activity came to a virtual standstill in Sarajevo during
this period since neither organization gained official sanction. At
Zionist headquarters in Zagreb, opinion tended to favor the old lead
ership, but it proved impossible to ignore the Sephardic opposition,
whose position was supported by a large part of the Sarajevo com
munity.
At each annual conference of the Federation of Zionists of Yu
goslavia, the Sephardic question came under heated debate and
numerous resolutions were passed in an attempt to solve the so-
called Sarajevo dispute.26 At the 1924 meeting of the Federation Ex
ecutive, a spokesman for the Sephardists, Dr. Vita Kajon, tried to
explain the reasons behind this split:
ed. For us, the center and pivot of Jewish life is not to be found within
the Zionist organization. Also outside of it there is a Jewish nation
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performed, and in the final decade, 1930 to 1940, the total reached
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Sephardim most active in Zionist affairs were Dr. Moric Levi, head
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Ester Montiljo. Dr. Licht had been active in Zionist affairs from their
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inception in the South Slav lands, first as president of Bar Giora, then
with his brother Herman as cofounder and coeditor of Zidovska smo
tra. With the creation of the Zionist Association in 1909, Licht became
secretary of the Action Committee, and shortly after World War I he
assumed the position of president of the Action Committee of the
newly constituted Federation of Zionists of Yugoslavia, an office
which he held until 1933, when he in turn was elected president of
the Zionist Federation itself.
Alexander Licht devoted his entire life almost exclusively to the
Zionist cause. He was an excellent orator, a prolific writer and a re
spected leader; nearly all the Yugoslav Zionists were his disciples and
owed their allegiance to him personally. By the end of his tenure,
however, some considered him a dictator and claimed that he had
lost touch with the youth. An ardent admirer of Chaim Weizmann,
president of the World Zionist Organization throughout most of the
interwar years, Licht was a General Zionist with some leftist lean
ings and this position determined the course that Yugoslav Zionism
was to follow during this period.49
The Zionist Federation in Yugoslavia included all Zionists, with
the exception of the Revisionists (the right-wing followers of
Vladimir Jabotinsky). The older generation of Zionists, namely, those
born before the turn of the century, tended to affiliate with General
Zionism or the middle-of-the-road policy of supporting the coloni
zation of Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish homeland there
by gradual means. Among the leaders who founded the Association
of General Zionists of Yugoslavia in 1935 were Lav Stern (president
of the association), Dr. Marko Horn (vice-president of the Action
Committee of the Zionist Federation), Dr. Marko Bauer (president of
JNF for Zagreb), Dr. Nikola Tolnauer (former president of SZOU),
and Dr. Salom Freiberger (formerly leader of Ahdut Hatzofim), all
from Zagreb; Dr. David Albala (president of JNF for Belgrade), Dr.
Leon Steindler (president of Keren Hayesod for Yugoslavia), Sime
Spitzer (later to become secretary of the SJVO), Dr. Friedrich Pops
(president of the SJVO and of the Belgrade Jewish Nationalist Soci
ety), David A. Alkalaj, Dr. Zak Kalderon, Mose Demajo, and Avram
Koen, all of Belgrade; and Iso Herman (president of the Sarajevo
Ashkenazic community) and Dr. Leon Periç (president of the Sara
jevo Local Zionist Organization), both of Sarajevo.50 Their slightly
younger cohorts, those born in the twentieth century, were more like
ly to associate themselves with the moderate left-wing, the Hapoel
Hatzair-Palestine Workers-Hitahdut faction, which advocated the
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
from Zagreb (28 percent of the total number in the country who paid
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the shekel), 1,209 from Belgrade (19 percent) and 836 from Sarajevo
(14 percent).55 The actual number paying the shekel serves as a gen
eral indicator of Zionist identification, but it is by no means accurate,
since some people probably paid their shekel regularly but were real
ly not convinced Zionists, whereas undoubtedly there were others
who considered themselves Zionists but did not pay the shekel. This
ambivalence particularly held true for the Sephardim in such places
as Sarajevo or even Belgrade. Nevertheless, the upward trend in shekel
collections and the remarkably high incidence of contributors among
Yugoslav Jewry demonstrates the effectiveness of the Zionist organ
ization and the growing receptiveness of the Jews themselves to the
idea of Jewish nationalism and Palestine. For a country with less than
70,000 Jews to be able to send 6 delegates to the Twenty-first World
Zionist Congress in 1939 in Geneva was indeed an accomplishment.56
Without a doubt, the Zionist Federation proved to be the most
strongly organized force within the Jewish community of Yugosla
via as a whole during the interwar period. By the 1930s the Zionists
had conquered the local communities, the Federation of Jewish Re
ligious Communities, and almost the entire Jewish youth movement,
in addition to virtually monopolizing the Jewish press.
The Zionist cause drew its supporters primarily from the mid
dle class, both among the Sephardim and the Ashkenazim. The lead
ership was composed mainly of professionals, especially lawyers,
with some doctors and intellectuals; the rank and file membership
and major contributors came from the business world. The wealth
ier strata, the industrialists, the bankers, tended to favor integration-
ism and the status quo and hence never became active Zionists. A
few examples will illustrate this point. The wealthiest families in
Zagreb, the Deutsch-Macelskis, the Alexanders, the Mariçs, etc.,
were all non-Zionists; in Belgrade, Geca Kon, the publisher who
paid the highest taxes in the Ashkenazic community and served for
many years as its vice-president, and in Sarajevo, Avram Majer Al
tarac, a well-to-do Sephardic businessman and longtime president
of the Sephardic community, and Avram Levi-Sadiç, a Sephardic
manufacturer, all fell into the same category. Many of these people
were very prominent in Jewish communal affairs, especially the
Hevra Kaddisha and other charitable institutions, but they did not
belong to Zionist organizations. Similarly, the poorer class, the Sara
jevo workers and artisans, never became directly involved. Al
though a Poale Cijon group (Socialist-Zionist) formed in Sarajevo
shortly after World War I, it gradually abandoned its Zionist pre
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Between 1932 and 1935, of the 525 persons who left Yugoslavia for
Palestine, 386 held Yugoslav citizenship, and the remainder were
German refugees or Austrian nationals. Included among the Yugo
slav Jews were 290 individuals classified as halutz workers.76 From
1936 to 1939 there were 404 more persons who left Yugoslavia for
Palestine; in this contingent only 104 were Yugoslav citizens, the rest
being foreign nationals.77 Emigration continued, albeit on a limited
scale, until 1941. Considerably more persons, both Yugoslav and
foreign citizens, would have gone to Palestine had enough certifi
cates, or special visas for Jewish immigrants issued by the British
authorities, been available for their use.
In 1933 a hakhsharah commission to help prepare prospective
pioneers for settlement in Palestine was formed within the Zionist
Federation, in conjunction with the Federation of Jewish Youth As
sociations and the Women’s Zionist Federation.78 In subsequent years
a network of hakhsharah stations grew up in various parts of Yugo
slavia to train youth in agriculture and trades before they left for
Palestine. The first such enterprise began in the spring of 1933 in
Zagreb with six members of Hashomer Hatzair; by fall there were
more than forty halutzim studying various trades, among them car
pentry and locksmithing.79 Gradually the emphasis shifted more and
more toward agriculture. The Yugoslav Zionist Federation, together
with the National Federation of Hehalutz for Germany and both the
Yugoslav and German B’nai B’rith Grand Lodges, set up an agricul
tural center in Goleniç, where in addition to fifty to sixty trainees
from Germany, ten to fifteen Yugoslav Jewish youths received train
ing each session.80 This station continued to be used primarily for
German refugees until 1939, when it was handed over to Yugoslav
Hashomer Hatzair. Several other rural and urban training centers
were formed in Yugoslavia, but usually lasted only brief periods.
These enterprises were sponsored by other youth groups as well,
such as Tehelet Lavan (Blue-White) and Akiba, and not limited ex
clusively to members of Hashomer Hatzair.
Throughout the thirties, Yugoslav Zionists provided a valuable
contribution to the Zionist movement as a whole by creating and
maintaining these preparatory centers which enabled not only Yu
goslav Jews but also many other European Jews to receive proper
physical and mental preparation before emigrating to Palestine. On
the eve of World War II Yugoslavia was an important transit stop on
the escape route from Nazi Europe to Palestine and the Yugoslav
Zionists did everything possible to aid their fellow Jews in reaching
their destination.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
but did not survive World War I.82 In the Serbian capital the oldest
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(a) to transform their members into people who want the conscious
responsibility that Zionism requires of them to be able to regulate
their lives according to nationalist needs; (b) to bring its members
closer to Jewry and its values through experience and education; and
(c) by physical and spiritual education to create the ideal type of Jew,
bearing in himself a synthesis of youth combined with spiritual and
bodily strength, which is necessary for a healthy and creative life in
Eretz Yisrael.
garded as foreign and hence suspect. The trend among Jews to iden
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tify themselves with the Slavic nationalities, the Serbs, Croats, and
Czechs, developed primarily in the twentieth century. It never suc
ceeded in establishing very deep roots among the Jewish population
at large and thus allowed for the growth of Jewish nationalism.
Zionism provided an alternative for Jews who realized that they
could never integrate themselves fully into the surrounding culture.
In Yugoslavia this applied more to the Ashkenazim, who tried to be
come Croats and generally failed to be accepted as such, than to the
Sephardim, who had carved for themselves a special niche in Ser
bian or Bosnian society. Jewish nationalism was thus considered a
legitimate response for Jews in this multinational environment. Yu
goslav Jews were not expected to see themselves as Serbs or Croats,
but preferably to identify themselves as Jews by nationality, rather
than as members of any other minority ethnic group.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
9
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The political heritage of the South Slavs reflected the diversity of their
history. On the eve of World War I, Serbia was an independent king
dom under the Karageorgeviç dynasty. It could boast of a democratic
constitution and a national assembly, the Skupstina, elected by pop
ular male suffrage based on minimal taxation. Croatia, by contrast,
had little tradition of democracy. It possessed a provincial assembly,
or Sabor, elected by very limited suffrage on a curial basis, but was
administered by a ban appointed by Budapest. Bosnia-Hercegovina
enjoyed even less political experience because before 1910 it had no
legislature whatsoever. Montenegro displayed a brief period of con
stitutional monarchism and manhood suffrage, but the remaining
territories, Slovenia, the Vojvodina, and Macedonia, were merely
entitled to elect several representatives to the Austrian or the Hun
garian or the Turkish parliaments, respectively.
From these varied models the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and
Slovenes adopted the Serbian form of government with only slight
modifications. The Vidovdan Constitution of 1921 defined the new
Yugoslav state as a “constitutional, parliamentary, and hereditary
monarchy” and at the same time retained the basic Serbian consti
tution of 1903, the one-chamber Skupstina and the Karageorgeviç
dynasty, along with the old Serbian administrative system. Univer
sal manhood suffrage and a type of proportional representation (the
D’Hondt system) designed to foster large parties rather than encour
age smaller factions were introduced.
Except for the Communist Party, which was outlawed in 1921,
the main Yugoslav political parties were regional in nature and de
pended upon the support of one particular nationality. The largest
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Serbian political group was the Radical Party, whose leaders were
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The role of the Jews in the political activities of the South Slav lands
was a very minor one. Before World War I there was generally one
Jewish member in each of the various national assemblies. In the
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
tical spectrum. The major force was the Croatian Peasant Party, peas
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put forth in municipal elections and received most of the Jewish vote,
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Yugoslav Communist Party could not have been very large at the
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time.
The most important and best known Jewish representative in the
history of Yugoslav Communism was Mose Pijade, who was born in
Belgrade’s Dorçol. An artist and a journalist, he became the chief
ideologist of the movement, translating Marx into Serbo-Croatian
while spending most of the interwar years in prison. During and after
the war, Pijade was Tito’s right-hand man. Designated a National
Hero, the highest possible honor granted by the socialist state, he
served as vice-president of Yugoslavia until his death in 1955.
Jewish Communists in the interwar period in general no longer
took part in Jewish communal life, religious or national. Not deny
ing their Jewish origins, they considered themselves primarily Yu
goslavs rather than Jews. Although their contribution to the devel
opment of Communism in their country was perhaps not as great as
that of Jewish Communists elsewhere in Eastern Europe, neverthe
less their role in helping to lay the foundations for the future Yugo
slavia was of some significance.
at all times displayed sympathy for the Zionist cause. The Serbian
government became one of the first to express its official support for
the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917. A letter dated Wash
ington, December 27, 1917, from Milenko Vesniç, the head of the
Serbian War Mission to the United States, to Dr. David Albala, med
ical captain in the Serbian Army, then on a propaganda campaign for
Serbia among American Jewry, contained the following message, in
the original English:
Our country does not suffer from the poison of anti-Semitism. On the
contrary, we value and love the Jews. And that is no coincidence. The
historical development of our nation was in many respects similar
to the development of the Jewish nation. We had to undergo so much
suffering and misfortune and so many bloody battles in which we
bore so many sacrifices for freedom that we have and have always
had full understanding for the Jews whose history knows so much
hardship and suffering, just because the Jews too faithfully preserved
their faith and community. In this regard, the same endurance, stam
ina and perseverence ties us together, so that it is natural that Serbs
and Jews should understand one another.
We value the loyalty which the Jew has for his faith and it is very
remote from any thought that we scorn or slight a Jew on this ac
count. . . .33
the local populace loved the native Jews. Foreign Jews, however, did
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not receive quite such favorable treatment.36 Until the outbreak of the
war, the official policy was that stated by Dr. Anton Korosec, then
Minister of the Interior, in a speech in September of 1938:
against anti-Semitic attacks only their own feeling of honor and hu
man dignity.
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2,660,000 ($47,500) the second from within the community, plus sub
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stantial funds from outside sources.56 From 1934 to 1937 the number
of arrivals fell, but considerable amounts of money were still required
to help persons find new homes. Generally, it proved difficult for
refugees to establish permanent residence in Yugoslavia. Therefore,
most recent emigres needed to locate opportunities for settling else
where, mainly in Palestine. The Federation of Jewish Religious Com
munities and the Zionist Federation, as well as various other affili
ated organizations, were constantly searching for places where these
people could go and the means to get them there. In 1936 a Central
Committee for Aid to Jews from Germany was organized in Bel-
grade.57
The general situation deteriorated rapidly in 1938 with mass
emigration and expulsions of Jews from Austria after the Anschluss.
The most publicized incident was the case of eighty Jews from Bur
genland, who were evicted from their towns and became stranded
on the Yugoslav border, lacking visas. After several months of diffi
cult negotiations, the federation obtained permission from the gov
ernment for these unfortunates to enter Yugoslavia on a temporary
basis with guaranteed support from the Jewish community. As the
dismal parade of refugees grew ever longer, it became imperative to
erect special facilities to house these unfortunate people. Between
1938 and 1940 the communal federation established fifteen collection
centers for 3,210 persons in various parts of the country.58
In the late thirties, thousands of Jews succeeded in escaping from
Europe by boats along the Danube to the Black Sea with aid from the
Belgrade Jewish leaders. The last transport reached the YugoslavRu
manian border in October 1939 with 1,100 passengers on board. But
the Rumanian authorities refused to allow the ship passage through
Rumanian waters, and these refugees were forced to remain in Yu
goslavia where they found accommodations in Kladova and later
Sabac.59
The cost involved in caring for the refugees and finding ways
for them to leave the country was enormous. In 1938 the federation
proposed a 20–30 percent communal tax increase to cover these ex
penses, and the various Jewish communities complied with 10–50
percent raises, but by 1940 this allotment had to be raised to 60 per
cent or higher.60 Communities which were otherwise often unwill
ing to contribute their share to the communal federation usually
managed to afford this donation to the central aid fund. From 1933
to 1941 Yugoslav Jewry raised 41,575,000 dinars ($742,410) in sup
port of the refugees, while JOINT contributed 21,650,000 dinars
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
try’s economic life. The second act was a numerus clausus, limiting
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E P I L O G U E : T H E S U RV I V I N G R E M N A N T
On March 25, 1941, Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, allying it
self with Hitler. Two days later, however, a bloodless coup d’état took
place in Belgrade, led by a Serbian general, Dusan Simoviç, evidently
in opposition to the governments pro-Axis policies. As a result, on
April 6, German bombers attacked Belgrade, while the Italians struck
Dalmatia; shortly after, Hungarian and Bulgarian troops also invad
ed the country. Within less than two weeks the Yugoslav armed forces
surrendered.
Thus, by May 1941 Yugoslavia had ceased to exist as a state.
Much of its territory was divided among the conquering Axis pow
ers. Germany occupied Northern Slovenia and the Banat; Hungary
ac quired Backa and Baranja, the remaining two sections of the Vo
jvodina, and several smaller adjacent areas. Italy annexed South
ern Slovenia and most of the Dalmatian littoral and also occupied a
considerable portion of the interior regions in the south, bordering
on Albania. Bulgaria received most of Macedonia. From the remain
ing territory were carved the small German puppet state of Serbia
and the Independent State (later Kingdom) of Croatia, which also
included Bosnia-Hercegovina.
Not only did the country suffer from partition and foreign oc
cupation but also a bloody civil war raged uncontrolled in its midst.
The Ustasi (the Croatian Fascists), led by Ante Pavelic, with Muslim
help, massacred Serbs by the thousands, and the Serbs, especially the
Cetnik troops led by General Draza Mihailovic, retaliated in kind.
But whereas the Cetniks began by combating the Germans and the
Ustasi, they ended up in a struggle against the Partisans, the Com
munist forces headed by Josip Broz Tito. During the course of the
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
By the end of the war, fewer than 15,000 Yugoslav Jews remained
alive. Among these survivors, many had found refuge through emi
gration, mainly in Italy, but some in Switzerland or the United States.
A substantial group had fought with Tito’s Partisans. Although ex
act figures are not available, it would appear that between 2– and
3,000 Jews joined the Partisans during the war, both for ideological
and pragmatic reasons. (Eleven Jews, among them 4 from Sarajevo,
were later designated National Heroes, the highest possible honor in
Socialist Yugoslavia.)10 About 450 Jewish reserve officers and 200 non
commissioned officers and soldiers, who were in the Royal Yugoslav
Army when it surrendered, returned home in 1945. They had spent
five years incarcerated in Germany, generally segregated as Jews, but
protected by German adherence to the Geneva Convention regard
ing military prisoners of war. Others had somehow managed to en
dure the concentration camps, and a few had been successfully hid
den by non-Jewish families for the duration of the war.11
In 1946 a total of 12,495 Jews were counted on Yugoslav soil. In
Belgrade 2,236 Jews were to be found; in Zagreb, 2,126; and in Sara
jevo, 1,413.12 The vast majority of Holocaust survivors had been left
with nothing. Their families had perished and their health, both
physical and mental, had been destroyed. The future looked bleak
indeed.
Soon after the creation of the State of Israel, the Yugoslav author
ities permitted Jews to emigrate there freely if they so desired. At
first, doctors and other professionals were discouraged from leaving,
but later they too were allowed to go with their families. NonJew
ish spouses were also given permission to leave the country. Between
1948 and 1952, in a series of five emigration waves, 7,578 persons
departed for Israel.13 Thereafter, individuals could follow if and
when they chose. About 150 Jews returned from Israel to Yugosla
via; others made their way from there to North or South America,
where there were several small Yugoslav Jewish emigre colonies.
After more than half the surviving population had gone on aliya to
Israel, a Jewish community of 6– to 7,000 remained in Yugoslavia.
Since 1952 very little migration by Jews either to or from Yugo
slavia has taken place. The overall population of the Jewish commu
nity has remained fairly constant. Within the country there has been
internal movement of Jews from smaller to larger centers. In 1939 of
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
the total Jewish population, 72 percent lived in ten cities. This fig
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the country, unlike before World War II when there were much great
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soup kitchens to feed hungry Jews and even provided food for intern
ees in the collection centers in the area. It also organized a Jewish
health service and clinic, as well as a hospital staffed by Jewish doc
tors and other trained medical personnel.20 When Belgrade Jewry was
destroyed several months later, this body, too, disappeared.
In May 1941 two judges were appointed as commissioners re
sponsible for the property of the Sephardic and Ashkenazic commu
nities of Sarajevo.21 In the Bosnian center, too, the local Jewish lead
ers attempted to alleviate the misery of the Jewish population by
providing food and other assistance. These efforts achieved only lim
ited, and temporary, success.22 Soon the Sarajevo Jewish communi
ty also ceased to exist. The same tragic story repeated itself in near
ly all the other Jewish communities.
In Zagreb, however, the Jewish community somehow managed
to continue functioning throughout the war years. It supplied health
care and school facilities for the local Jewish population. Together
with the Osijek community, the Zagreb Jewish leaders were active
in sending food packages to the Jewish internees in the various la
bor and concentration camps nearby. (Whether many of these par
cels actually reached their intended destination is not clear, howev
er.) The Zagreb Jewish executive was also able to arrange for a group
of Jewish children to reach Palestine in 1942 with the help of the
International Red Cross.23
Nevertheless, by 1944, with the exception of Zagreb, organized
Jewish life had virtually come to a halt in the Yugoslav lands. Dur
ing the course of the war, the Germans and their allies had complete
ly destroyed or severely damaged nearly all the Jewish public build
ings in the country. The main Sephardic synagogues in Belgrade and
Sarajevo as well as the Ashkenazic temple in Zagreb had been total
ly demolished, and the Ashkenazic houses of prayer in Belgrade and
Sarajevo and the four-century-old Sephardic synagogue in Sarajevo
were almost beyond repair. Communal treasures had been lost and
records had, for the most part, permanently disappeared.
On October 22, 1944, two days after the liberation of Belgrade,
Dr. Friedrich Pops, who had spent most of the war years in hiding
in Belgrade, returned to the premises of the Federation of Jewish
Religious Communities, posted a new sign and set up an improvised
office.24 He thereby symbolically began the work of rebuilding the
Jewish community in Yugoslavia through the organization of which
he had been a founder and also served as president on the eve of the
war.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
nities each have their own choir. The Braca Baruh choir in Belgrade
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Dr. Vajs pointed out that these variations were not always sharp
ly defined and that individuals often switched back and forth from
one category to another. For the community, however, the first two
types, which represented the vast majority of the organized Jewish
community in Yugoslavia, formed the most important element, and
the third type also played a significant role.44
The Jewish community considers as Jewish virtually anyone
who wishes to be considered as such. Certainly, one Jewish parent
is sufficient criterion for an individual to be accepted as a member
in good standing of the community. The key to this lenient policy of
acceptance within the community lies in the extremely high rate of
intermarriage in Yugoslavia.
Of 4,702 communal members responding to the 1971 demo
graphic survey, 3,209 persons, or 68 percent, had two Jewish parents,
1,028 individuals, or 22 percent, had one Jewish parent, and 465 reg
istered members, or 10 percent, reported neither parent to have been
Jewish. In the 2,557 households of respondents, 4,199 people out of
a possible 6,457, or 65 percent, declared themselves to be Jews.45 Sig
nificantly, of the 102 residents of the Jewish Home for the Aged in
Zagreb, 95 reported both parents Jewish and none had only 1 Jew
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
then, are rarely, if ever, the products of mixed marriages and are less
likely to have married outside the community. Among the middle
and younger generations, however, intermarriage seems to be the
general rule rather than the exception. It has undoubtedly been
steadily on the increase since World War II. The community is small
and scattered throughout the country; hence, the likelihood for one
young Jew to marry another is quite limited.
Conversion does not enter as a factor in these intermarriages.
Even if the non-Jewish partner were willing to convert, there is no
one qualified to perform the conversion. So, too, there are no Jewish
weddings, and religious practices in general are played down. The
Jewish partners to mixed marriages are fully accepted as members
of the Jewish community and their non-Jewish spouses are accept
ed to a certain degree as well. Many persons involved in mixed
marriages are fairly active in Jewish affairs, and their families some
times also participate in Jewish activities. The Jewish community
seems to have acknowledged that intermarriage is an inevitable fea
ture of Jewish life in Yugoslavia today and they try to make the best
of it and retain as many of their members as possible. This attitude
has enabled the community to remain reasonably stable in its mem
bership over the past two decades.
The Jewish population in Yugoslavia is a rapidly aging one,
however, with a very low birth rate. According to the survey con
ducted in 1971, in each of the three major communities, well over
half the membership were over 45 years of age: in Belgrade, 58
percent; in Zagreb, 67 percent (or 70 percent, if one includes the
Home for the Aged); and in Sarajevo, 53 percent. Less than 10 per
cent were found to be under 15: 6 percent in Belgrade, 6 percent in
Zagreb, and 9 percent in Sarajevo.47 The Jewish community, then,
is an old one, with fewer and fewer children available to fill the
ranks in the future.
Participation in community affairs depends chiefly on age and
interests. The avenues of participation are to be found in the com
munal administration (the communal councils), the women’s sec
tions, the Home for the Aged, the choirs, and the youth groups, as
well as the synagogue. The communal administration is theoretical
ly open to all, but it tends to be dominated by older men, with only
a few women and even fewer youth or young adults. The women’s
sections are often the largest and most dynamic bodies operating
within the community. Their combined membership across the coun
try was reported to be over 800, of whom some 100 were considered
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
women (in 1968 only one-third of the members were under 50), al
though some younger women also participate in its cultural and
educational activities.48 The supporters of the Home for the Aged
usually belong to one or the other of the above groups, but are con
centrated predominantly in Zagreb. The two choirs, which total
around 80 members, have a somewhat better age distribution than
the other organizations, but participation is naturally limited on the
basis of talent and interest. The youth groups are popular primarily
among unmarried students, usually ranging in age from 18 to 25. The
young people who are most active in these groups often seem to
disappear from communal life after they graduate or marry. The so-
called middle generation, the young adults from 25 to 45 with young
families, constitutes a lost element in the community and presents a
great problem which the leadership has thus far failed to solve sat-
isfactorily.49
According to the 1971 survey, in Belgrade, 213 persons over 15
years of age, or 23 percent of those replying to the questionaire,
claimed to have participated in Jewish activities since World War II.
In Sarajevo, 289 individuals, or 38 percent of the respondents, admit
ted to taking part in communal life; in Zagreb, only 147, or 17 per
cent, indicated such activity.50 It would thus appear that Sarajevo
presently has the most vibrant community of the three. The number
of participants involved in communal activities, however, is relative
ly low.
Given the small size of the community, the rapidly rising aver
age age of its membership, the high rate of intermarriage, and the
rather low level of active participation in communal life, especially
among young adults, it is scarcely surprising that the question of who
will provide future Yugoslav Jewish leadership looms ominously on
the horizon.
Those presently holding top voluntary leadership positions
share many traits in common. They all seem to have been born in
Yugoslavia in medium or large Jewish communities, usually before
World War I, and their Jewish family background was generally rath
er traditional. They were often active in the Jewish youth movement
during the interwar period, although few held high leadership po
sitions within the Jewish community before World War II. During the
war, most of the current leadership cadres were German prisoners-
of-war, who had been called up as reserve officers in 1941; others
fought as Partisans under Tito or found safety in Italian-occupied
territory. Virtually all of them are lawyers, doctors, or professors of
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
ers from these countries have visited Yugoslavia. In 1966 Jewish dig
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Israel does not provide the community with any financial assist
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Appendixes
APPENDIX 1 TA B L E S
TABLE 1
Population of Sarajevo by Religion, 1885–1921
TABLE 2
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Appendix 1 215
TABLE 3
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4
TABLE
Linguistic Acculturation of Sarajevo Jewry, 1910–31a
Sources: Die Ergebnisse der Volkszählung in BuH (1912), table 47; Germany, Publikations
stelle Wien, Die Gliederung der Bevölkerung des ehemaligen Jugoslawien nach Mut
tersprache und Konfession (Vienna, 1943), p. 140.
a. Includes the city of Sarajevo and the surrounding countryside. The town it
self had a Jewish population of 6,397 in 1910 and 7,615 in 1931.
b. I. e., 97.72 percent of the 5,568 Sephardim living in the Sarajevo district.
c. In this case, “Other” includes all languages other than Ladino, and hence what
languages were reported by the 1,778 Ashkenazim cannot be determined.
d. This figure includes approximately 40 percent of the local Sephardim and
about 45 percent of the Ashkenazic population.
e. I. e., about 60 percent of the Sephardic population.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
TABLE 5
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Sources: Statistika Kraljevine Srbije, vol. 12, pp. 58–59; Wadler, “Die Juden in Serbien,” p.
169; Germany, Publikationsstelle Wien, Die Gliederung, pp. 11, 16, 22.
a. Includes the Belgrade capital district and the Morava province.
b. Probably mostly Ladino speakers who claimed Hebrew or Jewish as their
mother tongue.
c. Includes about two-thirds of the Sephardic community, but only less than 10
percent of the Ashkenazim in Belgrade-a figure which seems somewhat low.
d. I. e., 35.51 percent of the Sephardic population.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 1 217
TABLE 6
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Sources: Statisticki godisnjak Kraljevine Hrvatske i Slavonije, vol. 1, 1905 (Zagreb, 1913), p.
45; Ljubomir St. Kosier, Jevreji u Jugoslaviji i Bugarskoj, pp. 120–1; Germany,
a. The 1931 figures pertain to the Sava province, which was about equivalent
to former Croatia-Slavonia but not exactly coterminus.
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TABLE 7
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Appendix 1 219
TABLE 8
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9
TABLE
Occupational Distribution of Active Population in Yugoslavia
TABLE 10
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Source: SJVO, Izvestaj Glavnog odbora VII kongresu 23 i 24 aprila 1939 godine (Belgrade:
Stamparija Beletra, 1939), table 2, p. 83.
a. Includes all communal taxpayers in the country, except the Orthodox.
b. Includes Drava, Morava, Vrbas, Zeta, and Primora regions. (See table 7 for
an explanation of the banovina system.)
c. Includes commercial travelers.
d. Includes civil servants.
e. Includes doctors, lawyers, engineers, veterinarians, and pharmacists.
f. Includes money changers.
g. Includes rabbis and other communal employees (total 268), teachers (107),
porters (134), agriculturalists (111), as well as miscellaneous.
h. May also include some women heads of household, pensioners, and others
not technically considered unemployed.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 1 221
TABLE 11
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1931a
TABLE 12
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Sources: a. Statisticki godisnjak, vol. 10 (Belgrade: Drzavna stamparija), 1940, pp. 336–37.
b. SJVO, Izvestaj Glavnog odbora VII kongresu 23 i 24 aprila 1939 godine (Belgrade:
Stamparija Beletra, 1939), p. 86.
TABLE 13
Jewish Attendance at Universities, 1928/29 and 1938/39
Source: Statisticki godisnjak, vols. l, 10 (Belgrade: Drzavna stamparija), 1929 and 1940.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 1 223
TABLE 14
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1908–40
Source: Sarajevo Jewish Library, Marriage Registries of Sephardic and Ashkenazic com
munities in Sarajevo, 1908–40.
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TABLE 15
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a. Source: Albert Vajs, “Jevreji u novoj ]ugoslaviji,” Jevrejski atmanah (N. S.), 1954,
p. 36; Institute of Jewish Affairs of the World Jewish Congress, European Jewry Ten Years
After the War (New York, 1956), pp. 190–91.
b. Source: Marko Periç, “Demographic Study of the Jewish Community in Yu
goslavia, 1971–72,” Papers in Jewish Demography 1973 (Jerusalem: Institute of Contem
porary Jewry, 1977), p. 282.
c. In 1953 listed under “civil servants” and in 1971 listed under “clerical, finan-
cial, and kindred.”
d. In 1953 listed separately as “artisans” and “(factory) technicians.”
e. In 1953 listed as “in economic fields.”
f. In 1953 included lawyers, judges, and other legalists, but not economists.
g. Not listed as separate category in 1953.
h. Not listed as separate category in 1970.
i. Includes “unknown” also.
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APPENDIX 2 M I N O R I T I E S T R E AT Y,
1919*
The United States of America, The British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan,
The Principal Allied and Associated Powers, on the one hand; And the Serb-
Croat-Slovene State on the other hand;
Whereas since the commencement of the year 1913 extensive territo
ries have been added to the Kingdom of Serbia, and
Whereas the Serb, Croat, and Slovene peoples of the former Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy have of their own free will determined to unite with
Serbia in a permanent union for the purpose of forming a single sovereign
independent State under the title of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and
Slovenes, and
Whereas the Prince Regent of Serbia and the Serbian Government have
agreed to this union and in consequence the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats,
and Slovenes has been constituted and has assumed sovereignty over the
territories inhabited by these peoples, and
Whereas it is necessary to regulate certain matters of international
concern arising out of the said additions of territory and of this union, and
Whereas it is desired to free Serbia from certain obligations which she
undertook by the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 to certain Powers and to substi
tute for them obligations to the League of Nations, and
Whereas the Serb-Croat-Slovene State of its own free will desires to
give to the populations of all territories included within the State, of what
ever race, language, or religion they may be, full guarantees that they shall
* “Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, III, Extract from the
Treaty between the United States of America, The British Empire, France, Ita
ly, and Japan, and the Serb-Croat-Slovene State done at St.-Germain—enLaye
on September 10th, 1919,” from League of Nations, Protection of Linguistic, Racial
and Religious Minorities by the League of Nations, C. L. 110. 1927. L Annexe, Au
gust 1927 (Publications de la Société des Nations I. B, Minorités, 1927, I. B. 2),
pp. 60–63.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
justice;
For this purpose the High Contracting Parties have appointed as their
Plenipotentiaries: [Here follow the names of the plenipotentiaries. ]
Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due
form, have agreed as follows:
The Principal Allied and Associated Powers, taking into consideration
the obligations contracted under the present Treaty by the Serb-Croat-Slov-
ene State, declare that the Serb-Croat-Slovene State is definitely discharged
from the obligations undertaken in Article 35 of the Treaty of Berlin of July
13, 1878.
Article 1.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State undertakes that the stipulations con
tained in Articles 2 to 8 of this Chapter shall be recognised as fundamen
tal laws, and that no law, regulation, or officiai action shall conflict or in
terfere with these stipulations, nor shall any law, regulation, or official
action prevail over them.
Article 2.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State undertakes to assure full and complete
protection of life and liberty to all inhabitants of the Kingdom without dis
tinction of birth, nationality, language, race, or religion.
All inhabitants of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes shall
be entitled to the free exercise, whether public or private, of any creed, re
ligion, or belief, whose practices are not inconsistent with public order or
public morals.
Article 3.
Subject to the special provisions of the Treaties mentioned below the
Serb-Croat-Slovene State admits and declares to be Serb-Croat-Slovene na
tionals ipso facto and without the requirement of any formality Austrian,
Hungarian, or Bulgarian nationals habitually resident or possessing rights
of citizenship [pertinenza, Heimatsrecht] as the case may be at the date of the
coming into force of the present Treaty in territory which is or may be rec
ognised as forming part of the Serb-Croat-Slovene State under the Treaties
with Austria, Hungary, or Bulgaria respectively, or under any Treaties which
may be concluded for the purpose of completing the present settlement.
Nevertheless, the persons referred to above who are over eighteen
years of age will be entitled under the conditions contained in the said
Treaties to opt for any other nationality which may be open to them. Op
tion by a husband will cover his wife and option by parents will cover their
children under eighteen years of age.
Persons who have exercised the above right to opt must within the
succeeding twelve months transfer their place of residence to the State for
which they have opted. They will be entitled to retain their immovable
property in the territory of the Serb-Croat-Slovene State. They may carry
with them their movable property of every description. No export duties
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 2 227
may be imposed upon them in connection with the removal of such prop
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erty.
Article 4.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State admits and declares to be Serb-Croat-
Slovene nationals ipso facto and without the requirement of any formality
persons of Austrian, Hungarian, or Bulgarian nationality who were born
in the said territory of parents habitually resident or possessing rights of
citizenship [pertinenza, Heimatsrecht] as the case may be there, even if at the
date of the coming into force of the present Treaty they are not themselves
habitually resident or did not possess rights of citizenship there.
Nevertheless, within two years after the coming into force of the
present Treaty, these persons may make a declaration before the competent
Serb-Croat-Slovene authorities in the country in which they are resident,
stating that they abandon Serb-Croat-Slovene nationality, and they will then
cease to be considered as Serb-Croat-Slovene nationals. In this connection
a declaration by a husband will cover his wife, and a declaration by par
ents will cover their children under eighteen years of age.
Article 5.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State undertakes to put no hindrance in the
way of the exercise of the right which the persons concerned have, under
the Treaties concluded or to be concluded by the Allied and Associated
Powers with Austria, Bulgaria, or Hungary, to choose whether or not they
will acquire Serb-Croat-Slovene nationality.
Article 6.
All persons born in the territory of the Serb-Croat-Slovene State who
are not born nationals of another State shall ipso facto become Serb-Croat-
Slovene nationals.
Article 7.
All Serb-Croat-Slovene nationals shall be equal before the law and shall
enjoy the same civil and political rights without distinction as to race, lan
guage, or religion.
Difference of religion, creed, or confession shall not prejudice any Serb-
Croat-Slovene national in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil or po
litical rights, as for instance admission to public employments, functions,
and honors, or the exercise of professions and industries.
No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any Serb-Croat-Slov-
ene national of any language in private intercourse, in commerce, in reli
gion, in the press or in publications of any kind, or at public meetings.
Notwithstanding any establishment by the Serb-Croat-Slovene Govern
ment of an official language, adequate facilities shall be given to Serb-Croat-
Slovene nationals of other speech than that of the official language for the
use of their own language, either orally or in writing, before the courts.
Article 8.
Serb-Croat-Slovene nationals who belong to racial, religious, or linguis
tic minorities shall enjoy the same treatment and security in law and in fact
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
equal right to establish, manage, and control at their own expense charita
ble, religious, and social institutions, schools and other educational estab
lishments, with the right to use their own language and to exercise their
religion freely therein.
Article 9.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene Government will provide in the public educa
tional system in towns and districts in which a considerable proportion of
Serb-Croat-Slovene nationals of other speech than that of the officiai lan
guage are resident adequate facilities for ensuring that in the primary
schools the instruction shall be given to the children of such Serb-Croat-
Slovene nationals through the medium of their own language. This provi
sion shall not prevent the Serb-Croat-Slovene Government from making the
teaching of the official language obligatory in the said schools.
In towns and districts where there is a considerable proportion of Ser-
bCroat-Slovene nationals belonging to racial, religious, or linguistic minor
ities, these minorities shall be assured an equitable share in the enjoyment
and application of the sums which may be provided out of public funds
under the State, municipal, or other budget for educational, religious, or
charitable purposes.
The provisions of the present Article apply only to territory transferred
to Serbia or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes since January 1,
1913.
Article 10.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State agrees to grant to the Musulmans in the
matter of family law and personal status provisions suitable for regulating
these matters in accordance with Musulman usage.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State shall take measures to assure the nomi
nation of a Reiss-Ul-Ulema.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State undertakes to ensure protection to the
mosques, cemeteries, and other Musulman religious establishments. Full
recognition and facilities shall be assured to Musulman pious foundations
[Wakfs] and religious and charitable establishments now existing, and the
Serb-Croat-Slovene Government shall not refuse any of the necessary fa
cilities for the creation of new religious and charitable establishments guar
anteed to other private establishments of this nature.
Article 11.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State agrees that the stipulations in the forego
ing Articles, so far as they affect persons belonging to racial, religious, or lin
guistic minorities, constitute obligations of international concern and shall
be placed under the guarantee of the League of Nations. They shall not be
modified without the consent of the Council of the League of Nations. The
United States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan hereby agree not
to withhold their assent from any modification in these Articles which is in
due form assented to by a majority of the Council of the League of Nations.
The Serb-Croat-Slovene State agrees that any Member of the Council
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 2 229
of the League of Nations shall have the right to bring to the attention of
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Article 4.
Only one citizenship exists in the entire Kingdom. All citizens are equal
before the law. All enjoy the same protection of the authorities.
Article 12.
Freedom of religion and conscience is guaranteed. Accepted religions
are equal before the law and may exercise their religion publicly.
The enjoyment of civil and political rights is not dependent upon the
exercise of one’s religion. No one may be freed from his civic and military
duties and obligations by invoking the precepts of his religion.
Those religions are accepted which, in whatever part of the Kingdom,
have already received legal recognition. Other religions may only be rec
ognized by law. Accepted and recognized religions regulate their internal
religious affairs autonomously and administer their endowments and funds
within the limits of the law.
No one is obligated to practice his religion publicly. No one is obligat
ed to participate in religious acts, ceremonies, practices, and exercises, ex
cept with regard to state holidays and ceremonies and insofar as the law
regulates it for persons who are subject to paternal, guardian, or military
authority.
Accepted and recognized religions may maintain ties with their su
preme religious leader even outside the border of the state, insofar as the
spiritual prescriptions of certain religions require. The manner in which
these relations will be maintained will be regulated by law.
Insofar as resources in the state budget are provided for religious pur
Appendix 3 231
poses, they must be divided among the various accepted and recognized
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APPENDIX 4 L AW O N T H E R E L I G I O U S
COMMUNITY OF JEWS
IN THE KINGDOM OF
Y U G O S L AV I A , 1 9 2 9 *
We, Alexander I, by the grace of God and the will of the People, King of
Yugoslavia, upon the proposal of Our Minister of Justice and in agreement
with the President of Our Ministerial Council order and proclaim: the Law
on the Religious Community of Jews in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
1. The religious community of Jews in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia is
composed of all members of the Jewish faith who live in the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia. Its members have full freedom of public exercise of their reli
gion.
Appendix 4 233
ganization of the Administration of the Federation and the Union and their
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9. The material means which are needed by the Jewish religious com
munities and their Federation and Union for the implementation of their
tasks are defrayed by:
1) revenues from their property;
Appendix 4 235
ets provide regular subsidies for religious purposes will allot such a sub
sidy proportionally to the Jewish religious communities which are to be
found there as well.
10. Buildings intended for the service of God, religious, religioeduca
tional, and charitable institutions, communal buildings in which are locat
ed religious authorities, institutions, or the apartments of the clergy, and
Jewish cultural-historical monuments are freed from all public taxes.
11. Official correspondence and related mail of the Jewish religious com
munities and their Federation and Union, as well as rabbinical authorities
and the Chief Rabbi, are freed from paying postal and telegraph taxes.
12. All Jews of both sexes who have their own property or income, as
well as those who are capable of supporting themselves by earning a liv
ing, are obligated to pay all types of religious contributions and taxes to
cover the needs of their religious community and its institutions.
Also those Jews of both sexes who do not live in the territory of the
religious community of their rite but own property in it or lease some prop
erty or engage in some artisan, commercial, or industrial enterprise there
are obliged to pay these contributions and taxes.
In the event that a member withdraws from his community and joins
another Jewish community which exists in the same place, he is obligated
until the end of five budget years after the year of his withdrawal to pay
the communal contributions and taxes of that community from which he
withdrew, in the amount to which he was indebted at the time of withdraw
al. This holds valid also in the case of paragraph 2 of Article 5.
13. The spiritual head of the Religious Community of Jews in the King-
dom of Yugoslavia is the Chief Rabbi with headquarters in Belgrade. He is
appointed by Royal Decree upon the recommendation of the Minister of
Justice from among three candidates chosen by the joint Central Commit
tees of the Federation and Union, the presidents of the religious commu
nities of all religious rites in Belgrade, Zagreb, Skoplje, Sarajevo, Novi Sad,
Subotica, and Osijek, insofar as they are not represented in the Central
Committees, and all rabbis who are employed in Jewish religious institu
tions in the Kingdom.
If the position of Chief Rabbi is vacated, within a period of six months
at the most the election of candidates for the new Chief Rabbi must be ex
ecuted. Until the election of this Chief Rabbi, his office will be conducted
by a rabbi appointed by the Minister of Justice upon the recommendation
of the Central Committees of the Federation and Union, made in agreement
with both Rabbinical Synods.
The salary of the Chief Rabbi and the personal and material expenses
of the Chief Rabbinate are established in the subvention which the state
gives to the Religious Community of Jews, set apart from the remaining
sum of that subvention.
The Chief Rabbi has the right to the pension of civil servants in group
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
1, category 1. His personal pension, as well as the family pension after his
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death, will be paid from the state budget according to the regulations of
the Law on Civil Servants and Other State Employees of civilian rank.
14. The Chief Rabbi is the president of both Rabbinical Synods, of
which one is composed of three members and two substitutes, elected
among the rabbis of the Orthodox religious rite, and the other of five mem
bers and three substitutes, elected among the remaining rabbis. They are
elected by an assembly of rabbis of the one and the other religious rite.
The rabbinical synods under the presidency of the Chief Rabbi give
opinions on all questions of a religious character which are conveyed by
the Central Committees of the Federation and Union.
If the Central Committee of the Federation does not adopt the opin
ion of its Rabbinical Synod, the final decision is made by a special commit
tee to which belong the six members of the Rabbinical Synod, including the
Chief Rabbi, and six nonrabbinic members of the Central Committee of the
Federation who are appointed by the administration of the Federation. The
Chief Rabbi presides over the special committee and a decision is reached
by a simple majority of votes.
15. The spiritual heads of the religious communities are the rabbis. In
the communities belonging to the Federation, they are virilist [or ex offi
cio] members of the communal councils whenever they are deciding reli
gious questions. In Orthodox communities, rabbis are virilist members of
communal councils in general. The communal council decides religious
questions in the first stage.
16. Rabbis and other religious functionaries are appointed by decree
of the executive of the religious communities permanently or temporarily.
Provisional status may not last longer than three years for rabbis and five
years for other functionaries.
A permanently hired rabbi or other religious functionary may not be
dismissed from service, except on the basis of an executed disciplinary judg
ment, pronounced according to the disciplinary procedure in the statutes
of the community concerned and the Federation or Union.
17. The rabbis and other spiritual persons are not obligated personal
ly to carry out those public duties which according to Jewish religious codes
are not in accord with their rank and calling.
18. Official religious functions, whether in the religious community or
in state service, may be performed by persons who have those qualifica
tions which the Chief Rabbi prescribes and evaluates along with the Rab
binical Synod concerned.
Foreign citizens may be hired as officials and functionaries of the reli
gious communities only on a temporary basis and only with permission of
the Minister of Justice.
19. The functions of the executives of the Federation and Union, as well
as of individual communities, are honorary.
Persons who are convicted or are under criminal investigation for crim
inal activity of a dishonorable nature, as well as those who go into bank
ruptcy or are under guardianship, may not be elected or carry out their
duties during the duration of this hinderance.
20. Disciplinary misconducts of rabbis and other functionaries of reli
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 4 237
21. In all state and private schools attended by pupils of the Jewish
faith, Jewish education is taught in agreement with the responsible Jewish
religious communities on the part of their religious organs and according
to the regulations of the legal statutes on these schools.
Educational plans and programs for teaching religious knowledge are
prescribed by the competent Minister, taking into consideration the needs
of religious education according to the recommendations of the Federation
and with regard to the followers of the Orthodox Jewish religious rite, ac
cording to the recommendation of the Synod of Orthodox Rabbis. The reg
ulations of the law on textbooks will be in force for textbooks of religious
knowledge. The Federation and Synod of Orthodox Rabbis will give their
approval on all textbooks with regard to their religious content.
Qualified clergy may teach religious knowledge in state elementary
schools as religious teachers in the sense of the regulations of the Law on
Public Schools.
The Minister of Education appoints as religious teachers in all public
schools clergy from the ranks of candidates proposed by the Federation or
Synod of Orthodox Rabbis. The competent Minister appoints religious
teachers in state secondary and technical schools among candidates who
bear the approval of the Federation or the Synod of Orthodox Rabbis that
they may teach religious knowledge in secondary schools. The Minister
transfers or dismisses religious teachers from duty according to the regu
lations of the school law.
The administration of the school hires and transfers religious teachers
in all private schools with the approval of the authorized Jewish religious
community. The regulations of the school laws are also in force for these
religious teachers.
The Federation or Synod of Orthodox Rabbis may rescind approval
already granted from those religious teachers who do not teach religious
knowledge as prescribed by the Jewish faith or who, otherwise, in their life
and work do not fulfill their duties as religious teachers.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
General Provisions
23. The official language of the Jewish religious communities and their
central institutions is the official state language. In this language are kept
both the religious records and all documents abstracted from them. These
abstracts have the character of public documents.
24. No Jewish religious community may perform religious rites for
members of another Jewish religious community of this Kingdom unless
the [person] concerned presents evidence that he has fulfilled all his obli
gations to the community to which he belongs. The case of burial is except
ed when due to distance and time it is not possible to wait for the submit
ting of these proofs.
25. The Jewish religious holidays on which state and municipal em
ployees, the military, and students have exemptions according to law are:
1) Pesah [Passover], the first two days and the last two days;
2) Shavuoth [Pentecost], two days;
3) Rosh Hashanah [New Year], two days;
4) Yom Kippur [Day of Atonement], one and a half days (half day on
the eve of Yom Kippur);
Temporary Provisions
APPENDIX 5 ANTI-JEWISH
L E G I S L AT I O N ,
OCTOBER 1940*
Article 1
Commercial businesses which deal in wholesale trade with human
foodstuffs, regardless of whether their owners are material or legal persons,
are to be submitted to review if the owners of the businesses are Jews.
All those businesses are to be considered as businesses of Jews whose
owners or co-owners are Jews on the day when this Regulation goes into
effect or whose capital in whole or the majority thereof is in the hands of
Jews.
Joint stock companies, companies with limited liability, and co-opera-
tives are to be considered Jewish if the management, directors, and confi
dential clerks of the companies or co-operatives are, in the majority, Jews.
The competent general administrative authorities of the second grade
or the Belgrade municipal authorities will carry out the review in their
district.
Article 2
The competent authority in Article 1, paragraph 4 of this Regulation
will make the decision as to which of the commercial businesses which are
submitted to review according to Article 1 are forbidden further operation
and which of them may be permitted to continue operation.
Article 3
With regard to those industrial enterprises which deal in the produc
tion of wholesale human foodstuffs, which according to paragraphs 2 and
3 of Article 1 of this Regulation are to be considered as Jewish, the Ban (or
Manager of the City of Belgrade) may assign commissaries at the expense
of the enterprise, whose task will be to concern themselves with the cor
rectness of the operation of the enterprise.
The injunctions which the commissary will issue in carrying out his
duty will be binding on the management and employees of the firm.
The management and employees of the firm are obligated to give to
the commissary on his demand all necessary information and to enable him
to examine the business records, documents, and transcripts of the firm, as
well as the business premises. The commissary is obligated to keep as an
official secret all data which he discovers in the conduct of his task.
Article 4
Whoever, contrary to the decision of the competent authority on the
banning of further operation of commercial businesses of Article 1 of this
Regulation, continues with the operation of a forbidden business will be
punished with imprisonment for two years and a monetary fine of 500,000
dinars [$10,000].
So too will be punished those Jews who make use of other persons
merely as fictitious owners for the operation of commercial businesses in
wholesale human foodstuffs, as well as persons who enable them on the
basis of their right to operate such a commercial business.
The regular courts will pronounce the judgments.
The monetary fines paid will go for the use of the regional fund for the
aid to vocational schools of Law No. 406 on businesses, or for the use of the
corresponding fund for the administrative district of the City of Belgrade.
Article 5
The general administrative authorities of the first class may interrogate
persons who contrary to the decision of the competent authority on the
banning of further operation of commercial businesses of Article 1 of this
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Appendix 5 241
coerced stay in a second place, and persons who have already been con
victed by one authorized body regarding Article 4, paragraph 1 of this
Regulation may be interrogated regarding the coerced stay and the coerced
operation.
With regard to the initiation of coerced stay, the appropriate prescrip
tion of the Regulation concerning the initiation of unscrupulous specula
tors in coerced stay and coerced work will be applied.
Article 6
From the day on which this Regulation goes into effect, permits may
not be issued to Jews or companies with Jewish capital nor permission to
operate commercial businesses dealing in wholesale human foodstuffs.
Article 7
This Regulation goes into effect on the day it appears in print in the
Officiai Gazette.
Article 1
At universities, high schools with the rank of universities, higher, mid
dle, normal, and other vocational schools may be enrolled only a fixed
number of pupils of Jewish origin. This number will be determined in such
a way that they will be in proportion to the number of other pupils of this
school in that ratio in which citizens of Jewish origin are to be found in
proportion to the number of other citizens.
The highest school authority responsible for each individual type of
school will determine according to paragraph 1 of this article how many
pupils of Jewish origin, beginning with the school year 1940/41, may be
enrolled in the first year for the first class in each faculty or other school.
Paragraph 1 of this article will not be applied to pupils of Jewish origin
enrolled in other years or classes.
Article 2
Persons of Jewish origin whose parents have served the fatherland may
with the approval of the competent highest school authority enroll as stu
dents of universities and other schools mentioned in Article 1, paragraph
1, regardless of the limitation contained in the same regulation.
Article 3
Foreigners of Jewish origin may not enroll as students at universities
or other schools listed in Article 1, paragraph 1 of this regulation.
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Article 4
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Article 5
This Regulation goes into effect on the day it is published in the Offi
cial Gazette.
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and Index
Abbreviations,
Bibliography, Notes,
Home | TOC | Index
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<< Chapter >>
Home | TOC | Index
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
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A B B R E V I AT I O N S
BG Beograd (Belgrade)
SA Sarajevo
Abbreviations 247
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Primary Sources
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————. Omladinski pokret, ideje i smjernice. [The youth movement, ideas, and
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Gur–Ari, Jichak. Rabi Jehuda (ben Salomon) Haj Alkalaj. Zagreb: Biblioteka Zidov,
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1931.
Hasomer Hacair. Zagreb: Biblioteka Hanoar, 1932.
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Izvestaj o radu Uprave crkveno–skolske jevrejske opstine u Beogradu za period vremena
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Izvestaj sa svecanosti o prijemu duznosti novoizabrane Uprave i Odbora crkveno–skol-
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the taking of office of the newly elected board and council of the Bel
grade Jewish community.] Belgrade: Stamparija Polet, 1932.
Jacobi, H. Biblijska povjesnica za izraelsku mladez puckih i nizih srednjih skola. [Bib
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————. Derech hakodes, Katekizam mojsijeve vjere. [The holy way, a catechism
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voniju, 1886, 1900, 1923.
Jevrejsko zensko drustvo u Beogradu, 1874–1924. [Jewish women’s society in Bel
grade.] Belgrade: Uprava Jevrejskog zenskog drustva, 1924.
Kadima i njen rad. [Kadima and its work.] Zagreb: SZOU, 1938.
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Koen, D. A. Besede posveçene Srpskoj omladini mojsijeve vere. [Addresses dedicat
ed to the Serbian youth of the Mosaic faith.] Belgrade: Stamparija Sv.
Nikoliça, 1897.
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Zagreb: Knjizara Gjure Trpinca, 1904.
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greb: Biblioteka Zidov, 1937.
———. Potrebe i zahtevi. [Needs and demands.] Zagreb: Tiskara Merkur, 1919.
Molitvenik. [Prayerbook.] Trans, and ed. Salom M. Freiberger. Zagreb: Tiskara
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————. Izvestaj o radu u 1929–30 godine. Belgrade, 1930.
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Pravila crkveno–skolske jevrejske opstine u Beogradu. Belgrade: Stamparija S.
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Obradoviç, 1921.
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Pravila Hevre Kadise u Zagrebu. Zagreb: Tiskara A. Engel, 1924.
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Stamparija Drag. Gregorica, 1933.
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<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
ci, dne 4 i 5 decembra 1927. [Report of the central committee to the con
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Vjesnik SZOU. Zagreb, 1924–31.
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UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS
ARTICLES
Albala, David. “Royalty in Palestine.” The New Palestine, May 2, 1941, pp. 8–
10.
Albala, Paulina. “Dr David Albala kao jevrejski nacionalni radnik.” [Dr. David
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————. “Our Jewish Sisters of Yugoslavia.” Congress Weekly, November 5,
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pp. 41–76.
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Organization.” [Hebrew.] Tefutsot Israel vol. 12, no. 2 (March–April 1974),
pp. 41–74.
Gaon, Solomon. “Rabbi Jehuda Hai Alkalai.” in A Memorial Tribute to Paul
Goodman. Ed. Israel Cohen. London: Edward Goldston and Son, 1952,
pp. 138–47.
Gelber, N. M. “Jewish Life in Bulgaria” Jewish Social Studies, vol. 8, no. 2 (April
1946), pp. 103–26.
Hahamoviç, Julije. “Askenazi u BiH.” [The Ashkenazim in B–H.] Spomenica 400,
pp. 141–53.
Helfgott, Herman. “Bombardovanja Beograda, 1862.” [The bombardment of
Belgrade in 1862.] Jevrejski narodni kalendar, vol. 4 (1938–39), pp. 56–61.
Hersch, Liebman. “Jewish Population Trends in Europe.” in The Jewish People
Past and President, vol. 2. New York: Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks,
1948, pp. 1–24.
Kadelburg, Lavoslav. “Polozaj i Perspektive jevrejske zajednice u Jugoslaviji.”
[The position and perspective of the Jewish community in Yugoslavia.]
Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1968–70, pp. 9–17.
Kajon, Vita D. “Jevrejski gradjani Jugoslavije i njihov odnos prema drzavi.” [The
Jewish citizens of Yugoslavia and their relation to the state.] Nova Evropa,
vol. 5, nos. 9–10 (July 21, 1922), pp. 264–70.
————. “M. Srskiç i Jevreji.” [Milan Srskiç and the Jews.] in Milan Srskiç (1880–
1937). Sarajevo, 1938, pp. 199–204.
Kamhi, Aron and Levinger, Mirko. “Pokret otpora medju Jevrejima Bosne i
Hercegovine interniranim na Lopudu i Rabu.” [The resistance movement
among the Jews of Bosnia and Hercegovina interned on Lopud and Rab.]
Spomenica 400, pp. 255–62.
Kamhi, Haim. “400 godisnjica jevrejske opstine u Sarajevu.” [Four–hundredth
anniversary of the Jewish community in Sarajevo.] Jevrejski almanah (N.
S.), 1961–62, pp. 15–24.
————. “Jevreji u privredi BiH.” [Jews in the economy of B–H.] Spomenica 400,
pp. 55–70.
————. “Jevrejska publicistika u BiH.” [Jewish journalism in B–H.] Spomeni
ca 400, pp. 167–73.
————. “Sarajevski rabini.” [The rabbis of Sarajevo.] Spomenica 400, pp. 273–
78.
Kamhi, Samuel. “Jezik, pjesme i poslovice bosansko–hercegovackih Sefarada.”
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Bibliography 261
BOOKS
Bibliography 263
Beard, Charles A. and Radin, George. The Balkan Pivot: Yugoslavia. New York:
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Mouton, 1970.
Hilberg, Raul. The Destruction of the European Jews. Chicago: Quadrangle Books,
1961.
Hitahdut olej Jugoslavija. Za Spomen dra Aleksandra Lichta. [In memory of Dr.
Alexander Licht.] Tel Aviv: Tiskara Gaon, 1955.
Hoptner, J. B. Yugoslavia in Crisis, 1934–1941. New York: Columbia University
Press, 1962.
Ivanoviç, Lazar, and Vukmanoviç, Mladen. Dani smrti na Sajmistu. [Days of
death at Sajmiste.] Novi Sad: Dnevnik, 1969.
Iz istorije Jugoslavije 1918–1945, Zbornik predavanja. [From the history of Yugo
Jankoviç, Dragoslav. O politickirn strankama u Srbiji XIX veka. [On the political
Janowsky, Oskar I. The Jews and Minority Rights, 1898–1919. New York: Columbia
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Lenski, Gerhard. The Religious Factor. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1963.
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Popoviç, Dusan J. Beograd kroz vekove. [Belgrade through the centuries.] Bel
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Spomenica Saveza jevrejskih opstina Jugoslavije, 1919–1969. [Commemorative vol
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Levi–Dale. Belgrade: SJOJ–Srbostampa, 1970.
Stavrianos, L. S. The Balkans since 1453. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1958.
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Company, 1973.
Stein, Leonard. The Balfour Declaration. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961.
Stoianovich, Traian. A Study in Balkan Civilization. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1967.
Stojkoviç, Ljubisa, and Martiç, Milos. National Minorities in Yugoslavia. Belgrade:
Jugoslavija, 1952.
Sugar, Peter F. Industrialization of Bosnia–Hercegovina, 1878–1918. Seattle: Univer
sity of Washington Press, 1963.
Szabo, Gjuro. Stari Zagreb. [Old Zagreb.] Zagreb: Knjizara Vasiç i Horvat, 1941.
Tadiç, Jorjo. Jevreji u Dubrovniku do polovina XVII stoljeçe. [The Jews in Dubrovnik
to the mid–17th century.] Sarajevo: La Benevolencia, 1937.
Tomasevich, Jozo. Peasants, Politics and Economic Change in Yugoslavia. Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1955.
Turosienski, Severin K. Education in Yugoslavia. Washington: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1939.
West, Rebecca. Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, A Journey through Yugoslavia. New
York: Viking Press, 1964 (reprint).
Wolf, Lucien. Notes on the Diplomatic History of the Jewish Question. London: Jew
ish Historical Society, 1919.
Wolff, Robert Lee. The Balkans in Our Time. New York: W. W. Norton and Com
pany, 1967.
Yovanovitch, Nikodie. Etude sur la Constitution du Royaume des Serbes, Croates
et Slovènes du 28 juin 1921. Paris: Ernest Sagot and Company, 1924.
Zimmels, H. J. Ashkenazim and Sephardim: Their Relations, Differences and Prob
lems as Reflected in the Rabbinical Responsa. London: Oxford University
Press, 1958.
Interviews
Rabbi Isaac Alcalay, Sephardic Home for the Aged, Brooklyn. Chief rabbi of
Yugoslavia from 1923 to 1941. Discussed office of chief rabbinate; relations
between Sephardim and Ashkenazim and between Orthodox and Neologues;
ties between the Jewish community and the Yugoslav government and royal
family.
Aron Alkalaj, Belgrade. Former secretary of B’nai Brith Grand Lodge for
Yugoslavia and president of Belgrade Jewish Reading Room, 1929–1941. Infor
mation on religious life of Belgrade Sephardic community and B’nai Brith ac
tivities.
David A. Alkalaj, Jerusalem. Active member of Belgrade Sephardic com
munity and Jewish Nationalist Society between the wars and president of Bel
grade Jewish community immediately following World War II. Discussed Yu
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Bibliography 269
NOTES
Introduction
1. From 1918 to 1929, the official name of the country was the Kingdom
of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, after the three major South Slav nationalities.
Thereafter, it became Yugoslavia (Jugo meaning south). As an introduction to
the history of Yugoslavia, the following works are available in English: L. S.
Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1958);
Robert Lee Wolff, The Balkans in Our Time (New York: W. W. Norton and Co.,
1967); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1966); Phyllis Auty, Yugoslavia (London: Walker and Co., 1965);
R. J. Kerner, ed., Yugoslavia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949); Jozo
Tomasevich, Peasants, Politics, and Economic Change in Yugoslavia (Stanford: Stan
ford University Press, 1955). ⇐
2. The standard work in English on the Bogomils, mainly dealing with
Bulgaria, is D. Obolensky, The Bogomils: A Study in Balkan Neo-Manichaeism
(Cambridge, 1946). See also D. Talbot Rice, The Bogomils (London, 1962). ⇐
3. The ruins of two fourth-century synagogues have been discovered in
Stobi, Macedonia and Solin, Dalmatia, near Split. The main Jewish center in
Slovenia was Maribor, especially in the fourteenth and fifteenth century. The
Jews were expelled from Slovenia in 1496 and never returned in any significant
numbers. For information on the Jews in the South Slav lands from the earliest
times to the end of the nineteenth century, see Yakir Eventov, A History of Yugo
slav Jews, vol. 1 [Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Hitahdut Olej Yugoslavia, 1971). ⇐
4. For background material on the Sephardim in the Balkans, see Salo
mon A. Rosanes, A History of the Jews of Turkey, 5 vols. [Hebrew] (Sofia: Im
primerie Amichpat, 1930–38); Morris S. Goodblatt, Jewish Life in Turkey in the
Sixteenth Century (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1952);
Joseph Nehama, Histoire des Israélites de Salonique, 4 vols. (Salonika: Librairie
Molho, 1935); I. S. Emmanuel, Histoire des Israélites de Salonique, vol. 1 (Paris:
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Thonon, 1936); Saul Mezan, Les Juifs Espagnols en Bulgarie, vol. 1 (Sofia: Im
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primerie Amichpat, 1925). Regarding their language and customs, see Michael
Molho, Usos y costumbres de los Sefardies de Salonica (Madrid: Institute Arias
Montano-Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1950) and Mair Jose
Benardete, Hispanic Culture and Character of the Sephardic Jews (New York: His
panic Institute, 1952). ⇐
5. Yugoslav scholars have studied the early history of the Sephardic com
munities in Dubrovnik and Split extensively in such works as Jorjo Tadic, Jevreji
u Dubrovniku do polovine XVII stoljeça (Sarajevo: La Benevolencia, 1937); G.
Novak, Zidovi u Splitu (Split, 1920); and Dusko Keckemet, Zidovi u povijesti Splita
(Split, 1972). ⇐
6. For more detail on the Orthodox-Neologue conflict in Hungary, see
David Philipson, “Reform in Hungary” in The Reform Movement in Judaism (New
York: Macmillan Co., 1931); Nathaniel Katzburg, “The Jewish Congress of
Hungary, 1868–1869” in Randolph L. Braham, ed., Hungarian-Jewish Studies, vol.
2 (New York: World Federation of Hungarian Jews, 1969), pp. 1–33; and Aron
Moskovits, Jewish Education in Hungary, 1848–1948 (New York: Bloch Publish
ing Co., 1964). ⇐
7. “Statistika Jevrejstva Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca,” Jevrejski
almanah (O. S.), 1929–30, p. 225. ⇐
8. For a discussion of the differences between these two groups, see H.
J. Zimmels, Ashkenazim and Sephardim (London: Oxford University Press,
1958). ⇐
Chapter 1
1. Moritz Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien (Sarajevo: A. Kajon, 1911), p. 3;
Vladislav Skaric, “Iz proslosti sarajevskih Jevreja,” Spomenica La Benevolencija
(Belgrade: Vreme, 1924), p. 30. ⇐
2. Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, pp. 8, 86–87. ⇐
3. Ibid., p. 87: Evlija Celebija, Putopis odlomci o jugoslovenskim zemljama,
trans. Hazim Sabanoviç, (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1954), pp. 117, 131; Alija Bejtiç,
“Jevrejske nastambe u Sarajevu,” Spomenica 400 godina od dolaska Jevreja u Bos
nu i Hercegovinu (Sarajevo: Bozidar Sekuliç, 1966), p. 27. ⇐
4. Moric Levi, “Fragmenti iz zivota Sefarada,” Spomenica La Benevolenc
ija, pp. 16–17. ⇐
5. Ibid., p. 18; Samuel Kamhi, “Jezik, pjesme i poslovice bosansko-
hercegovackih Sefarada,” Spomenica 400, pp. 111–13; Todor Krusevac, “Drust
vene promene kod bosanskih Jevreja za austrijskog vremena,” Spomenica 400,
p. 94. ⇐
6. The chief sources of information concerning the early Jewish commu
nity of Sarajevo were the communal minute books, called pinakes or pinkes,
dating from 1720 to 1888, which were preserved in the archives of the Sarajevo
Sephardic community until World War II. These records contained administra
tive reports, communal statutes, tax lists, accounts of annual income and ex
penses, as well as other data on communal leaders, rabbis, and other officials.
They were written in Hebrew cursive (so-called Rashi script), partly in Ladino
and partly in Hebrew. Since these records did not survive the war, the only
communal documents from this period which presently exist are those, includ
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ing the revised communal statute of 1731, which were translated and included
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in the book Die Sephardim in Bosnien by Rabbi Moric Levi (Moritz Levy) of Sara
jevo, published in 1911. ⇐
7. Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, pp. 22–25. ⇐
8. Ibid., pp. 12–16; Vladislav Skariç, Sarajevo i njegova okolina od najstarijih
vremena do austro-ugarske okupacije (Sarajevo: Bosanska Posta, 1937), p. 108. ⇐
9. Moric Levy, “David Pardo, sarajevski haham.” Jevrejski almanah (O. S.),
1925–26, pp. 122–25. ⇐
10. Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, pp. 52–57; Skariç, Sarajevo i njegova
okolina, p. 153. ⇐
11. A. Suçeska, “Polozaj Jevreja u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme Tura-
ka,” Spomenica 400, pp. 48, 52. ⇐
12. Samuel Pinto, “Polozaj bosanskih Jevreja pod turskom vladavinom,”
Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1954–55, pp. 48–49; Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, pp.
35–36. ⇐
13. Ibid., pp. 42–48. ⇐
14. Pinto, “Polozaj bosanskih Jevreja,” p. 53; Abraham Galante, Docu
ments officiels turcs concernant les Juifs de Turquie (Istanbul: Haim, Rozio & Co.,
1931), pp. 4–7, Isidore Loeb, La Situation des Israélites en Turquie, en Serbie et en
Roumanie (Paris: Joseph Baer et Cie., 1877), pp. 15–16. ⇐
15. Isak Levi and Josef Konforti, “Jedan stari statut jevrejske sefardske
opstine u Sarajevu,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1968–70, pp. 86–97. ⇐
16. Julije Hahamoviç, “Askenazi u Bosni i Hercegovini,” Spomenica 400,
pp. 142, 147–50; Oskar Grof, “Nas prilog o proslavi jevrejske askenaske opcine,”
Jevrejski glas, vol. 3, no. 2 (January 17, 1930), pp. 5–6. ⇐
17. AJ, MPVO, F 185, Izvestaj SJVO u Beogradu po trazenju Ministarst
va pravde, Pov. br. 1235/39–15, November 4, 1939. ⇐
18. The remaining population of Carsija was 37 percent Catholic, 22
percent Orthodox, and 6 percent Muslim; in the case of Bjelave, it was 39 per
cent Catholic, 13 percent Orthodox, and 26 percent Muslim; in Kovaci, there
were 52 percent Muslims, 24 percent Orthodox, and 9 percent Catholics. The
numbers of persons of “other” religions in this breakdown were of little signif
icance. Todor Krusevac, Sarajevo pod austro-ugarskom upravom 1878–1918 (Sara
jevo: Narodna stamparija, 1960), pp. 25–26. ⇐
19. Haim Kamhi, “Jevreji u privredi Bosne i Hercegovine,” Spomenica 400,
pp. 57–60; Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, pp. 72–75; Skaric, “Iz proslosti sara
jevskih Jevreja,” pp. 31–33; Jorjo Tadiç, Jevreji u Dubrovniku do polovine XVII
stoljeca (Sarajevo: La Benevolencija, 1937), pp. 202–3. ⇐
20. Hamdija Kresevljakoviç, Esnafi i obrti u starom Sarajevu (Sarajevo:
Narodna prosvjeta, 1958), p. 118; Kamhi, “Jevreji u privredi,” p. 58; Skaric, Sara
jevo i njegova okolina, p. 134. ⇐
21. Kresevljakovic, Esnafi i obrti, p. 49; Skaric, Sarajevo i njegova okolina,
pp. 134–35. ⇐
22. Krusevac, “Drustvene promene kod bosanskih Jevreja,” p. 80. ⇐
23. Hahamovic, “Askenazi u Bosni i Hercegovini,” pp. 143–47. ⇐
24. Kamhi, “Jevreji u privredi,” pp. 62–63. ⇐
25. Peter F. Sugar, Industrialization of Bosnia-Hercegovina 1878–1918 (Seat
tle: University of Washington Press, 1963), p. 214. ⇐
26. Kamhi, “Jevreji u privredi, pp. 66–68, 70; BG-JM, Box 20, Sarajevo,
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Samuel Pinto, List of Jewish lawyers, judges, and officials in Sarajevo (hand
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Chapter 2
1. Ignjat Slang, Jevreji u Beogradu (Belgrade: M. Kariç, 1926), p. 4; Salo
mon A. Rosanes, A History of the Jews of Turkey [Hebrew] (Sofia: Imprimerie
Amichpat, 1938), vol. 2, p. 3. ⇐
2. Slang, p. 19; Rosanes, vol. 2, p. 123. ⇐
3. Slang, p. 22; Divna Djuric-Zamolo, “Stari jevrejski cetvrt i jevrejska
ulica u Bejogradu,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1965–67, p. 42. ⇐
4. Slang, p. 22; Rosanes, vol. 2, p. 123; Djuric-Zamolo, p. 44. ⇐
5. Djuric-Zamolo, p. 44. ⇐
6. Ibid., p. 47. ⇐
7. Slang, p. 22. ⇐
8. Aron Alkalaj, “Zivot i obicaji u nekadasnjoj jevrejskoj mahali,” Jevre
jski almanah (N. S.), 1961–62, pp. 83–85. ⇐
9. Ibid., pp. 88–90; Aron Alkalaj, “Purim u jevrejskoj mahali” Jevrejski
almanah (N. S.), 1954, pp. 146–49. ⇐
10. Aron Alkalaj, “Zivot i obicaji,” p. 87. ⇐
11. Slang, pp. 26–41; Rosanes, vol. 3, p. 189, vol. 4, p. 22; Zdenko Lev
ntal, “Iz responza Josefa Almoznina,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1965–67, pp.
30–31. ⇐
12. Slang, p. 50. ⇐
13. Slang, pp. 51–54; Djuric-Zamolo, pp. 46–48. ⇐
14. Slang, pp. 58–59. ⇐
15. Djuriç-Zamolo, p. 48; Vuk Vinaver, “Jevreji u Srbiji pocetkom XIX
veka,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1955–56, p. 29. ⇐
16. Slang, p. 64. ⇐
17. Ibid., pp. 65–66. ⇐
18. L. S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1958), p. 251. See also Tihomir R. Djordjeviç, Iz Srbije kneza Milosa
(Belgrade: Geca Kon, 1924), pp. 152–64. ⇐
19. Stana Djuriç-Klajn, “Zacetnik srpskog muzickog zivota u XIX
veka,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1961–62, pp. 68–73; Viktor Novak, “Josif Slez
inger,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 2, no. 2 (January 11, 1929), pp. 1–2; Slang, pp. 73–
74. ⇐
20. Slang, p. 71. ⇐
21. Isidore Loeb, La Situation des Israélites en Turquie, en Serbie et en Rou
manie (Paris: Joseph Baer et Cie., 1877), p. 22; Narcisse Leven, Cinquante Ans
d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle 1860–1910 (Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan,
1911), p. 94; Slang, p. 80. ⇐
22. Loeb, p. 31. ⇐
23. Loeb, pp. 22–23, 32–33, 41–44; Slang, pp. 81–82; Jean Mousset, La
Serbie et son Église, 1830–1904 (Paris: LibrairievDroz, 1938), p. 253. ⇐
24. Loeb, pp. 33–34; Mousset, p. 254; Slang, p. 82. ⇐
25. Leven, p. 101; Mousset, pp. 254–55. ⇐
26. Loeb, pp. 23–24. ⇐
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
57. Ibid.; KJ-ODS, Definitivni rezultati popisa 1931, vol. 2, pp. vi-vii. The
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Chapter 3
1. An excellent source of information on the growth and development
of the city of Zagreb may be found in an article by Jack C. Fisher, “Urban Anal
ysis: A Case Study of Zagreb Yugoslavia,” Association of American Geographers
Annals, vol. 53, no. 3 (September 1963), pp. 266–84. ⇐
2. Arthur May, The Habsburg Monarchy 1867–1914 (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1965), p. 72. ⇐
3. Gavro Schwarz, Povijest zagrebacke zidovske opçine (Zagreb: Stampari
ja Gaj, 1939), p. 7. ⇐
4. Ibid., pp. 7–8. ⇐
5. Traian Stoianovich, A Study in Balkan Civilization (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1967), p. 166. ⇐
6. Schwarz, p. 9. ⇐
7. Ibid., p. 11. ⇐
8. Ibid., pp. 14–15 ⇐
9. Ibid., pp. 17–18. ⇐
10. Ibid., p. 23. ⇐
11. Ibid., pp. 26–27; Djoko Milojciç, “Nekoliko priloga u povijesti Jevre
ja Jugoslavije,” Zidov, Kulturni i literarni prilog, vol. 1, no. 15 (July 23, 1937),
p. 66. ⇐
12. Milojciç, p. 67. ⇐
13. Schwarz, p. 16. ⇐
14. Nathaniel Katzburg, “Hungarian Jewry in Modern Times,” in Ran
dolph L. Braham, ed., Hungarian-Jewish Studies, vol. 1 (New York: World Fed
eration of Hungarian Jews, 1966), p. 142. ⇐
15. Arhiv Hrvatske, Fond Zemaljske vlade, JU-103, IX-7–1892–6; Docu
ment from Kralj. odjelni predstojnik, No. 1759, November 23, 1870; Letter from
Ministeriami savietnik Bogoviç to Ban Ivan Mazuraniç, No. 1849, October 25,
1873; “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Gesetzes über die Gleichstellung der
Juden,” Zidovska smotra, vol. 2, no. 7 (July 1908), pp. 163–64. ⇐
16. BG-JM, Box 16, Zagreb, No. 34, Reg. br. 1211/55, Osnova zakona o
vjeroispovjednim odnosima from Prilog 18 k. Stenograf. zapisnikom sabora
kralj. Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije, g. 1905, p. 1. ⇐
17. Ibid., p. 4. ⇐
18. Obrazlozenje osnovi zakona o vjeroizpoviednim odnosima, ibid., p.
12. ⇐
19. BG-JM, Box 16, Zagreb, No. 29, Reg. br. 1208/55, Zapisnik o skups
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i Slavoniji; Nos. 37, 38, Reg. br. 1212/55, Preporuka kr. hrvatsko-slavonsko-
dalmatinskoj vladi k osnovi zakona o vjeroispovjednim odnosima; Hugo Kon,
“Izraelitska bogostovna opçina u Zagrebu u godini 1926,” in Godisnjak Izrael
itske bogostovne opçine zagrebacke. (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska stampa, 1928), pp.
21–22. ⇐
20. A similar situation had also existed in Hungary until a law on the
equality of the Jewish religion was passed in 1895. See Katzburg, “Hungarian
Jewry in Modern Times,” pp. 142–43. ⇐
21. Schwarz, p. 32. Goldman resigned from his office in 1849 and subse
quently converted to Christianity, causing quite a scandal in the Jewish com
munity. ⇐
22. Ibid., p. 33. ⇐
23. Ibid., pp. 34–35. ⇐
24. Ibid., pp. 35–36. ⇐
25. Ibid., pp. 37–38, 72–73; “Nesto arhivske gradje za povijest Jevreja u
Jugoslaviji,” Omanut, vol. 1, no. 7 (March 1937), p. 228. ⇐
26. Schwarz, pp. 80–82; Milojciç, “Nekoliko priloga u povijesti Jevreja
Jugoslavije,” p. 100; AH, ZV, JU-103, IX-7–1892–6, Correspondence and reports
on the Orthodox community. ⇐
27. BG-JM, Box 16, Zagreb, No. 16, Reg. br. 1210/55, “Zakon od 7 vel
jace 1906 o uredjenju israelitskih bogostovnih obcina,” in Sbornik zakona i nareda
ba valjanih za Kraljevine Hrvatsku i Slavoniju, vol. 4, no. 9 (1906), p. 146. ⇐
28. See Salo W. Baron, “Freedom and Constraint in the Jewish Com
munity” in Israel Davidson, ed., Essays and Studies in Memory of Linda R.
Miller (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1938), pp. 9–23; Nathaniel
Katzburg, “The Jewish Congress of Hungary, 1868–1869,” Hungarian-Jewish
Studies, vol. 2, pp. 1–33, and “Hungarian Jewry in Modern Times,” ibid., vol.
1, pp. 137–70. ⇐
29. “Zakon od 7 veljace 1906,” p. 147; (Ben Benjamin Zef), “Die Rege
lung der Kultusgemeinde in Kroatien,” Zidovska smotra, vol. 1, nos. 9–10 (Ju
lyAugust 1907), p. 238. ⇐
30. “Zakon od 7 veljace 1906,” p. 150. ⇐
31. (Ben Benjamin Zef), “Die Regelung der Kultusgemeinde in Kroatien,”
pp. 236–37; AJ, MV, 69, 5–98–28, Pravila udruzenja starovjerica clanova izrael
itske bogostovne obçine u Zagrebu (1913); “Izraelitska bogostovna opçina u
Zagrebu u godini 1926,” pp. 28–30. ⇐
32. Ibid., pp. 30, 36. ⇐
33. AJ, MPVO, F 185, Izvestaj SJVO u Beogradu po trazenju Ministarst
va pravde, Pov. br. 1235/39–15, November 4, 1939, Statistika ortodoksne jevre
jske zajednice, November 10, 1939. ⇐
34. Aleksandar Klein, “Nesto statistike o zagrebackim Jevrejima,” Zidov,
vol. 18, no. 7 (February 2, 1934), p. 3. ⇐
35. “Uspjesni financijski rad uprave zagrebacke zidovske opçine,” Zidov,
vol. 24, no. 26 (June 28, 1940), p. 5. ⇐
36. “Socijalni rad uprave zagrebacke zidovske opçine,” Zidov, vol. 24, no.
27 (July 7, 1940), p. 6. ⇐
37. Schwarz, p. 39. ⇐
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38. Ibid., p. 40; Aleksandar Klein, “Nasa osnovna skola,” Zidov, vol. 20,
no. 43 (October 23, 1936), p. 9. ⇐
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39. Ibid. ⇐
40. Klein, “Nasa osnovna skola,” p. 9. ⇐
41. ZG-JL, Godisnje izvjestje Izrajelitske glavne ucione u Zagrebu, 1869–74;
Godisnje izvjesce obospolne Javne izr. pucke skole u Zagrebu, 1880–89; Godisnje iz
vjesce obospolne Izr. konfesionalne skole, 1889–1914. ⇐
42. Klein, “Nasa osnovna skola,” p. 9; “Upisi u zagrebacku konfesion
alnu skolu,” Zidovf vol. 6, nos. 40–41 (September 12, 1922), p. 14; “IBO u Za
grebu u 1926,” Godisnjak IBO Zagreb, p. 39; “Intervju s predsjednikom g. dr Hugo
Konom,” Zidov, vol. 12, nos. 37–38 (September 14, 1928), p. 3; “Intervju s
ravnateljim g. M. Margelom,” ibid., vol. 13, no. 40 (October 4, 1929), p. 7; “Rad
jevrejske vjeroispovjedne opçine u Zagrebu u g. 1934,” ibid., vol. 19, no. 16
(April 17, 1935), p. 9; “Nesto statistike iz zagrebacke jevrejske opçine,” ibid.,
vol. 20, no. 18 (May 1, 1936), p. 9; “Vazna sjednica Pretstojnistva JVO u Zagre
bu,” ibid., vol. 21, no. 17 (April 23, 1937), p. 7; “Rad u prosloj godini JVO u
Zagrebu,” ibid., vol. 22, no. 17 (April 29, 1938), p. 8; “Djelatnost uprave zagre
backe zidovske opçine,” ibid., vol. 24, no. 30 (July 26, 1940), p. 5. ⇐
43. Ibid. ⇐
44. “Statistisches über die kroatischen Mittelschulen im Schuljahre 1907–
8,” Zidovska smotra, vol. 2, no. 8 (August 1908), pp. 205–6. ⇐
45. “Osnovna skola JVO u Zagrebu,” Zidov, vol. 18, no. 28 (July 13, 1934),
p. 6. ⇐
46. “Vazna sjednica Pretstojnistva JVO u Zagrebu,” Zidov, vol. 20, no. 17
(April 23, 1937), p. 7. ⇐
47. BG-JM, Box 16, Zagreb, No. 8, Reg. br. 1215/55, Statuten des Agramer
israelitischen Kranken-Unterstützungund Beerdigungs-Vereines (Chebra Kadischa),
Agram, 1859; Statuten der Israelitischen Cultus-Gemeinde in Agram (1867). ⇐
48. Lavoslav Sik, “Pojavi dr Hozeja Jacobia,” Zidov, vol. 9, nos. 17–18
(April 24, 1925), p. 3. ⇐
49. David Spitzer, “Reminiscences,” Omanut, vol. 3, nos. 4–5 (AprilMay
1939), p. 57. ⇐
50. M. Ekmeciç, “Profiles of Societies in the Second Half of the Nine
teenth Century,” in Vladimir Dedijer, et al., History of Yugoslavia (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1974), p. 359. ⇐
51. “Svakako, samo ne hrvatski,” Zidov, vol. 2, no. 19 (October 1, 1918),
p. 1. ⇐
52. Statisticki godisnjak Kraljevine Hrvatske i Slavonije, vol. 1, 1905 (Zagreb,
1913), p. 45; Ljubomir St. Kosier, Jevreji u Jugoslaviji i Bugarskoj, pp. 120–21. ⇐
53. Ibid. ⇐
54. Germany, Publikationsstelle Wien, Die Gliederung der Bevölkerung des
ehemaligen Jugoslawien nach Muttersprache und Konfession, p. 304. ⇐
Chapter 4
1. Oscar I. Janowsky, The Jews and Minority Rights 1898–1919 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1933), p. 155. ⇐
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2. Minorities Treaty, art. 2. For the complete text of this agreement, see
app. 2. ⇐
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20. Kirk, Europe’s Population in the Interwar Years, table 3, p. 24; Jozo To
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35. Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Fond Kraljevine banske uprave, DZ, pov.
1931, List of students studying abroad, Sarajevo, 1930/31 and 1931/32. ⇐
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36. KJ-ODS, Statisticki godisnjak, vol. 1 (1929), pp. 378–79; ibid., vol. 10
(1940), p. 359. ⇐
37. Lavoslav Sik, “Poljski Jevreji na medicinskom fakultetu u Ljubljani,”
Zidov, vol. 18, no. 4 (January 26, 1934), p. l. ⇐
38. KJ-ODS, Statisticki godisnjak, vol. 10 (1940), p. 359. ⇐
39. SJVO, Izvestaj VII kongresu, table 4, p. 86. ⇐
40. KJ-ODS, Statisticki godisnjak, vol. 1 (1929), pp. 378–79; ibid., vol. 10
(1940), p. 359. ⇐
41. Ruppin, The Jewish Fate and the Future, p. 274. ⇐
42. KJ-ODS, Statisticki godisnjak, vol. 3 (1931); Definitivni rezultati popisa
1931, vol. 2 (1938). ⇐
Chapter 5
1. For a complete translation of this law see app. 4. ⇐
2. A debate on the future of Sephardic and Ashkenazic relations was
presented in a series of articles in Zidov in May and June of 1926. ⇐
3. AJ-MPVO, F 184, Predlog zakona o verskoj zajednici mojsijevaca u
KSHS (n. d. -1926?); Statut za jevrejsku veroispovest u KSHS (n. d. -1928?);
Projekt zakona o pravnom uredjenju i odnosu ortodoksnog Jevrejstva u KSHS
(n. d. -1928?). ⇐
4. Law on the Religious Community of Jews, arts. 5, 26. ⇐
5. Ibid., arts. 9, 10, 11. ⇐
6. Ibid., art. 7. ⇐
7. Ibid., art. 2. ⇐
8. Ibid., arts. 13, 14. These institutions will be discussed further in the
next chapter. ⇐
9. Ibid., arts. 21, 25. ⇐
10. Ibid., arts. 2, 3. The subsequent discussion is based upon the follow-
ing statutes:
a. for Zagreb: Statuten der Israelitischen Cultus Gemeinde in Agram
(1867) (found in the Zagreb University Library); Pravila izraelitske bo
gostovne opçine u Zagrebu (1912) (ZGU); ibid. (1923) (ZGU); Pravila
jevrejske veroispovjedne opçine u Zagrebu (1931) (BG-JM); Pravila jevre
jske veroispovjedne opçine sefardskog obreda u Zagrebu (1927) (AJ-MV);
Pravila izraelitske ortodoksne bogostovne opçine u Zagrebu (1925) (AJ
MV).
b. for Belgrade: Pravila crkveno-skolske jevrejske opstine u Beogradu
(1893) (Zagreb Jewish Library); ibid. (1926) (ZG-JL); Pravila jevrejske
sefardske veroispovedne opstine u Beogradu (1936) (AJ-MPVO); Pravi
la jevrejske veroispovedne opstine eskenaskog obreda u Beogradu (1930,
1933) (AJ-MPVO).
c. for Sarajevo: Statutes of the Sephardic Community of Sarajevo (1731)
(Moritz Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien [German], pp. 21–25); Statutes of
the Spanish Israelite Community in Sarajevo (1882) (in original Ladino,
transliterated, and in Serbo-Croatian translation in Isak Levi and Dr. Josef
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ogradu,” Zidov, vol. 16, no. 21 (May 27, 1932); “Izbori u sefardskoj opstini,” ibid.,
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pp. 38–39; annual reports in Zidov on the work of the Zagreb Jewish communi
ty and its budget to 1940. ⇐
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Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 2, no. 3 (January 15, 1937); Salom M. Freiberger, ed. and
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vrejski narodni kalendar, vol. 1, 1935–36, pp. 113–17; “Vjerska nastava Sefarada
u SA,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 7, no. 2 (January 12, 1934), p. 5. ⇐
92. Kalmi Baruh, “Rad hebrejske skole ‘Safa Berura’,” Jevrejski zivot, vol.
2, no. 56 (April 24, 1925), p. 5. ⇐
93. See section on anti-Jewish legislation in chapter 9 below. ⇐
94. Solomon Kalderon, “Jevrejska gimnazija u Beogradu,” Jevrejski alma-
nah (N. S.), 1954, pp. 150–52; Avram Pinto, “Protujevrejski zakoni za vrijeme
vlade dra Anton Koroseca, ministra prosveta,” (Sarajevo); Avram Pinto, “Jevre
jska gimnazija u Sarajevu 1939/40 godine,” Jevrejski pregled, vol. 25, nos. 11–12
(November-December 1974), pp. 20–26. ⇐
Chapter 6
1. Hugo Spitzer, “Povijest pokreta za osnutak SJO,”Zidov, vol. 5, no. 36
(November 20, 1921), cp. 1–3; “Bundestag der jüdischen Kultusgemeinde in
Kroatien-Slavonien,” Zidovska smotra, vol. 2, no. 7 (July 1908), pp. 173–78; AH,
ZV, JU-103, H-1908–50–396, Correspondence between Osijek Jewish community,
Zagreb Jewish community, and ZV, 1909–10; “Osnivanje Saveza,” in David Levi-
Dale, ed., Spomenica SJO Jugoslavije 1919–1969 (Belgrade: Srbostampa, 1969), pp.
23–26. ⇐
2. Friedrich Pops, “Osnivanje SJVO,” Glasnik SJVO, vol. 1 (1933),
pp. 4–7. ⇐
3. Nikola Tolnauer, “Dr Hugo Spitzer,” Zidov, vol. 6, nos. 4–5 (January
20, 1922), p. 1; “Dr Hugo Spitzer,” ibid., vol. 18, no. 33 (August 17, 1934), p. 1;
“Dr Hugo Spitzer,” Jevrejski narodni kalendar, vol. 1, 1935–36, p. 34; Spomenica
SJOJ, pp. 187–89. ⇐
4. “Dr Fridrih Pops, sezdesetgodisnjak,” Zidov, vol. 18, no. 48 (Novem
ber 30, 1934), p. 2; David A. Alkalaj, “Dr Fridrih Pops,” Vesnik, vol. 2, no. 15
(March 1, 1940), pp. 2–3; Bata (Naftali) Gedalja, “Dr Fridrih Pops,” Jevrejski al
manah (N. S.), 1955–56, pp. 138–45; Spomenica SJO], pp. 190–92. ⇐
5. “Resolucija predstojnistva,” Zidov, vol. 3, nos. 12–13 (April 14, 1919),
pp. 2–5; Spomenica SJOJ, pp. 28–29. ⇐
6. “Izvestaj o kongresu zidovskih opçina,” Zidov, vol. 3, nos. 22–23 (July
22, 1919), pp. 7–9; BG-JM, 5b, Rad SJVO pre rata, First circular of SJVO to the
executives of all Jewish-Israelite religious communities, August 15, 1919;
Spomenica SJOJ, pp. 29–31. ⇐
7. AJ, MPVO, F 184, Letter from UOJVO to MV, signed by Herman Deut
sch and Sandor Pollak, May 8, 1924. ⇐
8. Art. 2 of “Pravila SJVO u KSHS,” Zidov, vol. 5, nos. 31–32 (September
30, 1921), p. 17. ⇐
9. Arts. 11, 12 of “Pravila SJVO,” ibid. In 1936 these provisions were re
vised so that the central committee consisted of thirty-six members: twenty-nine
laymen, of whom at least six had to have their residence in Belgrade, the chief
rabbi, five rabbis, and one cantor, with eleven substitutes, eight lay, and three
rabbinic. BG-JM, Box 11f, Izmene i dopune u Pravilima SJVO, April 24, 1939. ⇐
10. AJ, MP, 214–218–33, Attendance records of central committee and
executive board meetings of SJVO, 1921–33. ⇐
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11. BG-JM, Box 30, Makedonija-Kosmet, Circular from SJVO to all Jew
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ish communities, January 20, 1922; Ivan Kon, “Najvazniji momenti u radu
SJVO,” Glasnik SJVO, vol. 1, (1933), pp. 11–12. ⇐
12. AJ, MV, 69, 4–61–23, Letter from SJVO to MV, No. 12343, June 26,
1923; “SJVO,” Zidov, vol. 7, no. 48 (November 24, 1923), p. 5. ⇐
13. AJ, MPVO, F 184, Zapisnik kongresa SJVO KSHS and Zapisnik II
redovnog kongresa; BG-JM, Box 30, Makedonija-Kosmet, Memorandum from
SJVO to all Jewish communities, No. 885, September 16, 1924. ⇐
14. “Kongres SJVO,” Zidov, vol. 5, nos. 37–38 (December 1, 1921), p. 8;
AJ, MPVO, F 184, Zapisnik sednice Glavnog odbora SJVO, Zagreb, January 25,
1938. ⇐
15. Izvestaj Glavnog i Izvrsnog odbora V redovnog kongresa SJVO, 2 i 3 aprila
1933 (Belgrade: Polet, 1933);“V kongres SJVO u Beogradu 2–3 aprila 1933,”
Zidov, vol. 17, no. 14 (April 7, 1933), pp. 3–8; Hanoar, vol. 6, nos. 6–8 (March-
May, 1933), p. 218. ⇐
16. “Konferencija u Beogradu,” Zidov, vol. 18, no. 29 (July 20, 1934), p. 1;
Bukiç Pijade, “Za snosljivost u jevrejstvu,” ibid., pp. 1–2; “Povodom beograd
ske konferencije—Asimilacija?” Malchut Jisrael, vol. 2, no. 15 (August 1, 1934),
p. 5. ⇐
17. “Sjednica Glavnog odbora SJVO,” Zidov, vol. 20, no. 36 (September
4, 1936), p. 8; “Sjednica Glavnog odbora SJVO u Beogradu,” Jevrejski glas, vol.
9, no. 36 (September 4, 1936), pp. 1–3; “Kriza u Savezu opçina,” ibid., pp. 2–3;
as well as a lengthy series of articles in both papers in subsequent editions, last
ing until 1939. ⇐
18. “VII kongres SJVO u Beogradu, 23 i 24 aprila 1939,”Zidov, vol. 23, no.
17 (April 28, 1939), pp. 5–7; “I ovaj kongres SJVO dokazao da imamo pravo,”
Jevrejski glas, vol. 12, no. 17 (April 28, 1939), p. l; “23–24 aprila odrzan je u Be
ogradu VII kongres SJVO,” ibid., pp. 5–7. ⇐
19. “Sistematsko eliminisanje sefardskih prvaka iz javnog jevrejskog ziv
ota,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 12, no. 19 (May 12, 1939), p. 3. ⇐
20. This dispute is dealt with very polemically in a long series of arti-
cles in Malchut Jisrael and later Jevrejska tribuna, 1937–39; “Povodom kongresa
SJVO,” Jevrejska tribuna, vol. 3, no. 12 (April 21, 1939), pp. 4–5. ⇐
21. Salo Baron, The Jewish Community, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Jewish Pub
lication Society of America, 1942), pp. 12–13. ⇐
22. AJ, MPVO, F 183, MPVO to Pretsednik Ministarskog saveta, No.
44696/30–15, (n. d. 1930); F 184, MPVO, Uredba o stalnoj godisnjoj pomoçi
verskoj zajednici Jevreja u KJ, No. 30497/30–15, March 29, 1930. ⇐
23. Borivoie B. Mirkovitch, La Yougoslavie Politique et Economique (Par
is: Pierre Bossuet, 1935), p. 50. A second source, which was somewhat more
anti-Serb, reported that, according to the 1929 budget, the Orthodox received
a total of 61,561,613 dinars (made up of 46,312,613 dinars in ordinary subsi
dy and 15,240,000 dinars in special contributions), the Catholics were given
35,612,363 dinars; the Muslims, 19,983,952, and the Protestants, 1,155,000 di
nars, whereas the Jewish figure was the only one to correspond exactly at
1,131,220. According to these tabulations, the Orthodox as well as the Mus
lims also received much more than their equitable share, while the Catholics
and the Protestants were worse off. Nevertheless, the Jewish community still
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emerges on top on a per capita basis. See C. A. Macartney, Hungary and Her
Successors, (London: Oxford University Press, 1937), p. 425. ⇐
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24. AJ, MPVO, F183, Letter from SJVO to MPVO, No. 1640, March 18, 1935;
also SJVO to MPVO, No. 1913, April 8, 1927; No. 2160, April 2, 1938; No. 2419,
April 18, 1939; No. 2124, April 8, 1940; UOJVO to MPVO, No. 366, May 10, 1931;
No. 60, May 5, 1933; Budget UOJVO for 1934/35, May 6, 1934; to 1940. ⇐
25. AJ, MPVO, F 184, MPVO, Uredba, March 29, 1930; F 183, SJVO to
MPVO, No. 1130, May 15, 1931. ⇐
26. “Drzavna pomoç jevrejskoj zajednici i njena upotreba,” Sluzbeni list
SJVO, vol. 2, no. 4 (February 15, 1937), pp. 5–6. ⇐
27. Defense activities will be discussed in chapter 9. ⇐
28. Law on the Religious Community of Jews, art. 13. ⇐
29. Similarly, there existed an Orthodox rabbinical synod with three
members, associated with the Orthodox Union, which was also headed by the
chief rabbi. Law on the Religious Community of Jews, art. 14. ⇐
30. BG-JM, 58a, Pravila SJVO u KJ (Belgrade: Stampa Merkur, 1930), arts.
22–24. ⇐
31. AJ, MPVO, F 184, Zapisnik III kongres SJVO KSHS, 25 decembra 1927
u Beogradu; “Iz zivota SJVO,” Glasnik SJVO, vol. 3 (1933), p. 223; SJVO, Izvestaj
VI kongresa (Belgrade: Prosveta, 1936), p. 18. ⇐
32. AJ, MPVO, F 184, SJVO to MPVO, No. 42, January 4, 1937; “Znacaj
na sednica Glavnog odbora SJVO,” Zidov, vol. 22, no. 4 (January 28, 1938), pp.
4–5; “Definitivno utvrdjivanje teritorijalne nadleznosti JVO u KJ,” Sluzbeni list
SJVO, vol. 3, no. 22 (October 15, 1938), p. 2; “Iz izvestaja Glavnog odbora—
Rabinski sinod,” Zidov, vol. 23, no. 16 (April 21, 1939), p. 5. ⇐
33. “Kongres jevrejskih opçina,” Zidov, vol. 5, no. 36 (November 20, 1921),
p. 3; AJ, MPVO, F 184, Zapisnik II redovnog kongresa; Gavro Schwarz, “Izo
brazba vjeroucitelja i kantora,” Zidov, vol. 12, no. 23 (June 8, 1928), p. 2. ⇐
34. Prvi izvjestaj Jevrejskog srednjeg teoloskog zavoda u SA za skolske god
ine 1928/29 i 1929/30, ed. Moric Levi (Sarajevo: Stamparija Papo, 1930), pp. 6–
11, 25; “Rad u JSTZ u skolskoj godine 1928/29,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 2, no. 26
(July 5, 1929), p. 2; “JSTZ u Sarajevu,” ibid., vol. 3, no. 32 (August 15, 1930),
p. 3. ⇐
35. Prvi izvjestaj JSTZ, pp. 22–23; art. 17 in “Statut o ustrojstvu i nastavnom
planu JSTZ,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 2, no. 3 (January 15, 1937), pp. 3–7. ⇐
36. The SJVO regularly allotted approximately 200,000 dinars of its an
nual subvention to the seminary. AJ, MPVO, F 183, SJVO to MPVO, No. 1130,
May 15, 1931, No. 1913, April 8, 1937. ⇐
37. Prvi izvjestaj JSTZ, p. 11; art. 4, “Statut JSTZ,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol.
2, no. 3 (January 15, 1937), p. 3. ⇐
38. Prvi izvjestaj JSTZ, p. 36. ⇐
39. AJ, MPVO, F 184, SJVO to MPVO, No. 6486, December 15, 1934. ⇐
40. “Iz izvestaja Glavnog odbora—JSTZ,” Zidov, vol. 22, no. 16 (April
21, 1939), p. 6; Izvestaj Glavnog odbora VII kongresu 23 i 24 aprila 1939 godine,
pp. 27–28. ⇐
41. Izvestaj o radu u godinama 1933–1936 VI kongresa, p. 17; Izvestaj VII
kongresa (1939), p. 28. ⇐
42. Samuel Kamhi, “O potrebi jedinstvenog uredjenja sudbenosti u
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Mjesecnik jevrejskih kantora, vol. 1, no. 1 (January 1928), p. 3; ibid., no. 2 (Febru
ary 1928); “Generalversammlung des Verbandes der jüdischen Kantoren in
KSHS,” ibid., no. 3 (March 1928). ⇐
58. Jakov Maestro, “Za organizaciju jevrejskih vjeroucitelja,” Glasnik
SJVO, vol. 3 (1933), pp. 211–13. ⇐
59. Arhiv Instituta za radnicki pokret Hrvatske, Fond Velikog zupana
Zagreba, VI/3, K18, Pravila Udruzenja prosvjetnih i administrativnih sluzbe
nika jevrejskih ustanova u KJ, June 26, 1938. ⇐
60. “O osiguranju sluzbenika JVO,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 2, no. 4 (Feb
ruary 15, 1937), pp. 3–4; “Kongres rabina, kongres kantora i sastanak ostalih
sluzbenika jevrejskih ustanova u Zagrebu,” Zidov, vol. 21, no. 47 (November 5,
1937), p. 8; “Statut centralnog penzionog fonda,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 3, nos.
20–21 (July 15, 1938), pp. 3–11; “Sastav uprave Centralnog penzionog fonda,”
Zidov, vol. 22, no. 43 (October 28, 1938), p. 9. ⇐
Chapter 7
1. Discussion in this chapter will be limited to local charitable and
cultural associations. Zionism and the Sephardic movement, with their af
filiated organizations, as well as youth activities, will be dealt with in chap
ter 8. ⇐
2. Braco Poljokan, “O ustanovama u jevrejskom Sarajevu i o njihovom
radu,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 2, nos. 17–18 (April 24, 1929), p. 10; Dragutin Tolenti
no, “Reformacija i ujedinjenje nasih drustava,” Zidovska svijest, vol. 2, no. 57
(January 23, 1920), p. 2; as well as reports on annual meetings of the various
organizations in Jevrejski glas and Zidov to 1941. ⇐
3. Julije Hahamoviç, “Askenazi u BiH,” Spomenica 400 godina od dolaska
Jevreja u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, 1566–1966, ed. Samuel Kamhi (Sarajevo: Bozidar
Sekuliç, 1966) pp. 148–50; Spomenica prigodom 50 godisnjeg opstanka JVO ask.
obreda u SA, ed. Oskar Grof (Sarajevo: Stamparija Bosanska posta, 1930);
“Drustvenost i karitativan rad—Iz istorije Ahdusa,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 3, no. 2
(January 17, 1930), p. 9;”25–godisnjica kulturno-humanitarnog drustva Ahdu
sa,” ibid., vol. 5, no. 3 (January 15, 1932). ⇐
4. Stanislav Vinaver, “La Benevolencija,” in Spomenica proslavi trideset
godisnjica sarajevskoga kulturno-potpornoga drustva La Benevolencija, maja 1924, ed.
Stanislav Vinaver (Beigrade: Vreme, 1924), pp. 3–5; Avram Pinto, “Jevrejska
drustva u Sarajevu,” Spomenica 400, pp. 174–75. ⇐
5. Vinaver, “La Benevolencija,” pp. 5–6, 8; Pinto, “Jevrejska drustva u
Sarajevu,” pp. 174–75. ⇐
6. Vinaver, “La Benevolencija,” pp. 5, 7. ⇐
7. Vita Kajon, “La Benevolencia u posljednjih deset godina (1923– 33),”
Godisnjak La Benevolencia i Potpora (1933), tables 1–5. ⇐
8. Ibid., pp. 8–12; Pinto, “Jevrejska drustva u Sarajevu,” pp. 177–79; “Rad
La Benevolencije za naucnike,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 2, no. 11 (March 15, 1929);
Kalmi Baruh, “La Benevolencija mora da nadje novu orijentaciju u svom radu,”
Jevrejski glas, vol. 5, no. 43 (October 21, 1932), pp. 4–5. ⇐
9. Spomenica proslavi tridesetgodisnjice sarajevskoga kulturno-potpornoga
drustva La Benevolencija, maja 1924, ed. Stanislav Vinaver (Beigrade: Vreme,
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served and are presently being kept in the Yugoslav National Archive in a col
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lection called Masonic Lodges, under the subheading Jewish Masonic Lodges.
Other evidence to this effect is to be found in: “Jevrejske slobodnozidarske loze
u Jugoslaviji,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 7, no. 8 (February 23, 1934), p. 5; and Zidovska
Masonerija (Zagreb: Mosk, 1935). ⇐
24. AJ, Fond Masonskih loza, 100–18–64; Spomenica Loze Zagreba 1090
NOBB, 1927–1932, pp. 44–46. ⇐
25. Ibid., pp. 46–50; S. J. Alkalaj, “NOBB Loza Srbija u Beogradu,” Jevre
jski zivot, vol. 1, no. 9 (May 23, 1924), p. 6; “Jevrejski muzej u Beogradu,” Zi
dov, vol. 8, no. 11 (March 14, 1924), p. 5. ⇐
26. Spomenica Loze Zagreba NOBB 1927–32, pp. 30–35. ⇐
27. AJ, Fond Masonskih loza, 100–18–57, Letter from Lodge Serbia to
Grand Lodge 11 District Istanbul, December 26, 1931; 100–18–58, Correspond
ence between Lodge Serbia and Sarajevo, 1932; 100–23–103, Adresar çlanova
Loza BB KJ, Sarajevo, 1933. ⇐
28. NOBB Velika loza za KJ 18 Distrikt, Spomenica svecane instalacije Ve
like loze u Beogradu, 27 oktobra 1935. ⇐
29. AJ, Fond Masonskih loza, 100–21–99, 100–21–100, 100–21–101, Cor
respondence between the Yugoslav Grand Lodge and Jewish organizations
abroad, 1935–1940. ⇐
30. AJ, Fond Masonskih loza, 100–19–78, Correspondence between
Grand Lodge and Lodge Sarajevo, 1936–37. ⇐
31. “Proslava 50–godisnjice Jevrejskog zenskog drustva u Beogradu,”
Zidov, vol. 8, no. 47 (November 7, 1924), p. 5; “Savez jevrejskih zenskih udruzen
ja,” Jevrejski narodni kalendar, vol. 1 1935–36, p. 182; Sofija Almuli, “Jelena De
majo,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1955–56, pp. 149–53. ⇐
32. “Osnutak Saveza cijonistickih zena u KSHS,” Zidov, vol. 12, no. 16
(April 20, 1928); “Sedma zemaljska konferencija Saveza cijonistickih zena,” ibid.,
vol. 24, no. 2 (January 12, 1940). ⇐
33. Jelena de Majo, “O kulturnih razvitka jevrejske zene u Srbiji,” Jevre
jsko zensko drustvo u Beogradu, 1874–1924 (Belgrade, 1924), pp. 53–61. ⇐
34. Sofija Almuli, “Jelena Demajo,” pp. 149–53. ⇐
35. “Kratka istorija JZD,” Jevrejsko zensko drustvo u Beogradu, 1874–1924,
pp. 7–16. ⇐
36. Ibid., p. 17. ⇐
37. Ibid., pp. 19–35; “O radu JZD u Beogradu,” Jevrejsfa glas, vol. 1, no.
49 (December 21, 1928), p. 1; “Beogradska kronika—JZD,” Zidov, vol. 14, no. 7
(February 14, 1930), p. 6; AJ, Fond Masonskih loza, 100–18–55, article on JZD,
1939; Sofija Almuli, “Jelena Demajo,” pp. 150–53. ⇐
38. “JZD Dobrotvor,” Glasnik jevrejske askenaske VO, vol. 1, no. 2 (Febru
ary 15, 1941), p. 19. ⇐
39. “Glavna skupstina La Humanidad,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 5, no. 12
(March 18, 1932), p. 6; “Glavna godisnja skupstina La Humanidad,” Jevrejski
glas, vol. 13, no. ll (March 14, 1940), pp. 8–9; “Glavna godisnja skupstina Soci
etad de vizitar dolientes,” ibid., p. 7. ⇐
40. ABH, VZSO, pov. 1926–210, Historijatjevr. ask. gospojinskog drust
va u Sarajevu, 1926; “Glavna skupstina Ask. gosp. drustva,” Jevrejski glas, vol.
2, no. 37 (November 8, 1929); A. Benau, “Jevr. ask. gosp. drustvo u Sarajevu,”
ibid., vol. 3, no. 2 (January 17, 1930), p. 8. ⇐
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13, 1931); Mose de Majo, “Jevrejska ustanova u Beogradu,” pp. 54–55; AJ, Fond
Masonskih loza, 100–19–89, List of lecture topics, 1938–39; “10 godine rada
Jevrejske citaonice,” Zidov, vol. 24, no. 6 (February 9, 1940), p. 6; BG-JM, Box
11, Belgrade, Aron Alkalaj, Beleske o kulturnim zivotu Jevreja u Beogradu; Aron
Alkalaj, “Dvanaest godina Jevrejske citaonice u Beogradu, 1929– 1941,” Jevre
jski almanah (N. S.), 1955–56, pp. 113–16. ⇐
54. David A. Alkalaj, “Hajim Davico, knjizevnik sa Jalije,” Gideon, vol.
6, nos. 4–5 (November 15, 1925), pp. 77–81; Mihailo B. Milosevic, “Hajim S.
Davico, 1854–1918,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1965–67, pp. 129–37. ⇐
55. Ibid. ⇐
56. Since Laura Papo received her education in Istanbul and in
France, her Ladino contains a number of foreign admixtures as well as spell
ing peculiarities. This, however, does not negate her cultural contribution
to Bosnian Sephardic literature. Arhiv grada Sarajeva, Ostavstite Laura
Bohoreta Papo; Rikica Ovadija, “Laura Papo Bohoreta,” Spomenica 400, pp.
305–8; Camfara Esref, “Laura Papo Bohoreta,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.),
1965–67, pp. 136–44. ⇐
57. Isak Samokovlija, Sabrana djela, 3 vols. (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1967);
Marko Markovic, “Pripovjedacki lik Isaka Samokovlije,” Jevrejski almanah (N.
S.), 1955–56, pp. 225–26; Slavko Miçanoviç, “Isak Samokovlija,” Spomenica 400,
pp. 279–88. ⇐
58. “Pedesetgodisnjica dra Hinka Gottlieba,” Zidov, vol. 20, no. 18 (May
1, 1936), p. 7; Slavko Radej, “Hinko Gotlib,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1954, pp.
127–31. ⇐
59. Kalmi Baruch wrote studies on Lope de Vega, Calderon, Miguel de
Unamuno, as well as works entitled “Jews in the Balkans and Their language”
and “Spanish Romances of Bosnian Jewry.” Samuel Kamhi, “Dr Kalmi Baruh,”
Spomenica 400, pp. 289–95. ⇐
60. Juda Levi, article in Nasi Jevreji, ed. Mica Dimitrijevic (1940), pp.
46– 49; David S. Pijade, “Nasi slikari,” Godisnjak La Benevolencia i Potpora, pp.
106–9; Olivera Djuric, “Slikar Leon Koen, 1859–1934,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.),
1954, pp. 121–26; Aleksa Celebonoviç, “Bora Baruh,” ibid., pp. 139–42; Vojo
Dimitrijevic, “Slikari Jevreji u Sarajevu izmedju dva rata,” Spomenica 400, pp.
315– 17; Aleksa Celebonoviç, “Danijel Ozmo,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1954,
pp. 143–45. ⇐
61. Kultura i umjetnosti u BiH, ed. Risto Besareviç (Sarajevo, 1968), pp.
152–53, 227–28; Luci Mevorah-Petrovic, “Abraham Kapon,” Jevrejski almanah (N.
S.), 1961–62, pp. 77–79; Haim Kamhi, “Jevrejska publicistika u BiH,” Spomeni
ca 400, p. 168. ⇐
62. Zidovska smotra (1906–1914); Joel Rosenberger, “Zidovska smotra, 1906–
1931,” Zidov, vol. 15, no. 49 (December 4, 1931), p. 1. ⇐
63. Zidov (1917–1941); “Sluzbeno glasilo Zidovf “Zidov, vol. 10, no. 41
(October 8, 1926), p. 3. ⇐
64. Zidovska svijest (1919–1924); Narodna zidovska svijest (1924–1928);
Jevrejski zivot (1924–1927); Jevrejski glas (1928–1941); Haim Kamhi, “Jevrejska
publicistika u BiH,” Spomenica 400, pp. 169–70. ⇐
65. “Beogradska pisma,” Zidov, vol. 12, no. 39 (September 28, 1928), p.
3; Beogradski Jevrejski glasnik (1924); Glasnik SJVO (1933); Sluzbeni list SJVO
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66. Haaviv, List jevrejske djece (1922–1941); Gideon, Vijesnik SZOU (1919–
1926); Hanoar, List jevrejske omladine Jugoslavije (1926–1937). ⇐
67. Jüdisches Volksblatt (1921–1925); Israel, Jüdische Wochenschrift von
Marthef (1925–1928); Malchut Jisrael Cijonisticki-revizionisticki organ (1933–1937);
Jevrejska tribuna (1937–1941). ⇐
Chapter 8
1. See C. A. Macartney, Hungary and Her Successors (London: Oxford
University Press, 1937), p. 433. ⇐
2. See, for example, Rebecca West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon (New York:
Viking Press, 1956), p. 192. ⇐
3. Vladimir Sachs, Izraelicani i krsçansko-socijalni kulturni program (Var
azdin, 1910), p. 9. ⇐
4. Lavoslav Glesinger, “Ilirski pokret i Jevreji,” Jevrejski narodni kalendar,
vol. 2, 1936–37, pp. 59–71; Dusko Keckemet, Via Morpurgo i narodni preporod u
Splitu (Split, 1963). ⇐
5. Hinko Hinkoviç, The Jugoslav Problem, reprinted from The World Court
(1918); Lavoslav Sik, “Obraçanje dra Hinka Hinkoviça,” Zidov, vol. 18, no. 36
(June 7, 1934), pp. 5–6. ⇐
6. “O patriotizmu nasih Zidova,” Zidov, vol. 2, no. 8 (April 16, 1918), p.
2; Nikola Tolnauer, “Nekoliko rijeci k jugoslavenskom problemu,” ibid., vol. 2,
no. 16 (August 16, 1918), pp. 1–2. ⇐
7. “Zagrebacka bogostovna opçina protiv pomocne akcije za Palestinu,”
Zidov, vol. 2, no. 13 (July 1, 1918), p. 3. ⇐
8. AH, ZV, JU-103, V-1919–27, Letter from Zagreb Jewish Communi
ty, No. 135–19/R-26 to Dr. Ivan Palecek, ban of Croatia-Slavonia, April 9,
1919. ⇐
9. “Rezolucija predstojnistva,” Zidov, vol. 3, nos. 12–13 (April 14, 1919),
pp. 2–5. ⇐
10. “Prilog k prirodnoznastvu asimilanata,” Zidov, vol. 6, no. 18 (April
21, 1922), p. 5. ⇐
11. Mirko Breyer, “Glas srca i savjesti,” Nova Evropa, vol. 5, nos. 9–10 (July
21, 1922), pp. 280–83. ⇐
12. ‘Trilog k prirodnoznastvu asimilanata,” Zidov, vol. 6, no. 18 (April 21,
1922), p. 5; Ko je ko u Jugoslaviji (Belgrade: Jugoslovenski godisnjak, 1928). ⇐
13. Gavro Schwarz, “Nesto statistike iz Zagreba,” Glasnik SJVO, vol. 3
(1933), pp. 196–200. ⇐
14. Gavro Schwarz, “Nekoliko interesantnih statistickih podataka iz zagr.
JVO,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 2, no. 13 (November 15, 1937), p. 4; Gavro Schwarz,
“Malo statistike zagr. zid. opçine iz godine 1937,” Zidov, vol. 22, no. l (January
7, 1938), p. 5; “Djelatnost uprave zagr. zid. opçine,” ibid., vol. 24, no. 30 (July
26, 1940), p. 5. ⇐
15. D. A. Koen, Besede posvecene Srpskoj omladini mojsijeve vere (Belgrade:
Stamparija Sv. Nikoliça, 1897). ⇐
16. “Svecana sednica nove uprave u opstinskoj salu,” Zidov, vol. 16, no.
27 (July 8, 1932). ⇐
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33. Arhiv grada Zagreba, Fond Alexander Licht, Letter from Licht to Leo
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Herman, general secretary, Keren Hayesod, Jerusalem, December 31, 1931; CZA,
Z4–3568, Memorandum to Keren Hayesod, April 4, 1932; Correspondence be
tween the Federation of Zionists of Yugoslavia and Zionist Organization, Lon
don, on Sephardim, 1931–32. ⇐
34. Balkanska konferencija sefardskih Jevreja (Belgrade: Stamparija Kariç,
1930); Benjamin Pinto, “BGska sefardska konferencija,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 3, no.
22 (June 1, 1930), pp. 1–3; Braco Poljokan, “Rad sefardske konferencije u BG,”
ibid., no. 23 (June 6, 1930), p. 1; “Sefardska konferencija u BG,” Zidov, vol. 14,
no. 23 (June 6, 1930), pp. 2–6. ⇐
35. Universal Confederation of Sephardic Jews, Financial Report and
General Administrative Report for the year 5687 (1926/1927) (Jerusalem: Haibri
Press, 1927); CZA, Z4–3579–II, Summary of Report of World Union of
Sephardic Jews; Org. Dept. der Exec., London, Memo an der Exec. betreffend
Weltkonfederation der Seph. Juden, February 2, 1928; plus further correspond
ence between SCJ and ZO; “Stav BG sef. organ.,” Zidov, vol. 21, no. 23 (June
4, 1937), p. 5; “O skupstini BG organ, sef. Jevreja,” ibid., vol. 18, no. 13 (March
29, 1940), p. 4. ⇐
36. Die Welt, vol. 6, no. 45 (November 7, 1902), p. 10; ibid., vol. 13, no.
13 (March 26, 1909), pp. 291–92; “10 semestara rada zagr. Esperanze,” Jevrejski
glas, vol. 2, no. 9 (March 1, 1929); Jakov Atijas, “Esperansa, Jevrejski sefardski
studentski klub u ZG,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1955–56, pp. 110–12. ⇐
37. “Izvestaj sa Sef. konferencije,” Jevrejski zivot, vol. 3, no. 169 (August
26, 1927), p. 4. ⇐
38. SCJ, Izvestaj Saveznog odbora vijecu SC u KSHS u Subotici, dne 4 i 5
decembra 1927; “Saveznom vijecu SZOU,” Hanoar, vol. 2, nos. 2–3 (December
1927), p. 94. ⇐
39. Jesua Kajon, “Omladina i sarajevski sporazum,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 1,
no. 1 (January 13, 1928), p. 4; Samuel Kamhi, “O Organizaciji sefardske omla
dine u KSHS,” ibid., vol. 1, no. 2 (January 20, 1928), p. 4; “Konferencija Sireg
odbora Organ, sef. omladine u ZG,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 1, no. 14 (April 20, 1928),
p. 3; Izvjestaj Saveznog odbora vijecu SCKSHS, BG, 1929; Pavao Wertheim, “SZOU
i Organ. Sef. Omladine,” Hanoar, vol. 4, no. 2 (January-March 1931), p. 162. ⇐
40. SA-JL, Marriage registries of Sarajevo Sephardic and Ashkenazic
communities, 1908–1941. See table 14. ⇐
41. Moric Levi, “Rav Danon i Ruzdi-pasa,” Godisnjak La Benevolencia i
Potpora (1933) and reprinted in Spomenica 400 godina od dolaska Jevreja u Bosnu i
Hercegovinu, 1566–1966, ed. Samuel Kamhi (Sarajevo: Bozidar Sekuliç, 1966), pp.
327–35. The author had the privilege of participating in this pilgrimage to Stolac
in June 1971. ⇐
42. Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea (New York: Atheneum, 1971), pp.
103–4; Solomon Gaon, “Rabbi Jehuda Hai Alkalai,” in A Memorial Tribute to Paul
Goodman, ed. Israel Cohen (London: Edward Goldston and Son, 1952), pp. 138–
47; Jichak Gur-Ari, Rabi Jehuda (ben Salomon) Haj Alkalaj (Zagreb: Biblioteka
Zidov, 1931); Aleksandar Stajner, “Jehuda Haj Alkalaj,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.),
1968–70, pp. 55–66. Less importance however should be placed on the fact that
Herzl’s paternal grandparents also came from Zemun and his father grew up
there. Alex Bein, Theodore Herzl, A Biography (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication
Society, 1962), pp. 3–5; Gaon, “Rabbi Jehuda Hai Alkalai,” p. 147; Lavoslav Sik,
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“Herzlovi predji u Zemunu,” Zidov Kulturni i literarni prilog, vol. 1, no. 18 (Sep
tember 3, 1937), pp. 79–82. ⇐
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43. Berliner Büro der Zionistischen Organisation, Warum gingen wir zum
ersten Zionistenkongress? (Berlin: Jüdischer Verlag, 1922), pp. 10–13; Jakov H.
Kalderon, “Dr David Alkalaj,” Zidov, vol. 16, no. 12 (March 25, 1932), p. 1; “Dr
David Alkalaj 1862–1933,” Godisnjak La Benevolencia i Potpora, pp. 71–74. ⇐
44. BG-JM, Box 5, Cionizam, Razna, Dok. 1, 1587/73, Statuten der Verein
igung jüdischer Hochschüler aus den südslavischen Ländern Bar Giora in Wien
(1902). ⇐
45. Izvjestaj Judeje Zidovskog akademsko-kulturnog kluba u Zagrebu za god
inu 5670–1909/10 (Zagreb: Dionicka tiskara, 1910), p. 54. ⇐
46. Die Welt, vol. 8, no. 32 (August 5, 1904), p. 9; ibid., no. 33 (August
12, 1904), pp. 8–10; ibid., no. 35 (August 26, 1904), p. 14; ibid., vol. 10, no. 32
(August 24, 1906), p. 19 Jüdische Zeitung, vol. 2, no. 31 (July 31, 1908), p. 4; Die
Welt, vol. 12, no. 32 (August 28, 1908), p. 10; ibid., vol. 14, no. 35 (September 2,
1910), pp. 850–51; “40–Semestara Bar Giore, 1902–1922,” Gideon, vol. 3, nos. 9–
11 (June 1922), p. 169. ⇐
47. Die Welt, vol. 13, no. 22 (May 25, 1909), p. 486; ibid., no. 36 (Septem
ber 3, 1909), p. 795. ⇐
48. CZA, S5–450, Bericht der Exekutive der ZO an den XXII Zionis-
tenkongress Landesund Sonderverbaende: Jugoslavien, 1946. ⇐
49. Arhiv grada Zagreba, Fond Alexander Licht, Personal Papers of Al
exander Licht; “Dr Aleksandar Licht,” Zidov, vol. 15, no. 49 (December 4, 1931),
p. 2; “Aleksandar Licht uz pedesetgodisnjicu zivota,” Zidov, Prilog, vol. 18, no.
14 (April 6, 1934), p. 7; Hitahdut Olej Jugoslavia, Za spornen dra Aleksandra Li
chta (Tel Aviv: Tiskara Gaon, 1955); Jakir Eventov, “Nostalgije Evropljanina, Uz
desetgodisnjicu smrti Aleksandra Lichta,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1957–58, pp.
197–205. ⇐
50. “Organizovanje opstih cionista Jugoslavije,” Zidov, vol. 19, no. 3 (Jan
uary 18, 1935), p. 2; “Zemaljska konferencija Udruzenja opçih cionista u BG,”
ibid., vol. 20, no. 17 (April 24, 1936), p. 7. ⇐
51. CZA, Z4–3735, Wahlen von Delegereten zum XIV Zionistenkongress,
July 15, 1925; Z4–218/30, Letter from SCJ to ZO, July 12, 1927; Z4– 222/44,
Hauptwahlkommission für die Wahl der Delegierten für den XVI Zionistenkon
gress, June 20, 1929; “Izbori delegata za XVIII Svjetski cionisticki kongres,”
Zidov, vol. 17, no. 27 (July 7, 1933), p. 3. ⇐
52. CZA, Z4–3568–II, Correspondence between Alexander Licht and
Julije Dohany and Viktor Stark, November 1933. ⇐
53. “Dajte ostavku,” Makhut Jisrael vol. 4, no. 18 (April 20, 1936); “Gran
diozan uspeh osnivackog kongresa NCO,” ibid., vol. 4, no. I (January 3, 1936),
pp. 1–8; “Zemaljska konferencija u ZGu,” Jevrejska tribuna, vol. 1, no. 1 (Decem
ber 31, 1937), pp. 2–3; CZA, S5–556, Letter from SCJ to ZO on Revisionists,
February 1, 1938; “Koncentracija svih ustanova NCO u BGu,” Jevrejska tribuna,
vol. 4, no. l (February 23, 1940), p. 5; “Kinus arci sel Betar be Jugoslaviji,” ibid.,
vol. 3, no. 19 (July 9, 1939), pp. 1–3. ⇐
54. Izvjestaj Saveznog odbora vijecu SCJ u Novom Sadu, 8 decembra 1930
(Zagreb, 1930). ⇐
55. Izvjestaj Saveznom vijecu SCJ u Banji Lud, 24, 25 i 26 decembra 1939
(Zagreb, 1939). ⇐
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via, 1939; “Izbori delegata za XXI Svjetski cionisticki kongres,” Zidov, vol. 23,
no. 28 (July 14, 1939), p. 1. ⇐
57. Cvi Rothmüller, “Bitoljski Zidovi i njihove potrebe,” Zidov, vol.
13, no. 10 (March 8, 1929), p. l; Leon Kamhi, “Deset godine cijonistickog
rada u Bitolju,” ibid., no. 18 (May 3, 1929), p. 6; Avram Romano, “Neko
liko podataka o bitoljskim Jevrejima,” Vesnik, vol. 2, no. 14 (February 1,
1940), pp. 7–8. ⇐
58. For comparative data on the Bulgarian Jewish community, see N.
M. Gelber, “Jewish Life in Bulgaria,” Jewish Social Studies, vol. 8, no. 2 (April
1946), pp. 103–26 and Saul Mezan, Les Juifs Espagnols en Bulgarie, vol. 1 (So
fia, 1925). ⇐
59. Shaul Esh, “Kurt Blumenfeld on the Modem Jew and Zionism,” Jew
ish Journal of Sociology, vol. 6, no. 2 (December 1964), p. 236. ⇐
60. BJ-JM, Box 5, Cionizam, Mihael Levi, “40 godina Keren Kajemet u
Jugoslaviji,” (n. d.), pp. 3–7. ⇐
61. Ibid., p. 27. ⇐
62. “Izvestaj o radu povjerenistva KKL-a za KSHS,” Zidov, vol. 13, no.
11 (March 15, 1929), p. 5. ⇐
63. CZA, KH1–29, Felix Rosenblueth, Bericht über meine Reise nach
Jugoslawien in November 1922; KH Report to Annual Conference in
Carlsbad, September 1921; KH1–29–A-2, Report of Dr. Hantke to KH, De
cember 5, 1925. ⇐
64. Izvjestaj Saveznog odbora vjeçu SCKSHS u BG, 1929. ⇐
65. Keren Hayesod, Izvjestaj o radu u godini 1929/30. ⇐
66. CZA, Z4–3371, SCJ to ZO, April 17, 1929. ⇐
67. CZA, Z4–3371, Alexander Licht to Felix Rosenblueth, July 3, 1929 and
September 26, 1929. ⇐
68. Ibid., Correspondence 1931, 1933, 1935; “Necionisticki pretstavnici
jugoslovenskih Jevreja u Jevrejskoj agenciji,” Sluzbeni list SJVO, vol. 2, no. 8 (July
15, 1937); “Necionisticki pretstavnici jugoslovenskih Jevreja u Jevrejskoj agen
ciji,” Zidov, vol. 23, no. 29 (July 21, 1939). ⇐
69. Ibid. ⇐
70. Avram Romano, “Nekoliko podataka o bitoljskim Jevrejima,”
pp. 7–8. ⇐
71. Cvi Rothmüller, “Hitahdut ole Jugoslavije,” Zidov, vol. 18, no. 46
(November 16, 1934), p. l. ⇐
72. “Palestinski ured za Jugoslaviju,” Izvjestaj Saveza cionista Jugoslavije
Saveznom vijecu u Banji Lud, 24, 25 i 26 decembra 1939 (Zagreb, 1939). ⇐
73. “Savezno vijeçe cijonisticke organizacije u Jugoslaviji,” Zidov, vol. 4,
nos. 31–32 (November 24, 1920), p. 5. ⇐
74. Ibid.; “Nas prvi halucgrupa,” ibid., no. 10 (April 13, 1920); CZA, Z4–
1506, Letter from Palestinski ured to ZO, London, March 19, 1921. ⇐
75. CZA, Z4–2029–III, Gen. Sect. of ZO, London to Gen. Sect. of the Jew-
ish National Fund, Jerusalem, May 4, 1926; Z4–2301, Bericht über die
Jahreskonferenz des Zionistenverbandes in KSHS, October 17–19, 1926; Arhiv
grada ZG, Fond Alexander Licht, Letter from Alexander Licht to Dr. F. Pops,
BG, January 20, 1928; Izvjestaj Saveznog odbora vijecu SCKSHS u BG dne 31 marta
i 1 aprila 1929. ⇐
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
76. Rikard Kohn, “Rad Palestinskog ureda za Jugoslaviju,” Zidov, vol. 19,
no. 16 (April 17, 1935), p. 7. ⇐
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77. “Palestinski ured o svome radu,” Zidov, vol. 23, no. 50 (December 8,
1939), p. 6; Izvjestaj SCJ Saveznom vijecu u Banjoj Lud 24–26 decembra 1939. Many
of the Yugoslav halutzim of the early thirties established themselves in Sha’ar
Ha’amakim, a MAPAI kibbutz near Haifa, while those who arrived in the late
thirties helped form Kibbutz Gat, a Hashomer Hatzair-MAPAM settlement
north of Be’er Sheva; others took up residence in Kibbutz Afikim (Kibbutz
Me’uhad) and in different cities and towns. In 1934 the Yugoslav settlers in
Palestine founded Hitahdut ole(j) Jugoslavije (association of emigres from Yu
goslavia) in Tel Aviv to help their fellow Yugoslav Jews acclimatize them
selves to their new life. Cvi Rothmüller, “Hitahdut ole Jugoslavije,” Zidov, vol.
18, no. 46 (November 16, 1934), p. 1. ⇐
78. Izvjestaj SCJ Saveznom vijecu, NS, 1935. ⇐
79. Ibid. ⇐
80. Ibid. ⇐
81. Interview with Dr. Cvi Rotem (Rothmüller), journalist and active
moderate left-wing Zionist leader in Yugoslavia in the twenties and early thir
ties, Tel Aviv, September 7, 1971. ⇐
82. Koen, Besede posvecene Srpskoj omladini mojsijeve vere; Samuilo Alka
laj, “Klub Zajednica,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1961–62, pp. 110–14. It is unclear
whether these two sources are discussing the same organization or two differ
ent clubs with similar names which followed one another. ⇐
83. Zidov, vol. 3, no. 7 (February 2, 1919), p. 6. ⇐
84. “Nekoliko podataka o Literarnim sastancima zidovske omladine u
ZG,” Gideon, vol. 4, no. 7 (April 1923), p. 242; “Literarni sastanci zidovske
omladine,” Godisnjak IBO ZG (1928), pp. 63–64; “Lit. sast. zidovske omladine,
ZG, 1898–1928,” Hanoar, vol. 2, nos. 6–7 (1928), p. 215. ⇐
85. “O radu B’not Cijona u ZG,”‘Zidov, vol. 2, no. 15 (June 1, 1918), p. 4. ⇐
86. “Izvestaj o konferenciji zidovskih omladinskih drustava,” Zidov, vol.
3, no. 26 (August 20, 1919), pp. 3–5. ⇐
87. “Statut SZOU KSHS,” Gideon, vol. 1, no. 2 (December 1919), p. 33. ⇐
88. “Omladinski slet u Osijeku,” Zidov, vol. 4, nos. 22–23 (August 19,
1920), p. 10. ⇐
89. Vjesnik SZOU, June 1930. ⇐
90. “SZOU,” Izvestaj SCJ Saveznom vijecu, BL, 1939. ⇐
91. Josko Rosenberg, “Saveznom vijecu SZOU, 1927, OS,” Hanoar, vol.
2, nos. 2–3 (December 1927), p. 94; “SZOU,” Izvjestaj Saveznom odbora vijecu
SCKSHS, SU, 1927. ⇐
92. Rikard Kohn and Slavko Weiss, “Ahdut Hacofim,” Zidov, vol. 10, no.
6 (February 5, 1926), p. 5; “Ahdut Hacofim,” Izvestaj Saveznom vijecu SCKSHS, SU,
1927; “Kratko povijest Ahduta Hacofim,” Hozer, no. 2 (January 15, 1929). ⇐
93. “Izvestaj o izvanrednom Saveznom vijecu, ZG, 1928,” Hanoar, vol.
2, nos. 9–10 (August 1928), p. 271; Izvjestaj Saveznog odbora vijeçu SCKSHS, BG,
1929. ⇐
94. “Prva veida Hasomer hacaira u Brodu,” Zidov, vol. 15, no. 36 (Sep
tember 4, 1933), p. 4. ⇐
95. “Mahane 1932 u Gozdu,” Zidov, vol. 16, no. 29 (July 22, 1932), p. 4. ⇐
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
102. Jozef Levi, “O Matatji,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 3, nos. 36–37 (September
23, 1930), p. 10; Eliezer Levi, “Matatja,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 6, no. 3 (January 20,
1933), p. 2; “Jedan plodan i konstruktivan rad—Godisnja skupstina Matatja,”
ibid., vol. 9, no. 7 (February 18, 1938), pp. 7–8. ⇐
103. Ibid. ⇐
104. Moni Finci, “U avangardi drustvenog progresa,” Spomenica 400, p.
201; Moni Finci, Djelovanje KPJ u kulturnim i sportskim drustvima i organizacija
ma u BiH izmedju dva rata (Sarajevo: Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, 1970),
pp. 182–83. ⇐
105. ABH, KBUDB, pov. 1939–7685, Correspondence between Sarajevo
police directory, local administration, Matatja, and Sephardic community,
1939–40. ⇐
Chapter 9
1. David Albala, “Moje uspomene na Nikole Pasiçu,” Zidov, vol. 10, no.
52 (December 17, 1926), p. 3. ⇐
2. Vita Kajon, “M. Srskiç i Jevreji,” in Milan Srskiç, 1880–1937 (Sarajevo,
1938), pp. 199–203. ⇐
3. “Oko izbora,” Zidov, vol. 11, nos. 38–39 (September 26, 1927), p. 12;
“Izbori za skupstinu i Zidovi,” ibid., vol. 7, no. 5 (February 2, 1923), p. 5; “I
demokrati kandidovat ce Jevreji,” ibid.; “Jevreji i opstinski izbori,” ibid., vol.
10, no. 35 (August 8, 1926), p. 5. ⇐
4. Stjepan Radiç, O Zidovima (Zagreb: Kamnik, 1938). ⇐
5. Stanislav Vinaver, “G. Radiç i Jevreji,” Jevrejski zivot, vol. 2, no. 71
(August 7, 1925), p. 1. ⇐
6. Ferdo Culinoviç, Jugoslavia izmedju dva rata, vol. 2 (Zagreb, 1961), p.
132. ⇐
7. Solomon Alkalaj, “Sahrana posmrtnih ostataka Avrama Ozeroviça,”
Zidov, vol. 12, no. 27 (July 6, 1928), p. 6; Nikola Stanarevic, “Avram Ozeroviç
kao privredni politicar,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1959–60, pp. 113–15; J. H.
Kalderon “Bencion Buli,” Zidov, vol. 17, no. 34 (August 25, 1933), p. 7; BG-JM,
Box 11, ‘Beograd, ’ Memoirs of Milovoj Kostic, 1958–59. ⇐
8. Lavoslav Sik, “Zidovi i izbori,” Zidov, vol. 11, no. 25 (June 24, 1927),
p. 3. ⇐
9. Moritz Levy, Die Sephardim in Bosnien, (Sarajevo: A. Kajon, 1911) pp.
83–84. ⇐
10. “Rezultat izbora u zidovskoj kuriji,” Zidovska smotra, vol. 4, no. 11
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
(May 25, 1910), pp. 1–5; “Jedna antisemitska ensinuacija u bosanskom saboru,”
ibid., vol. 6, nos. 4–5 (April 15, 1912), p. 65. ⇐
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31. Editorial in Zidov, vol. 22, no. 3 (January 20, 1928), p. 1; ibid., vol. 18,
no. 50 (December 14, 1934), p. l. ⇐
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32. David Albala, “Royalty in Palestine,” The New Palestine, May 2, 1941,
p. 8. ⇐
33. “G. dr V. Marinkoviç o nasim Jevrejima,” Politika, vol. 26, no. 7599
(July 1, 1929). ⇐
34. BG-JM, Box 30, “Makedonija-Kosmet,” Memorandum from SJVO to
all Jewish communities and members of central committee, No. 5735, October
31, 1938, Re: Audience of Dr. Bukiç Pijade with President of Royal Government
and Minister of Interior Dr. Milan Stojadinoviç. ⇐
35. E. B. Gajiç, Jugoslavija i “jevrejski problem” (Belgrade: Stamparija Drag.
Gregorica, 1938); Rista St. Deliç, Jevreji u Jugoslaviji (Belgrade: Prosveta, 1939). ⇐
36. Mica Dimitrijeviç, ed., Nasi Jevreji, Jevrejsko pitanje kod nas (Belgrade:
Stamparija Minerva, 1940). ⇐
37. “Uredbe i o uredbama protiv Jevreja,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 13, no. 31
(October 16, 1940), p. 4. ⇐
38. Jean Mousset, La Serbie et son Église, 1830–1904 (Paris: Librairie Droz,
1938), pp. 352–53; Miroslava Despot, “Protuzidovski izgredi u Zagorju i Zagre
bu godine 1883,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1957–58, pp. 75–85. ⇐
39. ABH, Fond Zemaljske vlade Sarajeva, prez. 1919–3783, Memorandum
from ZVS to Stepa Stepanoviç, komandant II armiske oblasti u Sarajevu, May
5, 1919. ⇐
40. ABH, ZVS, prez. 1919–5675, Policijska direkcija za Bosnu i Herce
govinu to ZV za BiH, No. 892 praes. 19, May 8, 1919; ZVS to Svetozar Pribiceviç,
ministar unutrasnjih dela, June 2, 1919; ZVS, prez. 1920–2032, Ministar inos
tranih delà to Alaupoviç, MV, Pov. br. 678, January 19, 1920. David Levi-Dale,
edi., Spomenica Saveza jevrejskih opstina Jugoslavije 1919–1969 (Belgrade: Srbos
tampa, 1970), p. 37. ⇐
41. See Minorities Treaty, art. 3 in app. 2. ⇐
42. “Zidovi nemaju pravo glasa” and “Biracko pravo Jevreja,” Zidovska
svijest, vol. 3, no. 93 (October 15, 1920), pp. 1–2; “Velika protestna skupstina
Zidova u Sarajevu,” ibid., pp. 4–5; ABH, ZVS, prez. 1920–10367, Protestna
skupstina to dr Milan Srskiç, predsjednik ZVS, Resolution, October 15, 1920. ⇐
43. “Protest uspio,” Zidovska svijest, vol. 2, no. 94 (October 22, 1920), pp.
1–4. ⇐
44. “Sluzbeni antisemitizam,” Zidov, vol. 6, no. 30 (July 7, 1922), pp. 6–
7; “Izbori za Parlament,” Zidov, vol. 7, no. 2 (January 12, 1923). ⇐
45. “Numerus clausus,” Zidov, vol. 4, no. 15 (June 1, 1920), p. 1; “Hortyev
ci saveznici na zagrebackom universitetu,” Zidovska svijest, vol. 2, no. 77 (June
11, 1920), p. l. ⇐
46. ABH, VZSO, pov. 1925–615, Policijska direkcija za BiH to VZSO, No.
390 pov. ad., March 10, 1925. ⇐
47. “Jedan necuveni skandal,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 1, no. 40 (October 19,
1928), p. 2. ⇐
48. “Aveti u Backom Petrovomselu,” Zidov, vol. 12, no. 39 (September
28, 1928), p. 2. ⇐
49. “Hrvatski nacionalni bojkot Zidova,” Völkischer Beobachter, April 18,
1933. ⇐
50. AJ, MPVO, F 184, Izvestaj Privremene uprave SJVO za kongres, 1921;
Spomenica SJOJ, pp. 33–36. ⇐
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51. Ivan Kon, “Najvazniji momenti u radu SJVO,” Glasnik SJVO, vol.
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1, (1933), p. 12; AJ, MP, 91–137–31, SJVO to MP, No. 4946, December 15, 1930;
102–32–34, SJVO to MP, No. 3862, July 13, 1934; MPVO, F 185, SJVO to MPVO,
No. 4782, September 2, 1936; F 184, SJVO to Ministry of Interior, September
12, 1938. ⇐
52. BG-JM, Box 30, “Makedonija-Kosmet,” SJVO to all Jewish commu-
nities and central committee SJVO, No. 4772, October 29, 1933. ⇐
53. AJ, MPVO, F 184, Zapisnik VI kongresa SJVO, odrzanog u Beogradu,
29 i 30 marta 1936. ⇐
54. AJ, Fond Ministarstva pravde, 93–42–34, SJVO to MP, No. 3214, Feb
ruary 11, 1936; 93–42–34, Vise drzavno tuziostvo, Split, Ks319/36 to MP, July
24, 1936. ⇐
55. “Antisemitska propaganda pred sudom,” Zidov, vol. 20, no. 49 (De
cember 4, 1936), p. 9. ⇐
56. Aleksa Arnon (Aleksandar Klein), “10 godina rada u korist jevrejskih
izbjeglica u Jugoslaviji (1933–1942)” [Tel Aviv, n. d.], pp. 1–3. ⇐
57. Ibid., pp. 3–4; Aleksandar Klein, “Sadanje stanje njemacke emigrac
ije,” Zidov, vol. 20, no. 13 (March 26, 1937), p. 9. ⇐
58. Arnon, “10 godina rada,” pp. 4–6; “Iz izvestaja Glavnog odbora—
Zbrinjavanje izbeglica,” Zidov, vol. 23, no. 16 (April 21, 1939), p. 6. ⇐
59. Arnon, “10 godina rada,” pp. 8–9; BG-JM, 68e, Letter to Dr. David
Albala, N. Y., Spor oko zaposjedanja prostorija u Kladovu, March 21, 1940. ⇐
60. AJ, MPVO, F 184, SJVO to MP, No. 4457, July 1, 1940. ⇐
61. Arnon, “10 godina rada,” app. 1, 2; Spomenica S]O], p. 80. ⇐
62. AJ, Ministarstvo prosveta, 66–74–204, KJ Ministarstvo unutrasnjih
poslova Upravno odeljenje to Ministarstvo Prosveta, Pov. III, br. 1885, October
21, 1939, Regulation on Foreign Jews—Proposal. An article by Aleksandar
Matkovski claims that this law was issued on July 27, 1939, but this statement
runs contrary to archival sources, which indicate that the law was still in its
preparatory stages in October of that year. Aleksandar Matkovski, “The Destruc
tion of Macedonian Jewry in 1943,” Yad Vashem Studies on the European Catas
trophe and Resistance, vol. 3 (1959), p. 206. ⇐
63. “Uredbe o mjerama koji se odnose na Jevreje u pogledu obavljan
ja radnja sa predmetima ljudske ishrane,” Jevrejski glas, vol. 13, no. 31 (Octo
ber 16, 1940), pp. 1–3; “Velicina i dekadenca emancipacije,” Zidov, vol. 24, no.
41 (October 9, 1941), pp. 3–4; “Povodom uredaba o ‘reguliranju’ polozaja Zi
dova,” ibid.; “Uredbe o ogranicenju prava Zidova na podrucju privrede i
skolstva,” ibid., p. 7; “Uredba o trgovackim i industrijskim poduzecima,”
ibid., no. 46 (November 8, 1940), p. 8. For a complete translation of this law,
see app. 5. ⇐
64. “Uredba o ogranicenju skolovanja lica jevrejskog porjekla,” Jevrejski
glas, vol. 13, no. 31 (October 16, 1940), pp. 1–3. For a complete translation of
this law, see app. 5. ⇐
65. “Povodom uredbi protiv Jevreja,”Jevrejski glas, vol. 13, no. 31 (Octo
ber 16, 1940), p. 1; “Deklaracija,” Zidov, vol. 24, no. 41 (October 9, 1940), p. 1;
Spomenica SJOJ, pp. 69–72. ⇐
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Epilogue
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u periodu od 1938 do 1965 godine,” Jevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1968–70, pp.
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28. Albert Vajs, “Jevreji u novoj Jugoslaviji,” fevrejski almanah (N. S.), 1954,
p. 45. ⇐
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50. Periç, “Prvi rezultati,” Jevrejski pregled, vol. 23, nos. 11–12, p. 6; “Dalnji
rezultati,” ibid., vol. 24, nos. 1–2, p. 19 and nos. 3–4, p. 33. ⇐
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INDEX
ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPRSTUVWYZ
Association for Jewish Artisans (Zagreb), wealth among, 20, 36; occupational
293 n18 structure of, 34–35; women, 35, 126–
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Association of Jewish Women’s Societies, 27; languages spoken by, 38–39, 63; co
124–25 operation of, with Sephardim, 40, 122
Association of Old Believers (Zagreb), 48, Belgrade, Jews in, 34, 39–40, 58, 108, 139,
90 145, 154, 158, 159–60, 169, 179, 218;
Atehija (Belgrade), 164 early history of, 27–33; involved in
Atijas, Mordehaj R., 78, 79 politics, 32, 40, 174, 177–78; popula
Atijas, Sumbul, 147, 148 tion growth of, 33–34, 60, 215; eco
Auschwitz, 191, 192 nomic activity of, 34–36, 61, 220; lan
Austria, 4, 43, 47, 59, 162, 187, 199. See also guages spoken by, 37–39, 40, 216;
Habsburg Empire integrationists among, 103–4, 110,
Austria-Hungary. See Habsburg Empire 144–45; B’nai B’rith lodge of, 122–23,
Autonomous Committee for Aid, 197, 130; cultural activities among, 128, 129,
199, 206 130–32, 133, 200; newspapers of, 135,
Avramoviç, Lazar, 102, 149, 160–61, 293, 136, 201; Zionists among, 156–58, 163;
n23 youth activity among, 163–64, 166;
Azriel, David, 135 postwar, 193, 194, 195, 197, 200, 204,
Azriel, Solomon, 119, 175 205, 210
Belgrade, Sephardic community of, 28–
29, 81, 83, 90–91, 99, 106, 109, 179, 187,
Backa. See Vojvodina 195–96; establishment of, 5, 27; rabbis
Balfour Declaration, 146, 180 of, 28, 33, 37, 38, 84, 85–86, 101, 106;
Balkan (Belgrade), 184 size of, 29, 33; legal status of, 32–33;
Balkan Conference of Sephardic Jews, synagogues of, 33, 87, 88, 196; leader
150 ship of, 33, 75, 78–79, 80, 101–2, 104,
Balkan Wars, 5, 126, 145, 179 144–45, 160–61, 174, 175; communal
ban (Croatian governor), 41, 141, 171 council of, 33, 74, 283 n13, n14, n16;
Banat. See Vojvodina taxpayers in, 34–36, 82; periodicals of,
bankers, 18, 19, 30, 158, 220; as leaders, 38, 133, 135; elections in, 75, 76, 78–79,
78, 80, 122, 161, 174, 176, 177 144, 283 n17; organizations within,
Baranja. See Vojvodina 118–20, 125–26, 128, 130–31
Bar Giora (Vienna), 145, 154, 163 Belgrade, Sephardim of, 39, 103–4; tradi
Baron, Salo W., 105 tional character of, 6, 28, 125; Jewish
Baruch, Bora, 133 learning among, 28, 37–38; population
Baruch, Josip (Pepi), 148, 176 growth of, 29, 33, 59; residential distri
Baruch, Kalmi, 118, 133, 134, 148, 150, bution of, 34, 88; occupational struc
296 n59 ture of, 34–35, 61; education of, 36–37,
Baruh, Javer effendi, 174 92–93, 94, 95–96; languages spoken by,
Baruh, Rabbi Samuel, 13 37, 38–39, 57, 62, 63, 216, 277; relations
Bauer, Makso, 177 of, with neighbors, 40, 128, 179; coop
Bauer, Marko, 123, 156, 177 eration of, with Ashkenazim, 40, 122;
Bauer, Ziga, 134–35, 148 charity among, 118–20, 125–26; youth
Belgrade (Serbia), 8, 18, 26–40, 61, 73, 98, activity among, 151, 152; Zionists
124, 129, 155, 172–73, 184, 187, 190, among, 153–54
191, 196; Jewish quarter in, 6, 27–28, Belgrade, Treaty of, 29
29, 34, 37, 125, 131–32; history of, 26, Belgrade Organization of Sephardic Jews,
28–33; description of, 26–27; popula 149–50, 161, 175
tion of, 33–34, 215; university in, 65– Benau, Adolf, 124, 148
66, 178; as Jewish headquarters, 101–2, La Benevolencia (Sarajevo), 115, 116–18,
106, 135 130
Belgrade, Ashkenazic community of, 28, Beogradske jevrejske novine (Belgrade), 136
33, 40, 74, 83, 85, 91, 109, 135, 195; Berlin, 65, 85, 102
establishment of, 7, 33; synagogue of, Bernfeld, Rabbi Simon, 37–38
33, 89, 196, 286 n69; taxpayers within, Betar, 157, 167
35, 36; structure of, 74, 283 n13, n14, beth din, 14, 81, 109, 111, 198
n16, n17; leadership in, 77, 79–80, 81, Bet Israel (Belgrade), 88
99, 101–6, 158, 161; organizations Bet Tefila (Sarajevo), 87, 89
within, 119, 127, 287 n81 Bible, 21, 23, 28, 37, 90, 92, 94, 95, 107,
Belgrade, Ashkenazim of, 29, 34, 39–40, 108, 133, 201
59, 110; arrival of, 7, 28, 33; relative Bikur Holim (Belgrade), 119
<< Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
Index 313
bilingualism, 22–23, 38–39, 52–53, 57, Celebonoviç, Jakov, 78–79, 103–4, 119,
62–64, 68 144–45, 175
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birth rate, 16, 33, 59, 64, 204, 219, 281 n22 Celebonoviç, Marko, 133
Bistrik (Sarajevo), 18, 214 cemeteries, 16, 25, 27, 46, 82, 90–91, 96,
Bitolj (Macedonia), 5, 20, 63, 108, 118, 153, 200, 207
121, 139, 157, 159, 161, 192 census: Austro-Hungarian, 16, 22, 52;
Bjelave (Sarajevo), 17–18, 20, 87, 89, 132, Yugoslav, 22–23, 38, 39, 53, 56, 60, 62–
214, 273 n18 63, 67
Bjelina (Bosnia), 161 Central Agency for Social Institutions
blood libel, 184 (Zagreb), 49, 120
Blum, David, 43 Central Committee for Aid to Jews from
B’nai B’rith, 121, 122–24, 130, 149, 153, Germany, 187
162, 293 n23 Central Jewish Bureau for Productive So
B’ne Zion (Sarajevo), 154, 164 cial Aid (Zagreb), 120, 123, 155
B’not Zion (Zagreb), 164 Cetniks, 190
boards of directors (communal), 13, 15, charity. See organizations, charitable; so
74, 79–81, 86, 92, 95, 204. See also lead cial services
ership, communal chief rabbi(nate), 72, 84, 105, 106, 113,
Bogomils, 4 175, 180, 235–36, 290 n29. See also Al
Böhm, Ilka, 125 calay, Rabbi Isaac
Bor copper mines, 192 choirs, 118, 128–29, 200, 204, 205, 207;
Bosnia, 4, 5, 11, 22, 109, 128, 171, 172, synagogue, 45, 87, 88, 90
173, 182, 183–84, 190, 194; Jews in, 5, Christian Socialism, 140
7, 14–15, 60, 63, 65, 97, 110, 117, 133, citizenship, 31–32, 44, 47, 83, 86, 182,
146, 155, 159, 174, 177, 179, 183, 184– 183, 185
85, 209, 218, 220. See also Sarajevo civil rights, 15, 30–32, 43–44, 55–58, 139,
Bosniaks, 4, 146 182, 188–89
boycotts, 173, 176, 183–84 civil servants, 15, 57, 60, 72, 131, 141,
Braça Baruh (Belgrade), 200 145, 195; as leaders, 77, 80, 161, 206,
Brandajs, Lavoslav, 102 207
Breyer, Mirko, 142 Committee for the Hebrew University,
Brill, Slavko, 133 155
Brod na Savi (Croatia), 164 Committee of Jewish Delegations (Paris),
Budapest, 102, 131 182
budget, communal, 13, 43, 74, 81–83, 103 communal councils, 74, 80, 81, 88, 204,
Bukovina, 116 283 n16
Bulgaria, 4, 5, 32, 55, 128, 150, 159, 190, Communist Party, 167, 171, 178–79, 195,
192, 280 n3 206, 207
Buli, Bencion, 174 Communists, 143, 163, 167, 168, 178–79,
Bulz, Rabbi Emmanuel, 109 182, 191, 192
Burgenland, 43, 187 community centers, 77, 81, 130
burial societies, 91–92, 116, 119. See also concentration camps, 191–92, 196; survi
Hevra Kaddisha vors of, 193, 197, 307 n11
business: study of, 65, 66, 222; Jews ex Congress of Berlin, 32
cluded from, 188–89, 239–41. See also Constantinople. See Istanbul
businessmen Constitutent Assembly, 175, 183
businessmen, 18–19, 29, 30, 31, 34–35, 43, constitutions, Ottoman, 15; Serbian, 30,
49, 60–61, 68, 142, 158, 195, 220; as 31, 32, 171; Yugoslav, 56, 171, 173, 198,
leaders, 78, 80, 96, 174, 175, 176 230–31
conversion, 44–45, 73, 110–11, 143, 161,
204, 278 n21
Campaign to Help Betolj Jews, 121 courts, 14, 56, 57, 109, 184, 186, 198. See
cantors, 16, 43, 86, 90, 105, 107, 113; also beth din
training of, 100, 108, 112; association credit unions, 116, 293 n18
of, 111–12 Crkvenicz (Dalmatia), 127
Carsija (Sarajevo), 17–18, 87, 93, 94, 214, Croatia, 4, 41, 109, 112, 128, 155, 171,
273 n18 172, 182, 184, 190, 191, 194; Jews in, 6,
Catholics (Roman), 3, 4, 7, 11, 14, 16, 18, 7, 42, 43–45, 52–53, 63, 64, 65, 97–98,
33, 41, 42, 48, 56, 66, 105, 106, 110–11, 110, 140–41, 159, 174, 177, 179, 183,
139, 140, 172, 287 n23 217, 218, 220. See also Zagreb
Celebi, Evlija, 12 Croatian (language). See Serbo-Croatian
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Croatian Peasant Party, 172, 173, 175, elections: communal, 74–75, 76–81, see also
177 individual communities; municipal, 163,
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Croatian Union, 172, 177 174, 176–78; national, 174–76, 183, 207
Croats, 3, 4, 5, 7, 33, 43, 54, 102, 139, 146, emigration, 28, 29, 30, 161–62, 193. See also
170, 172, 173 Palestine, emigration to
cultural activities, 83, 115, 118, 123, 128– engineering, study of, 66, 67, 222
33, 136, 141, 167–68, 199–201, 205 engineers. See professionals; engineering,
Cvetkoviç-Macek government, 188 study of
Czechoslovakia, 55, 60, 169–70 England, 31
Ernst, Bernard, 161
Die Erwache, 184, 186
Dalmatia, 4, 5, 7, 159, 190, 218 Esperanza (Vienna), 151, 154, 163
Danon, Cadik, 198 Esperanza (Zagreb), 151, 152, 165
Danon, Izahar Z., 116 Essig. See Osijek
Danon, Rabbi Mose, 153 Eszek. See Osijek
Davico, Benko, 119 European Council for Jewish Communal
Davico, Hajim, 30 Services, 206, 208
Davico, Hajim S., 131–32 expulsions, 5, 30–31, 182–83, 184–85,
Davico, Oskar, 133 187, 188
Davidoviç, Ljubomir, 172 Ezra (Zagreb), 293 n18
day-care centers, 126, 127 Ezra Becarot (Sarajevo), 116
death rate, 59–60, 219, 281 n22 Ezrat Jetomim (Sarajevo), 116
debts, communal, 79, 81, 82, 83, 89
defense, Jewish, 106, 178, 181, 184–86,
189 Fascists, 109, 111, 173, 176, 184, 190
Demajo, Jelena, 124, 125–26 Federation of Communist Youth (SKOJ),
Demajo, Mose, 156 167
Demajo, Semaja, 78, 101, 119, 122, 175, Federation of Jewish Religious Com
304 n13 munities (SJVO), 64, 71, 72, 83, 98–
Democratic Party, 172, 175, 176 111, 112, 113, 124, 135, 145, 158, 160,
Deutsch-Macelski, Mathilda, 127, 158 182, 184–88, 189, 195, 232–38, 288 n9;
Diaspora nationalism, 146–53, 169 activities of, 57, 94, 100–101, 106–10,
divorce, 82, 109, 111, 198 113, 184–88; leadership of, 77, 101–2,
Dobrotvor (Belgrade), 119, 124–45, 156, 206–7; establishment of, 98–100,
126–27 142; problems facing, 102–4; revenues
doctors. See professionals; medicine, of, 103, 105–6; postwar, 196–97, 198–
study of 201, 202, 203, 206–7, 208–9, 210
Dohany, Julije, 157 Federation of Jewish Youth Associations
Dorçol (Belgrade), 27–28, 34, 87, 93, 94, (SZOU), 152, 155, 156, 162, 164–65,
125, 131–32, 145, 179 167, 206
Drina. See Bosnia
Federation of Zionists of Yugoslavia
Dubrovnik, 5, 14, 18, 118
(SCJ), 95, 99, 104, 124, 134, 141, 145,
Dunava. See Vojvodina
155–62, 182, 187, 188; leadership of,
98–99, 153–54, 155–57, 158; conflict of,
with Sephardists, 147–49; organization
economic situation, 11, 12, 18–21, 26, 30, of, 155, 156–57; membership in, 157–
34–36, 41, 42, 49, 60–62, 194–95 59; fund raising of, 159–60; Palestine
education: secondary, 21–22, 37, 50, 64, Office of, 161–62. See also Zionists
66, 68, 94, 95–96, 117, 125, 189, 222, Federation of Zionist Women (WIZO),
241; secular, 21–22, 36–37, 40, 49–51, 125, 155, 162, 167
56–57, 64–67, 93–94, 95–96, 125; voca Feldman, Eliza, 124–25
tional, 21, 22, 64, 100, 117, 120–21, 125, Ferramonte (Italy), 192
126, 162 Finci, Rafailo, 78, 102, 122, 161, 175
education, Jewish, 56, 57, 62, 72, 73, 81, Fischer, Josip, 174
92–96, 101, 107, 123, 201, 205, 237; in Fischer, Julije, 123
Sarajevo, 14, 16, 21, 93, 94, 95–96; in Fiseklija (Belgrade), 88
Belgrade, 27, 28, 29, 33, 36–37, 85–86, Fiume. See Rijeka
88, 93, 94, 95–96; in Zagreb, 46, 49–50, Fleischer, Heinrich, 123
77, 84, 93–94, 95, 196. See also Jewish folklore, 6, 13, 28, 118, 132, 133
Middle Theological Seminary foreigners, 43, 51, 58, 66, 86, 107, 110,
elderly, care of, 115, 119, 120, 121, 127, 113, 162, 170, 182–83, 184–85, 188, 306
194, 197, 199 n62. See also refugees
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Index 315
intellectuals, 84, 87, 117, 118, 128, 130, Jewish National Society (Belgrade), 102,
133, 148, 150, 151, 158, 167, 168, 169, 145, 156
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Index 317
Kaptol (Croatia), 41, 42, 45–46, 48 101–2, 122, 124, 136, 175–76, 177, 178, 198,
Karageorge, 29 205–7. See also individual communities
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Melaha (Sarajevo), 116 Nazis(m), 59, 162, 184, 186, 188, 189,
meldar. See education, Jewish 190–92, 207
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membership, communal, 15–16, 47, 73, Neologues, 6–7, 45–48, 50, 71–72, 89–90,
96, 197, 202–3, 232 100, 113, 197, 210
Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, Neuberger, Pavao, 123
208 Neusatz. See Novi Sad
Michael, Prince (Obrenovic), 30, 31 New Zionist Organization, 157
migration. See immigration; emigration; Nis (Serbia), 129
mobility non-Zionists, 78, 136, 144–45, 158, 160–
Mihailoviç, Draza, 190 61, 167, 175, 178. See also integrationists
mikvah, 75, 87 Nova Evropa (Zagreb), 142
military service, 15, 32, 39–40, 57, 72, Novi Sad (Vojvodina), 6, 29, 99, 101, 106,
145, 155, 179, 180, 193, 195, 205, 206, 121, 122, 139, 157, 161, 197
224 numerus clausus, 66, 95–96, 183, 189,
millet system, 14, 146 241–42
Milos, Prince (Obrenovic), 29, 30–31, 33
Milosrdje (Belgrade), 119
minorities, 3, 4, 55–58, 67, 72, 105, 182. Obrenoviç dynasty, 29–31
See also by name occupations, 18–20, 29, 34–35, 43, 49, 60–
Minorities Treaty, 55–57, 225–29, 280 n3 61, 195, 220, 224. See also by name
Mizgav Ladah (Sarajevo), 116 Omanut (Zagreb), 129, 130
mobility, 7, 17–18, 29, 30, 31, 33–34, 43, Oneg Sabat-Gemilut Hasadim, 119
48, 60, 193–94. See also immigration; Oppenheimer, Josef Süss, 29
emigration organizations: charitable, 16, 91–92, 115–
Mogan, Julius, 161 28, 136, 158, 197, see also social services;
monarch(y), 171; relations of, with Jew student, 83, 151, 154, 201, 207;
ish community, 179, 180–81, 182 women’s, 83, 124–28, 198, 199, 204–5;
Monastir. See Bitolj supracommunal, 97–110, 113, 184–88;
Montenegrins, 3, 173 cultural, 128–37, 197, 199–200; youth,
Montenegro, 5, 32, 171, 218 130, 152, 154, 163–68, 199, 201, 204,
Moravia, 43, 116 205; political, 142–43, 146, 148–51,
Moriah, 164 154–61, 165–68
Morpurgo, Vid, 140 orphans, care of, 100, 115, 116, 119, 120,
Mose, Pijade, 200 121, 126, 127, 197, 199
Mostar (Hercegovina), 161 Orthodox (Jewish), 6–7, 71–72, 75–76, 99,
Mucacon, Rabbi Macliah, 13 100, 113, 116, 197, 210, 218, 290 n29; in
Munich, 131, 184 Zagreb, 45–48, 50, 75, 90, 91
municipal council, 16, 32, 98, 174, 176–78 Orthodox (Serbian), 3, 4, 7, 11, 14, 16, 18,
Munk, Neti, 126 26, 31, 33, 39, 56, 59, 105, 106, 111, 139,
Musafija, Mair, 134 179, 181, 182, 289 n23
museums, Jewish, 123, 200, 207, 286 n69 Osijek (Croatia), 6, 85, 97, 98, 99, 106,
music, 13, 28, 30, 73, 95, 108, 112, 128–29, 122, 154, 157, 159, 196, 197
132, 168, 200 Otendorf (German traveler), 27
Muslims, 3, 4, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 27, Ottoman Empire, 4–6, 11, 12, 14–15, 26,
33, 56, 59, 105, 172, 173, 183–84, 190, 28–29, 31, 146, 153, 174
280 n3, 289 n23 Ozeroviç, Avram, 32, 174
Osmo, Danijel, 133
Nagodba, 41, 44
Napredak (Sarajevo), 118 Palestine, 13, 103, 129, 141, 145, 147, 156,
Narodna zidovska svijest (Sarajevo), 134, 148 158, 163, 166, 169, 180–81; emigration
Narodni Rad (Zagreb), 78, 94, 142–43, to, 14, 120, 121, 159, 161–62, 165, 167,
177 169, 187, 196, 302 n77; support for, 73,
National Association of Zionists, 134, 83, 123, 159–60; Sephardim and, 149–
154, 156 50, 151, 153. See also Zionism; Zionists;
nationalism, 62, 139–70, 203; Croatian, Israel
41, 52, 140–41, 142, 184; Jewish, 55, 94, Palestine Office for Yugoslavia, 155, 161
95, 103, 139, 145, 146–47, 154, 163, 164, Palotta, Rabbi Aron, 46
168, 203; Yugoslav, 140, 142, 144–45, Papo (Bohoreta), Laura, 130, 132, 296 n56
147, 179; Sephardic, 147–53. See also Pardo, Rabbi David, 13–14
Zionism Paris, 31, 65, 102, 132, 150, 186
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Index 319
Paris Peace Conference, 145, 182 property rights, 12, 14, 15, 27, 29, 30, 31,
parliamentary system, 171, 173, 174–75 43
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Index 321
publications in, 64, 132, 133–36, 200– Stern, Lav, 123, 156, 177
201, 309 n38 Stobi (Macedonia), 271 n3
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Index 323
Zagreb, Sephardic community of, 7, 48, 153–54; among youth, 152, 154, 164–
74, 90, 91, 93, 283 n10, 287 n79 67, 168. See also Federation of Zionists
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Zemun, 6, 29, 37, 47–48, 102, 153, 154, Zionist Conferences for Students and
191, 197, 299 n42 Matriculants, 154, 163
Zerek (Beigrade), 34, 88 Zionist Revisionist Organization, 157. See
Zidov (Zagreb), 93, 134, 135, 149, 155, 157, also Revisionists
188 Zionists, 77–78, 84, 85, 92, 93, 98–99, 100,
Zidovska smotra (Zagreb), 51, 134, 155, 156 103–4, 105, 123, 124, 125, 128, 130,
Zidovska svijest (Sarajevo), 134, 148 133–36, 142, 145, 147–50, 153–63, 175,
Zimony. See Zemun 176–78, 180, 209, 280 n13; among
Zionism, 37, 55, 103, 133, 134, 153–63, youth, 95, 152, 154, 162, 163–67. See also
169, 170, 180; opposition to, 141–43, Zionism; Revisionists
145; Sephardic involvement in, 152, Zon, Mojsije, 176
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TOWN PLAN OF
BELGRADE (ca. 1937)
Laura Hollingshead
LEGEND
1 Federation of Jewish Religious Communities (SJVO)
5 Ashkenazic Synagogue
7 Royal Palace
10 University Library
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LEGEND:
1. Old Sephardic Synagogue (Il Kal Grandi)
2. New Sephardic Synagogue
3. Ashkenazic Synagogue
4. Sephardic Cemetery
5. Marketplace (Bascaršija)
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6.
9.
8.
7.
10.
Mosque
Museum
´
City Hall (Vijecnica
TOWN PLAN
OF
ZAGREB
DATE PRIOR TO 1939
LEGEND:
1. Synagogue
2. St. Stephen’s Cathedral
3. St. Mark’s Church
4. Croatian National Theater
5. University Library
6 Yugoslav Academy of Science and Arts
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The Jewish Street in Dorcol,
´ Belgrade
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TOP LEFT:
BOTTOM LEFT:
costume
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The Jewish choral society La Lira, Sarajevo
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