Barack Obama Encyclopedia
Barack Obama Encyclopedia
Barack Obama Encyclopedia
Barack Obama
Barack Obama, in
full Barack
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Hussein Obama II,
Introduction
(born August 4,
Early life
1961, Honolulu,
Hawaii, U.S.), 44th Politics and ascent to the presidency
president of the Presidency
United States President Obama’s cabinet
(2009–17) and the
rst African
American to hold the of ce. Before winning the
presidency, Obama represented Illinois in the U.S. Senate
(2005–08). He was the third African American to be
Obama, Barack
elected to that body since the end of Reconstruction
Barack Obama, 2012.
(1877). In 2009 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize
Pete Souza—Official White House Photo
“for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international
diplomacy and cooperation between peoples.”
Early life
Barack Obama—with his wife, Michelle— S. Ann Dunham, grew up in Kansas, Texas, and
being sworn in as the 44th president of the Washington state before her family settled in Honolulu.
United States, Jan. 20, 2009. In 1960 she and Barack Sr. met in a Russian language
MSgt Cecilio Ricardo, U.S. Air Force/U.S.
class at the University of Hawaii and married less than a
Department of Defense
year later.
in Jakarta with his half sister, mother, and stepfather. While there, Obama attended both a
government-run school where he received some instruction in Islam and a Catholic private
school where he took part in Christian schooling.
He returned to Hawaii in 1971 and lived in a modest apartment, sometimes with his
grandparents and sometimes with his mother (she remained for a time in Indonesia,
returned to Hawaii, and then went abroad again—partly to pursue work on a Ph.D.—before
divorcing Soetoro in 1980). For a brief period his mother was aided by government food
stamps, but the family mostly lived a middle-class existence. In 1979 Obama graduated from
Punahou School, an elite college preparatory academy in Honolulu.
Obama attended Occidental College in suburban Los Angeles for two years and then
transferred to Columbia University in New York City, where in 1983 he received a bachelor’s
degree in political science. In uenced by professors who pushed him to take his studies
more seriously, Obama experienced great intellectual growth during college and for a couple
of years thereafter. He led a rather ascetic life and read works of literature and philosophy by
William Shakespeare, Friedrich Nietzsche, Toni Morrison, and others. After serving for a
couple of years as a writer and editor for Business International Corp., a research, publishing,
and consulting rm in Manhattan, he took a position in 1985 as a community organizer on
Chicago’s largely impoverished Far South Side. He returned to school three years later and
graduated magna cum laude in 1991 from Harvard University’s law school, where he was the
rst African American to serve as president of the Harvard Law Review. While a summer
associate in 1989 at the Chicago law rm of Sidley Austin, Obama had met Chicago native
Michelle Robinson, a young lawyer at the rm. The two married in 1992.
After receiving his law degree, Obama moved to Chicago and became active in the
Democratic Party. He organized Project Vote, a drive that registered tens of thousands of
African Americans on voting rolls and that is credited with helping Democrat Bill Clinton win
Illinois and capture the presidency in 1992. The effort also helped make Carol Moseley Braun,
an Illinois state legislator, the rst African American woman elected to the U.S. Senate.
During this period, Obama wrote his rst book and saw it published. The memoir, Dreams
from My Father (1995), is the story of Obama’s search for his biracial identity by tracing the
lives of his now-deceased father and his extended family in Kenya. Obama lectured on
constitutional law at the University of Chicago and worked as an attorney on civil rights
issues.
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Carol M. Highsmith/Library of Congress, In an effort to improve the image of the United States
Washington, D.C.
abroad—which many believed had been much damaged
during the Bush administration—Obama took a number
of steps that indicated a signi cant shift in tone. He
signed an executive order that banned excessive
interrogation techniques; ordered the closing of the
controversial military detention facility in Guantánamo
Bay, Cuba, within a year (a deadline that was not met);
proposed a “fresh start” to strained relations with Russia;
and traveled to Cairo in June 2009 to deliver a historic
Results of the American presidential
speech in which he reached out to the Muslim world.
election, 2008.
Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Largely as a result of these efforts, Obama was awarded
the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize. Yet some left-wing critics
complained that he actually had adopted and even
escalated most of the war and national security policies
of his predecessor. Indeed, when Obama accepted the
Nobel Prize in December, he said, “Evil does exist in the
world” and “there will be times when nations—acting
individually or in concert—will nd the use of force not
only necessary but morally justi ed.” Notwithstanding
President-elect Barack Obama at an
that tough talk, there were others who criticized Obama
election-night rally in Chicago's Grant Park,
for issuing only a mild condemnation of the Iranian
Nov. 4, 2008. With him are (from left) his
daughters, Sasha and Malia, and his wife, government’s crackdown on pro-democracy dissidents
Michelle. following a disputed election in June 2009. Moreover, the
© Everett Collection/Shutterstock.com
Obama administration’s handling of national security
was questioned by some when a Nigerian terrorist
trained in Yemen was thwarted in an attempt to bomb
an airliner headed for Detroit on Christmas Day, 2009.
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In many respects the president left the initiative for health care reform in the hands of
congressional leaders. House Democrats responded in November 2009 by passing a bill that
called for sweeping reform, including the creation of a “public option,” a lower-cost
government-run program that would act as competition for private insurance companies.
The Senate was more deliberate in its consideration. Obama seemed to let conservative
Democrat Sen. Max Baucus take the lead in that body at the head of the “Group of Six,”
comprising three Republican and three Democratic senators. The resulting bill that was
passed by the Senate—holding the allegiance of all 58 Democrats plus independents Bernie
Sanders of Vermont and Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, it barely survived a libuster attempt
by Republicans—proved to provide far fewer changes than its House counterpart, most
notably leaving out the public option. Before a compromise could be reached on the two
bills, the triumph of Republican Scott Brown in a special election for the seat formerly held by
Sen. Ted Kennedy destroyed the Democrats’ libuster-proof majority. Many Democrats
believed this meant that they would have to start over, as Republicans had been demanding.
Obama and other Democratic leaders, especially Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, thought
otherwise and continued to push for passage. Obama went on the offensive, skillfully
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moderating a nationally telecast summit of Republicans and Democrats at which the pros
and cons of the Democratic proposals were debated. He also took his case outside the
Beltway, in speech after speech, emphasizing the message that health care was a right and
not a privilege and increasingly sharpening his criticism of the insurance industry. In March
2010, in an attempt to win the support of Democrats in the House who opposed the
legislation because they felt it would weaken limitations on abortion funding, Obama
promised to sign an executive order guaranteeing that it would not. With that crucial group
on board, Pelosi con dently brought the Senate bill to the House oor for a special vote on
Sunday night March 21. The bill passed 219–212 (34 Democrats and all the Republicans voted
against it) and was followed by passage of a second bill that proposed “ xes” for the Senate
bill. Democrats planned to employ the relatively infrequently used procedure known as
reconciliation, which requires only a simple majority for passage, to get these xes through
the Senate. Speaking on television shortly after the House vote, Obama told the country,
“This is what change looks like.”
Economic challenges
Responding to the economic crisis that had emerged in 2008 and prompted a rescue of the
nancial industry with up to $700 billion in government funds (see Emergency Economic
Stabilization Act of 2008), Obama—aided by large Democratic majorities in both the Senate
and the House of Representatives—pushed through Congress a $787 billion stimulus
package. By the third quarter of 2009 the plan had succeeded in reversing the dramatic
decline in GDP, resulting in 2.2 percent positive growth on a per annum basis.
Unemployment, however, had also risen, from 7.2 percent when Obama entered of ce to
about 10 percent. And Republicans complained that the stimulus package cost too much,
having swelled the federal de cit to $1.42 trillion. Still, it appeared that the U.S. economy was
recovering, albeit slowly. The president could proudly point to the dramatic turnaround of
General Motors: in June 2009 GM had lapsed into bankruptcy, necessitating a $60 billion
government rescue and takeover of about three- fths of its stock, but by May 2010 the auto
manufacturer, employing a new business plan, had shown its rst pro t in three years.
Obama looked forward to “Recovery Summer,” anticipating the payoff of the massive federal
investment in infrastructure-improvement programs aimed at creating jobs and stimulating
the economy. But as the summer of 2010 progressed, the prospects for the economy seemed
to dim as unemployment stagnated (partly because of the demise of temporary jobs tied to
the decennial census). Some economists feared that a second recessionary trough was
approaching, while others argued that the stimulus package had been insuf cient.
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The spring and summer of 2010 would be remembered more, though, for a massive oil spill
that dragged on for months in the Gulf of Mexico, the largest marine oil spill in history (see
Deepwater Horizon oil spill of 2010). The disaster began with an explosion and re that killed
11 workers and led to the collapse and sinking on April 22 of the Deepwater Horizon drilling
platform some 40 miles (60 km) off the coast of Louisiana. The resulting oil spill endangered
marine life, fouled beaches, and brought a halt to shing in a huge area. The Obama
administration’s efforts to address the spill were criticized by some as ineffectual, as most
Americans felt helpless in the face of the largely futile ongoing efforts by BP, the well’s owner,
to staunch the spill. Ironically, in a policy shift just weeks before the spill, the president had
proposed ending a long-standing ban on offshore oil exploration from northern Delaware to
central Florida as well as in some other locations. In the spill’s wake, however, the Interior
Department instituted a six-month moratorium on new deepwater drilling that included
halting operations at more than 30 existing exploratory wells. Before the Deepwater Horizon
oil spill was nally contained and the well capped in July 2010, it was estimated that some 4.9
million barrels of oil had been released into the water.
As Americans headed into the midterm election of 2010, much of the electorate was
characterized as angry and pessimistic. The struggling economy and a persistent high level
of unemployment were the central issues in an election that was widely viewed as a
referendum on the rst two years of Obama’s presidency. In the weeks before the election,
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Obama campaigned hard for Democratic candidates and sought to convince voters of the
importance of his administration’s accomplishments, including staving off what some
economists believed was a potential economic depression. He also emphasized that the
change he had promised as a presidential candidate, as well as the Democratic Congress’s
efforts to stimulate the economy, would take time. In the event, many of the independents
who had supported Obama and other Democrats in the 2008 election swung back to the
Republicans, and voters returned control of the House to the Republicans, who gained some
60 seats (the biggest swing since 1948). Although the Democrats held on to control of the
Senate, their majority was severely reduced. Chastened but unbowed by the election results,
Obama approached the second half of his term and the challenges of divided government
with a renewed call for bipartisanship.
But even as gridlock was at least temporarily dislodged and partisanship eased during the
season of legislative success, the debate over the vehemence of political polarization was
quickly again at the centre of the national conversation when, on January 8, 2011, a gunman
killed six people and critically wounded Gabrielle Giffords, a member of the U.S. House of
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The year 2011 brought a series of world-shaking changes to the Middle East, where popular
political uprisings resulted in abrupt ends to longtime authoritarian regimes in Tunisia (see
Jasmine Revolution) and Egypt (see Egypt Uprising of 2011) and widespread demonstrations
and con ict in other countries in the region. The Obama administration sought to carefully
articulate its support for the demonstrators’ democratic aspirations, balancing past
commitments to some of the threatened regimes with the U.S. advocacy of free
representative government. Moreover, Obama attempted to take a role in world leadership
without direct intervention in the affairs of other countries.
In Libya, where the political revolt against the four-decade rule of Muammar al-Qadda
transformed effectively into a civil war (see Libya Revolt of 2011), however, Obama felt U.S.
intervention was necessary to prevent a humanitarian disaster as Qadda employed his
overwhelming military advantage in a brutal attempt to expunge opposition. On March 19,
U.S. and European forces with warplanes and cruise missiles began attacking targets in Libya
in an effort to disable Libya’s air force and air defense systems. After initially taking a leading
role in these operations, the Obama administration relinquished command to the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization on March 27.
Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates war. Yet as a country, we will never tolerate our security
(seated right), and Secretary of State Hillary
being threatened, nor stand idly by when our people
Clinton (seated second from right)—
receiving updates in the Situation Room of
have been killed. We will be relentless in defense of our
the White House during the Osama bin citizens and our friends and allies.”
Laden mission, May 2011.
Pete Souza—Official White House Photo Budget battles
Partisan squabbling intensi ed as members of both parties dug in their heels during the
impassioned debate and hard-nosed negotiations over the passage of the federal budget for
the remainder of scal year 2010. Beginning in October 2010, Congress passed a series of
stopgap measures that kept the federal government operating as negotiations continued. As
the April 8, 2011, funding deadline for another of these stopgap budgets approached, the new
Republican majority in the House threatened to vote against further short-term funding,
forcing the shutdown of the federal government if deep budget cuts were not enacted. The
administration and the Democratic-controlled Senate, while acknowledging the need for
budget reductions, remained adamant in their defense of a range of entitlement programs
the Republicans sought to reduce or eliminate. With only hours remaining before the
government shutdown, the two sides reached agreement on a budget that included some
$38 billion in funding cuts.
Against a backdrop of escalating partisan posturing, Obama and Republican Speaker of the
House John A. Boehner began meeting privately in early July and nearly hammered out a
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“grand bargain” that would have included trillions in spending cuts, changes to Medicare and
Social Security, and tax reform. Increases in tax revenue were pivotal to the “balanced
approach” advocated by the president, who wanted the burden of de cit reduction to be
shared by everyone, including the wealthiest Americans who had bene ted from the Bush-
era tax cuts. The deal foundered toward the end of the month, however, on the level of
proposed tax-revenue increases. Media reports indicated that Boehner had agreed to $800
billion in increased tax revenue but pulled out of the deal when the president asked for an
additional $400 billion. It was widely believed, though, that Boehner would have had trouble
winning suf cient Republican support for the agreement in any case.
As the threat of default and the possibility of a downgrading of the U.S. government’s credit
rating grew more imminent, there was an increasing consensus across party lines on the
need to raise the debt ceiling. Absent a broader agreement, compromise appeared to hinge
largely on the issue of whether the ceiling would be increased in two steps or one, the latter
of which would push it beyond the 2012 election. On July 31, just two days before the
deadline, an agreement was reached by the president and congressional leaders of both
parties whereby the ceiling would be raised in two main stages by some $2.4 trillion, with
equivalent cuts to the de cit to be achieved over a 10-year period. The deal called for a $900-
billion short-term increase in the debt ceiling ($400 billion of which would be immediate) to
be offset by an immediate cap on domestic and defense spending that would yield some
$917 billion in de cit reduction. The agreement also stipulated the establishment of a
congressional “super committee” charged with making recommendations by the end of
November 2011 that would reduce the de cit by an additional $1.2 to $1.5 trillion to allow for a
commensurate increase in the debt ceiling. The agreement did not include any tax increases,
and neither did it provide for major changes to Medicare or Social Security. It did, however,
mandate that if the bipartisan committee failed to reach a consensus or if Congress failed to
pass the committee’s proposals in December 2012, automatic across-the-board cuts of up to
$1.2 trillion would be implemented, evenly divided between defense and nondefense
spending. The deal also required that both the House and the Senate vote on an
amendment to the Constitution mandating a balanced budget. The nal bill was passed by
the House by a vote of 269–161 and by the Senate by a vote of 74–26.
Although he effectively had been campaigning for weeks, Obama of cially kicked off his
reelection bid with speeches in Ohio and Virginia on May 5, 2012. Just a few days later, on May
9, he made headlines again when he revealed a change in his stance on same-sex marriage,
saying during a television news interview, “At a certain point I’ve just concluded that for me
personally, it is important for me to go ahead and af rm that I think same-sex couples should
be able to get married.” Earlier in the week Vice President Biden had expressed strong
support for same-sex marriage in another television appearance.
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The economy continued to recover—but slowly and unevenly, so that in April 2012 Time
magazine characterized the rebound as “The 97-lb. Recovery” (alluding to bodybuilder
Charles Atlas’s 97-pound weakling). Pro ts were up again for many corporations, big banks
had returned to solid footing, and the stock market had bounced back from the dark days of
the Great Recession of December 2007 to June 2009, but wages remained largely stagnant,
foreclosures were still commonplace as the housing market continued its struggle to regain
its balance, and, though unemployment had generally decreased, it remained high at 8.2
percent in May. The presumptive Republican presidential nominee, Mitt Romney, a former
governor of Massachusetts, focused much of his campaign on a critique of Obama’s
stewardship of the economy. On the other hand, some observers noted that the U.S.
economy was considerably more robust than that of Europe, which remained deeply mired
in the euro-zone debt crisis. More than a few attributed the relative health of the American
economy to the government’s stimulus efforts and to the successes of the Troubled Asset
Relief Program (authorized under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act), which had
come to the rescue of foundering American nancial institutions.
In June, responding largely to the Senate’s earlier failure to pass the DREAM Act, the Obama
administration made an important policy change, generally ending the immediate
deportation of illegal immigrants who had come to the United States as children. Although
the policy did not embrace the “pathway to citizenship” promised by the DREAM Act, it
granted a two-year reprieve from deportation and the opportunity to seek a work permit to
those age 30 and under who had immigrated before age 16, had been in the country at least
ve years, did not have a criminal record or pose a security threat, and were either students
or high-school graduates or had served in the military.
Immigration was in the headlines again later in the month when the Supreme Court struck
down three provisions of Arizona’s controversial 2010 immigration law but upheld its
centrepiece “Show me your papers” provision, which required police to check the legal status
of anyone they stop for another law-enforcement concern if they reasonably suspect that the
person is in the country illegally. Obama applauded the court’s rejection of three other
provisions of the law, including one that had made it a crime for illegal immigrants to seek
work, but he expressed concern that the upheld provision could result in racial pro ling.
As important as that ruling was, the Supreme Court announced another decision on the nal
day of its session (June 28) in a case that many hailed as the most important heard by the
court in more than a decade: it upheld the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (see
Affordable Care Act cases). That decision provided the president with a huge victory by
preserving the signature legislative achievement of his administration. Pivotal to the 5–4
ruling was the court’s decision not to strike down the act’s “individual mandate” provision,
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which would nancially penalize Americans for not obtaining health insurance, a
requirement many Republican politicians argued was unconstitutional.
At the beginning of September 2012, at its national convention in Charlotte, North Carolina,
the Democratic Party of cially nominated Obama and Biden as its candidates for president
and vice president of the United States. On the anniversary of the September 11, 2001, attacks,
Obama’s attention and that of the world was directed to Banghāzī, Libya, where an attack on
the U.S. diplomatic post resulted in the deaths of U.S. Ambassador Chris Stevens and three
other Americans. Initially, it was thought that the attack had been a spontaneous outgrowth
of rioting occurring outside the post in response to an anti-Islam lm that had been
produced in the United States. Angry demonstrations against the lm had occurred
elsewhere, most notably at the U.S. embassy in Cairo. In the following days and weeks,
however, it became increasingly certain that the assault had been a premeditated terrorist
attack. Obama promised to get to the bottom of the matter, but both he and Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton acknowledged their ultimate responsibility in the situation. The issue
persisted as a point of criticism of Obama by Romney and the right in general.
Obama maintained a signi cant lead over Romney in September in the national opinion
polls, partly a result of a “convention bounce” and partly because of negative perceptions
some held of his Republican challenger. Those perceptions were deepened by the release of
secretly shot footage at a private fund-raiser at which Romney said, “There are 47 percent of
the people who will vote for the president no matter what…who believe that they are victims”
and whom he would never be able to convince that “they should take personal responsibility
and care for their lives.” In the heated aftermath, Romney stood by his remarks, though he
said that they had not been “elegantly stated.”
Both campaigns were spending fortunes in what was projected to be the most expensive
presidential campaign in history, the rst since the creation of the public nancing system in
which neither candidate accepted public funds and the spending limitations that went with
them. Romney and the Republican Party, as well as Obama and the Democrats, each raised
about $1 billion in donations, totals that did not include the tens of millions spent by “super
PACs,” the political action committees that—as a result of the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision
in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission—were allowed to accept unlimited
donations from wealthy individuals, corporations, and unions, provided that the PACs
operated independently of the candidate’s campaign.
Obama and Romney both presented themselves as champions of the middle class and those
who aspired to join it. While the president offered a vision of American prosperity that spread
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centrifugally from the middle, his Republican challenger believed that economic well-being
was initiated at the top by “job creators” and owed down, an approach that Obama claimed
had been tried in the past and failed. In highlighting the importance of tackling the de cit,
Obama emphasized the need for spending cuts but proposed returning tax levels on the
wealthiest Americans to those that were in place during the Bill Clinton administration.
Romney advocated maintaining the Bush-era tax cuts, including those for people at the top
of the economic pyramid, as well as providing additional cuts, while promising to reduce the
de cit with spending cuts and the elimination of tax loopholes. He accused Obama of being
unsympathetic to business while citing his own success as an entrepreneur as a prime
quali cation for the job of setting the economy right as president. Much of Romney’s
campaign was grounded in a criticism of the handling of the economy by Obama, whom
Romney blamed for the slowness of the recovery and the consequent hardships endured by
the middle class, especially those who were among the long-term unemployed. Obama was
quick to acknowledge the suffering of many Americans brought about by the Great
Recession and the gradualness of recovery, but he was equally quick (too quick according to
many Republicans) to point to the “bad hand” he had been dealt by the Bush administration.
Some of the president’s supporters believed that he had not been adamant enough in
emphasizing how his own policies had helped forestall much-greater economic calamity.
Romney also promised to revoke the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which he
referred to derisively as “Obamacare,” a term the president proudly owned as he trumpeted
the bene ts of the act on the campaign trail. Reversing the advantage Republicans
traditionally had enjoyed on defense and security issues, Obama repeatedly noted the
elimination of Osama bin Laden on his watch. He also highlighted his successful removal of
American forces from Iraq and his promise to remove U.S. troops from Afghanistan by 2014.
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again in the third and nal presidential debate. Despite those strong performances, however,
Obama seemingly had, at best, pulled even with Romney nationally. In the nal weeks of the
campaign, the candidates primarily focused on a handful of “battleground” states, whose
electoral votes, it was believed, would determine the outcome of a razor-close election in the
electoral college.
In the last week of October, Sandy, a hurricane-turned-superstorm that had ravaged parts of
the Caribbean, brought widespread destruction to the East Coast and Mid-Atlantic states.
New York City and New Jersey were particularly hard hit, and the image of Obama and New
Jersey’s Republican Gov. Chris Christie—up to that point one of the president’s most vocal
critics—touring devastated areas in his state and bringing promises of rapid aid was a
remarkable demonstration of bipartisan leadership by both men.
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In May 2013 the Obama administration found itself much embattled, as new controversies
arose to take their place alongside ongoing attempts by some Republicans—in particular,
Rep. Darrell Issa of California in his role as chairman of the House Oversight Committee—not
only to nd further fault with the State Department and the administration regarding the
2012 attack on the diplomatic post in Banghāzī but also to allege that there had been a
cover-up in the aftermath of the attack.
At the centre of the renewed efforts to prove that the administration had misled the public
were recently revealed e-mails that indicated State Department and other administration
of cials had asked that references to the al-Qaeda-linked group Anṣār al-Sharīʿah and prior
warnings of danger be stricken from the talking points to be used by UN Ambassador Susan
Rice when she appeared on television news programs several days after the attack.
Republican critics alleged that these changes showed that the administration had
“scrubbed” Rice’s remarks in order not to tarnish Obama’s record on security during the run-
up to the presidential election. The Obama administration dismissed the claims of a cover-up
as politically motivated and contended that the process of developing the talking points was
concerned not with politics but with differences between individuals in the State
Department and Central Intelligence Agency regarding the yet-to-be-understood nature of
the attack. (The focus of much Republican criticism regarding the attack was Hillary Clinton,
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who had resigned as secretary of state in February—to be replaced by John Kerry—but who
was a potential candidate for the 2016 presidential election.)
The administration found itself on the defensive when employees of the Internal Revenue
Service (IRS) were accused of having used excessive scrutiny to delay approval of tax-exempt
status for some conservative political groups. Obama condemned this “misconduct” by the
IRS as “inexcusable,” requested and received the resignation of the acting commissioner of
the IRS, and promised that the Treasury Department would establish safeguards to ensure
that such behaviour would not recur.
Also troubling for the president were revelations that in spring 2012 the Justice Department
had subpoenaed access to the records of some 20 phone lines used by reporters and editors
who worked in several of ces of the Associated Press without notifying that organization.
This action had been taken as part of a widespread investigation into a national-security
news leak related to a terrorist plot, hatched and foiled in Yemen, to blow up a U.S.-bound
plane. Learning in May 2013 that the Justice Department had subpoenaed access to these
phone records without having noti ed them, representatives of the Associated Press, as well
as some legislators from both parties, said that they were deeply disturbed by what they saw
as an egregious violation of the freedom of the press. Attorney General Eric Holder (who had
earlier recused himself from involvement with the investigation because he had been
questioned as part of it) characterized the investigation as involving one of the “most serious
leaks” he had ever encountered. The Obama administration responded in part by calling for
renewed pursuit of legislation that would create a federal “shield” law to provide the same
sort of protection that many state laws provided for the con dentiality of journalists’ sources
and communications. All three scandals became the focus of congressional investigations.
June brought a new set of problems for the administration when it was forced to respond to
the revelation that the National Security Agency (NSA) had compelled a telecommunications
company to turn over metadata (such as numbers dialed and duration of calls) for millions of
its subscribers. This secret information was leaked to The Guardian newspaper by American
intelligence contractor Edward Snowden, who also disclosed the existence of a program that
mined data from Google, Facebook, Microsoft, and other Internet-related companies for the
NSA, the FBI, and a British agency. Snowden, who was charged with espionage, ended up in
Russia, where he was granted temporary refugee status, further straining relations between
that country and the United States, which were already at loggerheads over developments in
the Syrian Civil War.
Russia’s continued support of its ally Syria (as well as that of China) prevented the UN
Security Council from responding forcefully to the war. Obama, seemingly seeking to avoid
open-ended involvement in another Middle Eastern con ict, had been cautious in his
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response to the situation in Syria, prompting some critics to label him the “avoider-in-chief.”
As the death count in Syria rose and reports surfaced of the use of chemical weapons by the
forces of Syrian Pres. Bashar al-Assad, the engagement of the U.S. government increased.
Food and nancial aid from the U.S. were extended to the Syrian opposition in February 2013,
and the beginning of military aid was promised in June. Obama had said in May 2012 that
what he called his “calculus” for U.S. involvement in Syria would change if “we start seeing a
whole bunch of chemical weapons moving around or being utilized.” That “red line”
appeared to have been crossed when hundreds of people died allegedly as a result of Syrian
government forces’ use chemical weapons in suburban Damascus on August 21, 2013.
On August 30 U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said that the United States had “high
certainty” that chemical weapons had been used in the incident and that government forces
had carried out the attack. He also reported a death toll (more than 1,400) that was
considerably higher than earlier estimates. The Syrian government continued to deny its use
of chemical weapons and blamed the opposition. Although the British Parliament had voted
against endorsing Prime Minister David Cameron’s call for military intervention in principle,
Obama indicated that a U.S. military response would be forthcoming, even without British
involvement. French Pres. François Hollande, on the other hand, continued to express
support for French involvement in a military response. On August 31 Obama shifted gears
and asked for congressional authorization for military action while awaiting the ndings of
UN weapons inspectors who had returned from Damascus after inspecting the site of the
attack. Released on September 16, their report indicated that there was “clear and convincing
evidence” that surface-to-surface rockets had delivered the nerve agent sarin in the attack.
The report did not indicate blame for the attack. In the meantime, on September 14, Russia
and the United States brokered a framework agreement under which the Syrian
government would accede to the international Chemical Weapons Convention and submit
to the controls of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, release a
comprehensive listing of its chemical weapons arsenal within a week, destroy all of its
chemical mixing and lling equipment by November, and eliminate all of its chemical
weapons by mid-2014. While the Obama administration indicated that the framework
included an appeal to the UN Security Council to authorize the use of force should Syria not
ful ll the terms of the agreement, the Russian government said it had not agreed to that
condition.
The Obama administration’s foreign policy in the region was also being tested by events in
Egypt, where the military had removed Pres. Mohammed Morsi from power in July. Because
the U.S. government was legally prohibited from providing nancial aid (which amounted to
more that $1 billion annually for Egypt) to countries whose leadership changed as the result
of a coup, the administration hesitated to label the change in power a coup. However,
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Obama was adamant in urging a swift return to civilian rule, and the stakes went up when
hundreds of Morsi’s supporters were killed by government forces in separate incidents in July
and August.
Obamacare remained a thorn in the side of Republicans, particularly those associated with
the Tea Party movement, who led an attempt to include a one-year delay of funding of the
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in a continuing resolution to fund the federal
budget that faced an October 1 deadline. The president, for his part, promised to veto the
resolution if it contained defunding of Obamacare. After the House Republican majority
refused to give up its requirement of a funding delay for Obamacare and the Senate
Democratic majority refused to endorse a continuing resolution that included that
requirement, the federal government partially shut down for the rst time in 17 years,
furloughing hundreds of thousands of employees and closing government of ces. Obama
was adamant that any discussion on the budget would be contingent upon fully reopening
the government, and he maintained that stance as the October 17 deadline for extending the
national debt ceiling approached and with it the threat of default. On October 16, moderate
Republicans voted with Democrats in both houses of Congress to pass a bill forged by Senate
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid that ended the
partial shutdown by funding government agencies and of ces through January 15, 2014,
extended the government’s borrowing power through February 7, and tasked a negotiating
committee with coming up with long-term budgetary solutions. By the end of 2013 the
House and the Senate had passed the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2013, based on a compromise
that replaced the bulk of the automatic spending cuts required by sequestration with
targeted cuts and raised discretionary spending (divided evenly between military and
nonmilitary funding). The resulting budget was intended to last through the 2014 scal year.
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the glitches was slow, but as HealthCare.gov’s performance improved, Obama went on the
offensive, encouraging Americans to sign up for coverage. At the beginning of April 2014,
after the end of the rst open enrollment period, he announced that 7.1 million Americans
had signed up for private insurance plans through the marketplace, meeting the
administration’s target. “The debate over repealing this law is over. The Affordable Care Act is
here to stay,” Obama declared, yet criticism of Obamacare and calls for its removal remained
a rallying cry for Republicans as they prepared for the 2014 midterm congressional election.
Events in the Middle East continued to make that region an important focus of Obama’s
foreign policy in 2014. However, the president’s attention dramatically shifted early in the year
to a developing crisis in Ukraine. After widespread protests led to the impeachment and then
the end of the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych (who called his dismissal a coup d’état),
elements within the predominantly ethnically Russian autonomous republic of Crimea,
supported by Russian troops, engineered Crimea’s self-declared separation from Ukraine and
annexation by Russia (con rmed by the Russian parliament in March). Obama joined a host
of Western leaders in condemning Russia’s aggressive actions and sought to isolate it by
suspending it from the Group of Eight and imposing sanctions on a number of individual
Russian leaders. Moreover, in a show of support for Ukraine, Obama met with its newly
elected president, Petro Poroshenko, in early June.
At the end of May, ve Taliban leaders who been prisoners at the Guantánamo Bay detention
camp were exchanged by the Obama administration for Bowe Bergdahl, a U.S. Army
sergeant who had been a captive of the Taliban in Afghanistan since 2009. The exchange was
initially hailed as a victory for the administration, but it quickly became controversial. Some
Republicans argued that the administration had given up too much for Bergdahl, and
politicians from both sides of the aisle criticized the president for failing to consult Congress
prior to the exchange (law required the administration to give Congress notice 30 days
before releasing Guantánamo Bay detainees; the White House cited evidence of Bergdahl’s
failing health and other factors that necessitated urgent action). The matter became further
clouded by the ambiguous circumstances of Bergdahl’s capture, including allegations that
he had attempted to desert.
Meanwhile, in early summer 2014, nearly three years after the removal of the nal U.S. troops
from Iraq, Obama found himself forced to again respond to events there, when the
controversial U.S.-supported regime of Prime Minister Nūrī al-Mālikī was threatened by the
takeover of several cities (including the country’s second largest, Mosul) by a rapidly
spreading Sunni insurgency spearheaded by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL;
also known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS] and as the Islamic State), a group that
emerged in April 2013. Some critics sought to blame Obama for this new instability in Iraq,
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accusing him of having removed U.S. troops too soon. The president remained reluctant to
put “boots on the ground,” even as he dispatched some 300 U.S. Special Operations troops in
mid-June to train, advise, and support Iraqi security forces, and he called on the Iraqi
government to resolve the situation. Mālikī’s State of Law coalition had won the largest
number of seats in parliamentary elections in April 2014, paving the way for Mālikī to claim a
third term as prime minister, but in response to pressure from former supporters both inside
and outside Iraq, he stepped aside in favour of a less-divisive gure from the State of Law
coalition, Haider al-Abadi, who was nominated to form a new cabinet in early August.
On August 8 the United States began to launch air strikes against ISIL in Iraq to prevent it
from advancing farther into Kurdish territory. In September Obama responded even more
aggressively to ISIL’s advances in both Iraq and Syria, as well as to a growing sense of the
terrorist threat posed by ISIL elsewhere (brought home to Americans through videos
released by ISIL depicting the beheadings of two U.S. journalists held hostage by the group).
In a televised address on September 10, Obama announced that he had initiated a signi cant
escalation of the campaign against ISIL, including the authorization of air strikes inside Syria
for the rst time and an increase of those in Iraq. Although he continued to pledge that he
would not return U.S. combat troops to the region, Obama asked Congress to approve some
$500 million for the training and arming of “moderate” Syrians. In the following weeks, as
U.S.-led attacks increased, Obama championed an effort to grow the coalition of countries
that had committed to confronting ISIL. By the end of September, some 20 countries were
contributing air support or military equipment to the coalition effort, including France,
Britain, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Qatar, and Bahrain. Dozens of other
countries provided humanitarian aid.
An effort to expand that coalition and to de ne the necessity of combating ISIL’s “network of
death” was central to Obama’s speech to the United Nations General Assembly on
September 24. Also in that address he echoed his September 10 speech in denouncing
Russia’s actions in Ukraine, and he called on the world to come together to respond to global
warming and to help contain the outbreak of the Ebola virus in Africa. A number of political
observers praised the president for putting the United States at the forefront of these efforts
after having been, in their eyes, recently indecisive in his foreign policy.
On the domestic front, Obama continued to use the power of executive action to address
issues that remained bogged down in Congress. In February 2014 Obama, unable to
persuade Congress to raise the federal minimum wage, signed an executive order raising the
hourly minimum wage of federal contract workers to $10.10. In June he took on climate
change, directing the Environmental Protection Agency to instate new rules calling for
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power plants to signi cantly reduce their carbon emissions by 2030. Speaker of the House
Boehner responded to Obama’s use of executive action by accusing the president of having
“repeatedly run an end-around on the American people and their elected legislators” and by
threatening to bring a lawsuit against him for misusing his executive powers. “So sue me,” a
combative Obama said in early July, his remark aimed at House Republicans. “As long as
they’re doing nothing,” he continued, “I’m not going to apologize for trying to do something.”
Immigration reform—an issue that Obama had attempted to address in June 2012 with
executive action that deferred for two years deportations of immigrants who had come to
the United States illegally as children—was back in the spotlight in 2014 as a crisis arose
along the country’s border with Mexico. From October 2013 to mid-June 2014 some 50,000
unaccompanied children from Central America were apprehended attempting to enter the
U.S. illegally. In July the administration sought $3.7 billion from Congress to confront the
crisis.
In early August 2014 Obama carefully sought not to take sides when the fatal shooting of
Michael Brown, an unarmed African American teenager, by a white police of cer resulted in
days of civil unrest and protests fueled by tensions between the predominantly black
population of Ferguson, Missouri, a St. Louis suburb, and its predominantly white
government and police department. The president did, however, cite the incident in his
September speech to the UN as an example of “our own racial and ethnic tensions” while
pointing to the failure of Americans at times “to live up to our ideals.” On September 19 there
was a scare at the White House when, only minutes after the rst family had left the
residence, a man leapt the surrounding fence and made his way into the White House. The
security breach spurred a congressional hearing that addressed other recent lapses by the
Secret Service, and soon afterward its director, Julia Pierson, resigned.
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9 seats to reach a total of 54, after the results were in for the December runoff election in
Louisiana (a Republican victory).
In December 2013, at a memorial for South African leader Nelson Mandela, Obama and
Cuban leader Raúl Castro had shared a handshake that seemed to offer symbolic new hope
for improved Cuban-U.S. relations. On December 17, 2014, after some 18 months of secret
negotiations fostered by Canada and the Vatican, that handshake bore fruit as Obama and
Castro simultaneously addressed national television audiences to announce the
normalization of relations between the United States and Cuba that had been suspended in
January 1961. “We will end an outdated approach that for decades has failed to advance our
interests,” Obama said. At the beginning of his administration, he had hoped to restart
relations, but that initiative had been undermined by the incarceration of Alan Gross, a
subcontractor for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) who had been held
in Cuba since 2009 after being convicted of importing illegal technology and attempting to
establish secret Internet service for Cuban Jews. The announcement of renewed diplomatic
relations was accompanied by the release of Gross and a prisoner exchange of three Cuban
intelligence agents who had been jailed in the United States since 1998 for a U.S. intelligence
agent who had been captive in Cuba for nearly 20 years.
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service for former South African president nancial restrictions (including an increase in the
Nelson Mandela, December 17, 2014.
amount of money expatriates were allowed to remit to
SABC Pool/AP Images
Cuba).
In December Obama’s response to police violence was again questioned after a grand jury
failed to indict a New York City policeman for his responsibility in the death of Eric Garner, an
unarmed African American man who died after having a choke hold applied to him during
his arrest on Staten Island in July. The president and New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio
established a task force charged with improving relations between minority communities
and police, but many of those around the country who had taken to the streets to proclaim
that “black lives matter” felt that Obama was not doing enough.
The rst half of 2015 was a roller-coaster ride of low and high points for the president: on one
hand, the country continued to experience a rash of deeply troubling incidents of race-
related violence, while, on the other hand, the Supreme Court ruled as the administration
had hoped it would in a pair of landmark cases.
In an episode reminiscent of the events in Ferguson and Staten Island, on April 19 a young
African American man in Baltimore died a week after incurring a severe spinal-cord injury
while in police custody. Rioting erupted in Baltimore on the day of his funeral, April 27. As
troubling as the incidents of police violence and the issues of police accountability were, the
country was even more stunned and saddened when, on June 17, nine African Americans
were shot and killed, allegedly by a young white man, in a hate crime in a historic black
church in Charleston, South Carolina. In his eulogy for one of the shooting’s victims—the Rev.
Clementa Pinckney, a South Carolina state senator—Obama addressed gun control, race
relations, and the symbolic impact of the Confederate ag, which he said represented more
than just “ancestral pride” because for many it was a “reminder of systemic oppression and
racial subjugation.” (In the wake of the shooting, the ying of the Confederate ag at the
state capitol in South Carolina was the object of renewed criticism, and on July 10, in
response to legislative action by South Carolina lawmakers, the ag was removed
permanently from the capitol grounds.)
Supporters of the Patient Protection and nuclear weapons, though Iran maintained that it was
Affordable Care Act cheering after the intended for peaceful purposes. An interim agreement
Supreme Court ruled on June 25, 2015, that had been reached in November 2013, and the nal
Obamacare tax credits can go to purchasers
agreement largely followed the terms of the framework
of health insurance on the federal insurance
exchange.
document that was accepted by all parties in April 2015.
Jim Lo Scalzo—EPA/Landov Under the terms of the agreement, Iran would greatly
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reduce its nuclear stockpile over a 10-year period and give inspectors from the International
Atomic Energy Agency access to its nuclear facilities in exchange for the gradual removal of
sanctions. In praising the agreement, Obama said that “every pathway to a nuclear weapon”
for Iran had been cut off, but many Republicans were quick to denounce the accord, which
Congress had 60 days to consider with the options of accepting, rejecting, or taking no
action on it. On September 10 the Republican-led effort to reject the treaty was stalled in its
tracks when opponents of the agreement in the Senate were unable to secure enough votes
to overcome a Democratic libuster that had blocked the passage of a measure aimed at
repealing the treaty. Yet another major policy goal had been achieved by Obama without the
aid of a single Republican vote.
In that vein, on August 3, 2015, the president announced new climate regulations requiring
U.S. power plants to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 32 percent below 2005 levels by
the year 2030. The new rules also required that 28 percent of electrical generation be fueled
by renewable energy by the same deadline. In February 2016, however, a lawsuit brought
against the action was granted a stay request by the Supreme Court even before the
regulation had been reviewed by a federal appeals court, an unprecedented step that critics
described as judicial activism. The stay was to remain in place as the lawsuit made its way
through the courts, with a nal decision possibly not coming until 2017.
Environmentalists were able to claim a victory in November 2015 when Obama, having
completed a seven-year review, announced that he had rejected the proposal to build the
Keystone XL oil pipeline from Canada to the U.S. Gulf Coast. Supporters of the pipeline had
argued that construction of the pipeline would create jobs and promote economic growth,
while opponents countered that extracting the petroleum from tar sands in Alberta would
contribute signi cantly to global warming.
The August 14 ag raising presided over by Secretary Kerry at the reopened U.S. embassy in
Havana provided a foreign policy milestone for the Obama administration, after the U.S. and
Cuba had of cially opened their embassies in each other’s capital on July 20. At the end of
July, Obama had become the rst sitting U.S. president to visit Ethiopia as well as the rst
U.S. chief executive to address the African Union at its headquarters in Addis Ababa. In early
October, after some eight years of negotiations, another of the president’s principal foreign
policy objectives appeared within reach with the signing in Atlanta of the Trans-Paci c
Partnership agreement, a regional trade deal between 12 Paci c Rim countries (the U.S.,
Japan, Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and
Vietnam). Congressional rati cation of the treaty, however, was far from a certainty.
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Republicans and some members of his own party continued to criticize Obama’s response to
ISIL as insuf cient and awed. Having admitted in June 2015 that the administration still did
not have a “complete strategy” to confront ISIL (and still suffering for his 2014
characterization of ISIL as the “junior varsity” in comparison with al-Qaeda), Obama, at the
end of October 2015, authorized the deployment of several dozen special-operations troops in
Syria to help coordinate local ground forces in the north of the country and undertake other
open-ended missions there—an action that seemed to violate his long-standing promise to
not “put boots on the ground” in Syria. The measure came at a time when Russia had
become directly involved in the Syrian Civil War, and the deployment was framed as part of
an evolving policy that included a signi cant diplomatic effort to begin talks aimed at
effecting a political transition in Syria.
At the beginning of the new year, Obama returned again to the matter of gun violence. Long
frustrated by congressional gridlock that prevented the passage of gun-related legislation,
on January 5, 2016, he announced executive actions aimed at expanding background checks
for gun purchasers and recodifying the de nition of a regulated gun dealer. Mindful of the
kind of Republican accusations of presidential overreach that had landed earlier executive
actions in the courts, Obama was careful to undertake action that he described as “well
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within” his legal authority. The rede nition of regulated gun dealing targeted online sales of
guns and sales of weapons at gun shows that had not been subject to background checks. In
his announcement of the executive action, Obama, re ecting on the tragedy of the 2012
Newtown shootings that had deeply affected him, wiped tears from his cheeks as he said,
“Every time I think about those kids it gets me mad. And by the way, it [gun violence]
happens on the streets of Chicago every day.” Several days later, at a special televised town
meeting at George Mason University, Obama discussed his executive action with both
supporters and opponents of gun-control reform.
When Obama came before a joint session of Congress on January 12 to deliver his nal State
of the Union message, there was an empty seat in the gallery next to Michelle Obama to
symbolize the loss of life brought about by gun violence. The president struck a positive tone
in his address, countering fears of Islamist terrorism by calling the United States “the most
powerful nation on Earth” and characterizing gloomy Republican assessments of the
country’s economic decline as “ ction” while saying that the U.S. has “the strongest, most
durable economy in the world.” Rather than recite a litany of policy initiatives, Obama,
echoing former president Franklin D. Roosevelt’s famous “Four Freedoms” address, focused
on four pivotal questions that were summarized on the White House’s Web site:
How do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in the new economy?
How do we make technology work for us, and not against us, as we solve our biggest
challenges?
How do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
How can we make our politics re ect the best in us, and not the worst?
Having come into of ce determined to end partisan gridlock, Obama lamented his failure to
do so: “It’s one of the few regrets of my presidency—that the rancor and suspicion between
the parties has gotten worse instead of better.”
The death of Associate Justice Antonin Scalia in early February provided Obama with the
opportunity to replace one of the Supreme Court’s staunchest judicial conservatives. In
March the president nominated the highly regarded moderate Merrick Garland, the chief
judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, as Scalia’s replacement,
but Senate Republicans had already vowed not to hold con rmation hearings for any new
justice until after the 2016 presidential election.
Returning to an issue that he had rst tackled early in his presidency, on February 23, 2016,
Obama announced that the Department of Defense had submitted to Congress a new plan
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for closing the U.S. detention facility at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. He called the camp a stain
on the U.S. record of upholding the rule of law and said that its continued operation was
“counterproductive to our ght against terrorists, because they use it as propaganda in their
efforts to recruit.” Ongoing Republican opposition had frustrated attempts by Obama to
have some of the detainees transferred to the United States, but throughout his presidency
he had overseen the transfer of detainees to countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab
Emirates, Oman, Georgia, Senegal, Bosnia, Slovakia, and Uruguay, with more than 180
detainees having left Guantánamo under Obama’s watch while several dozen detainees
remained.
In March Obama welcomed a state visit by Canada’s youthful new prime minister, Justin
Trudeau, whose presence created the kind of excitement that had always seemed to attend
the charismatic Obama at the beginning of his own tenure in of ce. The amiability between
Obama and Trudeau was a far cry from Obama’s chilly relationship with Canada’s former
leader, Conservative Stephen Harper.
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(Centre) U.S. Pres. Barack Obama and First The Obama administration’s advocacy of civil rights took
Lady Michelle Obama walking in Old
a variety of forms in 2016. In early May Interior Secretary
Havana, Cuba, March 20, 2016.
Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP Images Sally Jewell and National Park Service Director Jonathan
Jarvis met with local of cials to discuss the creation of a
national monument commemorating the gay rights
movement at the Stonewall Inn, the historic Greenwich
Village bar where police and gay rights activists had
clashed in 1969. Later that month U.S. Attorney General
Loretta Lynch announced the Department of Justice’s
ling of suit in federal district court in support of the
transgender community to block the enforcement of a
recently adopted North Carolina state law that required
Obama, Barack; Abe Shinzo
public agencies to limit the use of restrooms, locker
U.S. Pres. Barack Obama (right) and
rooms, and changing rooms to persons whose biological
Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo at the
Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park in sex (as indicated on their birth certi cates) corresponds
Hiroshima, Japan, May 27, 2016. to the sex for which the facility is intended.
Carolyn Kaster/Ap Images
Faced with this violence, we wonder if the divides of race in America can ever be
bridged. We wonder if an African-American community that feels unfairly
targeted by police, and police departments that feel unfairly maligned for doing
their jobs, can ever understand each other’s experience.…I’m here to say we must
reject such despair. I’m here to insist that we are not as divided as we seem.…
Because with an open heart, we can learn to stand in each other’s shoes and look
at the world through each other’s eyes, so that maybe the police of cer sees his
own son in that teenager with a hoodie who’s kind of goo ng off but not
dangerous—and the teenager—maybe the teenager will see in the police of cer
the same words and values and authority of his parents.…We can decide to come
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together and make our country re ect the good inside us, the hopes and simple
dreams we share.
At the end of July, as one of the keynote speakers at the Democratic National Convention in
Philadelphia, Obama eloquently praised Hillary Clinton, the party’s nominee to replace him in
the Oval Of ce, but, arguably, the convention’s most-rousing speech had been delivered a
few days earlier by the rst lady, Michelle Obama. The president campaigned actively in
support of Clinton, whose Republican opponent, real-estate developer and reality television
star Donald Trump, had vowed to undo many of Obama’s policy and legislative
achievements. Upending the predictions of polls and pundits, Trump won the election,
capturing key battleground states such as Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin to triumph
in the Electoral College with 304 electoral votes to 227 for Clinton, though she won the
popular vote by more than 2.8 million votes.
In closing his Farewell Address at Chicago’s McCormick Place on January 10, 2017, Obama
said
…I’m asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change—but in yours.
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;
that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and
homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaf rmed by those
who planted ags from foreign battle elds to the surface of the moon; a creed at
the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.
Having chosen to become the rst president since Woodrow Wilson to remain in the capital
after the end of his term, Obama purchased a nine-bedroom home in the Kalorama
neighbourhood with the intention of staying for two years so that his younger daughter,
Sasha, could complete high school in Washington. Although he indicated at his nal press
conference that he did not intend to be actively involved in politics, he outlined several
developments that could reverse that decision, including “systematic discrimination being
rati ed in some fashion,” the creation of obstacles to voting, and efforts to silence the press
or dissent.
The former president and former rst lady received a joint $65 million advance from Penguin
Random House’s Crown Publishing Group for their respective memoirs. Obama also began
undertaking high-paid speaking engagements, including addresses to Wall Street nancial
rms, which earned him as much as $400,000 an outing as well criticism from some corners
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for his acceptance of extravagant fees. Supporters countered that those high fees
contributed to making it possible for Obama to donate some $2 million to job-training
programs for low-income residents in the Chicago area.
Jackson Park, on Chicago’s South Side, was chosen by the Obama Foundation (founded in
January 2014) as the location for the Obama Presidential Center. Intended as an economic
engine for the South Side, nestled in parkland, and dedicated to informing and inspiring
future leaders, the centre was designed to include a library, museum, athletic facility, and
forum for public meetings. It also was planned to serve as the headquarters for the Obama
Foundation and the My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, the organization Obama founded in 2014
to provide opportunities for boys and young men of colour. The former president also
indicated his support for the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, an organization
led by former attorney general Eric Holder that was focused on executing a comprehensive
redistricting strategy to counter what it saw as the abuses of Republican gerrymandering.
Even as the Trump administration rolled out a succession of policy initiatives seemingly
aimed at eradicating Obama’s achievements in the realms of health care, climate change,
immigration, and nancial regulation, Obama for the most part honoured the unwritten
tradition of former presidents’ refraining from criticism of their successor’s actions. On
occasion, though, Obama did take issue with some of Trump’s policies and the direction in
which Trump was taking the country. Notably, Obama was critical of Trump’s decisions to
withdraw from the Paris Agreement on climate change and from the 2015 agreement with
Iran on nuclear development, as well as Trump’s order to terminate the Deferred Action for
Childhood Arrivals program.
Jeff Wallenfeldt
The table provides a list of cabinet members in the administration of Pres. Barack Obama.
1
The post was vacant from the resignation of John Bryson in June 2012 until the swearing in
of Penny Pritzker in June 2013.
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1
The post was vacant from the resignation of John Bryson in June 2012 until the swearing in
of Penny Pritzker in June 2013.
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CITATION INFORMATION
ARTICLE TITLE: Barack Obama
WEBSITE NAME: Encyclopaedia Britannica
PUBLISHER: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.
DATE PUBLISHED: 15 May 2019
URL: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Barack-Obama
ACCESS DATE: June 08, 2019
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