INDIGENIZING THE GOSPEL: A STUDY OF THE NATURE AND FORMATION

OF CHURCHES IN MIZORAM

(A paper presented at the FFRRC Seminar on 12th December, 2017)

Blysu Varghese
D. Th III
History of Christianity

Introduction:

Christianity in Mizoram, which is only 123 years old, has had uniqueness in its beginning and
the formation of churches in Mizoram has often been regarded as one of the most indigenized
churches in the world. In mission history particularly in the 19th and 20th century,
indigenization became the main strategy of the protestant missions in Asia and Africa.
Depending on the missionaries’ ability and the mission board’s vision of mission,
indigenization was applied in different ways in different mission fields. Likewise, the
missionaries who came to preach the Gospel in Mizoram had an openness to establish
indigenous church which became the living nature of the churches in Mizoram. In this paper,
attempt will be made in order to bring out the unique identity of churches in Mizoram and
how the Gospel was transformed into Mizo indigenous way of understanding. Thus, to fulfil
this attempt, the paper is written from indigenous perspective.

I. Definition:

The term indigenous is defined as ‘belonging to a particular place rather than coming to it
from somewhere else’1 or ‘naturally existing in a place or country rather than arriving from
another place’2. In relation to Christianity, indigenization refers to a situation where the
Christian faith is accommodated to a particular cultural context. The term was first proposed
by African and Asian bishops to express the cultural growth of their local churches. However
it should be noted that this term arose as a result of the resentment among African theologians
towards the European culture with which Christianity is clothed.3 Vincent G. Nyoyoke
further states that when Christianity was brought to Africa by the Europeans, it often came
with the colonizers, armed with the myths of superiority of western culture and transplanted
western Christianity to African soil showing no respect to local culture. Thus, some African
bishops and theologians saw the need to de-westernize Christianity, to strip it off its western
garment and re-cloth it with an African garment.4 Therefore, to simplify the meaning of
indigenization, it can be understood as Christianity that takes a deep root in the culture and

1
Joanna Turnbull, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 8th Edition (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2010), 1382.
2
Cambridge Advanced Learners’ Dictionary & Thesaurus
https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/indigenous (4. 12. 2017, 10:30am)
3
V. S. Lalrinawma, Missiological Issues Facing the Contemporary Church in India (Bangalore: Centre
for Contemporary Christianity, 2011), 91.
4
Vincent G. Nyoyoke, “The Biblical and Theological Foundation for Inculturation” in Mission Today,
Vol. VI, No. 3, July – September 2004, 248-249.

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tradition of a particular community where people of that community connect the gospel in
their own way of understanding.

II. A Brief History of Christianity in Mizoram:

History of Christianity in Mizoram is said to be one of the youngest history related to the
colonial era. The first missionaries who landed on the soil of Mizoram were J. Herbert
Lorrain and F. W. Savidge on 11th January, 1894.5 The two missionaries were sent by the
Arthington Mission.6 Since the Arthington Mission’s policy was to move from one place to
another after a period of two or three years, the first two missionaries could not help but were
seeking another way to remain in the land by asking the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist (Later
Presbyterian Church of Welsh) who took up the mission field to accept them as their
missionaries. Unfortunately this was not accepted by the Welsh mission since the two were
Baptists. The Welsh Mission board took up the mission field and sent D. E. Jones to be their
first missionary. D. E. Jones arrived at Aizawl on 31st August, 1897.7 After staying together
for nearly four months, the two pioneer missionaries J. H. Lorrain and F. W. Savidge handed
over mission work to D. E. Jones and left the country by the end of 1897. In the following
year Edwin Rowlands arrived at Aizawl and started to work together with D. E. Jones. In
1901 the Baptist Missionary Society made a request to the Welsh Mission to hand over the
Southern portion of Mizoram.8 Welsh Mission Board accepted the request and handed over
the Southern portion to BMS. The two missionaries- J. H. Lorrain and F. W. Savidge found
their way back to Mizoram as missionaries working under the BMS who took up the
Southern part of Mizoram. The two missionaries then again arrived at Lunglei (Government
Headquarters of the Southern Mizoram) on 13th March, 1903.9 At the extreme south the
Lakher Pioneer Mission was formed in 1905, in which R. A. Lorrain, the younger brother of
J. H. Lorrain started to work among the Mara (Lakher) tribe since 26th September, 1907.10

Since 1907 three different Missionary Societies worked among the Mizos. The most
remarkable thing in this regard is the unity among the three different churches. For the
Evangelical Church of Maraland Baptist and Presbyterian are seen as their mother and father
whereas the Baptist and Presbyterian live like a brother. With regards to the relationship
between Baptist and Presbyterian Rev. Zairema writes:

5
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 26.
6
Arthington Mission which is also known as Indian Aborigines Mission was run by a millionaire
business man called Robert Arthington lived at Leeds. He was a sternly evangelical person who was eager to
send the Gospel to those who never heard it and who had his own original ideas as to how this was to be
done. His men were to go out two by two and should be total abstainers. His missionaries were not allowed to
stay long years in one area, they had to spread the Gospel and reach the people as many as they can. For
further reading see Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural
Response to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 97- 101.
7
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 39.
8
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 20.
9
H. Lalrinthanga, Church and State Relationship in the Mizo Socio-Political Life 1952 to 2006 (Delhi:
ISPCK, 2013), 24.
10
Zaihmingthanga, The History of Christianity in Mizoram (Aizawl: Lengchhawn Press, 2016), 56.

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 “A Baptist or Presbyterian migrating to the other area becomes automatically a member of the
church in that area, and no question arises concerning change of denomination. A Baptist
minister may baptize infants if parents so demand. The highest church court of the Baptists at
one time was called a Presbytery which is now changed to Assembly, perhaps due to teasing of
their co-baptists in other parts of India. Many of our people did not know to what denomination
they belonged—they knew, however, that they were Christians and that their duty is to spread
the good news. The Welsh Presbyterian Mission is supported by a small Church and could not
afford to spend their money lavishly in erecting impressive buildings and institutions, but when
the last missionaries had to leave the country in 1968, due to political disturbance in Mizoram,
they left a church not only self-supporting, but very much missionary minded.”11

Up till 1985, the missionary planted churches were mostly designated as the ‘Mission Church’. The
denominational feeling or names hardly appeared in the hearts of Mizo Christians. However, the
understanding between the churches declined at the dawn of 1980s. And the final breakdown occurred
by the end of 1985.12 When the relationship between Baptist and Presbyterian was over, the other
Mission Church - Evangelical Church of Maraland was also affected by this breakdown. Since 1985
all the three missionary planted churches decided to go on their own in order to penetrate throughout
the state. Recently an attempt has been made in order to bring back the past good relationship but
which is still in the process.

III. Transforming the Gospel: As mentioned above, the first two missionaries J. H. Lorrain
and F. W. Savidge who knew very well about Arthington Mission Strategy, hurriedly
preparing themselves to preach the Gospel. Within a short period of time, the two
missionaries preached the Gospel to the Mizos. The Gospel message preached by the two
missionaries was mostly stressing upon God the maker of all things. Their preaching was as
follows:

“He (God) is good and if you believe in him you will have supreme joy hereafter and if you do
not believe, and persist in your evil ways and adulteries, God will put you among the evil spirits
in the everlasting fire and you will endure suffering forever and ever.”13

When Mizoram was taken up by the Welsh Mission as their mission field, the first missionary
D. E. Jones arrived on 31st August, 1897. D. E. Jones followed the same what the pioneer
missionaries had preached. Knowing the religious practice of the Mizos regarding the
sacrificial performance done to the evil spirits, D. E. Jones preached:

“Your sacrifice is a worship of evil spirit. You should rather worship God Jehovah and won’t
need to sacrifice animals because he is more powerful than the evil spirit. If you worship him

11
Zairema, God’s Miracle in Mizoram (1978) cited by J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in
Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 77.
12
The reason behind the breakdown of relationship between the two churches- Baptist and
Presbyterian can have it own interpretation from both sides. The main factor contributing to this was the
development and increasing population in the Aizawl city where many of the Baptists migrated from south to
the north (Aizawl) that affect the Church income and a decline in members. Further reading see
Zaihmingthanga, The History of Christianity in Mizoram (Aizawl: Lengchhawn Press, 2016), 238-243.
13
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 32.

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 your spirit will go to heaven and be with him comfortably. If you obey God Jehovah, you
should not drink, neither sacrifice, since Jehovah shall heal you.”14

Due to the belief system and religious practice of the Mizo society, the Gospel message
which is mostly centred on Jesus and his salvific work on the cross was rarely mentioned in
their preaching. In this regard, J. H. Lorrain explained:

“Our first message, as soon as we could speak the language, was of a Saviour from sin. But the
people had no sense of sin and felt no need for such a saviour. Then we found a point of
contact. We proclaimed Jesus as the vanquisher of the Devil – as the one who had bound the
‘strong man’ and taken away from him ‘all his armour wherein he trusted’, and so had made it
possible for his slaves to be free. This to the Lushais was ‘Good News’ indeed and exactly met
their great need.”15

After preaching the Gospel for more than five years, the two Mizos namely- Mr. Khuma and
Mr. Khara were baptised on 25th July, 1899.16 Khuma was always ready to preach the Gospel.
He visited many villages and the simple question he used to ask was “Have you accepted the
Gospel?” Besides that, the simple preaching was “Believe in the Gospel,” “Jesus is more
powerful than demons”. One remarkable thing is that out of 35 Christians from Mizos in
1902, four Mizos worked as evangelists and moreover they were supported by the Mizo
Christians. Seeing the enthusiasm in the evangelistic work and the readiness to support from
the Church, D. E. Jones comments, “Mizos seem to have an inborn missionary mindset.”17
Without receiving any financial aid from the Mission, the newly emerging Mizo Church
began to follow self-propagation and self-support in order to preach the Gospel to the land. In
1916, five women were appointed as ‘Bible Women’ who confined to the evangelistic work
and to nurture women in the Church.18 The office of Bible Women continued till 1958 and
the total number of Bible Women serving under the Church was 21.19 In order to evangelize
the whole Mizos, a new office ‘Itinerant Preachers’ was created by the Church in 1917 in
which the appointed preachers were paid from the Mission fund.20 The first generation
Christians were in one way or the other, involved in the propagation of the Gospel.

IV. Revival:

Revival movement in Mizoram has had a continuous existence since its inception in 1906,
only thirteen years after the Gospel was brought to the land. The 1906 revival had a close
connection with the mother church in Wales and the neighbouring state Meghalaya where the
Welsh mission worked among the Khasi and Jaintia people.21 As Mangkhosat Kipgen

14
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 128.
15
South Lushai Mission Report, 1913, 2 cited by Mangkhosat Kipgen in Christianity and Mizo Culture
(Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference, 1996), 254.
16
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 55.
17
Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: SL&PB, 2007), 67.
18
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 39.
19
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 39.
20
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 41.
21
The origin of Revival that came in 1906 was the Welsh revival. The waves started in 1735 under the
leadership of Howell Harris, known as the founder of Welsh Calvinistic Methodism, and culminated in the

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criticizes the first revival movement as a photo copy of the Khasi revival, indigenization had
not yet taken place in the first revival.22 As mentioned above, the 1906 revival was only the
beginning of revival in Mizoram. Since 1906, revival movement continuously swept across
the land. Scholars recognized five major stirrings or waves: 1906, 1913, 1919, 1935 and
1984.23 Even though the first revival movement of 1906 was foreign in nature, the emphasis
of the revival ‘Sin’ seemed to have made the Mizo Christians to see things in a different light,
sharpening the differences in their view between the sacred and the profane, as it were.24
Among the small Christian community, mutual love grew and they cut themselves off
completely from the old religious practices.25 One remarkable event on the eve of revival was
the ‘Puma Zai’ that went parallel to Christian songs.26 As the Puma Zai movement
progressed, more songs were composed and minor changes brought in the structure, tune and
ethos. The lines of a verse increased from two to three or more, the accompanying dance
found place both at home and in the open-air, and the name Puma Zai was changed to
Tlanglam Zai (Song of Community Dance, Tlang could mean either community or open
street. Literal translation will be Tlang- Community, lam- dance, Zai- Song).27 The newly
established Church was confronted with such overwhelming movement. According to
Vanlalchhuanawma, “The nature of the Puma Zai movement strongly suggested that it was a
cultural response to the Christian revival movement.”28 He further gives reasons to support
his view by mentioning five points and concluded by saying:

“The Zai movement provided occasions for the people to release their pent-up feelings of
discontent and hostility with great freedom of expression. It led to a social atmosphere of
contentment, so much so that anti-social elements had no place while all were very happy and
their mutual love removed social evils... the revival movement went on side by side with the

revival of 1904 under the leadership of Evan Roberts. They were characterized by tremendous ecstatic physical
gesticulations and outbursts of joy and prayer. Rev. John Roberts, Principal at Theological College in
Cherrapunji, witnessed this revival while he was on furlough. Thus the foretaste of Welsh revival was
experienced at Cherrapunji and the revival spread across the Khasi and Jaintia hills. Hearing the news about
revival in Khasi and Jaintia Hills, the missionaries in Mizoram decided to send delegates to the Mairang
Assembly held during 15-18 March, 1906. Seven delegates from the North and three from the south attended
the Assembly. The spark of revival in the Mairang delegates was fanned into flame when the Church at Aizawl
arranged a series of receiption meetings and a meeting to bid farewell to the Southern delegates. This was the
beginning of the revival movement in Mizoram. See Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture:
Revival Movement as a Cultural Response to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 160- 173. And see
also J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 86-96.
22
Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture (Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference,
1996), 252.
23
Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: SL&PB, 2007), 68.
24
Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture (Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference,
1996), 257.
25
Zairema, God’s Miracle in Mizoram (1978), 10 cited by Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo
Culture (Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference, 1996), 257.
26
The Puma Zai was composed of a double-lined refrain of any number of verses with an ambiguous
appellation Puma at the end of the first line of every refrain.
27
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 182.
28
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 185.

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 Puma-Tlanglam Zai movement, a cultural response to the Christian revival, seemingly opposed
to each other in the initial stage but gradually influencing each other’s features.”29

The second revival movement in 1913 was said to be a kind of a flashback current of the first
wave. J. H. Lorrain refers to this revival as ‘Pentecostal experiences’ which happened after
interval of five years and describes the occasion as follows:

“The Holy Spirit has come upon the people and revealed to them the love of God as displayed
on Calvary so vividly that they have been completely overcome by grief at the thought of their
own past ingratitude, or else filled with a joy so great that it could only find expression in
rapturous hymns of praise, accompanied often by clapping of hands and other signs of
excessive happiness.”30

During the second revival movement, the main theme was the emphasis on the eminence of
the second coming of Christ and the end of the world. This emphasis gave Christians a sense
of urgency to evangelize non-Christians with the result that there was phenomenal growth of
Christianity.31 With the zeal to evangelize the whole Mizoram, many volunteered evangelists
preached the Gospel to their neighbouring villages.

The third revival movement which Kipgen called it as ‘emergence of indigenous Church’ had
significant features of its own.32 Kipgen further compliments his studies on the third revival
movement as follows:

“The spirit of freedom which we have seen emerging as a result of the revival together with
certain theological emphasis of the previous revivals now came to full bloom in the most
powerful revival to have taken place in Mizoram. It was able to shake off the last vestiges of Zo
inhibitions and dependence. It gave the Zo Christians the confidence to express themselves and
their convictions, their joys and sorrows, in ways that were indigenous to them. This is

29
The following are the points made by Vanlalchhuanawma in order to defend his view:
(1). Representing the Mission’s View, J. M. Lloyd saw the movement as an imitation of the revival and
asserts, “Amazing manifestations of feeling accompanied the singing-almost as though the revival were being
parodied. (2). Lalzika’s motive in introducing and popularizing the Puma Zai when the Government restricted
physical persecution of the Christians, can be interpreted as a response to the thriving western-Christian
culture through the unchecked revival movement by the traditional cultural movement. (3). The socio-religious
concessions given to the participants in the Puma Zai were an accommodation to the less expensive
requirements of those becoming Christian. (4). The omission of Puma in the Tlanglam Zai, the discontinuance
of animal sacrifice in its celebration, and the singing and dancing even without rice beer, all are examples of
the modification of the traditional practices to match Christian religious practices. (5). The commitment of the
Puma Zai enthusiasts to regular community gathering for singing and dancing even without feasts or rice beer
revealed a strong inclination towards the revival movement. It ultimately contributed much to the promotion
of revivalism particularly in the areas of singing and dancing. Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern
Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 185.
30
J. M. Lloyd, On Every High Hill (Aizawl: SL&PB, 1984), 56.
31
The statistic of Christian growth rate in connection with revival was as follows: 1906- 98, 1913-
4776, 1919- 16670, 1935- 63872. Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: SL&PB,
2007), 68.
32
Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture (Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference,
1996), 264.

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 significant because its consequence was the deep rooting of Christianity in the Zo culture,
creating a truly distinctive Zo Church.”33

The significances of the third revival can be said as follows:

(1). Use of Mizo Drum: The newly emerging Mizo Church did not use any musical
instrument in the worship service. Even during the revival movement in 1906 and 1913, no
instrument was used. When the third revival began, the Mizo drum, which was mostly used
along with rice beer during festivals and feasts of various types, became an important
instrument to accompany singing and dancing.34

(2). Indigenous Mizo Christian Songs: As already mentioned, the first generation Mizo
Christians depended on the translated hymns and songs composed by the missionaries. The
first and second revival movements also moved within the circle of those translated hymns.
With the emergence of Puma Zai and Tlanglam Zai, Mizo Christians slowly moved towards
indigenization. When the third revival movement began, some gifted Mizo Christians- Patea,
Kamlala, Kapliana, Zawnghuala, Zasiama, Thanherha and Siamliana, began to compose
Mizo Christian songs. In this regard, J. H. Lorrain comments:

“Today the Lushai Church is producing quite a new type of hymns, which is even more popular
and powerful than those spoken above (translated hymns and locally composed songs sung to
western tunes). They are the outpouring of Lushai hearts inspired by the Holy Spirit. In
construction they conformed largely to the old Lushai songs, but the tunes, although Lushai
through and through, are yet quite different from those used in the old heathen days. The
Christians love these new hymns and sing them with ecstatic fervour.”35

The Christian hymns translated from western hymn books and the hymns composed by the
missionaries did not use even a single poetical word that the Mizos had in their traditional
songs. Thus, the new Christian hymns that emerged with an indigenous sentimental poetic
words became so popular that resulted even to sing many translated hymns in to Mizo tune.
E. L. Mendus, one of the missionaries in the North, in 1924 refers to the general interest in
the hymns as follows:

“One of the things that astonish me in Lushai is the way in which the people, young and old,
seem to know the hymn book. Only few seem to need the book, which contains well over 400
hymns. At the end of the hymn book you will often see blank pages bound to the book, on
which are written new hymns which are being continually composed during revival fervour,
and which are very popular. I counted about 50 of these hymns recently in a hymn book which
was lent me in a service.” 36

33
Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture (Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference, 1996),
270.
34
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 60.
35
South Lushai Mission Report, 1930, 5 cited by Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture
(Jorhat: The Mizo Theological Conference, 1996), 278.
36
E. L. Mendus, “The Diary of a jungle School Master” in Glad Tidings, February 1924, 7 cited by
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response to
Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 301.

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The fourth and the fifth revival did not have much impact in relation to indigenization.
Vanlalchhuanawma comments the fourth revival movement as more western type that was a reversal
of the previous movements.37 However, the Mizo Christian songs played a major role in all the
revivals that happen in the later years. Drums, with the big size and small size, became the only
instrument used in the Church for worship service.

V. Administrative System in the Church: The unique identity that the churches in Mizoram
are practicing even till today is the ‘Centralization’ of administration which is peculiar to the
Baptist and Presbyterian. Both churches have their own traditions that differ from centralized
system of administration. Looking at the context of Khasi and Jaintia Christians, the
missionaries applied Presbyterianism as the administrative set up.38 At the initial stage,
Mizoram was like an addition to the Khasi and Jaintia Mission field. Until 1924, the Mizoram
Presbyterian functioned as one of the Presbyteries under the Khasi and Jaintia Assembly.39
The first Mizoram Presbyterian Assembly was held at Durtlang on 21st- 24th July, 1924 in
which as J. M. Lloyd states, “the new constitution prepared for the Assemblies was
considered adopted and adapted to Mizo needs.”40 This Assembly was to be regarded as the
beginning of indigenous administrative system in the churches not only of the Presbyterian
but also of the other two mission churches – Baptist and ECM. In the Presbyterian system of
administration, Presbytery is the sole authority to control financial matter in which the
pastors’ salary, appointing pastors and other workers are in the hands of the Presbytery.
However, a strong tendency to centralize power in the Assembly detracted the authority of
the Presbyteries.41 In Mizoram, all the three missionary planted churches applied the same
administrative set up in which Synod/Assembly took control of financial matters, mission
works and pastors. The function of the Synod included making general policy, channelling
the centralized church funds, installation and ordination of pastors, guiding ordained
ministers’ work and several minor schedule.42 Considering about the Baptist Church,
Mizoram Baptist Church follows the centralize system which is differ from their traditional
practice. In the Baptist tradition, local churches are having autonomy that resulted to
appointing pastor for their respective churches and paying the pastor’s salary from the local
treasury. In Mizoram, both the churches Baptist and Presbyterian adopted the new system
which is not practiced by other Baptist and Presbyterian.

37
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 333.
38
O. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change in Northeast India (Shillong: Vendrame Institute,
1993), 110.
39
Vanlalchhuanawma, Mission and Tribal Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 2010), 112.
40
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 55.
41
The name ‘Assembly’ was used to designate the three councils – Khasi & Jaintia Assembly, Mizo
Assembly and Sylhet-Cachar Assembly. These three Assemblies were made in the Assam Presbyterian
Assembly held at the beginning of 1924. Before 1924 there was only one Assembly called Assam Presbyterian
Assembly. Since 1924, the term ‘Synod’ was used to refer highest body where all the three Assemblies met
together and formed Presbyterian Church of North East India (PCNEI). In the Synod held at Silchar in 1952,
resolution was passed regarding the reversal of the name ‘Assembly’ and ‘Synod’. For further reading see
Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee, 1969), 98-99.
42
Vanlalchhuanawma, Mission and Tribal Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 2010), 113.

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The centralized system affected the practice of monthly tithe and offering collection. In the
Presbyterian practice, an envelope is distributed to all the families in which three columns are
made- Pathian Ram (God’s Kingdom), Ramthar (Mission) and Tualchhung (local).43 The
ratio that has to be applied in giving the tithe as per the instruction given by the first and
second generation Christians and pastors in particular is 5:3:2. This means half of the tithe
has to be put under Pathian Ram (which is the general fund of the Synod), 3/10 will be in the
mission and 2/10 will be for the local church. Therefore, out of the tithe given to the church,
only 2/10 or 20% will be set aside for the local church, the rest has to be submitted to the
Synod. Even though this instruction was given by the church, this is not strictly followed due
to some programmes and plan made by the local churches.

VI. Buhfaitham (Handful of Rice):

Buhfaitham was introduced in 1911 when the new Mission Veng Church was erected.44 At
the beginning it was done mostly for the purpose of constructing new chapel and later on it
was used to support ‘Bible Women’ who were employed by the Church to do evangelistic
work and to take care of women in the Church. In this regard Vanlalchhuanawma writes:

“The Bible women were paid from a collection of rice known as Buhtham which, literally
translated, means a hand-scoop of rice. It is a practical demonstration of thank giving to God
for the family’s gift of food. Every time rice is cooked for a family a handful or more is
scooped out and set apart in a particular container. The rice thus collected is sold and the
proceeds go to the Church’s fund. For one thing it is convenient way of raising funds since the
Mizo staple food is rice which is eaten twice or more times a day.”45

According to J. M. Lloyd, the practice of Buhfaitham was copied from the Khasi Christians.46
However, Saiaithanga reckons Mrs. Chhingtei of Durtlang was mainly responsible for its
introduction and promotion. This Buhfaitham, in one way can be said as the product of
Presbyterian Church under the Welsh Mission since the Khasi and Garo Christians are also
practicing in their churches. Regarding Buhfaitham, J. M. Lloyd writes:

“Mizos generally eat two, sometimes three, rice meals a day. In a Christian house hold when
the rice for the meal has been measured into cooking pot, the mother takes out as large a fistful
as she can and puts it aside into a special bin. The rice thus collected averages about 2 kilos a
month and is presented to the Church to be sold. It brings in a substantial sum...It is also an
extremely important collection in the Khasi-Jaintia churches where it is usually devoted to
pioneering Christian elementary schools in non-Christian areas. The Garo Churches, to the west
of the Khasi Hills, seem to have practised this type of collection even earlier.”47

43
Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: SL&PB, 2007), 208.
44
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 222.
45
Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural Response
to Westernisation in Mizoram (Delhi: ISPCK, 2006), 222.
46
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 145.
47
J. Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram (Aizawl: Synod Publication Board, 1991), 145-
146.

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If this was practice only to the Mizoram Presbyterian Church along with the Khasi and Garo
Christians, then it has no uniqueness in the sense that it is not originated from the Mizos.
However, Buhfaitham is not limited only to the Presbyterian Church in Mizoram; it is also
practised by the Baptist, ECM and even all the other denominations in Mizoram.

The Presbyterian Church alone received a huge amount of money from this Buhfatham. The
increasing amount contributed from Buhfaitham to the Church is as follows48:

Year Amount

1914 Rs. 80.00

1934 Rs. 1,223.00

1954 Rs. 17,963.00

1974 Rs. 3,03,611.00

1994 Rs. 1,23,90,939.00

2006 Rs. 5,20,31,083.00

2017 Rs. 16,10,86,154.00

Conclusion:

Christianity in Mizoram is often seen as one of the most fruitful missions in India. The
missionaries who came to Mizoram did not have much denominational feeling. All of them
worked together as brothers and sisters. This openness and unity among the missionaries
helped the Mizos to receive the Gospel- the message of love. The Church which was
established at the initial stage was so to say a copy of western Church. However, with the
coming of revival and the enthusiasm in preaching the Gospel from the Mizos, the Church
slowly moved towards indigenization. The churches that are present in Mizoram have
distinctive characters and uniqueness that can be related with their tribal identity. Thus, it can
be concluded that the churches in Mizoram, despite their differences in doctrine and tradition,
shared the same ethos of indigenous culture and practice that had been the guiding factor to
develop a new and distinct Church.

48
Up to 2006 is taken from Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin (Aizawl: SL&PB,
2007), 212. 2017 is from the Buhfaitham Report of Synod 2017.

[Page 10 of 11]
Bibliography:

Cambridge Advanced Learners’ Dictionary & Thesaurus

Lalchhuanliana, Mizoram Presbyterian Kohhran Chanchin, Aizawl: SL&PB, 2007.

Lalrinawma, V. S., Missiological Issues Facing the Contemporary Church in India,

Lalrinthanga, H., Church and State Relationship in the Mizo Socio-Political Life 1952 to
2006, Delhi: ISPCK, 2013.

Lloyd, J. M., On Every High Hill, Aizawl: SL&PB, 1984.

Lloyd, J. Meirion, History of the Church in Mizoram, Aizawl: Synod Publication Board,
1991.

Nyoyoke, Vincent G., “The Biblical and Theological Foundation for Inculturation” in
Mission Today, Vol. VI, No. 3, July – September 2004, 248-249.

Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin, Aizawl: Mizo Theological Literature Committee,

Snaitang, O. L., Christianity and Social Change in Northeast India, Shillong: Vendrame
Institute, 1993.

Turnbull, Joanna Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 8th Edition, Oxford: Oxford
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Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity and Subaltern Culture: Revival Movement as a Cultural

Vanlalchhuanawma, Mission and Tribal Identity, Delhi: ISPCK, 2010.

Zaihmingthanga, The History of Christianity in Mizoram, Aizawl: Lengchhawn Press, 2016.

Kipgen, Mangkhosat., Christianity and Mizo Culture, Jorhat: The Mizo Theological
Conference, 1996.

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