Human-Animal "Joint Commitment" in A Reindeer Herding System
Human-Animal "Joint Commitment" in A Reindeer Herding System
Human-Animal "Joint Commitment" in A Reindeer Herding System
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Human-animal
“joint commitment” in a
reindeer herding system
Charles STÉPANOFF, École Pratique des Hautes Études
This study explores the grounds and paradoxes of cooperative interaction in a reindeer
herding system in Southern Siberia. While the majority of human activities are joint
activities where goals or actions of participants require transparency and common
knowledge, this article asks to what extent it is possible to build a cooperative interaction
with minimal shared knowledge and poor means of communication. The article shows how,
despite a lack of a clearly shared plans of action, herders are able to induce reindeer to
come back spontaneously to the camps through nonverbal communication, even though
reindeer graze freely and autonomously most of the time. Herders come to rely on
reindeer’s cognitive skills and desires and, more generally, on animal autonomy in order to
keep their herd engaged with them. Paradoxically, humans can domesticate reindeer only if
they keep them wild. Yet, in spite of a relation marked by communicational opacity and
radical asymmetry, reindeer and men are able to maintain an ongoing cooperative context
that allows them to carry out extremely complex joint activities, such as riding.
Keywords: reindeer herding, anthropology of cooperation, animal behavior, Tozhu-Tuva
The majority of human activities are joint activities: they involve multiple
participants who carry out actions together. Participants must understand the
common goal of the activity and coordinate their actions. For example, assembling
a stand together requires each interactant to adapt his or her own gestures to the
gestures and intentions of the other interactants. The choice of tasks and the
coordination of movements are accomplished by acts of communication,
essentially through spoken language, but also through gestures and embodied
displays. Participants commit themselves to the activity by these acts of
communication. As Herbert Clark argues (1996, 2006), to be successful, a joint
action requires not only the private commitment of each participant, but also a
“joint commitment” toward a common goal.
In social life, joint activities are not always as symmetrical and transparent as,
for instance, shaking hands or assembling a stand together are. Cooperative
activities often involve people belonging to different gender categories, age groups
(parents and children), or hierarchical positions (bosses and apprentices). These
categories are regularly imbued with unequal skills and knowledge, social status,
and power. Expert and nonexpert interactions are typically asymmetric: parties
have significant gaps in their relevant knowledge. However, on the basis of the
study of a divination ritual involving a shaman and a patient, William Hanks (2006:
325) has shown, “sociality need not entail common knowledge, but still gives rise to
joint commitment.” In such an interaction, the expert’s challenge is to “induce
commitment” of the nonexpert and to bring him to “accept what he cannot know
or even understand” (ibid.: 324).
To what extent is it possible to build a cooperative interaction with minimal
shared knowledge and poor means of communication? Human societies are not
composed only of humans; they also include numerous types of animals, such as
pets and livestock. In herding societies in particular, people and animals are
intimately bound together, they live together and influence each other; they form
what could be called “hybrid human-animal communities” (Lestel, Brunois, and
Gaunet: 2006). Recent studies have highlighted the ability of some domestic
species, such as dogs and goats, to react to social cues presented by humans
without prior learning, which seems to be evidence that they were selected for their
social-communicative skills during the process of domestication (Hare et al. 2002;
Kaminski et al. 2005). Even between humans and insects, one can observe the
emergence of presignaletic forms of communication in learning contexts
(Renesson, Grimaud, and Césard, this volume). The limits of communicational
processes are currently being explored thoroughly, however in the everyday life of
human-animal communities, communication is not a goal in itself, it is oriented
toward the realization of tasks. In such communities, can some human-animal
interactions be identified as forms of “cooperative activities”? On which common
ground could a kind of interspecific cooperation be built? Real cooperation must
be something both different from biological symbiosis and from communicational
exchange. Cooperation implies, at least, a triadic relational scheme involving two
agents looking together toward a common goal and involving themselves in its
accomplishment. But what can “joint commitment” or “coengagement” of an
animal and a human be?
In this paper, I will examine how a long-standing social cooperation can arise in
a situation of communicational opacity and radical asymmetry. I will explore these
questions using the example of a specific Siberian reindeer herding system.1
1. After studying western Tuva (Siberia) from 2002, I conducted fieldwork in the Tozhu
area (eastern Tuva), in July–August 2008 and February 2011. Tozhu reindeer
husbandry has been described by explorers Ørjan Olsen ([1915] 1921) and Douglas
Carruthers (1914) and by a Soviet ethnographer, Sevyan Vainshtein (1980, 1961, 2009).
Recently Brian Donahoe has conducted thorough anthropological research on Tozhu
and Tofa reindeer herding institutions and their relationships to the environment
(Donahoe 2002, 2004).
2. See King 2002: “Without deer there is no culture, nothing,” the words that grace this
title are from a herder in Kamchatka. In the Taimyr Peninsula, from the 1950s
onwards, many domestic reindeer were driven away by an increasing population of wild
reindeer. The Soviet authorities considered hunting to be more profitable than herding
in this area, thus herding declined and eventually collapsed, causing both a cultural and
demographic catastrophe for the indigenous peoples of the peninsula (Baskin 2009:
161).
3. Although domestic reindeer have a different name (ivi) from wild reindeer (taspanan)
and are called mal (or “cattle”), Tozhu partly treat them as wild beasts. For instance,
Tozhu say that only wild game (aŋ) liver must be eaten raw. However, when they kill a
domestic reindeer, they eat its liver raw as well. They would not eat the liver of cow or a
sheep in this way.
herding at the end of 1990s ended with the loss or death of most of the reindeer
because herders were unaware of the pasture and mobility needs of the reindeer
(Baskin 2009: 245–246). Among the Tofa, Donahoe has shown that due to
herders’ lack of experience and the lack of attention they paid toward reindeer
behavior and needs, domestic herds almost completely disappeared within a few
years (Donahoe 2004: 136–137). For example, one of the last Tofa herders kept
his riding-deer tied up for several days at a time in the village (ibid.: 137–138), a
practice which would never be observed among the Tozhu because, according to
them, it causes hunger and stress for the animal.
In these conditions, it is clear that the Tozhu herding system’s survival is, to a
large extent, dependant on the capacity of herders to develop among their reindeer
a tendency to come back to the camps, a willingness to maintain contact with
humans.
gave out salt every morning. For herders, running out of salt can lead to the herd
returning to the wild.
It is worth noting that the presence of salt also has important connotations in
Tozhu cooking. The liver and fat of game animals are eaten raw and not salted. It
is forbidden to offer salted food to the master-spirits of the landscape through the
fire, probably because salt, аs a characteristic feature of the human diet, is not
suitable for nonhumans. In cooking, as in herding, salt seems to underline the
boundary between wild and domestic domains.
As soon as they arrive at the campsite, reindeer observe people’s behavior closely—
they wait for salt or urine. When a man seems to be about to urinate, some
reindeer immediately gather around him, sometimes running up to him. In 1914,
Olsen had already observed this behavior among the Tozhu. He points out,
“When they see a man urinating, reindeer come from everywhere to be sure to
find their diet. By virtue of [their] intimate relationship with men, they are so gentle
that you can often catch them with your hands” ([1915] 1921: 95). Brian Donahoe
(2004: 133) even noticed that herders “discriminately distribute their urine (an
important source of salt for the deer) to their favorites or to those they feel need it
most.” 4 Obviously, urine strongly consolidates intimate relationships and bodily
attachment between reindeer and humans.
4. According to the ethologist Baskin (2009: 76), tundra herders sometimes attract their
sledge reindeer by pretending to urinate.
Figure 2. Attracting a deer with salt (1), offering salt (2), and tying up (3).
Figure 3. Riding a reindeer. The rider ensures his balance and helps the reindeer’s efforts
by using his stick. In his left hand, he holds the rein attached to a rope around the
reindeer’s neck.
Figure 5. The boy catches the deer by the neck with the right hand, with which he was
just giving salt. In the left hand he holds a salt-bag.
Maintaining an attachment
When reindeer arrive at the campsite in the morning, herders who have time (and
energy) tie up the leaders and some other does; they then release them in the
evening. The technique of catching deer requires, first of all, distributing salt, or
making the gesture of offering salt, then deer let themselves be caught by the neck
and tied up (figure 4 and figure 5).5 The rope is then tied to a post or to the trunk
of a young larch (shet) lying on the ground.
At first glance, tying up reindeer could seem to be a strange and risky practice.
Reindeer could dislike being caught and forced to stay all day in a place where they
have nothing to eat or drink (in the campsite, for example, lichen and grass are
quickly crushed and covered by excrement). They could get hungry or
contaminated by infectious diseases like foot rot.
So why do the Tozhu regularly tie up their reindeer? It is not in order to
protect them against predators, since wolves prefer to attack at night. Some herders
claim that if reindeer stay in camp all day and are released at night, they will not go
graze too far away. However this is not the main reason. All herders agree that if
reindeer are not tied up, they tend to become less “smooth” (chaash), less familiar
with humans, and they might disappear into the forest: “You teach by tying up”
(baglap ööredir). Thus it appears that keeping reindeer tied up all day at the
campsite has no other goal than to support the relationship of intimacy between
reindeer and their herders. It is a kind of reflexive interaction intended to allow
future interactions to happen. By attaching their reindeer, herders force them to
prefer the contact of salt to free pasturing, to dominate their hunger, to keep them
accustomed to human smells, voice, contact, and to remain “attached,” in a
figurative sense, to humans. 6 It supports a cooperative context, inside which
reindeer can be induced to having more active participation in specific activities,
such as riding and milking.
5. Formerly, the Northern Yakut also used urine and salt to attract reindeer in winter and
tie them up (Gurvich 1977).
6. In the region of the Num-To Lake, the Nenets of the Forest go to the pasture every day
to give their reindeer dried fish to eat. This practice has no other goal than to maintain
the human-reindeer relationship and prevent the reindeer from moving away (Marine
Martin, personal communication 2012).
Leaders are easily recognizable by the bell hanging from their necks. Bells are the
key device used by herders to stabilize their status. Each bell has its own sound, so
that reindeer can easily recognize and follow their leaders. Some herders report
that they accustom fawns from birth to hearing the sound of their leader’s bell and
to pay attention to it. And as reindeer are generally grouped around their leader,
bells also help herders to find lost reindeer. Bells also contribute to the protection
of reindeer, as they are supposed to frighten wolves. Thus, being around the leader
is safer for other reindeer, which certainly contributes to strengthening its authority
and herd cohesion.
Herders emphasize that they do not choose or train their leaders to be leaders.
The leader, as they claim, “appears by itself, it is such from birth” (typtyp keer,
bodu-la törümelinden). A herder explained: “They cannot be trained, they have it
in their blood [hanyndan]. It is the same among humans; some are smarter than
others.” In their understanding, herders do not create but recognize the leaders.
Practices, however, are fairly interventionist. Although herders make use of some
dispositions to leadership, they also actively modify them. First, leaders are sorted
by the herders; “bad” leaders, those that have a harmful influence on other
reindeer, leading them to flee from humans, are slaughtered. Second, herders
strongly influence the relational structure of the herd, strengthening and stabilizing
the dominant position of the leader. While the leader is a temporary position in
the fluid structure of wild herds, in Tozhu herding, being a leader is a long-
standing status integrated in a stable hierarchical organization—in a way quite
similar to human social organization.
Consecrated individuals
It is important to emphasize that the human strategy of selecting bucks and leaders
and stabilizing their hierarchical position is associated with a theory about the
innate qualities of individuals. I have shown elsewhere that the innatest and
essentialist mode of comprehension is also active in the strategy of identification of
other “singular” (onzagai) beings, such as sacred reindeer and shamans (Stépanoff
2011).
Herders are very sensitive to the individual idiosyncrasies of their reindeer.
They assume that “each reindeer has its own different character” (azhy-chaŋ). The
Tozhu have an institution that highlights their attention to individuality in the herd:
the consecration of particular reindeer called ydyk to the master-spirits of the
landscape (oran èèzi). Most households have one ydyk reindeer in their herd.
Such an ydyk is described by herders as an animal “that is never touched” (shuut
degbes)—it is not ridden, not loaded, not milked if it is a female, not killed, and not
eaten. However, it is not considered as idle. On the contrary, as a herder said, “the
ydyk reindeer watches over [harap-körüp turar] and protects the household. If
there is an ydyk animal, it is said that people and reindeer will not fall ill.” It is
interesting to observe that in this herding system, where herders barely watch over
their herd, they assign the task of protecting humans and reindeer to their ydyk
reindeer. Reindeer to be consecrated are “animals that somehow distinguish
themselves”—they have a particular coat, white or black, green eyes, or a “particular
character” (aazhy-chaŋy aŋy). The inferential process determining the selection can
be described as such: visible atypical features are interpreted as indices of an
uncommon personality, an individual essence. From this essence, this reindeer is
expected to be graced with other aspects, such as occult powers and relationships
with invisible agencies.
The ritual of consecration is performed in a singular human-animal relational
configuration. The ritual is carried out by a shaman or an elder of the household.
The reindeer is fumigated with juniper and colored ribbons are tied around its
neck. Milk is poured over the animal. Then it is led three times around a fire.
Next, the person performing the ritual catches hold of its head and forces it to bow
three times before the sun and to “pray.” During this the ritual performer
pronounces: “May the herd grow, may there be a lot of milk, may alien things
(öske chüveler) not attack.” These words are attributed to the reindeer; it prays for
the happiness of its herd and against wolf attacks (designated by the euphemism
“alien things”), just like a shaman does for his or her patients. In this ritual, the
reindeer is given the position of an actor and is responsible for the relationships
between the herd and the entities of the environment (sun, wolves, etc.).
The practice of consecrating reindeer is important for the problem of
cooperation between man and reindeer. From a psychological point of view, this
institution actively contributes to spreading and reinforcing the following: (1) the
idea that the herd is structured by deep essential differences that exist between
individuals and that these differences should be noticed and enhanced by humans
(In other words, humans’ psychological essentialism contributes to reinforcing a
social organization that is much more volatile among wild herds.); (2) a model of a
human-animal relationship which attributes autonomy and responsibility to
reindeer.
movements, which are determined by natural seasonal cycles and the intraseasonal
movements that depend on the herd’s size, and a series of other nonecological
factors. Spatial patterns of routes are a combined response to different parameters
such as:
Traditional land use rights.
Reindeer health and reproduction needs.
Herd control needs.
Other occupations, such as hunting, fishing, or going to the
village of Adyr-Kezhig.
Land rights. In the Tozhu area, the overall geographic setup of the annual route
of a herder family is primarily determined by the land use rights and by reindeer
needs. Of course, these factors are themselves connected, as hereditary territories
are adapted to reindeer behavior. Although present-day herders may have been
employed in different places during the Soviet era, after the fall of the sovkhoz,
they came back to places where their families had roamed before. Oleg says that
he lives on his “ancestors’ territory” (ögbeler churtu). This territory is structured by
“roads” (oruk) that connect different river valleys.
The herd’s needs. The needs of the herd are generally fairly similar to those of
wild reindeer, thus their respective routes are often quite close. In winter one can
observe wild reindeer tracks just a few kilometers away from those left by domestic
reindeer (herders are able to distinguish wild and domestic reindeer tracks). In
winter, reindeer need places with rich lichen cover, and not too much snow or
wind. In the Tozhu region, such places are found in low valleys with taiga
vegetation. Summer pastures must be places with cool temperatures and a strong
wind in order to avoid insects and diseases. In Tozhu, high open pasture with
mengi “everlasting snow,” without trees, where the wind blows day and night, is
ideal. Consequently, Tozhu migration patterns come under “vertical nomadism,”
going from low taiga pastures in winter to the summits in summer (figure 8).
Control needs. These depend on the herd’s size. A large herd has several
leaders which go off to graze in different directions. Therefore controlling its
movement is more difficult than with a small herd. In a valley, when herders
release reindeer in the evening, they drive them in the direction of an uphill slope,
or toward rocks, or up to high snow, so that it will be less tiring—and therefore
more tempting—for them to come back to the campsite the following morning than
to move away from it.7
Other occupations. Hunting and fishing do not have an equal influence on all
the households and their nomadic patterns. Comparisons show that poor herders
with small herds are freer to change their itinerary in order to go hunting or fishing.
7. The use of the relief as a natural barrier was observed among the Tofa in the 1920s
(Petri 1927).
length was 125 kilometers, with a difference in height of about 1000 meters
between the winter and summer campsites.
Oleg avoids wide rivers such as the Yenisei, where reindeer can move easily on
flat ice with thin snow cover and that is frequented by wolves. At the end of the
1990s, Oleg had only about twenty reindeer, which he had received from the
former sovkhoz after privatization. At that time, he used to follow different
seasonal routes: he went up to summer pastures through the Terben Valley and
back down in fall following the Cholos and the Serlig-Hem. However, when his
herd grew, he decided to use the same corridor both in spring and in fall, the
Terben Valley. He explains:
Having only one route is better for the reindeer: they remember
it. . . . That is my habit, and my reindeers’ habit: they know the route
even better than I do. In March, I send them to the summer pasture and
they will go there anyway, I don’t need to look for them. When we move,
if a couple of reindeer stay behind it doesn’t matter, they will get to the
campsite later. If I wandered away from this route, my reindeer would
get lost. . . . A reindeer is clever like a person. That is my secret.
Oleg’s strategy is to adopt a single route, so that reindeer can easily internalize it.
The reindeer will go in the right direction without requiring much effort from the
herder to get them to do it. This kind of movement management relies on animal
memory and on the internal organization of the herd, because the route is
memorized by experienced leaders who drive the herd to the right place. As Oleg
and his family do not have the necessary strength, technologies, or the desire to
control their large herd actively, they have to rely on reindeer capacities and their
willingness to collaborate in the human-animal nomadic movement. The
consequence is that the new route must be adapted not only to the reindeers’
physiological needs, as it were, but also to their cognitive skills. On the other hand,
by using this single route, Oleg can no longer allow himself to go off in search of
new hunting and fishing places. The growth of his herd has lead him to reduce the
scale of nonherding elements connected to the migration, thus decreasing the
share of hunting and fishing in the household income. The household becomes
more dependent on its herd; in order to get cash or meat, it will be easier for them
to sell or to kill reindeer. However Oleg continues to hunt whenever he can. (It is
easier in winter when the herd’s requirements are low.)
In purely pastoral contexts, it is well known that large herds require more
pasture and more mobility than small ones. This is not only caused by the dietary
needs of the livestock, but also by the behavior of the animals (e.g., cows walk
faster in large herds than in small ones). However, this is not true in the case of the
Tozhu because, besides reindeer herding, other factors such as hunting and fishing
induce herders to move. Small herds of ten reindeer can walk very far if their
herder wants to hunt. The size of the herd does not influence the length of the
route, but its form—the larger the herd, the more stable and simple the migration
route should be in order to maintain herd control.8
8. Detailed data collected by Rastsvetaev in 1927 among Even reindeer herders of the
Tompo basin, who had a way of life similar to the Tozhu, seem to confirm the link
between the size of the herd and the simplicity of the route (Rastsvetaev 1933). While
households with small herds (around fifteen heads) accomplish circular routes between
different fishing and hunting places, richer households (from 30–100 reindeer) tend to
be bound to a single route, in one main valley. These data will be analyzed in more
detail in another publication.
reindeer about the time to go. This is understandable as it is much easier to orient
the movement of a herd than to prevent it leaving when it has already decided to
migrate.
importance to the animals’ will and desires within this herding system; herders
cannot ignore this. Furthermore, herders’ bodily engagement (giving reindeer salt
and urine, milking them, tying them up repeatedly) is necessary in order to build
up an intimate relationship with their reindeer. Only in such a relationship will
reindeer then engage themselves.
In the Tozhu system, herders share some important cognitive tasks with
reindeer such as the evaluation of complex ecological factors, the memorization of
the route, and decision-making about migration. So, is it possible to qualify this
herding system as a “joint activity” with shared intentionalities and goals?
In this relationship, human and animal knowledge is highly asymmetrical,
although complementary. The herder-reindeer relationship is close to what Hanks
(2006: 302) calls “induced commitment,” by which the nonexpert, although he or
she does not understand what the expert is doing, “is drawn into the process as an
active co-participant.”
Certainly, although they do cooperate, there is no evidence that reindeer share
common plans with humans and that they feel a motivation to help humans to
reach them. For example, a reindeer and its rider can both have the intention:
“We come back to the campsite,” and the reindeer will actively and deliberately
contribute to achieve it, even if the rider is drunk and unable to drive it. If the
drunken rider happens to fall, the reindeer will stand by and wait for him so that
he can easily mount. This seems to indicate that the reindeer’s intention does
include the rider and that it is aware of its participation in a joint action. However,
in this case we may have two coordinated but separate intentions, rather than a
joint plan of action in which two intentionalities merge. Only humans seem to be
able to form representations on others’ representations. According to Michael
Tomasello (2006), only humans engage in acts of shared intentionality, where
participants integrate others’ intentions and representations and coordinate their
actions to pursue a shared goal.
So in what kind of opaque and shaky cooperation are reindeer and herders
engaged? Our data show that, in the Tozhu system, humans cannot accomplish
their goals if their reindeer do not support them and regularly reinforce the
relational field constituting the frame of these goals. Reindeer “induced
commitment” is subtly aroused and controlled by herders; it is based on animal
memory, desires, and motivation to migrate, which are modified to include
humans. What is shared in such a human-animal community is not so much a
strict and explicit plan of actions, but rather a common intention to maintain a
cooperative context—a desire to carry on living and carrying out undefined actions
together.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to the editors, the authors and the anonymous reviewers of this issue
for their precious comments. I am also indebted to Brian Donahoe for the texts
and information he communicated to me.
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