AMERICAN PERIOD

The rule of the United States over the Philippines had two phases.

The first phase was from 1898 to 1935, during which time Washington defined its colonial mission as
one of tutelage and preparing the Philippines for eventual independence. Political organizations
developed quickly, and the popularly elected Philippine Assembly (lower house) and the U.S.-
appointed Philippine Commission (upper house) served as a bicameral legislature. The ilustrados
formed the Federalista Party, but their statehood platform had limited appeal. In 1905 the party was
renamed the National Progressive Party and took up a platform of independence. The Nacionalista
Party was formed in 1907 and dominated Filipino politics until after World War II. Its leaders were
not ilustrados. Despite their “immediate independence” platform, the party leaders participated in a
collaborative leadership with the United States. A major development emerging in the post-World
War I period was resistance to elite control of the land by tenant farmers, who were supported by the
Socialist Party and the Communist Party of the Philippines. Tenant strikes and occasional violence
occurred as the Great Depression wore on and cash-crop prices collapsed.

The second period of United States rule—from 1936 to 1946—was characterized by the
establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and occupation by Japan during World War
II. Legislation passed by the U.S. Congress in 1934 provided for a 10-year period of transition to
independence. The country’s first constitution was framed in 1934 and overwhelmingly approved by
plebiscite in 1935, and Manuel Quezon was elected president of the commonwealth. Quezon later
died in exile in 1944 and was succeeded by Vice President Sergio Osmeña.

Japan attacked the Philippines on December 8, 1941, and occupied Manila on January 2, 1942.
Tokyo set up an ostensibly independent republic, which was opposed by underground and guerrilla
activity that eventually reached large-scale proportions. A major element of the resistance in the
Central Luzon area was furnished by the Huks (short for Hukbalahap, or People’s Anti-Japanese
Army). Allied forces invaded the Philippines in October 1944, and the Japanese surrendered on
September 2, 1945.

World War II was demoralizing for the Philippines, and the islands suffered from rampant inflation
and shortages of food and other goods. Various trade and security issues with the United States
also remained to be settled before Independence Day. The Allied leaders wanted to purge officials
who collaborated with the Japanese during the war and to deny them the right to vote in the first
postwar elections. Commonwealth President Osmeña, however, countered that each case should be
tried on its own merits. The successful Liberal Party presidential candidate, Manuel Roxas, was
among those collaborationists. Independence from the United States came on July 4, 1946, and
Roxas was sworn in as the first president. The economy remained highly dependent on U.S.
markets, and the United States also continued to maintain control of 23 military installations. A
bilateral treaty was signed in March 1947 by which the United States continued to provide military
aid, training, and matériel.

The history of the Philippines from 1898 to 1946 describes the period of American colonization of the
Philippines. It began with the outbreak of the Spanish–American War in April 1898, when the Philippines was still a
colony of the Spanish East Indies, and concluded when the United States formally recognised the independence of
the Republic of the Philippines on July 4, 1946.
With the signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States,
thereby beginning the era of American colonization.[1] The interim U.S. military government of the Philippine
Islands experienced a period of great political turbulence, characterised by the Philippine–American War.
Beginning in 1901, the military government was replaced by a civilian government—the Insular Government of the
Philippine Islands—with William Howard Taft serving as its first Governor-General. From 1901 to 1906 there also
existed a series of revolutionary governments that lacked significant international diplomatic recognition.
Following the passage of the Philippine Independence Act in 1934, a Philippine presidential election was held in
1935. Manuel L. Quezon was elected and inaugurated second President of the Philippines on November 15, 1935.
The Insular Government was dissolved and the Commonwealth of the Philippines was brought into existence. The
Commonwealth of the Philippines was intended to be a transitional government in preparation for the country's full
achievement of independence in 1946.[2]
After the Japanese invasion and subsequent occupation of the Philippines during World War II, the United States and
Philippine Commonwealth military recaptured the Philippines in 1945. According to the terms of the Philippine
Independence Act,[2] the United States formally recognised the independence of the Republic of the Philippines on
July 4

Historical perspective[edit]
Main article: Philippine Revolution

President Emilio Aguinaldo

The Philippine Revolution began in August 1896 and ended with the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, a ceasefire between the
Spanish colonial Governor-General Fernando Primo de Rivera and the revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo which
was signed on December 15, 1897. The terms of the pact called for Aguinaldo and his militia to surrender. Other
revolutionary leaders were given amnesty and a monetary indemnityby the Spanish government in return for which
the rebel government agreed to go into exile in Hong Kong.[3][4][5]

Spanish–American War (1898)[edit]

Main articles: Spanish–American War and Philippine Revolution
The failure of Spain to engage in active social reforms in Cuba as demanded by the United States government was
the basic cause for the Spanish–American War. American attention was focused on the issue after the mysterious
explosion that sank the American battleship Maineon February 15, 1898 in Havana Harbor. As public political
pressure from the Democratic Party and certain industrialists built up for war, the U.S. Congress forced the
reluctant Republican President William McKinley to issue an ultimatum to Spain on April 19, 1898. Spain found it had
no diplomatic support in Europe, but nevertheless declared war; the U.S. followed on April 25 with its own declaration
of war.[6][7]
Theodore Roosevelt, who was at that time Assistant Secretary of the Navy, ordered Commodore George Dewey,
commanding the Asiatic Squadron of the United States Navy: "Order the squadron ...to Hong Kong. Keep full of coal.
In the event of declaration of war Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic
coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands." Dewey's squadron departed on April 27 for the
Philippines, reaching Manila Bay on the evening of April 30.[8]

Battle of Manila Bay[edit]

Battle of Manila Bay

The Battle of Manila Bay took place on May 1, 1898. In a matter of hours, Commodore Dewey's Asiatic Squadron
defeated the Spanish squadron under Admiral Patricio Montojo.[9][10] The U.S. squadron took control of the arsenal
and navy yard at Cavite. Dewey cabled Washington, stating that although he controlled Manila Bay, he needed 5,000
additional men to seize Manila itself.[9]

U.S. preparation for land-based operations[edit]

The unexpected rapidity and completeness of Dewey's victory in the first engagement of the war prompted the
McKinley administration to make the decision to capture Manila from the Spanish. The United States Army began to
assemble the Eighth Army Corps—a military unit which would consist of 10,844 soldiers under the command of Major
General Wesley Merritt—in preparation for deployment to the Philippines. [9]
While awaiting the arrival of troops from the Eighth Corps, Dewey dispatched the cutter USRC McCulloch to Hong
Kong to transport Aguinaldo back to the Philippines.
Aguinaldo arrived on May 19 and, after a brief meeting with Dewey, resumed revolutionary activities against the
Spanish. On May 24, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all Philippine forces and
announced his intention to establish a dictatorial government with himself as dictator, saying that he would resign in
favor of a duly elected president.[11]
Public jubilation marked Aguinaldo's return. Many Filipino enlisted men deserted local Spanish army units to join
Aguinaldo's command and the Philippine Revolution against Spain resumed. Soon, many cities such
as Imus, Bacoor, Parañaque, Las Piñas, Morong, Macabebe and San Fernando, as well as some
entire provinces such as Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Tayabas (now Quezon), and
the Camarines provinces, were liberated by the Filipinos and the port of Dalahican in Cavite was secured. [12]

Thomas M. Anderson
The first contingent of American troops arrived on 30 June under the command of Brigadier General Thomas
McArthur Anderson, commander of Eighth Corps' 2d Division (U.S. brigade and division numbers of the era were not
unique throughout the army). General Anderson wrote to Aguinaldo, requesting his cooperation in military operations
against the Spanish forces.[13] Aguinaldo responded, thanking General Anderson for his amicable sentiments, but
saying nothing about military cooperation. General Anderson did not renew the request. [13]
The 2d Brigade, 2d Division, Eighth Corps arrived on July 17, under the command of Brigadier General Francis V.
Greene. Major General Merritt (the Commander in Chief of the Philippine Expedition) and his staff arrived at Cavite
on July 25. The 1st Brigade of the corps' 2d Division arrived on July 30, under the command of Brigadier
General Arthur MacArthur.[14]

Philippine declaration of independence[edit]

Main articles: Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, Philippine Declaration of Independence, and First
Philippine Republic

Aguinaldo Shrine where the Flag of the Philippines was waved declaring the Philippine independence from Spain

Marcela Agoncillo

On 12 June 1898, Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence of the Philippines at his house in Cavite El
Viejo.[15][16] Ambrosio Rianzares Bautistawrote the Philippine Declaration of Independence, and read this document in
Spanish that day at Aguinaldo's house.[17] On 18 June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial
government.[18] On June 23, Aguinaldo issued another decree, this time replacing the dictatorial government with a
revolutionary government (and naming himself as President).[19][20]
Writing retrospectively in 1899, Aguinaldo claimed that an American naval officer had urged him to return to the
Philippines to fight the Spanish and said "The United States is a great and rich nation and needs no
colonies."[21] Aguinaldo also wrote that after checking with Dewey by telegraph, U.S. Consul E. Spencer Pratt had
assured him in Singapore:
"That the United States would at least recognize the independence of the Philippines under the protection of the
United States Navy. The consul added that there was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement
because the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact equivalent to the most solemn pledge
that their verbal promises and assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed with Spanish
promises or Spanish ideas of a man’s word of honour." [21]

Aguinaldo received nothing in writing.

House of Marcela Agoncillo the mother of the Philippine flag

On April 28 Pratt wrote to United States Secretary of State William R. Day, explaining the details of his meeting with
Aguinaldo:

“
"At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the state of an object sought to be obtained by
the present insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the Philippines, he was still directing, I
took it upon myself, whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the Government, to point out
the danger of continuing independent action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the expediency
of cooperating with our fleet, then at Hongkong, and obtained the assurance of his willingness to
proceed thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should the latter so desire, I
telegraphed the Commodore the same day as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:--[22] ”
There was no mention in the cablegrams between Pratt and Dewey of independence or indeed of any conditions on
which Aguinaldo was to cooperate, these details being left for future arrangement with Dewey. Pratt had intended to
facilitate the occupation and administration of the Philippines, and also to prevent a possible conflict of action. In a
communication written on July 28, Pratt made the following statement:

“
"I declined even to discuss with General Aguinaldo the question of the future policy of the United States
with regard to the Philippines, that I held out no hopes to him of any kind, committed the government in
no way whatever, and, in the course of our confidences, never acted upon the assumption that the
Government would cooperate with him--General Aguinaldo--for the furtherance of any plans of his own,
nor that, in accepting his said cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political
claims which he might put forward."[23] ”
On June 16, Secretary Day cabled Consul Pratt: "Avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents,"
and later on the same day:[24]

“
The Department observes that you informed General Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for
the United States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you promise, it is assumed that you did
not attempt to commit this Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To obtain the
unconditional personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so
doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be practicable to gratify. This Government
has known the Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain, and is not
acquainted with their purposes. While their contest with that power has been a matter of public notoriety,
they have neither asked nor received from this Government any recognition. The United States, in
entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do
so in the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from the inhabitants,
without regard to their former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience which will be
lawfully due from them.

If, in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the assumption that this
Government would co-operate with him for the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting
his co-operation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put
forward, your action was unauthorized and can not be approved. ”
Independence Day held in Aguinaldo Shrine at the back of the old 5 peso bill

Filipino scholar Maximo Kalaw wrote in 1927: "A few of the principal facts, however, seem quite clear. Aguinaldo was
not made to understand that, in consideration of Filipino cooperation, the United States would extend its sovereignty
over the Islands, and thus in place of the old Spanish master a new one would step in. The truth was that nobody at
the time ever thought that the end of the war would result in the retention of the Philippines by the United States." [25]

Tensions between U.S. and revolutionary forces[edit]

On July 9 General Anderson informed Major General Henry Clark Corbin, the Adjutant General of the U.S. Army, that
Aguinaldo "has declared himself Dictator and President, and is trying to take Manila without our assistance", opining
that that would not be probable but, if done, would allow him to antagonize any U.S. attempt to establish a provisional
government.[26] On July 15, Aguinaldo issued three organic decrees assuming civil authority of the Philippines.[27]

Felipe Agoncillo house

On July 18, General Anderson wrote that he suspected Aguinaldo to be secretly negotiating with the Spanish
authorities.[26] In a 21 July letter to the Adjutant General, General Anderson wrote that Aguinaldo had "put in operation
an elaborate system of military government, under his assumed authority as Dictator, and has prohibited any supplies
being given us, except by his order," and that Anderson had written to Aguinaldo that the requisitions on the country
for necessary items must be filled, and that he must aid in having them filled.[28]
On July 24, Aguinaldo wrote a letter to General Anderson in effect warning him not to disembark American troops in
places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spaniards without first communicating in writing the places to be occupied
and the object of the occupation. Murat Halstead, official historian of the Philippine Expedition, writes that General
Merritt remarked shortly after his arrival on 25 June,
"As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival, nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and as
my instructions from the President fully contemplated the occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and
stated that 'the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political
condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until
I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as I would not until then be in a position to issue a
proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his pretensions should clash with my designs." [29]

U.S. commanders suspected that Aguinaldo and his forces were informing the Spanish of American movements. U.S.
Army Major John R. M. Taylor later wrote, after translating and analyzing insurgent documents,
General Gregorio del Pilar

"The officers of the United States Army who believed that the insurgents were informing the Spaniards of the
American movements were right. Sastrón has printed a letter from Pío del Pilar, dated July 30, to the Spanish officer
commanding at Santa Ana, in which Pilar said that Aguinaldo had told him that the Americans would attack the
Spanish lines on August 2 and advised that the Spaniards should not give way, but hold their positions. Pilar added,
however, that if the Spaniards should fall back on the walled city and surrender Santa Ana to himself, he would hold it
with his own men. Aguinaldo's information was correct, and on August 2 eight American soldiers were killed or
wounded by the Spanish fire."[30]

On the evening of August 12, on orders of General Merritt, General Anderson notified Aguinaldo to forbid the
insurgents under his command from entering Manila. On 13 August, unaware of the peace protocol signing, U.S.
forces assaulted and captured the Spanish positions in Manila. Insurgents made an independent attack of their own,
as planned, which promptly led to trouble with the Americans. At 0800[clarification needed] that morning, Aguinaldo received a
telegram from General Anderson, sternly warning him not to let his troops enter Manila without the consent of the
American commander, who was situated on the south side of the Pasig River. General Anderson's request was
ignored, and Aguinaldo's forces crowded forward alongside the American forces until they directly confronted the
Spanish troops. Although the Spanish were waving a flag of truce, the insurgents fired on the Spanish forces,
provoking return fire. 19 American soldiers were killed, and 103 more were wounded in this action. [31][32]
General Anderson sent Aguinaldo a telegram, later that day, which read:

“
Dated Ermita Headquarters 2nd Division 13 to Gen. Aguinaldo. Commanding Filipino Forces.--Manila,
taken. Serious trouble threatened between our forces. Try and prevent it. Your troops should not force
themselves in the city until we have received the full surrender then we will negotiate with you. -
Anderson, commanding. ”
Aguinaldo however demanded joint occupation of Manila. On August 13 Admiral Dewey and General Merritt informed
their superiors of this and asked how far they might proceed in enforcing obedience in the matter.[33]
General Merritt received news of the August 12 peace protocol on August 16, three days after the surrender of
Manila.[34] Admiral Dewey and General Merritt were informed by a telegram dated August 17 that the President of the
United States had directed:

“
That there must be no joint occupation with the Insurgents. The United States in the possession of
Manila city, Manila bay and harbor must preserve the peace and protect persons and property within the
territory occupied by their military and naval forces. The insurgents and all others must recognize the ”
 military occupation and authority of the United States and the cessation of hostilities proclaimed by the
President. Use whatever means in your judgment are necessary to this end. [33]

Insurgent forces were looting the portions of the city which they occupied, and were not confining their attacks to
Spaniards, but were assaulting their own people and raiding the property of foreigners as well. [citation needed] U.S.
commanders pressed Aguinaldo to withdraw his forces from Manila. Negotiations proceeded slowly and, on August
31, General Elwell Otis (General Merritt being unavailable) wrote, in a long letter to Aguinaldo:
"... I am compelled by my instructions to direct that your armed forces evacuate the entire city of Manila, including its
suburbs and defences, and that I shall be obliged to take action with that end in view within a very short space of time
should you decline to comply with my Government's demands; and I hereby serve notice on you that unless your
troops are withdrawn beyond the line of the city's defences before Thursday, the 15th instant, I shall be obliged to
resort to forcible action, and that my Government will hold you responsible for any unfortunate consequences which
may ensue."[35]

After further negotiation and exchanges of letters, Aguinaldo wrote on September 16: "On the evening of the 15th the
armed insurgent organizations withdrew from the city and all of its suburbs, ..." [36]

Peace protocol between the U.S. and Spain[edit]

On August 12, 1898, The New York Times reported that a peace protocol had been signed in Washington that
afternoon between the U.S. and Spain, suspending hostilities between the two nations.[37] The full text of the protocol
was not made public until November 5, but Article III read: "The United States will occupy and hold the City, Bay, and
Harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, disposition, and
government of the Philippines."[38][39] After conclusion of this agreement, U.S. President McKinley proclaimed a
suspension of hostilities with Spain.[40]

Capture of Manila[edit]
Main article: Battle of Manila (1898)
By June, U.S. and Filipino forces had taken control of most of the islands, except for the walled city of Intramuros.
Admiral Dewey and General Merritt were able to work out a bloodless solution with acting Governor-General Fermín
Jáudenes. The negotiating parties made a secret agreement to stage a mock battle in which the Spanish forces
would be defeated by the American forces, but the Filipino forces would not be allowed to enter the city. This plan
minimized the risk of unnecessary casualties on all sides, while the Spanish would also avoid the shame of possibly
having to surrender Intramuros to the Filipino forces.[41] On the eve of the mock battle, General Anderson telegraphed
Aguinaldo, "Do not let your troops enter Manila without the permission of the American commander. On this side of
the Pasig River you will be under fire".[42]
On August 13, with American commanders unaware that a ceasefire had already been signed between Spain and the
U.S. on the previous day, American forces captured the city of Manila from the Spanish in the Battle of
Manila.[43][44][45] The battle started when Dewey's ships bombarded Fort San Antonio Abad, a decrepit structure on
the southern outskirts of Manila, and the virtually impregnable walls of Intramuros. In accordance with the plan, the
Spanish forces withdrew while U.S. forces advanced. Once a sufficient show of battle had been made, Dewey
hoisted the signal "D.W.H.B." (meaning "Do you surrender?), [46] whereupon the Spanish hoisted a white flag and
Manila was formally surrendered to U.S. forces.[47]
General Antonio Luna

This battle marked the end of Filipino-American collaboration, as the American action of preventing Filipino forces
from entering the captured city of Manila was deeply resented by the Filipinos. This later led to the Philippine–
American War,[48] which would prove to be more deadly and costly than the Spanish–American War.

U.S. military government[edit]

On August 14, 1898, two days after the capture of Manila, the U.S. established a military government in the
Philippines, with General Merritt acting as military governor.[49] During military rule (1898–1902), the U.S. military
commander governed the Philippines under the authority of the U.S. president as Commander-in-Chief of the United
States Armed Forces. After the appointment of a civil Governor-General, the procedure developed that as parts of the
country were pacified and placed firmly under American control, responsibility for the area would be passed to the
civilian.
General Merritt was succeeded by General Otis as military governor, who in turn was succeeded by
General MacArthur. Major General Adna Chaffee was the final military governor. The position of military governor
was abolished in July 1902, after which the civil Governor-General became the sole executive authority in the
Philippines.[50][51]
Under the military government, an American-style school system was introduced, initially with soldiers as teachers;
civil and criminal courts were reestablished, including a supreme court; [52] and local governments were established in
towns and provinces. The first local election was conducted by General Harold W. Lawton on May 7, 1899,
in Baliuag, Bulacan.[53]

U.S. and insurgents clash[edit]

Main article: Philippine–American War
In a clash at Cavite between United States soldiers and insurgents on August 25, 1898, George Hudson of the Utah
regiment was killed, Corporal William Anderson was mortally wounded, and four troopers of the Fourth Cavalry were
slightly wounded.[54][55] This provoked General Anderson to send Aguinaldo a letter saying, "In order to avoid the very
serious misfortune of an encounter between our troops, I demand your immediate withdrawal with your guard from
Cavite. One of my men has been killed and three wounded by your people. This is positive and does not admit of
explanation or delay."[55] Internal insurgent communications reported that the Americans were drunk at the time.
Halstead writes that Aguinaldo expressed his regret and promised to punish the offenders. [54] In internal insurgent
communications, Apolinario Mabini initially proposed to investigate and punish any offenders identified. Aguinaldo
modified this, ordering, "... say that he was not killed by your soldiers, but by them themselves [the Americans] since
they were drunk according to your telegram".[56] An insurgent officer in Cavite at the time reported on his record of
services that he: "took part in the movement against the Americans on the afternoon of the 24th of August, under the
orders of the commander of the troops and the adjutant of the post."[57]

Philippine elections, Malolos Congress, Constitutional

government[edit]
Elections were held by the Revolutionary Government between June and September 10, resulting in Emilio Aguinaldo
being seated as President in the seating of a legislature known as the Malolos Congress. In a session between
September 15 and November 13, 1898, the Malolos Constitution was adopted. It was promulgated on January 21,
1899, creating the First Philippine Republic.[58]

Spanish–American War ends[edit]

Main article: Treaty of Paris (1898)

Felipe Agoncillo was the Filipino lawyer representative to the negotiations in Paris that led to the Treaty of Paris (1898), ending

the Spanish–American War and giving him the title of "outstanding first Filipino diplomat."

Article V of the peace protocol signed on August 12 had mandated negotiations to conclude a treaty of peace to
begin in Paris not later than October 1, 1898.[59] President McKinley sent a five-man commission, initially instructed to
demand no more than Luzon, Guam, and Puerto Rico; which would have provided a limited U.S. empire of pinpoint
colonies to support a global fleet and provide communication links.[60] In Paris, the commission was besieged with
advice, particularly from American generals and European diplomats, to demand the entire Philippine
archipelago.[60] The unanimous recommendation was that "it would certainly be cheaper and more humane to take the
entire Philippines than to keep only part of it."[61] On October 28, 1898, McKinley wired the commission that "cessation
of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future contention, cannot
be justified on political, commercial, or humanitarian grounds. The cessation must be the whole archipeligo or none.
The latter is wholly inadmissible, and the former must therefore be required." [62] The Spanish negotiators were furious
over the "immodist demands of a conqueror", but their wounded pride was assuaged by an offer of twenty million
dollars for "Spanish improvements" to the islands. The Spaniards capitulated, and on December 10, 1898, the U.S.
and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, formally ending the Spanish–American War. In Article III, Spain ceded the
Philippine archipelago to the United States, as follows: "Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as
the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following line: [... geographic description elided
...]. The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the
exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty." [63]
1898 US political cartoon. U.S. President William McKinley is shown holding the Philippines, depicted as a native child, as the world

looks on. The implied options for McKinley are to keep the Philippines, or give it back to Spain, which the cartoon compares to

throwing a child off a cliff.

In the U.S., there was a movement for Philippine independence; some said that the U.S. had no right to a land where
many of the people wanted self-government. In 1898 Andrew Carnegie, an industrialist and steel magnate, offered to
pay the U.S. government $20 million to give the Philippines its independence. [64]
On November 7, 1900, Spain and the U.S. signed the Treaty of Washington, clarifying that the territories relinquished
by Spain to the United States included any and all islands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago, but lying outside
the lines described in the Treaty of Paris. That treaty explicitly named the islands of Cagayan Sulu and Sibutu and
their dependencies as among the relinquished territories.[65]

Benevolent assimilation[edit]
Main article: Benevolent assimilation
U.S. President McKinley's December 21, 1898 proclamation of Benevolent Assimilation was announced in the
Philippines on January 4, 1899. Referring to the Treaty of Paris, it said that as a result of the victories of American
arms, the future control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. It
enjoined the military commander (General Otis) to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in
succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the
persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It
specified that it will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most
public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, in
their employments, and in their personal and religious rights.[66] On January 6, 1899, General Otis was quoted in The
New York Times as expressing himself as convinced that the U.S. government intends to seek the establishment of a
liberal government, in which the people will be as fully represented as the maintenance of law and order will permit,
susceptible of development, on lines of increased representation, and the bestowal of increased powers, into a
government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces in the world. [67]

Philippine–American War (1899–1902)[edit]

Main article: Philippine–American War
See also: Moro Rebellion

Tensions escalate[edit]
Gregorio del Pilar and his troops in1898

The Spanish had yielded Iloilo to the insurgents in 1898 for the purpose of troubling the Americans. On January 1,
1899, news had come to Washington from Manila that American forces which had been sent to Iloilo under the
command of General Marcus Miller had been confronted by 6,000 armed Filipinos, who refused them permission to
land.[68][69] A Filipino official styling himself Presidente Lopez of the Federal Government of the Visayas informed Miller
that "foreign troops" would not be landed "without express orders from the central government of Luzon" [69] On
December 21, 1898, President McKinley issued a Proclamation of Benevolent Assimilation. General Otis delayed its
publication until January 4, 1899, then publishing an amended version edited so as not to convey the meanings of the
terms "sovereignty", "protection", and "right of cessation" which were present in the unabridged version.[70] Unknown
to Otis, the War Departmenthad also sent an enciphered copy of the Benevolent Assimilation proclamation to
General Marcus Miller in Iloilo for informational purposes. Miller assumed that it was for distribution and, unaware that
a politically bowdlerized version had been sent to Aguinaldo, published it in both Spanish and Tagalog translations
which eventually made their way to Aguinaldo.[71] Even before Aguinaldo received the unaltered version and observed
the changes in the copy he had received from Otis, he was upset that Otis had altered his own title to "Military
Governor of the Philippines" from "... in the Philippines." Aguinaldo did not miss the significance of the alteration,
which Otis had made without authorization from Washington.[72]

Battle of Quingua, April 23, 1899 Philippine–American War

On January 5, Aguinaldo issued a counter-proclamation summarizing what he saw as American violations of the
ethics of friendship, particularly as regards the events in Iloilo. The proclamation concluded as follows:

“
Such procedures, so foreign to the dictates of culture and the usages observed by civilized nations,
gave me the right to act without observing the usual rules of intercourse. Nevertheless, in order to be
correct to the end, I sent to General Otis commissioners charged to solicit him to desist from his rash
enterprise, but they were not listened to.

My government can not remain indifferent in view of such a violent and aggressive seizure of a portion
of its territory by a nation which arrogated to itself the title champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that
my government is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession ”
 of the Visayan Islands. I denounce these acts before the world, in order that the conscience of mankind
may pronounce its infallable verdict as to who are the true oppressors of nations and the tormentors of
human kind.[73]

Battle before Caloocan

After some copies of that proclamation had been distributed, Aguinaldo ordered the recall of undistributed copies and
issued another proclamation, which was published the same day in El Heraldo de la Revolucion, the official
newspaper of the Philippine Republic. There, he said partly,

“
As in General Otis's proclamation he alluded to some instructions edited by His Excellency the President
of the United States, referring to the administration of the matters in the Philippine Islands, I in the name
of God, the root and fountain of all justice, and that of all the right which has been visibly granted to me
to direct my dear brothers in the difficult work of our regeneration, protest most solemnly against this
intrusion of the United States Government on the sovereignty of these islands.

I equally protest in the name of the Filipino people against the said intrusion, because as they have
granted their vote of confidence appointing me president of the nation, although I don't consider that I
deserve such, therefore I consider it my duty to defend to death its liberty and independence.[74] ”

Battle of Santa Cruz

Otis, taking these two proclamations as a call to arms, strengthened American observation posts and alerted his
troops. In the tense atmosphere, some 40,000 Filipinos fled Manila within a period of 15 days. [75]
Meanwhile, Felipe Agoncillo, who had been commissioned by the Philippine Revolutionary Government as Minister
Plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign governments, and who had unsuccessfully sought to be seated at
the negotiations between the U.S. and Spain in Paris, was now in Washington. On January 6, he filed a request for
an interview with the President to discuss affairs in the Philippines. The next day the government officials were
surprised to learn that messages to General Otis to deal mildly with the rebels and not to force a conflict had become
known to Agoncillo, and cabled by him to Aguinaldo. At the same time came Aguinaldo's protest against General Otis
signing himself "Military Governor of the Philippines."[68]
On January 8, Agoncillo gave out this statement:[68]

“
In my opinion the Filipino people, whom I represent, will never consent to become a colony dependency
of the United States. The soldiers of the Filipino army have pledged their lives that they will not lay down
their arms until General Aguinaldo tells them to do so, and they will keep that pledge, I feel confident. ”
The Filipino committees in London, Paris and Madrid about this time telegraphed to President McKinley as follows:

American troops guarding the bridge over the River Pasig

“
We protest against the disembarkation of American troops at Iloilo. The treaty of peace still unratified,
the American claim to sovereignty is premature. Pray reconsider the resolution regarding Iloilo. Filipinos
wish for the friendship of America and abhor militarism and deceit. [68] ”

Young's Scouts, including Marcus W. Robertson(2nd from right, front row squating), Richard Moses Longfellow(4th from right, front

row squating), Medal of Honor recipients. Picture taken in Philippines.

On January 8, Aguinaldo received the following message from Teodoro Sandiko:

“
To the President of the Revolutionary Government, Malolos, from Sandico, Manila. 8 Jan., 1899, 9.40
p.m..: In consequence of the order of General Rios to his officers, as soon as the Filipino attack begins
the Americans should be driven into the Intramuros district and the walled city should be set on fire.
Pipi.[76] ”
The New York Times reported on January 8, that two Americans who had been guarding a waterboat in Iloilo had
been attacked, one fatally, and that insurgents were threatening to destroy the business section of the city by fire; and
on January 10 that a peaceful solution to the Iloilo issues may result but that Aguinaldo had issued a proclamation
threatening to drive the Americans from the islands.[77][78]

Attack on the barracks of Company C of the 13th Minnesota Volunteers by Filipino forces during the Tondo Fire in Manila, 1899

By January 10, insurgents were ready to assume the offensive, but desired, if possible, to provoke the Americans into
firing the first shot. They made no secret of their desire for conflict, but increased their hostile demonstrations and
pushed their lines forward into forbidden territory. Their attitude is well illustrated by the following extract from a
telegram sent by Colonel Cailles to Aguinaldo on January 10, 1899:[79]

“
Most urgent. An American interpreter has come to tell me to withdraw our forces in Maytubig fifty paces.
I shall not draw back a step, and in place of withdrawing, I shall advance a little farther. He brings a letter
from his general, in which he speaks to me as a friend. I said that from the day I knew that Maquinley
(McKinley) opposed our independence I did not want any dealings with any American. War, war, is what
we want. The Americans after this speech went off pale. ”
Aguinaldo approved the hostile attitude of Cailles, for there is a reply in his handwriting which reads: [79]

“
I approve and applaud what you have done with the Americans, and zeal and valour always, also my
beloved officers and soldiers there. I believe that they are playing us until the arrival of their
reinforcements, but I shall send an ultimatum and remain always on the alert.--E. A. Jan. 10, 1899. ”
On 31 January 1899, The Minister of Interior of the revolutionary First Philippine Republic, Teodoro Sandiko, signed a
decree saying that President Aguinaldo had directed that all idle lands be planted to provide food for the people, in
view of impending war with the Americans.[80]
Outbreak of general hostilities[edit]
Main article: Battle of Manila (1899)

Philippines, Manila, 1899- U.S. soldiers and insurrecto prisoners

Worcester writes that General Otis' account of the opening of active hostilities was as follows:

“
"On the night of February 2 they sent in a strong detachment to draw the fire of our outposts, which took
up a position immediately in front and within a few yards of the same. The outpost was strengthened by
a few of our men, who silently bore their taunts and abuse the entire night. This was reported to me by
General MacArthur, whom I directed to communicate with the officer in command of the insurgent troops
concerned. His prepared letter was shown me and approved, and the reply received was all that could
be desired. However, the agreement was ignored by the insurgents and on the evening of February 4
another demonstration was made on one of our small outposts, which occupied a retired position at
least 150 yards within the line which had been mutually agreed upon, an insurgent approaching the
picket and refusing to halt or answer when challenged. The result was that our picket discharged his
piece, when the insurgent troops near Santa Mesa opened a spirited fire on our troops there stationed.

"The insurgents had thus succeeded in drawing the fire of a small outpost, which they had evidently
labored with all their ingenuity to accomplish, in order to justify in some way their premeditated attack. It
is not believed that the chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this time, as they were not
completely prepared to assume the initiative. They desired two or three days more to perfect their
arrangements, but the zeal of their army brought on the crisis which anticipated their premeditated
action. They could not have delayed long, however, for it was their object to force an issue before
American troops, then en route, could arrive in Manila."
Thus began the Insurgent attack, so long and so carefully planned for. We learn from the Insurgent
records that the shot of the American sentry missed its mark. There was no reason why it should have
provoked a hot return fire, but it did.
The result of the ensuing combat was not at all what the Insurgents had anticipated. The Americans did
not drive very well. It was but a short time before they themselves were routed and driven from their
positions.
Aguinaldo of course promptly advanced the claim that his troops had been wantonly attacked. The plain
fact is that the Insurgent patrol in question deliberately drew the fire of the American sentry, and this was
just as much an act of war as was the firing of the shot. Whether the patrol was acting under proper
orders from higher authority is not definitely known.[81] ”

Surrendered President Aguinaldo boards the U.S.S Vicksburg, 1900.

Other sources name the two specific U.S. soldiers involved in the first exchange of fire as Privates William Grayson
and Orville Miller of the Nebraska Volunteers.[82]
Subsequent to the conclusion of the war, after analyzing captured insurgent papers, Major Major J. R. M. Taylor
wrote, in part,

“
An attack on the United States forces was planned which should annihilate the little army in Manila, and
delegations were appointed to secure the interference of foreign powers. The protecting cloak of
pretense of friendliness to the United States was to be kept up until the last. While commissioners were
appointed to negotiate with General Otis, secret societies were organized in Manila pledged to obey
orders of the most barbarous character to kill and burn. The attack from without and the attack from
within was to be on a set day and hour. The strained situation could not last. The spark was applied,
either inadvertently or by design, on the 4th of February by an insurgent, willfully transgressing upon
what, by their own admission, was within the agreed limits of the holding of the American troops.
Hostilities resulted and the war was an accomplished fact.[83] ”
War[edit]

Filipino casualties

Emilio Aguinaldo's quarters in Manila following his capture by the Americans.

On February 4, Aguinaldo declared "That peace and friendly relations with the Americans be broken and that the
latter be treated as enemies, within the limits prescribed by the laws of war." [84] On June 2, 1899, the Malolos
Congress enacted and ratified a declaration of war on the United States, which was publicly proclaimed on that same
day by Pedro Paterno, President of the Assembly.[85]
As before when fighting the Spanish, the Filipino rebels did not do well in the field. Aguinaldo and his provisional
government escaped after the capture of Malolos on March 31, 1899 and were driven into northern Luzon. Peace
feelers from members of Aguinaldo's cabinet failed in May when the American commander, General Ewell Otis,
demanded an unconditional surrender. In 1901, Aguinaldo was captured and swore allegiance to the United States,
marking one end to the war.

First Philippine Commission[edit]

Main article: Schurman Commission
President McKinley had appointed a five-person group headed by Dr. Jacob Schurman, president of Cornell
University, on January 20, 1899, to investigate conditions in the islands and make recommendations.

1899 political cartoon by Winsor McCay. Uncle Sam (representing the United States), gets entangled with rope around a tree

labelled "Imperialism" while trying to subdue a bucking colt or mule labeled "Philippines" while a figure representing Spain walks off

over the horizon carrying a bag labeled "$20,000,000".

The three civilian members of the Philippine Commission arrived in Manila on March 4, 1899, a month after the Battle
of Manila which had begun armed conflict between U.S. and revolutionary Filipino forces. The commission published
a proclamation containing assurances that the U.S. "... is anxious to establish in the Philippine Islands an enlightened
system of government under which the Philippine people may enjoy the largest measure of home rule and the
amplest liberty."
After meetings in April with revolutionary representatives, the commission requested authorization from McKinley to
offer a specific plan. McKinley authorized an offer of a government consisting of "a Governor-General appointed by
the President; cabinet appointed by the Governor-General; [and] a general advisory council elected by the
people."[86] The Revolutionary Congress voted unanimously to cease fighting and accept peace and, on May 8, the
revolutionary cabinet headed by Apolinario Mabini was replaced by a new "peace" cabinet headed by Pedro Paterno.
At this point, General Antonio Luna arrested Paterno and most of his cabinet, returning Mabini and his cabinet to
power. After this, the commission concluded that "... The Filipinos are wholly unprepared for independence ... there
being no Philippine nation, but only a collection of different peoples." [87]
In the report that they issued to the president the following year, the commissioners acknowledged Filipino
aspirations for independence; they declared, however, that the Philippines was not ready for it. [88]

“
On November 2, 1899, The commission issued a preliminary report containing the following statement:

Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believe that the government of the
Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the
intervention of other powers and the eventual division of the islands among them. Only through
American occupation, therefore, is the idea of a free, self-governing, and united Philippine
commonwealth at all conceivable. And the indispensable need from the Filipino point of view of
maintaining American sovereignty over the archipelago is recognized by all intelligent Filipinos and even
by those insurgents who desire an American protectorate. The latter, it is true, would take the revenues ”
 and leave us the responsibilities. Nevertheless, they recognize the indubitable fact that the Filipinos
cannot stand alone. Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honour in
forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of view escape the
responsibilities of government which our sovereignty entails; and the commission is strongly persuaded
that the performance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the peoples of the Philippine
Islands.[89][90]

Specific recommendations included the establishment of civilian government as rapidly as possible (the American
chief executive in the islands at that time was the military governor), including establishment of a bicameral
legislature, autonomous governments on the provincial and municipal levels, and a system of free public elementary
schools.[91]

Second Philippine Commission[edit]

Main article: Taft Commission
The Second Philippine Commission (the Taft Commission), appointed by McKinley on March 16, 1900, and headed
by William Howard Taft, was granted legislative as well as limited executive powers. [92] On September 1, the Taft
Commission began to exercise legislative functions.[93] Between September 1900 and August 1902, it issued 499
laws, established a judicial system, including a supreme court, drew up a legal code, and organized a civil
service.[94] The 1901 municipal code provided for popularly elected presidents, vice presidents, and councilors to
serve on municipal boards. The municipal board members were responsible for collecting taxes, maintaining
municipal properties, and undertaking necessary construction projects; they also elected provincial governors.[91]

Establishment of civil government[edit]

Governor General William Howard Taft addressing the audience at the Philippine Assembly in the Manila Grand Opera House

On March 3, 1901 the U.S. Congress passed the Army Appropriation Act containing (along with the Platt
Amendment on Cuba) the Spooner Amendment which provided the President with legislative authority to establish of
a civil government in the Philippines.[95] Up until this time, the President been administering the Philippines by virtue of
his war powers.[96]On July 1, 1901, civil government was inaugurated with William H. Taft as the Civil Governor. Later,
on February 3, 1903, the U.S. Congress would change the title of Civil Governor to Governor-General.[97]
A highly centralized public school system was installed in 1901, using English as the medium of instruction. This
created a heavy shortage of teachers, and the Philippine Commission authorized the Secretary of Public Instruction
to bring to the Philippines 600 teachers from the U.S.A. — the so-called Thomasites. Free primary instruction that
trained the people for the duties of citizenship and avocation was enforced by the Taft Commission per instructions of
President McKinley.[98] Also, the Catholic Church was disestablished, and a considerable amount of church land was
purchased and redistributed.

Official end to the war[edit]

The Philippine Organic Act of July 1902 approved, ratified, and confirmed McKinley's Executive Order establishing
the Philippine Commission, and also stipulated that the bicameral Philippine Legislature would be established
composed of an elected lower house, the Philippine Assembly and the appointed Philippine Commission as the upper
house. The act also provided for extending the United States Bill of Rights to the Philippines.[91][99]
On July 2, 1902 the Secretary of War telegraphed that the insurrection against the sovereign authority of the U.S.
having come to an end, and provincial civil governments having been established, the office of Military Governor was
terminated.[51] On July 4, Theodore Roosevelt, who had succeeded to the U.S. Presidency after the assassination of
President McKinley on September 5, 1901 proclaimed a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all persons in the
Philippine archipelago who had participated in the conflict.[51][100]
On April 9, 2002, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo proclaimed that the Philippine–American War had
ended on April 16, 1902 with the surrender of General Miguel Malvar, and declared the centennial anniversary of that
date as a national working holiday and as a special non-working holiday in the Province of Batangas and in the Cities
of Batangas, Lipa and Tanaun.[101]

Post-1902 hostilities[edit]
Some sources have suggested that the war unofficially continued for nearly a decade, since bands of guerrillas,
quasi-religious armed groups and other resistance groups continued to roam the countryside, still clashing with
American Army or Philippine Constabulary patrols. American troops and the Philippine Constabulary continued
hostilities against such resistance groups until 1913.[102] Some historians consider these unofficial extensions to be
part of the war.[103]

US colonization: the "Insular Government" (1901–

1935)[edit]
Main article: Insular Government

Tranvia in Manila during the American Era with Bahay na Bato houses. Calle San Sebastian, present-day Felix Hidalgo St.

The 1902 Philippine Organic Act was a constitution for the Insular Government, as the U.S. colonial administration
was known. This was a form of territorial government that reported to the Bureau of Insular Affairs. The act provided
for a Governor-General appointed by the U.S. president and an elected lower house, the Philippine Assembly. It also
disestablished the Catholic Church as the state religion. The United States government, in an effort to resolve the
status of the friars, negotiated with the Vatican. The church agreed to sell the friars' estates and promised gradual
substitution of Filipino and other non-Spanish priests for the friars. It refused, however, to withdraw the religious
orders from the islands immediately, partly to avoid offending Spain. In 1904 the administration bought for $7.2 million
the major part of the friars' holdings, amounting to some 166,000 hectares (410,000 acres), of which one-half was in
the vicinity of Manila. The land was eventually resold to Filipinos, some of them tenants but the majority of them
estate owners.[91]
Manila, known as the Paris of the Asia was pushed forward even more by Daniel Burnham the Manila Urban planner. Plaza Goiti,

present-day Plaza Lacson

In socio-economic terms, the Philippines made solid progress in this period. Foreign trade had amounted to 62 million
pesos in 1895, 13% of which was with the United States. By 1920, it had increased to 601 million pesos, 66% of
which was with the United States.[104] A health care system was established which, by 1930, reduced the mortality
rate from all causes, including various tropical diseases, to a level similar to that of the United States itself. The
practices of slavery, piracy and headhuntingwere suppressed but not entirely extinguished.

Economy rose as reflected to the great edifices of the cities. El Hogar Filipino Building

Two years after completion and publication of a census, a general election was conducted for the choice of delegates
to a popular assembly. An elected Philippine Assembly was convened in 1907 as the lower house of a bicameral
legislature, with the Philippine Commission as the upper house.
Every year from 1907 the Philippine Assembly and later the Philippine Legislature passed resolutions expressing the
Filipino desire for independence.
Philippine nationalists led by Manuel L. Quezon and Sergio Osmeña enthusiastically endorsed the draft Jones Bill of
1912, which provided for Philippine independence after eight years, but later changed their views, opting for a bill
which focused less on time than on the conditions of independence. The nationalists demanded complete and
absolute independence to be guaranteed by the United States, since they feared that too-rapid independence from
American rule without such guarantees might cause the Philippines to fall into Japanese hands. The Jones Bill was
rewritten and passed Congress in 1916 with a later date of independence.[105]
Busy street of early American-era Manila. Plaza Moraga

View of Binondo from Jones Bridge

The law, officially the Philippine Autonomy Act but popularly known as the Jones Law, served as the new organic act
(or constitution) for the Philippines. Its preamble stated that the eventual independence of the Philippines would be
American policy, subject to the establishment of a stable government. The law maintained the Governor-General of
the Philippines, appointed by the President of the United States, but established a bicameral Philippine Legislature to
replace the elected Philippine Assembly (lower house); it replaced the appointive Philippine Commission (upper
house) with an elected senate.[106]
Americans and Filipinos choose to preserve Spanish-era buildings for historical, tourism and urban purposes.

The Filipinos suspended their independence campaign during the First World War and supported the United States
against Germany. After the war they resumed their independence drive with great vigor. [107] On March 17, 1919, the
Philippine Legislature passed a "Declaration of Purposes", which stated the inflexible desire of the Filipino people to
be free and sovereign. A Commission of Independence was created to study ways and means of attaining liberation
ideal. This commission recommended the sending of an independence mission to the United States. [108] The
"Declaration of Purposes" referred to the Jones Law as a veritable pact, or covenant, between the American and
Filipino peoples whereby the United States promised to recognize the independence of the Philippines as soon as a
stable government should be established. U.S. Governor-General of the Philippines Francis Burton Harrison had
concurred in the report of the Philippine legislature as to a stable government.

With Manila's Filipino Hispanic roots, Daniel Burnhamdeveloped the Urban planning of Manila through the City Beautiful Movement;

Neo-Classical architecture of Paris through Manila's Government buildings, Canals of Venicethrough the Esteros of Manila, Sunset

view of Naplesthrough Manila Bay and Winding River of Paris through the Pasig River. A fine example of the Burnham plan is

the Manila Central Post Office and Jones Bridge Manila circa 1930s.
The central façade of the Legislative Building

The Philippine legislature funded an independence mission to the U.S. in 1919. The mission departed Manila on
February 28 and met in the U.S. with and presented their case to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker.[109] U.S.
President Woodrow Wilson, in his 1921 farewell message to Congress, certified that the Filipino people had
performed the condition imposed on them as a prerequisite to independence, declaring that, this having been done,
the duty of the U.S. is to grant Philippine independence.[110] The Republican Party then controlled Congress and the
recommendation of the outgoing Democratic president was not heeded.[109]
After the first independence mission, public funding of such missions was ruled illegal. Subsequent independence
missions in 1922, 1923, 1930, 1931 1932, and two missions in 1933 were funded by voluntary contributions.
Numerous independence bills were submitted to the U.S. Congress, which passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill on
December 30, 1932. U.S. President Herbert Hoover vetoed the bill on January 13, 1933. Congress overrode the veto
on January 17, and the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act became U.S. law. The law promised Philippine independence after
10 years, but reserved several military and naval bases for the United States, as well as imposing tariffs and quotas
on Philippine exports. The law also required the Philippine Senate to ratify the law. Manuel L. Quezon urged the
Philippine Senate to reject the bill, which it did. Quezon himself led the twelfth independence mission to Washington
to secure a better independence act. The result was the Tydings–McDuffie Act of 1934 which was very similar to the
Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act except in minor details. The Tydings-McDuffie Act was ratified by the Philippine Senate. The
law provided for the granting of Philippine independence by 1946. [111]
The Tydings–McDuffie Act provided for the drafting and guidelines of a Constitution, for a 10-year "transitional
period" as the Commonwealth of the Philippines before the granting of Philippine independence. On May 5, 1934, the
Philippines legislature passed an act setting the election of convention delegates. Governor-General Frank
Murphy designated July 10 as the election date, and the convention held its inaugural session on July 30. The
completed draft constitution was approved by the convention on February 8, 1935, approved by U.S.
President Franklin Roosevelt on March 23, and ratified by popular vote on May 14. The first election under the
constitution was held on September 17, and on November 15, 1935, the Commonwealth was put into place. [112]

Philippine Commonwealth (1935–1946)[edit]

Manuel Quezon y Molina once the 1st President of the Senate of the Philippines was elected to become the President of the

Philippines during the commonwealth era of American colonization and occupation

Main article: Commonwealth of the Philippines

Manila before the war

It was planned that the period 1935–1946 would be devoted to the final adjustments required for a peaceful transition
to full independence, a great latitude in autonomy being granted in the meantime. Instead there was war with
Japan.[113]
On May 14, 1935, an election to fill the newly created office of President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines was
won by Manuel L. Quezon (Nacionalista Party), and a Filipino government was formed on the basis of principles
superficially similar to the U.S. Constitution. The Commonwealth as established in 1935 featured a very strong
executive, a unicameral national assembly, and a supreme court composed entirely of Filipinos for the first time since
1901. The new government embarked on an ambitious agenda of establishing the basis for national defense, greater
control over the economy, reforms in education, improvement of transport, the colonization of the island of Mindanao,
and the promotion of local capital and industrialization. The Commonwealth however, was also faced with agrarian
unrest, an uncertain diplomatic and military situation in South East Asia, and uncertainty about the level of United
States commitment to the future Republic of the Philippines.
In 1939–40, the Philippine Constitution was amended to restore a bicameral Congress, and permit the reelection of
President Quezon, previously restricted to a single, six-year term.
During the Commonwealth years, Philippines sent one elected Resident Commissioner to the United States House of
Representatives, as Puerto Ricocurrently does today.

Japanese troops on Bataan, Philippine Islands, circa 1942. Captured Japanese photograph. - NARA - 531353
Japanese occupation and World War II (1941–1945)[edit]
Main article: Second Philippine Republic

Surrender of Filipino and American troops at Corregidor, Philippine Islands, May 1942.

See also: Military history of the Philippines during World War II

A few hours after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the Japanese launched air raids in
several cities and US military installations in the Philippines on December 8, and on December 10, the first Japanese
troops landed in Northern Luzon. Filipino pilot Captain Jesús A. Villamor, leading a flight of three P-26 "Peashooter"
fighters of the 6th Pursuit Squadron, distinguished himself by attacking two enemy formations of 27 planes each and
downing a much-superior Japanese Zero, for which he was awarded the U.S. Distinguished Service Cross. The two
other planes in that flight, flown by Lieutenants César Basa and Geronimo Aclan, were shot down.[114]
General Douglas MacArthur, commander of the United States Armed Forces in the Far East (USAFFE), was forced
to retreat to Bataan. Manila was occupied by the Japanese on January 2, 1942. The fall of Bataan was on April 9,
1942 with Corregidor Island, at the mouth of Manila Bay, surrendering on May 6. [115]

Meeting of Jorge B. Vargas, a secretary of President Manuel Quezon and Homma Masaharu, a general Lieutenant of Imperial

Japanese Army on February, 20th 1943

José P. Laurel Became the President of the Philippines during the Japanese occupation

General Tomoyuki Yamashitasurrenders to the Filipino soldiers and guerrillas in the presence of Generals Jonathan

Wainwright and Arthur Percival.

The Commonwealth government by then had exiled itself to Washington, DC, upon the invitation of President
Roosevelt; however many politicians stayed behind and collaborated with the occupying Japanese. The Philippine
Commonwealth Army continued to fight the Japanese in a guerrilla war and were considered auxiliary units of the
United States Army. Several Philippine Commonwealth military awards, such as the Philippine Defense
Medal, Independence Medal, and Liberation Medal, were awarded to both the United States and Philippine Armed
Forces.
Gen. Douglas MacArthur wades ashore during initial landings at Leyte, Philippine Islands.

As the Japanese forces advanced, Manila was declared an open city to prevent it from destruction, meanwhile, the
government was moved to Corregidor. In March 1942, General MacArthur and President Quezon fled the country.
Guerrilla units harassed the Japanese when they could, and on Luzon native resistance was strong enough that the
Japanese never did get control of a large part of the island. The Hukbalahap, a communist guerilla movement formed
by peasant farmers in Central Luzon, did most of the fighting. The Hukbalahap, also known as Huks, resisted
invaders and punished the people who collaborated with the Japanese, but did not have a well-disciplined
organization, and were later seen as a threat to the Manila government. [116] Before MacArthur came back, the
effectiveness of the guerilla movement had decimated Japanese control, limiting it to only 12 out of the 48 provinces.
In October 1944, MacArthur had gathered enough additional troops and supplies to begin the retaking of the
Philippines, landing with Sergio Osmeña who had assumed the Presidency after Quezon's death. The Philippine
Constabulary went on active service under the Philippine Commonwealth Army on October 28, 1944 during liberation
under the Commonwealth regime. The battles entailed long fierce fighting; some of the Japanese continued to fight
until the official surrender of the Empire of Japan on September 2, 1945. [117]
After their landing, Filipino and American forces also undertook measures to suppress the Huk movement, which was
founded to fight the Japanese Occupation. The Filipino and American forces removed local Huk governments and
imprisoned many high-ranking members of the Philippine Communist Party. While these incidents happened, there
was still fighting against the Japanese forces and, despite the American and Philippine measures against the Huk,
they still supported American and Filipino soldiers in the fight against the Japanese.
Over a million Filipinos (including regular and constable soldiers, recognized guerrillas and non-combatant civilians)
had been killed in the war. The 1947 final report of the High Commissioner to the Philippines documents massive
damage to most coconut mills and sugar mills; inter-island shipping had all been destroyed or removed; concrete
highways had been broken up for use on military airports; railways were inoperative; Manila was 80 percent
destroyed, Cebu 90 percent, and Zamboanga 95 percent.[118]

Independence (1946)[edit]
Philippine Independence, July 4, 1946 from all the Colonizers. The Flag of the United States of America is lowered while the Flag of

the Philippines is raised.

Philippine independence came on July 4, 1946, with the signing of the Treaty of Manila between the governments of
the United States and the Philippines. The treaty provided for the recognition of the independence of the Republic of
the Philippines and the relinquishment of American sovereignty over the Philippine Islands.[119] From 1946 to 1961,
Independence Day was observed on July 4. On 12 May 1962, President Macapagal issued Presidential Proclamation
No. 28, proclaiming Tuesday, June 12, 1962 as a special public holiday throughout the Philippines. [120][121] In 1964,
Republic Act No. 4166 changed the date of Independence Day from July 4 to June 12 and renamed the July 4
holiday as Philippine Republic Day.[122]

World War II veteran benefits[edit]

During World War II, over 200,000 Filipinos fought in defense of the United States against the Japanese in the Pacific
theater of military operations, where more than half died. As a commonwealth of the United States before and during
the war, Filipinos were legally American nationals. With American nationality, Filipinos were promised all the benefits
afforded to those serving in the armed forces of the United States.[123] In 1946, Congress passed the Rescission
Act (38 U.S.C. § 107) which stripped Filipinos of the benefits they were promised.[123]
Since the passage of the Rescission Act, many Filipino veterans have traveled to the United States to lobby
Congress for the benefits promised to them for their service and sacrifice. Over 30,000 of such veterans live in the
United States today, with most being United States citizens. Sociologists introduced the phrase "Second Class
Veterans" to describe the plight of these Filipino Americans. Beginning in 1993, numerous bills titled Filipino Veterans
Fairness Act were introduced in Congress to return the benefits taken away from these veterans, only to die in
committee. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, signed into law on February 17, 2009, included
provisions to pay benefits to the 15,000 remaining veterans.[124]
On January 6, 2011 Jackie Speier (D-CA), U.S. Representative for California's 12th congressional district, serving
since 2008, introduced a bill seeking to make Filipino WW-II veterans eligible for the same benefits available to U.S.
veterans. In a news conference to outline the bill, Speier estimated that approximately 50,000 Filipino veterans
survive.[125][126]