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The Normal Lights

Volume 13, No. 1 (2019)

Stylistics Variation:
Understanding Gay Lingo
in Social Perspectives
Helen Espeño-Rosales*
[email protected]
Sorsogon State College

Marigrace Despi Careterro


Sorsogon State College

Abstract Gay lingo is one of the languages commonly


spoken by gays and their friends. It manifests linguistics traits
that prevent non-speakers from interacting with its speakers.
This qualitative research used a case study combined with
discourse analysis through production task and elicitation to
determine the background of gay lingo speakers, gay lexicon,
coinage, social context, and social perspectives of gay lingo
speaking. The researcher used semi-structured interviews and
survey (using questionnaires) to gather data from purposively
selected 12 (gay and non-gay) senior high school students
and teachers in a secondary school. The study found that the
stylistics variation of gay lingo is in the word coinage through
phonology, and morphological transformations, among
others. The social context of gay lingo is to provide cover for
sensual topics, to gossip, and to upscale one’s status. For non-
gays, gay lingo speaking is a means to remove communication
barriers. Gays perceive gay lingo speaking of non-gays as
affirmation. Discursive studies of gay lingo is needed, while
studies on the effects of gay lingo on the mainstream language
is also recommended.

Keywords: coinage, gay lingo, lexicon, social perspectives,


stylistics variation

Suggested Citation: Rosales, H.E. (2019). Stylistics Variation: Understanding Gay Lingo in Social Perspectives.
The Normal Lights, 13(1), 179 – 202.
The Normal Lights
Volume 13, No. 1 (2019)

Introduction
Generally, language is used in interacting, negotiating and
defining identities. Subgroups are formed when some adapt a
linguistic style not spoken by the mainstream society. One such
group that use linguistic style are the gays. In recent years,
the researcher observed the rising number of gay students in
school where this study was conducted. Almost every class
has gay students present that speak some gay lingo. The need
to communicate and to eliminate any existing barrier between
gay students and non-gay teachers prompted the researcher to
conduct a research on its stylistics variation and social context.

Birth of Gay Language

Past studies on gay language across the globe yielded varied


terms. In the United States, “Gayspeak” or “Queerspeak” has
been elevated to a higher ream of Lavender Linguistics (Leap,
2015), since the term Lavender is a color synonymous with
homosexuality. Also, Lavender has been coined to replace
the term “queer” which is considered as pejorative. Across
the Atlantic Ocean, Polari is the name used for the language
spoken by gays in England (Baker, 2010). At the same time
that Polari is developing, gays from South Africa are starting
to speak a language called Gayle (Luyt, 2014). In the Asian
region, gays from Indonesia call their language “Bahasa” gay,
while gays from the Philippines speak gay lingo.

Linguistic Features of Gay Lingo

Through linguistic styles, gays form speech communities


that create boundaries to exclude non-speakers. One could
be a member in such speech community by virtue of shared
experience of stereotypes fostered by a culturally dominant
language. Having experienced social discrimination, members
in this kind of social units have learned to oppose the cultural
authority of the dominant language by switching to their own
varieties of speech or lingo (Baker, 2010).

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One interesting feature of gay lingo is the gays’ style


of employing the mainstream language yet keeping the gay
discourse exclusive by distorting the English language schema,
thus, the meanings of the sentences are also changed (Casabal,
2008). Gay lingo speaking does not follow the subject-predicate
schema of the English language, neither does it follow the
local dialectic schema. Instead, the lingo is a blend of English,
Filipino and Bicol dialectic schema utilizing improvisations and
affixations. In fact, Alba (2015) observed the fast gay lexical
evolution of gay lingo which is why Salao (2010) asserted that it
cannot be called a language, but Casabal (2008) noted that gay
lingo in the Philippines is basically phonological and the meaning
is determined by the sound produced by the first two syllables of
the expression. Semantics in gay lexis is more connotative than
denotative. Gay lingo manifests certain linguistics traits that
prevent non-speakers from interacting with its speakers.

However, as time passed, the gay lingo has gradually


penetrated the consciousness of the mainstream society. At
present, even some non-gays have acquired a few gay lingo
lexicons, which they use perhaps to spice up their conversations
(Alba, 2015). The gay lingo diffusion in the mainstream
language could be attributed to their usage in TV, radio, print
and the social media, which enabled the lingo to gain faster and
better access to the mainstream society where it also functions
as a “conduit” and “progenitor” (Casabal, 2008 p.77). Gay lingo
can be a convenient channel for the speaker to express their
thoughts and feelings not easily conveyed via the mainstream
language. Likewise, many words that have been appropriated
by the mainstream language originated from gay lexis, which
proves that the vast utility of its lexicon made it appealing to a
wider audience.

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Gender Perception

Sociologists define gender and sex differently. Crossman


(2017) asserted that sex is biologically categorized, while
gender is socially classified, further asserting that gender is
a learned behavior and is socially constructed. Expected
behavior from men and women are different across cultures.
He further opined that in the western nations like the U.S.,
only two genders are socially accepted, but some culture and
societies accept the presence of a third gender other than that of
men and women. Hence gender identity is ascribed culturally,
which explains the social norms associated with gender. It also
clarifies how these norms differ across cultures and societies.
These social norms on gender has influenced the way gays
and gay language are perceived thereby affecting the social
perspectives of the mainstream society toward homosexuals.
Furthermore, these norms explain the root of prejudices which
gays are subjected to.

Filipino-American gays in the US were not spared


from similar stories of prejudice. Nadal and Corpus (2012)
investigated the experiences of Filipino gay migrants in the
U.S. and identified five domains that influence the sexual
and gender identity perception of the interviewees. These
domains that have made great impact on the psychological
aspect were: religion, family, race, multiple identities, and
variant experiences. The Catholic faith is acknowledged as
the primary influence to the families’ inability to accept these
expats sexual identities.

Function and Gay Lingo Coinage

Prejudice could have led to the birth of a secret Mediterranean


slang called Polari (Baker, 2010), an elaborate lexicon of
a mixture of Italian, Cockney rhyming slang, back-slang
(pronouncing a word with a backward spelling) and sailor

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slang. Polari was spoken by homosexual men working in the


theatre and cruise ships to hide their conversation from hostile
outsiders and undercover (policemen), because at the time it was
first created in the 1940s, same sex relation was a punishable
offense. Hence, Polari functioned as a cover for the speaker
to avoid detection and stigmatization. Being a secret language,
it had never been committed to print, but was passed by word
of mouth, thereby many versions has been created (Baker,
2010). Polari is spoken in a sarcastic or demeaning fashion and
is notable for its use of feminine words to codify other terms
like “Betty bracelets”, “Lily law”, or “orderly daughters”,
word coinage for the police – the natural enemies of the Polari
speaker (Baker, 2010). Polari also gives its speakers a kind
of status or “camp up”. However, Baker (2010) opines that
Polari’s birth is more of necessity than a camp fad; hence, after
its secret meaning became public knowledge through the 1960s
BBC Radio, it ceased to be used.

In South Africa, Luyt (2014) traced Gayle’s


development from an argot or secret language to its present
form. It originally manifested as “Moffietaal”, an Afrikaan
term for homosexual language. Over time, Gayle had
developed into a stylect spoken by gay English and Afrikaans-
speakers across South Africa. It manifested out of fear from
getting prosecuted for homosexuality, which was previously
considered illegal.

In the local scene, Salao (2010) theorized that gay


lingo probably had started in the early 70’s when Filipinos were
still quite old fashioned and homosexuality had not fully been
comprehended. To be identified as gay at that time created a
stigma, which might have been the rationale for gays to begin
using codes in their discourse. Whereas, Ladlad founder and
political activist, Danton Remoto (2008) asserts that gay lingo
does not have a specific origin for it comes from a “carnival” of
sources. He even ventured that the way Taglish is spoken now

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by the educated elite and the middle class is an influence of gay


language.

Regardless of origin, gay lingo can be classified as a


sociolect (or social dialect). Sangga (2015) even cited different
forms of gay lingo sociolects such as “Englog” a combination
of English and Tagalog, Carabao English, Coño English, among
others. He further asserted that gay language did not have specific
formula in gay word coinage. What was highly significant was
the delivery and expression which feminizes speech. Hence,
gay lingo was better spoken than written.

Despite the many research conducted on gay language,


few studies were conducted for the specific purpose of enhancing
teaching and learning situations which this study intends to
bridge. This study is anchored on Vygotsky’s Social Development
Theory. It is the premise of this theory that learners are active
participants in their learning, particularly when learning context
is positive. This means that there is learning acquisition when
teachers are perceived to work collaboratively with the learners.
By speaking their lingo, gay learners may perceive their non-
gay teacher as collaborators to their learning.

Understanding gay lingo may lead non-gay students


and teachers to discard their gender biases and promote mutual
respect instead. It may also facilitate the better implementation
of the Gender Awareness and Gender Sensitivity program of the
government. Since the school is the training ground of future
leaders, it is the ultimate goal of this study to initiate action
trained learners whose social perspectives go beyond gender
preference. After these learners leave the school portals they
could become community leaders who treat gays and non-gays
without prejudice.

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Purposes of the Research


Despite this gradual entry of gay lingo in the mainstream
language, it was noted that in some parochial communities
there still exist perceived stigma attached to gays or gay lingo.
For instance, in the school where this study was conducted, gay
discrimination still exists. Some gay students may still encounter
verbal harassment or experience occasional bullying from non-
gay students or even non-gay teachers. Thus, gays have learned
to respond through gay lingo that are cleverly worded. Still,
behind this funny and creative lexicon is the desire for respect
and affirmation from non-gay students and teachers.

This study aims to eliminate discrimination and to


enhance gay acceptance in the school environment as well as
to concretize the Mission of the Department of Education in the
Philippines:

“To protect and promote the right of every


Filipino to quality, equitable, culture-based, and
complete basic education where students learn in a
child-friendly, gender-sensitive, safe and motivating
environment.”

This study identified the stylistics variation (lexical,


grammatical and discourse) features of gay lingo and its social
perspectives among gays and non-gay senior high students and
teachers in a secondary school. Specifically, this study sought
answers to the following descriptive questions:
1. What are the gay lexicons, discourse function and
how are they coined?
2. What are the social contexts of gay lingo?
3. How does gay lingo affect the social perspectives
of gays toward non-gays and gay lingo speaking
and vice versa?

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Methodology
Research Design

The researcher employed various methods in this qualitative


research. Case study was used to initiate the profiling of the
demographic background of gay lingo speakers who are the
participants of this study. This approach was combined with
discourse analysis through production task and elicitation to
understand the gay lexicon, coinage, social context of gay
lingo, and social perspectives of gay lingo speaking among
gays and non-gay senior high students and teachers in a
secondary school.

Participants

This study adapted a two tier sampling method Purposive


sampling identified and included in the list gay and non-gay
students and teachers that speak gay lingo in varying degrees
of fluency. From this list, a total of 12 participants were
randomly selected to represent a considerable population of
gays and gay lingo speakers from senior high school students
from different strands and from junior high school and senior
high school faculty and non-teaching-staff of the target school.
The participants included seven gays; four are students while
three are teachers. The five non-gays are two teachers, one non-
teaching staff and two students.

The gay-student-participants’ ages ranged from 17 to 22, the


gay-teacher-participants are in mid-30’s, and the non-gays age
ranged between 18 to mid-40. All gay participants admitted
that their realization of their gender happened while in their
primary grades either through family members, or play mates
and school mates. They later learned gay lingo from other
gay friends during their intermediate years which was further
enhanced in high school. The non-gays who speak gay lingo
learned it the same way as the gays. Lexical choices and

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pronunciation depend on academic background and social


status. Gays from the lower bracket are exposed to gayness and
gay lingo much sooner for they utilize their talents in styling
and designing to earn extra income to finance their education
and support their family. During transcription, the researcher
assigned pseudonyms to the participants to protect their right to
confidentiality and adhere to the ethical standards of research.

Instruments

The instruments used in this research were semi-structured


interview patterned after Hajek and Giles (2005) instrument
(Please see attached appendix) and questionnaires.

One questionnaire was modeled after Lunzaga,


Bendulo and Felisilda’s (2011) instrument for the production
task intended for the gay lingo speaking participants. It is
divided into two columns, one column is for the gay lexis and
phrases and the second column corresponds to the meaning of
the gay lexis and phrases.

The other was operationally designed by the researcher


wherein aside from the demographic background of the
participant, a space for gender preference included choices for
the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender). This was
designed to identify their gender preference and to determine if
the gay participants openly accept their sexuality.

Data Collection and Analysis

The researcher first gathered data through a semi-structured


interview patterned after, Hajek and Giles (2005), which
included a short dialog in gay lingo and a popular Filipino
children folk song in mainstream language accompanied
by questions to determine the comprehension level of the
participants.

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The interview is divided into four parts – (1) the


demographic background of the participant which focused on
their sexuality realization and the time they learned gay lingo;
(2) the lexical, grammatical and discourse features of the gay
lexicon; (3) the social context of gay lingo and; and (4) the
social perspectives of gays and non-gays about gay lingo
speaking. The researchers informed the participants that the
responses would be recorded in a voice recorder, but adopted
strict confidentiality.

The researcher first conducted the interview delivered


in three languages – Gubatnon, Filipino and English to better
facilitate an interactive interview. Then, the researcher provided
the questionnaires to be filled out with the required responses
by each participant.

The researcher interviewed each participant separately,


which lasted from an hour to more than two hours in different
places such as a classroom, the faculty room, a coffee shop
and the park. The researcher used a thematic interpretation
in analyzing the collected data. First, data are categorized
according to themes. Then, the researcher transcribed and
categorized the data collected based on the specific descriptive
questions posed in the statement of the problem.

The gay lexis collected are classified and tabulated by


function, and alphabetically arranged. Afterwards, the gay lexis
were also later used as the basis in the gay lingo dictionary
developed by the researcher.

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Findings
Gay Lexicon, Discourse Function & Coinage

From the production task, the researcher made a list of gay


words and classified them according to sentence function: as
shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Nouns in the Gay Lexicon


Nouns Meaning in Bikol or Filipino Meaning in English
Anda/Andas Pera Money
Awra Borloloy Accessory
Bagaret Bag
Beki/Bekky/Ukang/ Shukang Bakla Gay
Bes/Bff kaibigan Short for bestfriend
Bidsaru alahas Beads/jewelry
Bonakid/Kyuta/Junakes Bata/anak Child
Boomcycle Tricycle
Bugarit Sigarilyo Cigarette
Carla Lou Kotse Car
Chararat Tsismis Gossip
Char/Charot/Chos/Echos Buwa/lokolang A fib/ a lie/ a joke
Charo Santos/ Charito Solis
Churba/churva May nangyari Incident or happening
(Sexual in nature)
Cloga Takong High-heels
Du-ay Make-up
Friendship Kaibigan Friend
Gelay/Girla/Girlash/Girlalu/Merlat Babae Girl/Woman
Hawdang Bahay House
Jyowa/browa Asawa Boyfriend/girlfriend/
spouse
Jujey Huwes Judges
Jumasay Pamasahe Fare
Lalala/lafus/lafang/lafangga Pagkain Food
Legamiy Binti Legs
Lokiss Friend
Kyuyam Ayam Dog
Martha/Monakels/Monarks Pera Money
Mingka/Fafa/Boylet/utoko Lalaki A guy/ a man

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Mirat Kustomer Customer


Mudra Mama/Nanay Mother
Nyelpak Cell phone
Nota Pribadong parte ng Penis
lalaki
Pes/Pislak Pisngi/Mukha Face
Punda Foundation (Make-up)
Pudra/Fudra Papa/Tatay Father
Otaw Tao Person
Sisteret Kapatid na babae Sister
Shu-es Sapatos Shoes
Shulangot Kulangot Booger/dried nasal
mucus

Shupatembang Kapatid Sibling


Shupe Kape Coffee
Warla Kaaway Opponent/Enemies
Waley/Rowena Wala/Wara Zero/None
Wigams Wig Wig
Yaya Belle Katulong/yaya Housemaid

The gay lexicon of the place where the study was


conducted is a combination of Tagalog, Filipino or English and
brand names or Celebrity names which are common to other
gay lexicon spoken in some parts of the country. The variation
occurs in some locally-based words like “kyuyam,” which
stands for “ayam” a local term for dog. From nouns, gays also
have pronouns.

Table 2. Pronouns in the Gay Lexicon


Pronouns Meaning in Bicol or Tagalog Meaning in English
Akes/akech/Akim Ako/akin I/Me/mine –first person
singular

Anek/anik/ anek-anek Ano/ anu-ano What/whatever/anything


Ikas Ikaw You – second person
Itashi Siya Her/Him
Itey/Itash/ites/itech Ito/yan This/that
Sinech Sino Who
Tayes Tayo Us/We-first person plural

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As gleamed from Table 2, the pronouns are mostly


phonologically based on the first syllable, while the last
syllable is replaced with a suffix – “ech” , “sh”, “-s” or “-ek”
. Each suffix attached has a particular function in the sentence,
“akes” stands for “I” or “me” while “akech” or “akim” stands
for “mine”. On the other hand, when referring to objects, “ites”
or “itey” stands for “this”, while “itash” refers to “that” provide
transition statement from discussion of Table 2 to introduction
to Table 3.

Table 3. Verbs in the Gay Lexicon


Verbs Meaning in Bicol or Tagalog Meaning in English
Bet/betaro Gusto Like
Burlog/Urlog Tulogna Sleep
Buysu/buy-sing Bakal/bili Buy
Chalita/Mating Kalit/Nakaw Steal
Crayola Iyak Cry
Dansala Sayaw/sumayaw Dance
Getswang Kuha/kunin Get
Gora/Gorabels Tayona Let’s go
JolinaMagdangal/ Ulina/ uwina Going home/ go home
Bulina/Vega
Kamshi/Kamche Halika Come here
Keri Kaya Can do/ can manage
Lafang/Lafus Kain/kumain Eat
Lamyerda Lakwatsa/Pasyal/Gala Gallivant
Lefang/Lefangga Halik Kiss
Libakarnes Libak Backstab
Najee-ing Nakita Have seen/saw
Nomage/nomo Inom ng alak Drinking spree
Payang/Peyalu Magbayad Pay
Pasók Approve
Rampa/rampage Aalis to leave/go
Tita-e Tumae Defecate
Ukray Pagalitan Scolded
Umbag/Jumbag/Umbagarnes Suntok/ sinuntok Assaulted/had been hit
Zhindig Tayó/tumayó Stand

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The verbs are made up of Bicol, Filipino, English,


and Local Celebrity mixtures. Many of these lexical terms are
phonological in nature either in the first or second syllable.
Some English words are transformed into gay lexis through
suffixation. Also found in the list are the gay adjectives.

Table 4. Adjectives in the Gay Lexicon


Adjectives Meaning in Bicol or Tagalog Meaning in English
Brenda Matalino Brainy/Intelligent
Bokadera Madaldal Tattle-tale/talkative
Burlog Tulógna Asleep
Chaka/Chapter Pangit Ugly
Chesa/Gayonara/Gandara Maganda/Magayon Pretty/Beautiful
Corona/title Panalo Winner
Dakas Malaki Big (usually refers to male
organ)

Damas/Damba Madami Plenty/many


Fayatola Payat Skinny
Gyurod/Jurod/Nyurod/ Burod/Buntis Pregnant
Ngyurod
Sobra Excessive/superlative
Gravity
degree
Imbyerna Inis Annoyed/irritated
Kiyetom/Kyutom Maitom/maitim Dark skinned/Black
Kyuho/Kyawti Mabaho Smelly/stinky
Ligwak Talo/Pierde Having lost in a contest
Luz Valdes Nawala Lost/missing
Maharlika Highway Mahal Expensive
Nacolombia Pina-asa False
Pasok/Pasokiti Tiyak Confirmed/Sure
Peg Sitwasyon Situation/label
Purita/Purita Jimenez Pobre Poor
Shaba Ella Mataba Fat
Shala Sosyal Classy/luxurious
Shale-ara Matalino Intelligent
Shuti-ar Maputi Light skinned/White
Shunga Tanga Stupid
Shegi/Shege-ar/Tegebam Patay/Tigok Dead
Talap Masarap Yummy/Delicious

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Thunder/Rangler Matanda/Gurang Old/Elderly


Trulili Totoo True/truth
Viola Gwapo Handsome
Walley/Wasang/Washinton/ Kapos/Wala Nothing/None
Waseley
Yamanar Mayaman Wealthy/rich

The adjectives presented in Table 4 are likewise


combinations of English, Bicol and Tagalog or Filipino. Coinage
is based on the phonology of either the first, middle or last
syllable of the original term. Either the prefixes- “nyu”,“shu”,
“ju” or “kyu” or the suffixes-“ar” or “er” are attached to the
first, or last syllable to create the adjectives in the gay lexicon.

Some words have dual usage as adjectives or as verbs.


The adjective “chapter”, gay lexis for ugly, is used with an
accompanying number to indicate the degree of ugliness. For
example: “chapter 1” means slightly ugly, while “chapter 3”
stands for much uglier or very ugly. Thus, the higher the number
would imply severity or intensity.

Table 5. Adverbs in the Gay Lexicon


Adverbs Meaning in Bicol or Filipino Meaning in English
Chekaro Tama Check/Correct/Right
Ditey/Ditech/Ditesh/Denshi Dito/Dini Here
Doonek Doon There
Plangak/Plang/Planggana Oo Yes
Wiz/Wish/Winchel Hindi/Diri No/Wala
Whereshalo Saan Where
48 years Matagal Something is taking a long
Time

Table 5 shows that some of the adverbs can be


interchanged, depending on how the speaker uses them in the
sentence. It can be noted that the last syllable usually changes
in form and a suffix is attached to it.

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Overall, nouns, verbs, pronouns, adjectives and adverbs


are coined through phonology and morphology, by attaching or
replacing prefixes to the first syllable; or suffixes to the last
syllable. A few lexicons are given new form by inverting them
which supports the study of Lunzaga and colleagues (2011) and
Casabal (2008) on affixation and morphological transformation
of words coming from the mainstream language.

Examples of how the gay lexis are used:


1. Kanina pa tayesh ditey. – We have been here for
quite some time.
2. Uyy, Najeeing ko an browa you, may kaopod na
mirlat. – Hey, I saw your boyfriend with another
girl.
3. Ka-shala san bagaret mo, amigs. – Your bag is so
classy, friend.
4. Nag-crayola an shupatembang ko kay inukray
ni Mudra, pan-o najeeing na naki-lefangga sa
kaniya jowa. – My sister cried for she got scolded
after Mama saw her kissing her boyfriend.
5. Winchel akech maka-peyalu saimo kay wiz akech
monakels. – I can’t pay you because I have no
money.

To further assess the gay lingo speaking fluency of the


gay participants, they were asked to translate both in writing
and speaking a popular children folk song, which had been
circulated some time ago in the mobile phones.
Leron, Leron, My Love
Leron, Leron Sinta Jeron, Jeron Zhinta English translation
By Roberto Verzola

Leron, leron sinta Jeron, jeron zhinta Leron, Leron, my love

Buko ng papaya Juko sin piyaya Papaya seeds above

Dala-dala’y buslo, Bitbitar an juslo He took a bamboo box

Sisidlan ng bunga. Kyutangan ng junga To keep the fruits he’d get

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Pagdating sa dulo Pag-abutar sa shulo Then as he neared the top

Nabali ang sanga Nashutol an shanga The entire branch broke up

Kapus kapalaran Waley shupalaran It’s not my lucky day

Humanap ng iba. Finding na ng Shiba. I’ll find another way!

Only one of the young gay-participants managed to


translate the whole song. For words that did not previously have
equivalent gay lexicon, the gay-participant coined new ones by
adding the prefixes “sh”, “zh” and “j” to the first syllable of the
words. The cited gay translation in the preceding page is taken
from the young gay-participant’s own translation and not from
the mobile phone.

Semantics is determined by the phonology produced


by either the first or last syllables of the term. Some terms are
results of malapropisms or onomatopoeic words that resemble a
preexisting word like “Crayola”, which originally is a brand of
a particular crayon, but is a gay lingo substitution for the English
word “cry”. Another is “Jolina Magdangal”, a Filipina celebrity
where the sound of the first two syllables of her name resembles
the Bicol-Gubatnon expression for “uli na” or go home.

Meaning can also be in a form of an allusion such as


“anda” short for Andalusian horse, one of the most expensive
horses in the world, which explains its use to replace the word
“pera” or “kwarta”. Another allusion is the term “char”, a
contraction of “charlatan” equivalent for “joke only” or for
something stated that is a lie or untrue.

Gay words from Bicol-Gubat, that are coined based on


Tagalog or Filipino, English or Celebrity names, conform to
the normative gay expressions in other places with few local
variants, which confirms Casabal’s (2008) claim about the
presence of standard gay expressions understood and spoken by
the general gay population. Hence, gays from the town of Gubat
can communicate with gays from other places in the country.

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The stylistics variation of gay lingo is manifested in the


coinage and the style of attaching or replacing prefixes to the
first syllable or suffixes to the last syllable. Gay lingo speakers
do not have specific formula or rule about which particular
prefix or suffix should be attached to a word appropriated from
the mainstream language, but what the speaker follows is the
euphony of the lexis and the similarity of the sound of either
the first or the last syllable with the original word. The style in
which mainstream language are utilized and transformed into a
new register is what gives gay lingo its variation that also helps
maintain its exclusivity.

Social Context of Gay Lingo

As for the social context of gay lingo, the speakers unanimously


answered that it is intended as a secret language of the gays
when gossiping, saying unkind words, being sarcastic and
mocking others, or in elevating the speaker’s social status or
demonstrating new learning. The gays admitted switching to
gay lingo if there are non-gays around, when back stabbing
someone, or talking about somebody like a new boyfriend
or a prospective lover or about sexual exploits. The gays
also revealed gay lingo speaking was another way to show
sophistication because some English terms are used.

This response tells about the gay lingo speakers’


strategy of shifting from one language to another which
can be called code-switching. Code-switching is alternating
between two or more languages or language varieties in
order to emphasize a point, to affirm one’s identity or status
(Mabule, 2015).

Social Perspectives of Gays and Non-gays

The non-gays unanimously admit that they only speak gay lingo
in the presence of other gays, or when having light and informal
discussion. Furthermore, the non-gay participants do not think

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it appropriate for teachers to converse in gay lingo with the


gay students while classes are being conducted. Instead, they
suggest that gay lingo be used sparingly with gay students
during light talks or to lighten the discussion.

On the other hand, the gay-participants agree that it


may be slightly disadvantageous on the part of the gays for non-
gays to learn the lingo, however, they think of it as a positive
manifestation of the acceptance of the gays because it eliminates
communication barrier supporting Wyatt, and colleague (2008)
in their assertion about the effect of teacher’s attitude toward
gay students’ development and Vygotsky’s Social Development
Theory. These social perspectives of both the gays and non-
gays may be viewed as the way in which various systems in
society interconnect and maintain social equilibrium.

Discussion
This study identified the stylistics variation and social
perspectives of gay lingo among gays and non-gay senior
high school students and teachers in a secondary level. This
research was conducted for the specific purpose of enhancing
teaching and learning situations.
The major findings posed in this paper about gay lingo:
a) gay lexicons, discourse function and coinage; b) the social
contexts of gay lingo and c) the social perspectives of gays
toward non-gays and gay lingo speaking and vice versa in the
school environment.
The gay lexicon have discourse function as nouns,
pronouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Gays use these gay
lexicon as substitute to regular mainstream words. The gay
lexical usage and meaning can be gauged from the phonology
of either the first or last syllable of the word, by malapropisms
or through allusion, while coinage is manifested by adding
prefixes or suffixes to either the first syllable or last syllable of

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a lexis adapted from the mainstream Bicol, Tagalog or Filipino,


or English as well as Celebrity names and brand names that
have a similar sound with some terms. The stylistics variation
of gay lingo is in the transformation of mainstream words
into new register by attaching or replacing prefixes to the first
syllable or suffixes to the last syllable.

Gay lingo is spoken when discussing private matters


which are usually sensual in nature, or when gossiping
specially if within hearing distance of the subject of gossip
(Casabal, 2008; Alba, 2015). The basic function of gay lingo
is to provide a cover for its speakers to freely express their
thoughts and feelings. Moreover, gays code switch to create
exclusivity amongst themselves, to project a semblance of
sophistication and elevate their status. Educated gays use gay
lexicon that signify their scholastic and social status, while
gays from lower strata speak gay lingo to create a semblance of
sophistication because some gay lexis are mixed with English
words. Similar assertion may be deduced from Salao
(2010) and Casabal (2008) that educated gays use gay lexicon
that reflect their academic background and social standing
in the community, while gays from the lower strata speak in
gay lingo to provide them an illusion of elevating their status
since some gay lexicon are used as alternatives to speaking in
straight English.

The gay lingo speaking non-gays appreciate both the


creative style in its coinage and usage. However, they are
averse to using it during formal conversation especially with
persons of authority. The gays, on the other hand, consider gay
lingo speaking by non-gays as a sign of affirmation of their
gender preference and as a key to gain entry back into the
mainstream society.

The above-mentioned findings may have implications


in the teaching and learning environment. By understanding the

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principles of affixations in gay lexis, non-speakers can interact


with gay lingo, speakers which could eliminate communication
barriers. Also, familiarity with the social context of gay lingo
would guide non-gay educators of the appropriate occasion
to code switch when in the company of gay lingo speakers.
Supported by Vygotsky’s Social Development Theory (1978),
the principles of gay lingo affixation and its social context may
concretize the implementation of the Mission of the Department
of Education in the Philippines.

When students perceive teachers as collaborators in


their learning, meaning and understanding can be constructed.
Teachers’ attitudes are critical to the overall development of
students. They can grossly influence how learners will perceive
themselves and their environment especially if these gay
learners are experiencing family persecution because of their
sexual identity (Wyatt, et al, 2008). Wyatt and Colleagues
(2008) further asserted that most learners perceive school as
their second home where they stay for about ten (10) hours
a day and they regard teachers as their second parents. So a
positive environment will benefit them. Hence, teachers must
ensure that learning can transpire especially among students
belonging to the LGBT community.

Recommendations
Teachers handling lower level students should be provided
with trainings to equip them in recognizing and counselling
students with gay tendencies. Non-gay students, teachers and
administrators should have more exposure to gay lexis through
seminars on linguistics and discursive studies on gay lingo
to facilitate better communication between gay and non-gay
students and teachers. Gays and non-gay students, and teachers
should interact more often using gay lingo to remove the
biases toward gays. However, teachers are cautioned to speak
gay lingo during informal class discussions, consultations and

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conferences only. This study has limited participants, thus


a similar study wherein the demographic background of the
gay lingo speakers, the lexical, and grammatical as well as
discourse features of gay lingo, the social context and the social
perspectives among gays and non-gay students and teachers in
other secondary schools combined with quantitative approach
is recommended to have bigger number of participants. Finally,
a new study is recommended to determine the effects of gay
lingo on mainstream language.

References
Alba, R. A. (2015). In focus: The Filipino gayspeak (Filipino
gay lingo). National Commission for Culture and the
Arts.

Baker, P. (2010). Polari, a vibrant language born out of


prejudice. The Gurdian. Retrieved on 27 July 2017
from https://www.theguardian.com.

Casabal, N. V. (2008). Gay language: Defying the structural


limits of English language in the Philippines. Kritika
at Kultura, (11), 74-101. M.A. Th. in Ateneo de
Manila University.

Crossman, A. (2017). The sociology of gender. Retrieved


from https://www.thoughtco.com.

Hajek, C., & Giles, H. (2005). Intergroup communication


schemas: Cognitive representations of talk with gay
men. Language & Communication 25, no. 2: pp. 161-
181. Univ. of Texas, San Antonio, TX. & Univ. of
California, Sta. Barbara, USA.

Leap, W. L. (2015). Lavender language. The International


Encyclopedia of Human Sexuality, 649-719.

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Lunzaga, A. B., Bendulo H. O., & Felisilda V. B.. (2011).


Morphological analysis of gay’s spo-ken discourse.
National Peer Reviewed Journal. ISSN 201223981.

Luyt, K. M. (2014). Gay language in Cape Town: a study of


Gayle-attitudes, history and usage. D. diss., Univer-
sity of Cape Town.

Mabule, D. R. (2015). What is this? Is it code switching,


code mixing or language alternating? Journal of
Educational and Social Research, 5(1), 339.

Nadal, K. L., & Corpus, M. H. (2012). “Tomboys” and


“baklas”: Experiences of lesbian and gay Filipino
Americans. Asian American Journal of Psychology,
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Salao, J. (2010). Gayspeak not for gays only. Retrieved


from http://www.thepoc.net.

Sangga, C. C. R. (2015). The impact of swardspeak to Fil-


ipi-no sociolinguistics. The University of Mindanao
Tagum College. Retrieved from http://www. aca-
demia.edu.

Vygotsky, L. S. (1980). Mind in society: The development


of higher psychological processes. Harvard Univer-
sity Press.

Vygotsky, L. (1978). Interaction between learning and


de-velopment. Readings on the development of chil-
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Wyatt, T. J., Oswalt, S. B., White, C., & Peterson, F. L.


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Appendix
Interview Schedule

Interview Schedule for Gays: No._______

I. Preliminary

II. Body

A. Participant’s demographic background

1. How long have you been speaking in gay lingo?

B. Origin of gay lexicons

1. Who taught you to speak in gay lingo? Or where did you first learn to
speak gay lingo?

2. Can you cite examples how gay words are created?

3. Meaning of Gay lexicons

• Please translate the following gay lingo dialog in our regular


language.

Gay A: “Hoy Baklush, may monakels ka ba today?”


Gay B: “Hay naku, waley. Purita an peg san lolah mo niyan.”
Gay A: “Lafang tashi sa La Comida, bes?”
Gay B: “Ay, winchel! Ma gora akech kun Liberty an lolah mo!”

• Can you translate the folk song “Leron, Leron” into gay lingo?

C. Context of gay lingo

1. When do you speak in gay lingo?

2. What are the situations that would make you switch to gay lingo?

D. Social Perspectives

III. Closing

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