ICS I:2:1991

Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell

Communication and Assimilation Patterns

of Two Generations of Thai Immigrants

Kandawadee Sakdisubha
Bangkok, Thailand
L. Brooks Hill James F. Horrell *
Trinity University University of
Oklahoma

This study investigated the similarities and differences between two generations of
Thai immigrants in interpersonal and mass communication patterns. A mailed survey
was administered to 372 subjects, 236 first generation and 136 second generation. Profile
analysis, One-Way Anova, Chi-square, and Pearson Correlation Coefficients were used
to analyze different portions of the data. Results showed significant differences between
the first and second generation Thai immigrants in all seven hypotheses. First generation
Thai immigrants engaged more in communication inside the ethnic group and consumed
more ethnic mass media, while the second generation had more interpersonal contact
with the host country members. Contrasting with the second generation, the first
generation Thais chose mass media channels over interpersonal channels to learn about
the American society and people. The length of the stay in the host country also
correlated with involvement in communication outside the ethnic group; the longer
immigrants stay in the host country, the more they are involved in communication
outside the ethnic group. Finally, the study revealed that the Thai Buddhist temple
played a role, not only as a religious institution, but also as cultural and social
representative to the entire Thai community.

Only recently have communication scholars started paying more attention to the

* This article is based on the doctoral dissertation completed by the first author, directed by the
second author, and assisted methodologically by the third author. An earlier version of this paper
was presented at the Third International Conference on Cross Cultural Communications: East and
West, April 4, 1991, at National Cheng Kung University, Tainan, Taiwan, R. O. C. Correspondence
about this article should be addressed to Dr. Hill.

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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
role of communication in acculturation, although the interrelationship between these two
areas has long been recognized by anthropologists and sociologists. Among
communication scholars are Nagata's (1969) study of difference in interpersonal and
mass communication behaviors among first, second, and third generation Japanese-
Americans and Kim's (1976) use of path analysis to determine the degree of adjustment
to new culture. In addition, Maniwatana (1982) studied the cross cultural communication
and friendship patterns among Thai immigrants in assimilation to American society, and
Kunjara (1982) studied the communication and acculturation of the Thai students who
attended American universities. More recently, Kliger (1985) studied communication and
ethnic community, Rizk (1986) studied the communication patterns of international
students in the process of acculturation, and Corroni-Long (1986) used communication
as an approach to the studyof ethnicity. This trend in approaching assimilation through
the study of communication coincides with a rapid growth of immigration into the
United States. In 1988 Kim synthesized most of the literature related to communication
and adaptation into a framework built upon systems theory.
Kim's (1976) research has most strongly emphasized the relationship of
interpersonal communication and assimilation. She found that "interpersonal
communication is generally considered more intense, direct, and has a detailed influence
on the immigrant's adaptation to the host socio-cultural system" (Kim, 1979, p. 7). The
result of interpersonal communication can lead to personal growth, the realization of
one's potential, and the establishment of meaningful human relationships. The
interpersonal relationship patterns represent the purposes, function, and product of the
immigrant's interpersonal communication. The effective interpersonal communication
also leads to better understanding of host culture and society. Brein and David (1975)
explained that effective interpersonal communication is "dependent on the
development of understanding between himself and his host. The degree that they are
able to engender an effective flow or exchange of information will determine the extent
that mutual understanding can develop" (p. 43).
Kim (1976) also added that interpersonal communication is a "major channel
through which learning about the host society is transmitted to the immigrants" (p. 48).
She measured the immigrant's interpersonal relationship with the members of the host
society by the volume and intensity of their informal social relationship with Americans
and their regular membership in organizations. This interpersonal communication
activity can also be observed through the degree of the immigrant's interaction with
members of the host society. A predictor of an immigrant's degree of assimilation can be
found in the nature of their interpersonal networks. The immigrants who practice their
interpersonal communication predominantly through an ethnic interpersonal network,
i.e., ethnic organization, club, and ethnic community, are considered less assimilated
than those who associate primarily with members of the host society. To support this,
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
Kelman (1962) suggested that the immigrants can increase their interpersonal
communication by participating "in an ongoing enterprise, maintaining the self-esteem of
the host, and by introducing common goals as the result of combining his effort with the
hosts on a particular task" (p. 42).
In addition to interpersonal communication the importance of mass media is often
addressed by researchers who study the consumption of host country media by
immigrants. A 1977 study by Won about the Korean immigrants in Southern California
also found the relationship between mass media and assimilation: "Those choosing
American mass media were assimilators, and those adopting Korean mass media most
often tended to be nativistic. Those choosing both American and Korean mass media
were most bicultural" (p. 84).
Ryu (1978) also found that when English proficiency is low, the greater is the need
for an immigrant to learn English through the mass media. He conducted the test among
Koreans by using their recognition of basic English grammar, idiomatic expressions,
slang, and vocabulary as indicators. He finally concluded that mass media, particularly
television, "function as the primary neo-socialization agent of the immigrants who have
not received their education in the United States" (p. 2). A similar study conducted
among Asian immigrants in England (Anwar, 1978) reported that the immigrants who
were classified as non-English speaking watched television almost every day. Clearly,
the immigrants find it easier to follow television programs, especially those who have
less or no knowledge of English. In fact, the immigrants are given the chance of using
mass media to obtain information about new culture and to adjust to the new
environment.
The consumption patterns of ethnic mass media are also important to the process of
assimilation. Jeffres and Bur (1980) found a consistent pattern and positive relationship
between ethnic mass media and ethnic factors. The audience of ethnic media who are
strongly attached to their own ethnic culture are most likely to be heavy users of ethnic
media.

Research Problem and Rationale

Although an increasing number of studies have concentrated on communication
and assimilation patterns of Asian immigrants, none of the studies have focused on Thai
immigrants, despite the growing numbers immigrating to the United States. The absence
of a well defined ethnic community could be one reason for the lack of interest by other
researchers in studying this group. Despite this obstacle, a need exists to study the Thai
immigrant's communication patterns and how they carry these patterns into the process
of assimilation. Accordingly, the present study focused on Thai immigrants in Southern
California. This group of Thai immigrants was selected because they represented the
largest population from which an adequate sample could be drawn. It is also the only
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
geographical area in the United States with easy access to the Thai Buddhist temple, the
Thai daily newspapers and magazines published in and outside of this country, as well
as Thai grocery stores, organizations, restaurants, movies and entertainment, and other
Thai businesses. These elements help to maintain the culture and influence the degree of
assimilation. However, the short history of Thai immigration limited the study to the
first two generations. Since the Thais have never established a concrete community, the
study will focus on the role of religion, particularly the Wat Thai as an institution where
the immigrants can experience a partial maintenance of their culture. We will use the
term "Wat Thai" for the Thai Buddhist temple. This term is commonly used among the
Thais when referring to the Thai Buddhist temple.
The study seeks to answer the following questions:
(l) What are the differences in communication patterns between the first and
the second generation Thai immigrants?
(2) How do these communication patterns play a role in the assimilation
process?
(3) What are the differences between the first and the second generation Thai
immigrants in selecting communication channels to learn about American
society and people?
(4) What are the reactions of the Thai immigrants toward the roles of the Thai
Buddhist church?
Seven hypotheses were derived from these questions:
Hypothesis 1. The first generation Thai immigrants seek intraethnic
interpersonal communication more than the second generation.
Hypothesis 2. The first generation Thai immigrants seek interethnic
interpersonal communication less than the second generation.
Hypothesis 3. The first generation Thai immigrants use ethnic mass media more
than the second generation.
Hypothesis 4. The first generation Thai immigrants use host country mass media
less than the second generation.
Hypothesis 5. There is a significant difference between the first and second
generation Thai immigrants in selecting communication channels in order
to learn about American society and people.
Hypothesis 6. There is a significant difference between the first and second
generation Thai immigrants in selecting communication channels in order
to learn more about American society and people.
Hypothesis 7. There is a significant difference between the first and second
generation Thai immigrants in their reaction toward the maintenance of
the Thai Buddhist church.

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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
Method
Respondents and Procedure
The subjects were first and second generation Thai immigrants residing in Southern
California. Names were drawn from the two most useful lists available at the time of the
study. They were the Thai Yellow pages and Directory, and the Wat Thai list. Because
this study assumes that Wat Thai is an alternative to a clearly formed Thai ethnic
community, the list of names from the Wat Thai rolls were used, despite the fact that
they may only represent those who attend more regularly. Regardless of this apparent
problem, this list contained more than expected, because it also includes subscribers to
the newsletter who may or may not attend regularly.
Because of widely scattered residential areas, the survey was conducted by a mailed
questionnaire. The questionnaire was written in both Thai and the English language. The
English version of the questionnaire was for the second generation who may not be able
to read Thai.
Since most of the Thai immigrants are in the first generation group, the researchers
included those who were not native born, but entered this country when they were
youngsters, in the second generation group. In order to obtain enough respondents in the
second generation group, each addressed envelope contained two sets of questionnaires,
one in Thai and another in English. Each respondent was asked to pass another
questionnaire to a second generation Thai immigrant living in the same household.The
questionnaire consisted of 38 multiple choice questions. These questions asked for
demographic data, interpersonal communication patterns within the ethnic group and
between the host country members, and the consumption of ethnic and host country
mass media. The immigrants' relationship with the host country members, how they
learn about American society, and the selection of communication channels in learning
about American society were also addressed in the questionnaire. Finally, the
questionnaire asked the respondents' attendance at Wat Thai and their reactions toward
the role of Wat Thai.
In the study 600 questionnaires were mailed to the respondents in June 1986. The
presidents of several Thai associations in Southern California were contacted and
informed about the research. They were asked to encourage their members who had
received the mailed questionnaire to fill them out. By September 1986, 372 questionnaires
were returned. Of the first generation Thai immigrants, 236 completed the questionnaire,
while 136 of the second generation Thai immigrants completed it. The rate of the return
was 62%.

Data Analysis
Profile analysis provided the best means to address the data generated in this study
and is, therefore, a primary aspect of the data analysis. In general, profile analysis is
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
designed to be applied in situations where multiple observations have been made on
experimental units, and, consequently, the set of measurements have a dependence
structure. Profile analysis properly accounts for this dependence structure. Since
multiple responses (observations) where taken on each of the respondents, it was
necessary to use a multivariate technique for the analysis. Following Morrison (1976), the
questions that need to be asked with respect to the profiles of the data are: (l) Are the
population mean profiles similar, in the sense that the line segments of the adjacent tests
are parallel? (2) If the two populations' profiles are indeed parallel, are they also at the
same level? (3) Again assuming parellelism, are the population means of the tests
different? If the population mean profiles are not similar then questions 2 and 3 need not
be addressed. In the results reported herein, no set of parallel profiles were discovered.
Further, since the multivariate analysis of variance results showed significance at alpha
levels of less than .01 in every case reported, the MANOVA tables have been suppressed
and only the follow up analyses are presented.
The first four hypotheses were tested using profile analysis (Morrison, 1976, pp.
141-148, and 186-197, and Lunneburg & Abbot, 1983, p. 367) and multivariate One Way
Analysis of Variance as test statistics. This was done to find if there was a significant
difference overall between the means of the two generations. As a follow-up analysis,
invariate one-way ANOVAs were performed and then the profiles of the two
generations were plotted for each hypothesis to answer the question of similarity
between groups and the differences between the means. The Chi-square (X) test was
used on the remaining three hypotheses. Finally, a Pearson Correlation Coefficient was
performed on the dependent variables, emphasizing the length of the stay in the United
States.
Seventeen variables were used to test the hypotheses. The five variables used to test
the first hypothesis were: the time the immigrants spent talking with their family
members (TFAM), the time they spent talking to Thai friends (TTHF), the number of Thai
friends they have (NOTHF), their participation in Thai organization(s) (ATTHO), and
their attendance at the Thai Buddhist church (ATCH). These five variables were tested to
find out if there was a significant difference between the two generations in the
communication patterns inside their ethnic group at the interpersonal level.
The second group of variables was composed of similar variables at the
interpersonal level, but outside the ethnic group. This set involved communication with
host country members. The three variables were: time spent talking with American
friends (TAMF), the number of American friends they have (NOAMF), and their
participation in American organization(s) (ATAMO). The next hypothesis addressed the
mass communication level, trying to discover the immigrant's communication pattern in
using ethnic media such as newspapers, magazines, and ethnic entertainment. The time
spent reading Thai newspapers expected to find a difference between the two groups,
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
mainly that the first generation group would show a greater use of ethnic mass media.
The fourth hypothesis addressed the immigrant's mass communication patterns
outside the ethnic group. The five variables used in this hypothesis were: the time spent
reading American newspapers (RAMNEW), time spent reading American magazines
(RAMMAG), time spent listening to radio (TRAD), time spent watching television (TTV),
and how frequently they see American movies (AMMOV). A higher score in each and
every category in the second generation group was expected.The fifth and sixth
hypotheses focused on the immigrant's way of learning about American society and
culture and the selection of the communication channels to learn more about American
society and people. Two variables used in these two hypotheses were: learning about
American society and people (AMMOC), and learning more about American society and
people (MOAMMOC). The Chi-square test was used on both hypotheses. Projected
differences between the two generations were that the first generation would find it
more comfortable to use mass media channels and the second generation would select
the interpersonal channels.
The last hypothesis addressed the role of Wat Thai, trying to determine whether it
serves as a religious and cultural institution or as a representative of the entire Thai
community. The Chi-square test was used on the last variable, namely, maintenance of
the Thai Buddhist church (MAINCH). Different reactions were expected from the two
generations.
Finally the Pearson Correlation Coefficients was performed on all dependent
variables tested in the seven hypotheses. The number of years the immigrants spent
living in the United States (YUS) was introduced into the data analysis to emphasize the
effect of the length of the stay on the immigrant's communication and assimilation
patterns.

Results

Hypothesis 1: Intraethnic interpersonal communication

From the Analysis of Variance test, significance was found in all five variables (see
Table 1 on next page). The profiles of the two generations were plotted using means from
each dependent variable (see Figure 1 on page 10).
Three variables showing closer distance between groups are TFAM, ATTH0, and
ATCH. The first variable showed that the Thai immigrants of both generations have
closer patterns of communication within the family unit than communication outside the
family. This variable has the smallest F value among the five variables F (1,366)=4.93.
The other two variables, ATTHO and ATCH, measured communication within the
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ethnic group in a larger scale. Both generations have a similar profile. Their means of
attending Thai organization meetings and activities were on the lowest part of the scale.
Both generations did not show a high interest in joining Thai organizations, which is
common among Thais who prefer communicating with people they know well.

TABLE 1

RESULTS OF ANOVA ON INTRAETHNIC INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION

VARIABLES

SOURCE DF SS MS F PR » F

TFAM 1 9.11 9.11 4.93 0.027

ERROR 366 676.96 1.84
TOTAL 367 686.07

TTHF 1 92.77 92.77 48.78 0.0001

ERROR 367 698.02 1.90
TOTAL 368 790.80

NOTHF 1 209.55 209.55 130.17 0.0001

ERROR 368 592.41 1.60
TOTAL 369 801.97

ATTHO 1 31.08 31.08 27.93 0.0001

ERROR 340 378.48 1.11
TOTAL 341 409.57

ATWAT 1 41.75 41.75 28.34 0.0001

ERROR 369 543.66 1.47
TOTAL 370 585.41

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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell

First and Second Generation Profiles

on Interethnic Interpersonal Communication Variables

5—

4—

3.5 3.4

Group 3— 3.1 3.0 3.0 1st

means generation
2.3

2— 2.0 1.9 2nd

1.8 generation

1.2
1—

___________________________________________

TFAM TTHF NOTHF ATTHO ATCH

Dependent variables

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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
FIGURE 1

For the Thais, intraethnic communication on a larger scale and in a formal setting is
much less important than intraethnic communication on a smaller scale and in an
informal setting. These results also explain the lack of solidarity of the Thai community.
Compared to the other oriental ethnic groups, such as Chinese, Japanese, or Korean, the
Thais do not strengthen their ethnic community by getting involved in ethnic
organizations. The other ethnic groups use intraethnic communication to foster the flow
of communication as well as to maintain their ethnic identity. The Thais, because of their
individualistic character, tend to associate with a smaller group of people, preferably
with people that they know. However, the attendance at the Wat Thai produced results
at a higher level. Both generations still consider religion as a part of their lives.

Hypothesis 2: Interethnic interpersonal communication

Three dependent variables were tested with the two groups of immigrants. The
results showed significant differences (see Table 2) between the two generations. Figure
2 (on page 12) shows profiles of the two generations of Thai immigrants .

TABLE 2

RESULTS OF ANOVA ON INTRAETHNIC INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION

VARIABLES

SOURCE DF SS MS F PR » F

TAMF 1 187.97 187.97 117.51 0.0001

ERROR 368 588.64 1.59
TOTAL 369 776.61

NOAMF 1 341.51 341.41 342.25 0.0001

ERROR 369 368.21 0.99
TOTAL 370 709.72

ATAMO 1 25.25 25.25 30.49 0.0001

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ERROR 327 270.82 0.82
TOTAL 328 296.07

First and Second Generation Profiles

on Interethnic Interpersonal Communication Variables
5—

4.5

4—
3.9

Group 3— 3.1
means

2— 1.9 1.8 1st

generation

1.3 2nd
1— generation

TAMF ATAMO NOAMF

Dependent variables

FIGURE 2
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell

From Figure 2 we can see distinctive profiles of the two generations in terms of the
distance between the group means and the levels of the two profiles. The second
generation Thais had a higher mean in all three dependent variables with a large
distance between the first and the third variables, TAMF and NOAMF. However, a
similar pattern appeared in the profile at interethnic communication on a larger scale
and at interethnic communication in a formal setting. Both generations' parti-cipation in
American organization meetings and activities showed a low level profile and a much
closer distance between means than the first two variables.
Apparently, the higher level of the second generation's means of the first two
variables is the result of their entry into the school system and the work place. This
generation seeks out and is surrounded by American people. The first generation, on the
contrary,is often still looking for a job inside the ethnic community which promotes
intraethnic communication.

Hypothesis 3: Intraethnic mass communication

The results of the analysis of variance confirmed that the first generation Thai
immigrants used ethnic mass media more than the second generation Thai immigrants
(see Table 3). The pattern of their use of ethnic mass media is significantly different,
particularly the use of ethnic entertainment. Although the profiles do not show direction
as distinctive as the first two profiles, they represent a unique pattern for each group.
(Figure 3 is on page 14.)

TABLE 3

RESULTS OF ANOVA ON INTRAETHNIC INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION

VARIABLES

SOURCE DF SS MS F PR » F

RTHNEW 1 36.96 36.96 40.60 0.0001

ERROR 329 299.54 0.91
TOTAL 330 336.51

RTHMAG 1 19.82 19.82 17.95 0.0001

ERROR 290 320.28 1.10
TOTAL 291 340.10

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THMOV 1 254.95 254.95 172.80 0.0001
ERROR 359 529.66 1.47
TOTAL 360 784.62

The first generation group showed almost the same level of the ethnic media use in
each of the three variables. The second generation group spent less time with ethnic
media, particularly movies and entertainment. To further illustrate the use
of ethnic media, the respondents were asked if

First and Second Generation Profiles

on Interethnic Interpersonal Communication Variables
5—

4—

Group 3—
means 2.79

2— 2.06 2.01 1st

generation
1.45
1.34 2nd
1— 1.04 generation

___________________________________________

RTHNEW RTNMAG THMOV

Dependent variables
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell

FIGURE 3

they read any Thai publications, and, if they did, they were also asked to write the
names of those publications. Figure 4 on the next page arrays these results.
Figure 4 reveals that 78.8% of the first generation group read at least one of the Thai
publications, either newspaper or magazines, and 51.8% of the second generation group
read at least one of the Thai publications. The second group which reported reading the
Thai publications presumably consisted of the Thais who were born in Thailand, who
had grown familiar

Readership of the Thai Publications

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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell

[Image not available online. Contact ICS editor for Image use]

with the Thai media, and who were able to read the Thai language.
Interestingly, 21.18% of the first generation Thai immigrants did not read any of the
Thai publications. On the one hand, this group of readers may not find the Thai
publications to be of high quality. As reported by Paunkosoom (1980), Thais complained
that the quality of the Thai newspapers published in the United States was low, the news
was biased, and the writers were not competent (p. 88). The Thais who complained were
those with a higher educational background. On the other hand, this group of readers
may also consist of the Thais who are more advanced in the assimilation process
and who have less interest in information inside the ethnic community. However,
the first generation immigrants who used Thai media still outnumbered those who did
not.

Hypothesis 4: Interethnic mass communication

The One-way Anovas performed on the five dependent variables showed
significant differences between the two generations (see Table 4). The profiles of the two
generations on interethnic mass communication are shown in Figure 5 (on the next page).
TABLE 4

RESULTS OF ANOVA ON INTRAETHNIC INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION

VARIABLES

SOURCE DF SS MS F PR » F

RAMNEW 1 5.96 5.96 7.58 0.0062

ERROR 350 275.74 0.78
TOTAL 351 281.71

RAMMAG 1 128.15 128.15 143.15 0.0001

ERROR 332 297.23 0.89
TOTAL 333 425.39
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TRAD 1 20.48 20.48 11.45 0.0008

ERROR 369 659.81 1.78
TOTAL 370 680.29

TTV 1 7.94 7.94 6.63 0.0017

ERROR 370 443.36 1.19
TOTAL 371 451.31

TRAD 1 167.96 167.96 145.95 0.0001

ERROR 364 418.90 1.15
TOTAL 365 586.87

First and Second Generation Profiles

on Interethnic Interpersonal Communication Variables
5—

4— 3.8

3.4 3.5

Group 3— 3.2 3.1 1st

means 2.9 generation
2.3

2— 2.0 1.9 2nd

generation
1.7

1—

___________________________________________

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RAMNEW RAMMAG TRAD TTV AMMOV

Dependent variables

FIGURE 5

The two profiles showed differences in directions and levels. Although there were a
few closer distances between some pairs of the means than the others, these differences
are significant, as shown in the results of the tests. The second generation Thai profile
showed a higher level on the scale as the results of the larger means of all five dependent
variables. The second generation Thai used more and spent more time with the host
country's mass media.
A few similarities between both generations appeared in the profiles. The closer
distances showed in three dependent variables: time spent reading American
newspapers (RAMNEW), time spent listening to radio (TRAD), and time spent watching
television (TTV). Among these three channels, newspaper, radio, and television, the
latter was reported to have the highest time used by both generations. The printed media,
particularly magazines, were utilized less than the other mass media by the first
generation immigrants. The two largest distances between means in the profiles appear
in magazine reading and attending movies. Among five media channels, moviegoing
was reported least used by the first generation Thai immigrants.
The use of host country printed media was compiled from the respondent's answers
in the questionnaire. Figure 6 shows the readership of American publications.

Readership of the American Publications

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[Image not available online. Contact ICS editor for image use]

The second generation Thai immigrants read more newspapers and magazines than
the first generation. Of the first generation 28.38% did not read any American
publications. The first generation's mean in magazine readership was much lower than
the second generation's mean. Ability to read English probably creates a barrier for the
first generation Thai. Those who reported reading magazines were mostly the Thais who
have better occupations and who had been living longer in the United States. The second
generation Thai who reported not reading any American publications (13.86%) were
mostly the recent immigrants who were in a younger age group and had been living
only a short time in the United States.

Hypothesis 5: Learning about American society and people

The fifth hypothesis to be tested concerned the communication channels the
immigrants used to learn about the host country's society and people. This hypothesis
was tested by a Chi-square test of dependence. The question which secured data for
testing this hypothesis asked the respondents to select one communication channel they
now used to learn about American society and people. Six choices were presented in the
questionnaire. These were: talking to Thai friends, reading Thai newspapers and
magazines, listening to radio, watching television, reading American newspapers and
magazines, and talking to American friends. The results of the Chi-square test showed a
difference at 0.05 level of significance. The obtained value of the Chi-square statistic
exceeded the critical value of the Chi-square distribution (X =104.463; df=5; p 0.05).
For the first generation Thai immigrant the communication channel most selected
was television. Of the first generations group 38.2% selected television as a primary
means to learn about American society. The next two channels chosen were reading Thai
publications (19.31%) and reading American publications (18.03%). Interpersonal
communication channels were the fourth and the fifth choices. Only 9.44% of the first
generation chose interethnic interpersonal communication with the host country
members. On an interpersonal communication level these immigrants preferred
communicating within the ethnic group to communicating outside the ethnic group.
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They may feel more comfortable with people of the same race, since language is not a
barrier. In addition, the new immigrants can learn through ethnic communication which
also provides a first step toward entering the larger society.
The second-generation Thai, on the contrary, chose interpersonal contact as the
primary means to learn about the American society. Out of 136 respondents, 49.26%
reported communicating with American people, 22.06% selected reading American
publications, and only 4.41% chose radio as a learning channel. The second generation
apparently does not rely extensively on ethnic interpersonal communication or mass
communication as channels by which to learn of the host culture. None of the
respondents reported using ethnic interpersonal communication or ethnic publications
as a means of learning.
The second generation Thai immigrants, without a language barrier, have a better
chance to approach and talk to the Americans. They also have established relationships
through the school system. Although they rely less on mass communication as a tool to
get to know the American people, 24.26% of the second generation chose television as a
learning channel. Further, although as many as 51.8% (see Figure 4 on page 15) of the
second generation Thais reported reading Thai publications, they did not perceive the
publications as a primary channel for learning about the host country culture.

Hypothesis 6: Selection of communication channels in learning more

about American society and people
The sixth hypothesis in this study addressed the communication channels the
immigrants would select if they wanted to learn more about American society and
people. The respondents were asked the same question used in the previous hypothesis.
However, the emphasis was on the issue of learning more about the host country's
society. This hypothesis was analyzed using a Chi-square test. The result of the test
showed a difference between generations at the 0.05 level of significance. The obtained
value of the Chi-square statistic exceeded the critical value of the Chi-square distribution
(x =97.77; df=5; p 0.05).
The communication channel selected by most of the first generation Thai was
television (41.88%), followed by host country publications (21.79%). Compared to the
previous hypothesis, the first generation's selection of television increased from 38.2% to
41.88%. However, the number of those selecting ethnic interpersonal communication
decreased. Only 3.42% selected intraethnic interpersonal communication, and 10.26%
chose ethnic publications. Interestingly, the use of host country communication channels
changed dramatically. Interpersonal contact with the host country members jumped
from 9.44% in the previous hypothesis to 19.66%. Television still maintained its
popularity as a learning channel among the first generation Thai immigrants.
For the second generation group the selection shifted dramatically from television
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
viewing to interpersonal contact. Only 8.82% of the respondents reported using
television. Interpersonal communication received the highest selection (63.24%). The
selection of the host country's publications remained the same (22.06%). Intraethnic
communication channels were left unselected, and 5.88% chose radio as a learning
channel. The majority of the second generation group was ready to make more personal
contact with the host country members.
The shift of channel selection of the first generation Thai immigrants showed a sign
of entering the assimilation process. Only 13.68% of the respondents selected ethnic
communication channels.More than half of the respondents who changed their selection
from ethnic communication channels to the host country's communication channels
chose the interpersonal contact. While television and publications gained 3.68% and
3.76% respectively, personal contact gained 10.22%. Although this selection was not the
actual communication pattern the immigrants carried out, it showed that they were
aware of the available channels that would move them closer to learning about the host
country's society and people.
By comparing the two generation's selection of communication channels, the first
generation's selection still concentrated on television and publications in order to avoid
interpersonal contact. The second generation Thais are reaching the larger society by
making more interpersonal communication with host country members.

Hypothesis 7: Reactions to the role of Wat Thai

The last hypothesis to be tested was the reactions toward the roles of the Wat Thai.
The question asked the respondents to choose the most important reason to have Wat
Thai in Southern California. To narrow down the choices, four pre-selected answers were
compiled. Since Wat Thai is mainly the place where religion is carried out in Thailand,
the first choice in this question was the practicing of religion. Because Wat Thai offers
language instruction and cultural learning to the young every Sunday throughout the
year, the second choice presented its cultural role. The third and fourth choices were
from the previous discussion of the role of Wat Thai as a pseudo-community for the Thai
immigrants in Southern California. In addition, another question asked the respondents
to give their reason(s) for attending Wat Thai. This question also offered an open-ended
option for the respondents as well as the other four closed-ended options.
The results showed a difference at the 0.05 level of significance. The obtained value
of the Chi-square statistic exceeded the critical value of the Chi-square distribution (x
=44.29; df=3; p 0.05).
Among the four choices, the selection of the first generation group focused heavily
on the first two choices. The religious and cultural roles of having Wat Thai had a 38.63%
and a 38.2% selection from the first generation respondents. Only 10.3% of the first group
responded to Wat Thai as a place of meeting, and 12.82% viewed it as a representative
20
 ICS I:2:1991
Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
of the Thai community. For this group the major reactions toward the role of Wat Thai
were for religious purposes and for the socialization of the young. On the contrary the
second generation Thais' selection focused upon the social aspects of the role of Wat Thai.
29.41% of the respondents selected the role of Wat Thai as a place where Thais can meet,
and 31.62% selected it as representative of the Thai community. The religious and
cultural roles of Wat Thai were on the lower scale of selection: 25% of the second
generation Thais chose the role of Wat Thai as a place where they can practice religion,
and only 13.97% chose the cultural role. For this generation Wat Thai acted more as a
solid community for the Thais than as a religious institution.
The first generation Thais hold Wat Thai as a religious institution as well as a place
where socialization of the later generations is conducted. Wat Thai plays a role held
before modern times; i.e., a role of social provider. In the past, the Wat Thai was a place
where not only religious, but also cultural and educational activities took place. The
immigrants of the first generation indicated that the Thai society cannot fulfill their need
to pass along Thai culture to the next generations; so, they turn to Wat Thai. In
responding to this need, Wat Thai provides cultural training and education to the next
generation.
Although viewed differently by the two generations, Wat Thai serves not only as a
religious establishment, but also as a concrete community for the Thai immigrants in
Southern California. By providing Sunday school for the young, Wat Thai acts as a
community in the sense that it helps maintain and pass along the Thai culture to the next
generation.
In the study of assimilation the availability of the school to teach language,
particularly the written language, and culture to the young can be one of the major
causes leading to the different rate of assimilation between the two generations. Those
who are able to use ethnic written language are exposed more to the ethnic publications
and to other activities in the ethnic community. Although the knowledge of ethnic
written language and culture are not major variables to affect the rate of assimilation to
the next generations, they can foster the later generations' attachment to the ethnic
community, instead of fostering a breaking away from the ethnic community. In this
study the second generation respondents included some who had learned the Thai
language, particularly the written one, and Thai culture before they entered this country,
and some who could not comprehend the Thai written language and know only a little
about Thai culture. Therefore, we could probably expect greater variation in results if we
had all second generation subjects who did not know the Thai language.

Results of Pearson Correlation Coefficients

Pearson's r was calculated to find the relationship between the number of years the
immigrants spent living in the United States and the other sixteen variables previously
21
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
tested. The results showed different effects on each generation and on different variables.
For the first generation Thai immigrant the number of years living in the United States
affected eight variables: the number of American friends they have, the time spent
talking to American friends, their participation in Thai organizations, the attendance of
the Thai Buddhist church, the time spent reading American newspapers and magazines,
and the frequency of seeing American movies. While the other seven variables showed
positive correlations, the results were not significant. Only one variable, the frequency of
seeing American movies, had a negative correlation.
For the second generation Thai immigrant the eight variables significantly
correlated were the time spent talking to members of their family, the time spent talking
to Thai friends, the number of Thai and American friends they have, their participation
in American organizations, the time spent reading Thai magazines, the time spent
listening to radio. The negative correlations showed in all variables except the three
interethnic communication variables: number of American friends they have,
participation in American organizations, and time spent reading American newspapers.
The results showed that the longer the immigrants stay in the host country the more
likely they will participate in interethnic communi-cation. The first generation Thai,
depending upon the length of the stay in the host country, talked more to American
friends, participated more in American organizations, read more both American
newspapers and magazines, and, more importantly, had more American friends. Since
the second generation Thai immigrants had already participated in interethnic
communication, the results, on the contrary, revealed a negative correlation to the
intraethnic communication. The results showed that the longer the second generation
Thai immigrant stayed in the host country the more they were likely to talk less to Thai
friends, to spend less time reading Thai magazines, and to have fewer Thai friends.

Based on these results and those from the previous hypothesis testings, the first
generation Thai immigrants engaged less in the assimilation process than the second
generation Thai immigrants. However, as the length of the stay progressed, the first
generation Thai became more involved in interethnic communication.The second
generation Thai immigrant, who ranked higher on the scale of assimilation, not only
became more active in interethnic communication as the time progressed, but also
became less active in intraethnic communication and moved further away from
involvement in ethnic affairs.
The length of the stay in the host country, therefore, affected the way the Thai
immigrants communicated with each other and with members of the host country. The
first generation Thais, however, not only were still involved in communicating within
their own group, but also found themselves becoming more involved in communicating
with the people outside their ethnic group. The length of stay also supports the findings
22
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
that the second generation Thais are breaking away from the ethnic community and are
ready to enter the larger American society by means of assimilation.

Summary and Suggestions

The results of these tests showed significant differences between the two
generations of Thai immigrants in communication patterns both inside and outside the
ethnic group at the interpersonal and mass communication levels. The first generation
Thai immigrant is involved more in communication inside their ethnic group than in
communication outside their ethnic group. On the contrary, the second generation Thai
immigrant carries on more communication with members of the host country.
The use of the host country's mass media by the first generation Thai immigrants,
particularly the heavy use of television provides them with a channel through which
they can enter the process of assimilation, since television is cited as a tool that functions
as a primary agent of assimilation.
The two generations use different approaches, through different communication
channels, to learn about the American society and people. While the first generation Thai
prefer using ethnic mass media, the second generation Thai relies more on interpersonal
channels with the host country's members. However, when the choices were given, both
generations chose interethnic communication, although the first generation Thai chose
mass communication channels over interpersonal channels.
By studying their communication patterns, we can conclude that the second
generation Thai immigrant moves faster into the assimilation process. More importantly,
this generation enters a more advanced level of assimilation by finding a job outside the
ethnic community.
Different reactions also appear regarding the role of the Buddhist Temple on Wat
Thai. For the first generation Wat Thai mainly provides religious practices and cultural
learning. On the contrary, the second generation's reaction is that Wat Thai represents
the Thai community. Although Wat Thai is viewed differently by both generations, it
acts as a social as well as a cultural institution for the entire Thai community. By keeping
its Sunday school and religious activities, Wat Thai provides the means to the
socialization process that enables the Thai immigrants to maintain their ethnic
community and identity.
Finally the test results of the correlation coefficients shows that the length of time
that the immigrant has lived in the host country also affects the immigrant's
communication patterns. The longer they stay in the host country, the more they become
involved in interethnic communication, with the exception that the second generation
Thai immigrant become less involved in intraethnic communication. The first generation
is moving slowly into the assimilation process by means of interethnic communication.
The second generation Thai immigrants are not only being more rapidly assimilated, but
23
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Sakdisubha, Hill, and Horrell
also are stepping away from the ethnic community into the mainstream of American
society.
The results of this study may be best applied to the Thai immigrants in Southern
California. Since the Thais in this region have an easy access of Thai food, newspapers
and magazines, entertainment, and, more importantly, the Wat Thai, they may assimilate
more slowly than Thais located elsewhere. Therefore we need to conduct comparative
studies of Thai immigrants in other regions in the United States. We, then, will have an
overall profile of communication patterns of the Thai immigrants in their process of
assimilation.

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34