12 Ways Artificial Wombs Will Change The World
12 Ways Artificial Wombs Will Change The World
12 Ways Artificial Wombs Will Change The World
The World
Researchers say we’re less than a decade out from being able to improve
survival rates of extremely premature babies by letting them develop inside
“extracorporeal devices,” or artificial wombs. It’s already been successfully
tested on eight lambs from what equates to 22-24 weeks’ human gestation
(100-115 days).
They developed in these “Biobags” for 28 days, but authors of the study say
the Biobags could have supported them for longer. According to the study
published in Nature Communications, “Animals opened their eyes, became
more active, had apparently normal breathing and swallowing movements,
grew wool and clearly occupied a greater proportion of space within the
bags.”
“The whole idea is to support normal development; to re-create everything
that the mother does in every way that we can to support normal fetal
development and maturation,” said Alan Flake, a fetal surgeon who led the
study at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia. Flake told NPR he hopes to test
the device on premature infants within three to five years, but that they don’t
plan on pushing viability back any farther than about five months’ gestation.
Yet someone is bound to do it eventually. While this technology holds much
promise for premature babies, we should take the meantime to think through
the potential ramifications. I’ve drawn on the expertise of several ethicists
and writers to explore the ways in which artificial wombs could impact
reproduction and our society. They are not all equally plausible, but
nevertheless we must consider these potential outcomes with care.
Technology is not to be feared, but the vast capacity of humans to use it for
evil is important to guard against. Some of these potentialities will be
dystopian; this is not to inspire fear of the future, but a wariness that as man’s
power over nature increases, his ability to love and care for his fellow man is
bound up with the ability to abuse and exploit him.
“Up to now, we’ve been either born or not born. This would be halfway born,
or something like that,” bioethicist Dena Davis of Lehigh University told NPR.
Biobags would “blur the line” between a “fetus” and a “baby,” necessitating
an overhaul of abortion law.
The legal definition of viability already varies slightly from state to state. But
the availability of an artificial womb, and its potential capacity to push viability
back far earlier than five months, would further complicate the matter. “I think
one question will be, if you have an available artificial womb…can the law
treat the child as viable?” asked Forsythe. Moreover, does the mere fact that
artificial womb technology can save an extremely premature baby mean that
all babies of AWT-viable age should be protected from abortion?
Complicating matters is that not just the artificial womb must exist, but the
technology to evacuate the baby in a manner that is relatively safe for the
mother (from here I will include this in my definition of AWT).
“[Supreme Court] justices have debated viability and have been more or less
frank about how arbitrary the law of viability was,” Forsythe explained,
referring to the fact that Roe v. Wade banned elective abortion at the point
of viability. “If the court was to abandon the viability rule, it would substantially
weaken the abortion doctrine. The pro-abortion justices think that viability is
the only safe harbor for them.”
Stephen G. Gilles, a law professor at Quinnipiac University School of Law,
says the concept of viability is in question, not just the gestational age at
which it is set. “A careful reading of Roe and [companion Supreme Court
case] Casey strongly suggests that the Court has in mind a definition of
viability as ‘whenever the fetus has developed enough that it can survive
outside any womb,’ not simply ‘outside its mother’s womb,’ he wrote via
email. However, he allows the possibility that “the literal language about
‘artificial aid’ could be stretched to cover artificial wombs.”
As it stands, the ban at viability is rendered virtually unenforceable by a
generous definition of “the health of the mother” as defined in Doe v. Bolton,
which is often interpreted to include “emotional” health. So in some states, a
woman who is severely distressed by the idea of having a child is legally
permitted an abortion. If this definition is not reformed, any changes to the
legal understanding of viability will have minimal impact. Gilles, however, is
“fairly confident” that when it comes down to it, the Supreme Court will rule
that “significant health risks,” as phrased in Casey, must be “serious risks to
physical or mental health.”
The lamb study’s authors expect artificial wombs to initially help save human
preemies around 22-24 weeks of gestation, but eventual advancements
could push viability outside the mother’s womb earlier. Remember, however,
that roughly 90 percent of all abortions are done in the first trimester, which
is well beyond AWT’s supposed capability ten years out.
The abortion battle brought on by AWT inevitably opens the debate on bodily
autonomy. Abortion advocates often argue “A woman shouldn’t be ‘forced’
to carry a child to term.” It’s her body, her choice.
Does the welfare of the child compel government to override ‘my body, my
choice?’
Cunningham says even assuming constitutional rights for the preborn “is a
huge stretch,” especially considering the legal principle of battery. Even
though courts have ordered C-sections on non-consenting patients, only two
cases have been reviewed by an appellate court, and only one contained a
“maternal-fetal conflict.”
That was the 1990 case of Angela Carder, a pregnant woman facing
imminent death from cancer. The trial court ruled that extracting her 26-
week-old fetus was constitutional based on the compelling interest of the
state in the welfare of the fetus. But the upper court vacated this decision
due to lack of consent from the mother, stating that, “It would be an
extraordinary case indeed in which a court might ever be justified in
overriding the patient’s wishes and authorizing a major surgical procedure
such as a caesarean section.”
Of course, governments could establish incentive programs for drug-
addicted women to have their children extracted. A county in Tennessee is
facing a federal lawsuit over reducing jail time for women who consent to
sterilization. Despite the risk of creating perverse incentives, such initiatives
might save babies of drug-addicted mothers from great harm.
3. Preborn Orphanages
Gilles sums up the problem this way in his aforementioned article: “Suppose
that a state sought to protect these rescuable fetuses by enacting legislation
prohibiting fetus-killing abortion methods, and providing AW [artificial
wombs] at the state’s expense to any woman who chose to terminate her
pregnancy…If the right to elective abortion includes a specific right to ensure
the death of the pre-viable fetus, such a ‘fetal-rescue program’ would plainly
be unconstitutional.”
AWT will push society to decide just how valuable a human life really is.
But if courts rule that women do not have the right to a dead fetus, then more
babies will be saved from destruction, but at great potential monetary cost to
taxpayers. Artificial womb “orphanages” or “preborn care centers” would
either be government-run or -subsidized. Certainly in the technology’s
nascence, costs will dwarf the typical cost of a Medicaid birth of $9,131.
Gilles maintains that for any state laws preventing terminative abortion to be
upheld under the current legal regime, the state would have to pay for “the
presumably high costs” of AWT anyway. Requiring women to bear the cost
of AWT would prevent many women from getting abortions, and thus fail the
current Supreme Court “undue burden” standard.
On the ethical front, AWT will push society to decide just how valuable a
human life really is. From a societal vantage point, the rise of womb tech may
degrade the bond between mother and child and the moral responsibility
parents are supposed to feel toward their children. If life gets rough, even
women who morally oppose terminative abortion may find “abandonment”
an attractive option. Choosing adoption at birth could be less painful this way,
and may be worth the risks of undergoing surgery. Someday, the number of
abandoned babies might surpass current abortion numbers.
Advanced AWT would likely impact the surrogacy industry. “No doubt that is
a possibility, but the problems with surrogacy are not only with the use of
women’s bodies” wrote Matthew Eppinette, executive director of the Center
for Bioethics and Culture, in an email. “We would still be faced with
pregnancy contracts [and] the commodification of human life, other issues
that would arise in the exchange of money for children, and more. In short,
the prospect of using artificial wombs from conception onward brings the
specter of the manufacture of children to reality in a whole new way.”
It may happen gradually as prices and regulation of the new tech could
initially favor the more old-fashioned way of growing babies. But eventually,
it’s not unreasonable to expect a rapid decline in surrogacy, especially if
public and legal opinion shifts to seeing surrogacy as exploitive of women
(using them as “breeders”), but AWT as essentially being victimless. As
Cunningham noted, “parental choice” is highly valued in our society,
propping the door open to convenience-based decisions such as using an
artificial womb.
‘The prospect of using artificial wombs from conception onward brings the
specter of the manufacture of children to reality in a whole new way.’
Ronald Bailey, who authored the book “Liberation Biology: The Moral and
Scientific Case for the Biotech Revolution,” highly doubts artificial wombs will
affect reproductive choices much.
“I think AWT won’t be used that frequently, but in cases where women can’t
carry a baby to term, or has some sort of a womb insufficiency. I think it will
be a very rare technology, used in very specific, very rare cases,” he said.
“My preference would be to regularize and make surrogacy more available…
If they’re volunteering to do it, who am I to get in the way of it?”
Bailey pointed to the hysteria over the first test-tube baby and predictions of
widespread parental alienation that haven’t materialized as evidence that
“bioconservatives” tend to exaggerate the consequences of new technology.
Still, some would argue for widespread use of AWT by the state using the
legal reasoning in Roe and Casey that the state has an interest in protecting
life or “potential life.” If so, pro-life states such as Louisiana might ban
terminative abortion and institute a program to make AWT widely available
for women who choose “evacuative abortion.”
5. More Infant Adoptions
If women who would have aborted choose to have their babies extricated
and placed in artificial wombs, the number of adoptable babies would
increase. As of 2010, more than 54,000 children, mostly babies (as this
number excludes adoptions out of foster care) were adopted, putting the rate
of abortion 23 times higher than the rate of adoption. That said, adoption fees
for AWT babies will likely start out extremely high to cover the cost of preborn
care to the point of “birth” or adoption, (probably much higher than
the $38,000 to adopt a newborn in the U.S. currently) which could curtail the
aspirations of adoptive parents.
On a more somber note, this might cause a potential decline in adopting
foster care children, since more babies will be available for adoption straight
from the hospital. On the other hand, the “supply” of parents have “the heart”
or fortitude it takes to adopt children from broken homes is likely limited
regardless of technology. Accordingly, womb tech may hardly influence the
rate of adoption out of foster care.
It’s also possible that the rate of single fathers could increase. Where a
woman might once have gotten a surgical abortion, that baby could now be
given to “the system.” Who has primary rights to the baby after an evacuative
abortion? Would the father now have an opportunity to step up and care for
his child?
‘The way to ensure the father doesn’t get involved is to ensure the fetus dies.’
Many fathers already want to father a baby the mother wants to abort. The
founder of the Center for Urban Families, Jo Jones, said regarding the
women he had previously directed to prenatal care and drug treatment
programs, that in many cases, “The guys who got them pregnant were
around, and they wanted to be involved.” But “the notion of the nurturing
value of men, as contributors to their families or communities” is an idea
society has yet to fully embrace.
“I don’t think that father’s rights will be enhanced [with AWT] unless the
mother truly wants to give up the baby,” Forsythe said. “The courts have said
that she’s got the control vis a vis the father at any point of pregnancy.”
Notably, laws in Arkansas, Kansas, and Oklahoma that permit husbands to
sue to stop an abortion are currently tied up in courts and opponents expect
them to be overturned. The recent legal battle between Sofia Vergara and
her ex-husband Nick Loeb over the fate of their two frozen embryos also
demonstrates the difficulty in asserting a father’s rights pre-birth, even when
the mother’s autonomy is not threatened.
As Forsythe pointed out, if a mother is determined to prevent a father seeking
custody of her biological child, “The way to ensure the father doesn’t get
involved is to ensure the fetus dies.”
This is based on the premise, found in Casey, that, “The state has a
‘profound interest’ in protecting all postconception life.” Gilles argues that
since AWT would grant the ability to effectively end a pregnancy without
killing the baby, it allows the state interest in protecting life to prevail over the
woman’s “protected liberty,” making bans on terminative abortion
constitutional even under the current legal regime.
If that is so, Gilles reasons that, “The state’s interest in the cryopreserved
embryo is on par with its interest in the pre-viable fetus,” especially since the
physical burden of pregnancy does not exist in the case of frozen embryos.
“It is a foregone conclusion,” he writes, “that a state law forbidding the
destruction of cryopreserved embryos is constitutional.” Indeed, “The very
fact that cryopreserved embryos are deliberately created strengthens the
case for forbidding the woman to destroy them or prevent the state from
rescuing them.”
8. Baby Mills
Dystopian as it sounds, it wouldn’t be that big a leap from state-sponsored
ectogenesis—the growth of an organism in an artificial environment—of
frozen embryos to “baby mills.” A permissive approach to ectogenesis could
eventually lead to centers that create and mature humans to term for
commissioning couples or general adoption. If we already create and destroy
human embryos merely for the sake of science, then the argument against
creating life, in addition to fostering abandoned life, is not very convincing to
the secular public, especially if it uses one or both of the eggs or sperm from
commissioning couples.
The chance of either the legality of baby mills or even the government
financing thereof increases if the natural population replacement rate
continues below 2.1 and immigration cannot supply the deficit. The U.S.
replacement rate was at 1.8 in 2013 and is still below replacement level. That
baby mills might arise on the black market to meet the demand of infertile
couples isn’t out of the question either.
The infamous Nazi eugenics program indicates that man’s capacity to use
science for evil, particularly through the power of the state, is a real threat.
This is one of the “worst case scenarios” so-called bioconservatives often
discuss, which the more libertarian-minded individuals, like Bailey, sweep
aside as far-fetched dramatizations. Cunningham says considering these
types of scenarios is useful for risk assessment. By considering possible
outcomes, we can erect safeguards to ensure that the worst does not
happen. The infamous Nazi eugenics program indicates that man’s capacity
to use science for evil, particularly through the power of the state, is a real
threat.
What’s at the bottom of that slope? How about “fetus farms”? The Center for
Medical Progress made headlines in recent years exposing how Planned
Parenthood and Stem Express trafficked the body parts of aborted fetuses,
supposedly destined for scientific purposes. How much more valuable would
an artificial womb be to that end?
‘The creation, use, and destruction of human life at its very earliest stages
seems to now be simply a routine, unremarkable aspect of science.’
Eppinette sees human life grown in the lab as a point of concern right now,
not just in the future. The specter of lab-grown fetuses thus looms even
larger: “We already see the amount of time that embryos are developing in
the lab being extended” from 9 to 13 days. Eppinette pointed out that at least
130 embryos were recently destroyed in testing gene editing here in the
United States. “The creation, use, and destruction of human life at its very
earliest stages seems to now be simply a routine, unremarkable aspect of
science,” he wrote.
At present we have no way of knowing for sure, but we do know that critical
developments happen during the nine months in a mother’s womb that go
beyond just physical maturation. Prenatal epigenetics studies how
environmental factors in pregnancy affect gene expression, the physiological
characteristics that compose a large part of an individual’s identity. A baby
hears his mother’s heartbeat, learns to distinguish his mother’s voice and
even her language from foreign ones, shows a partiality to face-like shapes,
and may even poke back at mom and dad when poked.
The authors of the lamb study state the clinical device would allow parents
to be connected with their babies, including ultrasound, a darkfield camera
allowing real-time visualization, and “the ability to play maternal heart and
abdominal sounds.” Flake’s goal to recreate everything the mother would do
is admirable, but bioethicists who value the mother-child bond, like Eppinette
and Cunningham, doubt that the nurturing environment of the organic womb
could be replicated in all its richness and complexity, especially in initial
stages. And of course those beta versions would produce damaged children
ostensibly on their way to reducing these problems.
CRISPR has made gene editing possible. Altough the ability to change traits
like hair and eye color is still a ways off, the convergence of CRISPR and
artificial womb tech could eventually bring “Gattaca”-like ramifications.
These children might view themselves as unworthy of the sacrifice and
nurture of organic pregnancy.
If we assume that developing a gene-edited embryo is preferably done
completely in the lab instead of implanting in a real woman’s uterus, an
environment that isn’t 100 percent controlled, then many, perhaps most, of
the babies matured in womb tech would be “designer babies.” As in the world
of “Gattaca,” privilege for designer humans and prejudice against organic
humans could result, producing a caste system.
With AWT, separating parents and offspring will be even easier and could
happen even sooner in the life of the child.
Totalitarian governments seek to drive a wedge between parents and
children, allowing for greater control to mold the next generation. With AWT,
separating parents and offspring will be even easier and could happen even
sooner in the life of the child. But this is more a reason to fear the power of
government rather than the technology itself.
Nevertheless, the future of womb tech could easily fit the current trend of
degrading the organic family. The commercial use of womb tech could
compound the existing alienating effects of third-party reproduction. Even
the increased opportunity for women to abandon their babies would weaken
family bonds, even if AWT provided previously unrecognized opportunities
for fathers to step up. We could see more premature babies survive and
more babies adopted instead of destroyed, but also a greater
commodification of children.
Eppinette cut to the fundamental questions: “What are the limits to shaping
and forming children? What is the line between shaping and forming children
on the one hand, and designing and manufacturing them on the other?
Where is the space to have this conversation, when the overriding factor is
cost vs. benefits? The argument typically begins with, ‘this will relieve so
much suffering.’ But it doesn’t end there. Soon it becomes, ‘We can control
this rather than leaving it to chance. We can improve this. We should improve
this. We must improve this.’ And so on.